title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: Angola has two programs for fathers who are incarcerated at Angola. Returning Hearts is an event where prisoners may spend up to eight hours with their children in a Carnival-like celebration. Returning began in 2005; by 2010 a total of 2,500 prisoners had participated in the program. Malachi Dads is a year-long program that uses the Christian Bible as the basis of teaching how to improve a prisoner's parenting skills. Malachi began in 2007; as of 2010 it had 119 men participating. It is based on Malachi 4:6,


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: "He will turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, and the hearts of the children to their fathers ..."


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: The prison has held many musicians and been the subject of a number of songs. Folk singer Lead Belly served over four years of his attempted murder sentence and was released early from Angola for good behavior. Tex-Mex artist Freddy Fender was pardoned from there.


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: The song "Grown So Ugly" by American blues musician and ex-convict Robert Pete Williams references Angola. The song's lyrics have some basis in fact, as Williams was imprisoned there and was officially pardoned (from a murder charge) in 1964, the year the song says that he left the prison.


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: Angola also features in the Neville Brothers song "Sons and Daughters" on the album "Brother's Keeper".


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: Folklorist Harry Oster recorded "Angola Prison Worksongs" for his Folklyric Records in 1959, now re-released on Arhoolie Records. According to Oster, between 1929 and 1940, 10,000 floggings were carried out in Angola.


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: Singer Gil Scott-Heron wrote and recorded the song "Angola, Louisiana" on his 1978 album with Brian Jackson, "Secrets". The song deals with the imprisonment of inmate Gary Tyler.


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: Canadian blues and roots musician Rita Chiarelli filmed the documentary "Music From the Big House" at Angola in 2010. The film, directed by Bruce McDonald, focuses on a concert at the prison, organized by Chiarelli, that featured four bands comprising musicians incarcerated in Angola.


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: Comprising the entire B-Side of his album "Remedies", New Orleans musician Dr. John features an extended 17:35 song titled "Angola Anthem".


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: Singer-songwriter Myshkin recorded "Angola" in 1998 for her album "Blue Gold". The song refers to the case of former Angola warden C. Murray Henderson, who was sentenced to 50 years in prison for the attempted murder of his wife, writer Anne Butler:


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: New Orleans pianist James Booker mentions Angola prison in his cover of "Goodnight, Irene"; where he was sent for heroin possession:


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: Ray Davies has recorded a song entitled "Angola (Wrong Side of the Law)", which was released as a bonus track on the expanded release of "Working Man's Café" in February 2008.


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: The American folk singer David Dondero in the song "20 years" describes the experiences of a prisoner released from Angola prison:


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: Jazz trumpeter Christian Scott has a track on his 2010 album "Yesterday You Said Tomorrow" called "Angola, LA & the 13th Amendment"


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: Texas Country Music artist, Sam Riggs of Sam Riggs and the Night People (Austin, Texas) wrote and recorded a song called "Angola's Lament". It was released in 2013 on the "Outrun the Sun" album.


title: Louisiana State Penitentiary

text: American folk rock duo Indigo Girls reference Angola in the song "The Rise of the Black Messiah" from their 2015 album One Lost Day.


title: Adrienne Maloof

text: Adrienne Maloof (born September 4, 1961) is an American businesswoman, television personality, shoe designer, and co-owner of the various business holdings of Maloof Companies, which include a stake in the Sacramento Kings (NBA), the Vegas Golden Knights (NHL), The Palms Casino Resort in Las Vegas, Nevada; Maloof Productions, Maloof Music and the retired Maloof Money Cup skateboarding event.


title: Adrienne Maloof

text: Adrienne Maloof is of Lebanese and Irish heritage. A member of the Maloof family, she is the third child and only daughter of billionaire entrepreneur George J. Maloof Sr., whose wife Colleen co-owns the holdings of the Maloof Companies with Adrienne and her brothers, George J. Maloof Jr., Joe Maloof, Gavin Maloof, and Phil Maloof. She was born on September 4, 1961, in Albuquerque, New Mexico, where her father owned a Coors beer distributorship. She attended the University of New Mexico on a full scholarship as a tennis player, where she earned a degree in political science and was a member of Pi Beta Phi sorority.


title: Adrienne Maloof

text: After working in the marketing and promotions department of the Maloof family's liquor and wine business, her role grew to encompass the interests of all Maloof Companies and she has continued to control much of the Maloof Companies' marketing operations for more than twenty years. She is also involved in setting customer service standards for all Maloof Companies, including brother George Jr.'s Palms Casino Resort in Las Vegas, and she has produced many of Maloof Productions' projects, including the 2005 horror film "Feast".


title: Adrienne Maloof

text: She was a cast member for the first three seasons of Bravo's "The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills", part of the network's "Real Housewives" series, alongside Kim and Kyle Richards, Camille Grammer, Lisa Vanderpump, Brandi Glanville, and Taylor Armstrong. On March 4, 2013, Maloof announced she would be leaving the TV series, but has made guest appearances in the series' fifth, sixth, eighth, and tenth season.


title: Adrienne Maloof

text: In December 2011, she released "Adrienne Maloof by Charles Jourdan", a small shoe collection produced by Charles Jourdan.


title: Adrienne Maloof

text: Outside of work, Maloof dedicates much of her time to philanthropy. She has supported numerous charities, including School On Wheels, Good News Foundation, and Camp Kindness program with the Sacramento SPCA. In 2019, Maloof was working with Congress to prevent school shootings.


title: Adrienne Maloof

text: On May 2, 2002, she married plastic surgeon Paul Nassif, who specializes in facial plastic surgery—specifically rhinoplasty. The couple have three sons: Gavin (b. 2003) and twins Collin and Christian (b. 2006). They resided in Beverly Park, a gated community in Los Angeles. Nassif filed for separation from her on July 30, 2012. The papers, filed in Los Angeles Superior Court, cited irreconcilable differences as the reason for the separation. On November 8, 2012, their divorce was settled.


title: Adrienne Maloof

text: On January 22, 2013, Maloof confirmed that she was formally dating Sean Stewart—son of British rocker Rod Stewart. Maloof rented Tom Gores' house in Mulholland Estates in 2012, and it was purchased by Christina Aguilera in 2013.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Brassicaceae () or (the older) Cruciferae () is a medium-sized and economically important family of flowering plants commonly known as the mustards, the crucifers, or the cabbage family. Most are herbaceous plants, while some are shrubs. The leaves are simple (although are sometimes deeply incised), lack stipules, and appear alternately on stems or in rosettes. The inflorescences are terminal and lack bracts. The flowers have four free sepals, four free alternating petals, two shorter free stamens and four longer free stamens. The fruit has seeds in rows, divided by a thin wall (or septum).


title: Brassicaceae

text: The family contains 372 genera and 4,060 accepted species. The largest genera are "Draba" (440 species), "Erysimum" (261 species), "Lepidium" (234 species), "Cardamine" (233 species), and "Alyssum" (207 species).


title: Brassicaceae

text: The family contains the cruciferous vegetables, including species such as "Brassica oleracea" (cultivated as cabbage, kale, cauliflower, broccoli and collards), "Brassica rapa" (turnip, Chinese cabbage, etc.), "Brassica napus" (rapeseed, etc.), "Raphanus sativus" (common radish), "Armoracia rusticana" (horseradish), but also a cut-flower "Matthiola" (stock) and the model organism "Arabidopsis thaliana" (thale cress).


title: Brassicaceae

text: "Pieris rapae" and other butterflies of the family Pieridae are some of the best-known pests of Brassicaceae species planted as commercial crops. "Trichoplusia ni" (cabbage looper) moth is also becoming increasingly problematic for crucifers due to its resistance to commonly used pest control methods. Some rarer "Pieris" butterflies, such as "P. virginiensis", depend upon native mustards for their survival in their native habitats. Some non-native mustards such as "Alliaria petiolata" (garlic mustard), an extremely invasive species in the United States, can be toxic to their larvae.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Species belonging to the Brassicaceae are mostly annual, biennial, or perennial herbaceous plants, some are dwarf shrubs or shrubs, and very few vines. Although generally terrestrial, a few species such as water awlwort live submerged in fresh water. They may have a taproot or a sometimes woody caudex that may have few or many branches, some have thin or tuberous rhizomes, or rarely develop runners. Few species have multi-cellular glands. Hairs consist of one cell and occur in many forms: from simple to forked, star-, tree- or T-shaped, rarely taking the form of a shield or scale. They are never topped by a gland. The stems may be upright, rise up towards the tip, or lie flat, are mostly herbaceous but sometimes woody. Stems carry leaves or the stems may be leafless (in "Caulanthus"), and some species lack stems altogether. The leaves do not have stipules, but there may be a pair of glands at base of leafstalks and flowerstalks. The leaf may be seated or have a leafstalk. The leaf blade is usually simple, entire or dissected, rarely trifoliolate or pinnately compound. A leaf rosette at the base may be present or absent. The leaves along the stem are almost always alternately arranged, rarely apparently opposite. The stomata are of the anisocytic type. The genome size of Brassicaceae compared to that of other Angiosperm families is very small to small (less than 3.425 million base pairs per cell), varying from 150 Mbp in "Arabidopsis thaliana" and "Sphaerocardamum" spp., to 2375 Mbp "Bunias orientalis". The number of homologous chromosome sets varies from four (n=4) in some "Physaria" and "Stenopetalum" species, five (n=5) in other "Physaria" and "Stenopetalum" species, "Arabidopsis thaliana" and a "Mathiola" species, to seventeen (n=17). About 35% of the species in which chromosomes have been counted have eight sets (n=8). Due to polyploidy, some species may have up to 256 individual chromosomes, with some very high counts in the North American species of "Cardamine", such as "C. diphylla". Hybridisation is not unusual in Brassicaceae, especially in "Arabis", "Rorippa", "Cardamine" and "Boechera". Hybridisation between species originating in Africa and California, and subsequent polyploidisation is surmised for "Lepidium" species native to Australia and New Zealand.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Flowers may be arranged in racemes, panicles, or corymbs, with pedicels sometimes in the axil of a bract, and few species have flowers that sit individually on flower stems that spring from the axils of rosette leaves. The orientation of the pedicels when fruits are ripe varies dependent on the species. The flowers are bisexual, star symmetrical (zygomorphic in "Iberis" and "Teesdalia") and the ovary positioned above the other floral parts. Each flower has four free or seldom merged sepals, the lateral two sometimes with a shallow spur, which are mostly shed after flowering, rarely persistent, may be reflexed, spreading, ascending, or erect, together forming a tube-, bell- or urn-shaped calyx. Each flower has four petals, set alternating with the sepals, although in some species these are rudimentary or absent. They may be differentiated into a blade and a claw or not, and consistently lack basal appendages. The blade is entire or has an indent at the tip, and may sometimes be much smaller than the claws. The mostly six stamens are set in two whorls: usually the two lateral, outer ones are shorter than the four inner stamens, but very rarely the stamens can all have the same length, and very rarely species have different numbers of stamens such as sixteen to twenty four in "Megacarpaea", four in "Cardamine hirsuta", and two in "Coronopus". The filaments are slender and not fused, while the anthers consist of two pollen producing cavities, and open with longitudinal slits. The pollen grains are tricolpate. The receptacle carries a variable number of nectaries, but these are always present opposite the base of the lateral stamens.


title: Brassicaceae

text: There is one superior pistil that consists of two carpels that may either sit directly above the base of the stamens or on a stalk. It initially consists of only one cavity but during its further development a thin wall grows that divides the cavity, both placentas and separates the two valves (a so-called false septum). Rarely, there is only one cavity without a septum. The 2–600 ovules are usually along the side margin of the carpels, or rarely at the top. Fruits are capsules that open with two valves, usually towards the top. These are called silique if at least three times longer than wide, or silicle if the length is less than three times the width. The fruit is very variable in its other traits. There may be one persistent style that connects the ovary to the globular or conical stigma, which is undivided or has two spreading or connivent lobes. The variously shaped seeds are usually yellow or brown in color, and arranged in one or two rows in each cavity. The seed leaves are entire or have a notch at the tip. The seed does not contain endosperm.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Brassicaceae have a bisymmetical corolla (left is mirrored by right, stem-side by out-side, but each quarter is not symmetrical), a septum dividing the fruit, lack stipules and have simple (although sometimes deeply incised) leaves. The sister family Cleomaceae has bilateral symmetrical corollas (left is mirrored by right, but stem-side is different from out-side), stipules and mostly palmately divided leaves, and mostly no septum. Capparaceae generally have a gynophore, sometimes an androgynophore, and a variable number of stamens.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Almost all Brassicaceae have C3 carbon fixation. The only exceptions are a few "Moricandia" species, which have a hybrid system between C3 and C4 carbon fixation, C4 fixation being more efficient in drought, high temperature and low nitrate availability. Brassicaceae contain different cocktails of dozens of glucosinolates. They also contain enzymes called myrosinases, that convert the glucosinolates into isothiocyanates, thiocyanates and nitriles, which are toxic to many organisms, and so help guard against herbivory.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Carl Linnaeus in 1753 regarded the Brassicaceae as a natural group, naming them "Klass" Tetradynamia. Alfred Barton Rendle placed the family in the order Rhoedales, while George Bentham and Joseph Dalton Hooker in their system published from 1862–1883, assigned it to their cohort Parietales (now the class Violales). Following Bentham and Hooker, John Hutchinson in 1948 and again in 1964 thought the Brassicaceae to stem from near the Papaveraceae. In 1994, a group of scientists including Walter Stephen Judd suggested to include the Capparaceae in the Brassicaceae. Early DNA-analysis showed that the Capparaceae—as defined at that moment—were paraphyletic, and it was suggested to assign the genera closest to the Brassicaceae to the Cleomaceae. The Cleomaceae and Brassicaceae diverged approximately 41 million years ago. All three families have consistently been placed in one order (variably called Capparales or Brassicales). The APG II system merged Cleomaceae and Brassicaceae. Other classifications have continued to recognize the Capparaceae, but with a more restricted circumscription, either including "Cleome" and its relatives in the Brassicaceae or recognizing them in the segregate family Cleomaceae. The APG III system has recently adopted this last solution, but this may change as a consensus arises on this point. Current insights in the relationships of the Brassicaceae, based on a 2012 DNA-analysis, are summarized in the following tree.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Early classifications depended on morphological comparison only, but because of extensive convergent evolution, these do not provide a reliable phylogeny. Although a substantial effort was made through molecular phylogenetic studies, the relationships within the Brassicaceae have not always been well resolved yet. It has long been clear that the "Aethionema" are sister of the remainder of the family. One analysis from 2014 represented the relation between 39 tribes with the following tree.


title: Brassicaceae

text: The name "Brassicaceae" comes to international scientific vocabulary from New Latin, from "Brassica", the type genus, + "-aceae", a standardized suffix for plant family names in modern taxonomy. The genus name comes from the Classical Latin word "brassica", referring to cabbage and other cruciferous vegetables. The alternative older name, Cruciferae, meaning "cross-bearing", describes the four petals of mustard flowers, which resemble a cross. Cruciferae is one of eight plant family names, not derived from a genus name and without the suffix "-aceae" that are authorized alternative names.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Brassicaceae can be found almost on the entire land surface of the planet, but the family is absent from Antarctica, and also absent from some areas in the tropics i.e. northeastern Brazil, the Congo basin, Maritime Southeast Asia and tropical Australasia. The area of origin of the family is possibly the Irano-Turanian Region, where approximately 900 species occur in 150 different genera. About 530 of those 900 species are endemics. Next in abundance comes the Mediterranean Region, with around 630 species (290 of which are endemic) in 113 genera. The family is less prominent in the Saharo-Arabian Region—65 genera, 180 species of which 62 are endemic—and North America (comprising the North American Atlantic Region and the Rocky Mountain Floristic Region)—99 genera, 780 species of which 600 are endemic. South-America has 40 genera containing 340 native species, Southern Africa 15 genera with over 100 species, and Australia and New-Zealand have 19 genera with 114 species between them.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Brassicaceae are almost exclusively pollinated by insects. A chemical mechanism in the pollen is active in many species to avoid selfing. Two notable exceptions are exclusive self-pollination in closed flowers in "Cardamine chenopodifolia", and wind pollination in "Pringlea antiscorbutica". Although it can be cross-pollinated, "Alliaria petiolata" (garlic mustard) is self-fertile. Most species reproduce sexually through seed, but "Cardamine bulbifera" produces gemmae and in others, such as "Cardamine pentaphyllos", the coral-like roots easily break into segments, that will grow into separate plants. In some species, such as in the genus "Cardamine", seed pods open with force and so catapult the seeds quite far. Many of these have sticky seed coats, assisting long distance dispersal by animals, and this may also explain several intercontinental dispersal events in the genus, and its near global distribution. Brassicaceae are common on serpentine and dolomite rich in magnesium. Over a hundred species in the family accumulate heavy metals, particularly zinc and nickel, which is a record percentage. Several "Alyssum" species can accumulate nickel up to 0.3% of their dry weight, and may be useful in soil remediation or even bio-mining.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Brassicaceae contain glucosinolates as well as myrosinases inside their cells. When the cell is damaged, the myrosinases hydrolise the glucosinolates, leading to the synthesis of isothiocyanates, which are compounds toxic to most animals, fungi and bacteria. Some insect herbivores have developed counter adaptations such as rapid absorption of the glucosinates, quick alternative breakdown into non-toxic compounds and avoiding cell damage. In the whites family (Pieridae), one counter mechanism involves glucosinolate sulphatase, which changes the glucosinolate, so that it cannot be converted to isothiocyanate. A second is that the glucosinates are quickly broken down, forming nitriles. Differences between the mixtures of glucosinolates between species and even within species is large, and individual plants may produce in excess of fifty individual substances. The energy penalty for synthesising all these glucosinolates may be as high as 15% of the total needed to produce a leaf. "Barbarea vulgaris" (bittercress) also produces triterpenoid saponins. These adaptations and counter adaptations probably have led to extensive diversification in both the Brassicaceae and one of its major pests, the butterfly family Pieridae. A particular cocktail of volatile glucosinates triggers egg-laying in many species. Thus a particular crop can sometimes be protected by planting bittercress as a deadly bait, for the saponins kill the caterpillars, but the butterfly is still lured by the bittercress to lay its egg on the leaves.


title: Brassicaceae

text: A moth that feeds on a range of Brassicaceae is the diamondback moth ("Plutella xylostella"). Like the Pieridae, it is capable of converting isothiocyanates into less problematic nitriles. Managing this pest in crops became more complicated after resistance developed against a toxin produced by "Bacillus thuringiensis", which is used as a wide spectrum biological plant protection against caterpillars. Parasitoid wasps that feed on such insect herbivores are attracted to the chemical compounds released by the plants, and thus are able to locate their prey. The cabbage aphid ("Brevicoryne brassicae") stores glucosinolates and synthesises its own myrosinases, which may deter its potential predators.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Since its introduction in the 19th century, "Alliaria petiolata" has been shown to be extremely successful as an invasive species in temperate North America due, in part, to its secretion of allelopathic chemicals. These inhibit the germination of most competing plants and kill beneficial soil fungi needed by many plants, such as many tree species, to successfully see their seedlings grow to maturity. The monoculture formation of an herb layer carpet by this plant has been shown to dramatically alter forests, making them wetter, having fewer and fewer trees, and having more vines such as poison ivy ("Toxicodendron radicans"). The overall herb layer biodiversity is also drastically reduced, particularly in terms of sedges and forbs. Research has found that removing 80% of the garlic mustard infestation plants did not lead to a particularly significant recovery of that diversity. Instead, it required around 100% removal. Given that not one of an estimated 76 species that prey on the plant has been approved for biological control in North America and the variety of mechanisms the plant has to ensure its dominance without them (e.g. high seed production, self-fertility, allelopathy, spring growth that occurs before nearly all native plants, roots that break easily when pulling attempts are made, a complete lack of palatability for herbivores at all life stages, etc.) it is unlikely that such a high level of control can be established and maintained on the whole. It is estimated that adequate control can be achieved with the introduction of two European weevils, including one that is monophagous. The USDA's TAG group has blocked these introductions since 2004. In addition to being invasive, garlic mustard also is a threat to native North American "Pieris" butterflies such as "P. oleracea", as they preferentially oviposit on it, although it is toxic to their larvae.


title: Brassicaceae

text: Invasive aggressive mustard species are known for being self-fertile, seeding very heavily with small seeds that have a lengthy lifespan coupled with a very high rate of viability and germination, and for being completely unpalatable to both herbivores and insects in areas to which they are not native. Garlic mustard is toxic to several rarer North American "Pieris" species.


title: Brassicaceae

text: This family includes important agricultural crops, among which many vegetables such as cabbage, broccoli, cauliflower, kale, Brussels sprouts, collard greens, Savoy, kohlrabi, and gai lan ("Brassica oleracea"), turnip, napa cabbage, bomdong, bok choy and rapini ("Brassica rapa"), rocket salad/arugula ("Eruca sativa"), garden cress ("Lepidium sativum"), watercress ("Nasturtium officinale") and radish ("Raphanus") and a few spices like horseradish ("Armoracia rusticana"), "Brassica", wasabi ("Eutrema japonicum"), white, Indian and black mustard ("Sinapis alba", "Brassica juncea" and "B. nigra" respectively). Vegetable oil is produced from the seeds of several species such as "Brassica napus" (rapeseed oil), perhaps providing the largest volume of vegetable oils of any species. Woad ("Isatis tinctoria") was used in the past to produce a blue textile dye (indigo), but has largely been replaced by the same substance from unrelated tropical species like "Indigofera tinctoria".


title: Brassicaceae

text: "Pringlea antiscorbutica", commonly known as Kerguelen cabbage, is edible, containing high levels of potassium. Its leaves contain a vitamin C-rich oil, a fact which, in the days of sailing ships, made it very attractive to sailors suffering from scurvy, hence the species name's epithet "antiscorbutica", which means "against scurvy" in Low Latin. It was essential to the diets of the whalers on Kerguelen when pork, beef, or seal meat was used up.


title: Brassicaceae

text: The Brassicaceae also includes ornamentals, such as species of "Aethionema", "Alyssum", "Arabis", "Aubrieta", "Aurinia", "Cheiranthus", "Erysimum", "Hesperis", "Iberis", "Lobularia", "Lunaria", "Malcolmia", and "Matthiola". Honesty ("Lunaria annua") is cultivated for the decorative value of the translucent remains of the fruits after drying. It can be a pest species in areas where it is not native.


title: Brassicaceae

text: The small Eurasian weed "Arabidopsis thaliana" is widely used as model organism in the study of the molecular biology of flowering plants (Angiospermae).


title: Brassicaceae

text: Some species are useful as food plants for Lepidoptera, such as certain wild mustard and cress species, such as "Turritis glabra" and "Boechera laevigata" that are utilized by several North American butterflies.


title: Andrea Savage

text: Andrea Kristen Savage (born February 20, 1973) is an American actress, comedian, and writer known for her roles in projects such as the Comedy Central mockumentary series "Dog Bites Man" (2006), the comedy film "Step Brothers" (2008), Hulu's reality TV parody series "The Hotwives" (2014–2015), the HBO comedy "Veep" (2016–2017), and TruTV's comedy series "I'm Sorry" (2017–2019), which she also created.


title: Andrea Savage

text: Savage was born in Santa Monica, California, the daughter of Sharon Lee () and Richard Savage. She is three quarters Ashkenazi Jewish and one quarter Greek descent (her maternal grandfather was of Greek origin). In her senior year of high school, she played Mame in "Mame". She graduated from Cornell University with a degree in government and a minor in law studies. She has performed stand-up comedy at The Improv, The Comedy Store, The Ice House and other venues around Los Angeles.


title: Andrea Savage

text: Savage began her acting career playing Renata Vargas, a Brazilian exchange student on "Sweet Valley High". Soon after, she joined The Groundlings theater, performing weekly in their company. Savage received starring roles in "Significant Others" as Chelsea and in "Dog Bites Man" as Tillie Sullivan. Then, she had a small role in "Step Brothers" opposite Will Ferrell, following that with a comedy tour with Ferrell, Zach Galifianakis, Demetri Martin, and Nick Swardson. She also appeared with Woody Harrelson in "The Grand" (2008).


title: Andrea Savage

text: After taking time off to have her child, in 2010, Savage had a small role in the film "Dinner For Schmucks". She also filmed two television pilots: "The Strip" created by Tom Lennon and Ben Garant for NBC, and "Wilfred", a dark Australian comedy being redone for FX. In addition, Savage created and starred in a series of shorts for the HBO show "Funny or Die Presents" about a very pregnant woman trying to engage in some casual sex, as well as a series entitled "Reenactments of Actual Conversations from the Ladies Rooms of Hollywood". She was also seen in the cult hit "Party Down" for Starz (Savage was originally cast as Casey Klein in the unaired pilot but because she was pregnant, Lizzy Caplan took the role when the show went into production). Soon after, she wrote television pilots for Comedy Central, Fox Studios, and NBC (produced by Jay Roach); as well as the screenplay "Girls Weekend" for Castle Rock Films. She also filmed opposite Hilary Swank in the film "You're Not You". Her directorial debut was in 2012 when she shot her satirical PSA "Republicans, Get in My Vagina", which she wrote and also starred in, alongside Kate Beckinsale and Judy Greer. This premiered on "Real Time with Bill Maher" on HBO and is one of Funny Or Die's most successful video shorts of all time.


title: Andrea Savage

text: In 2013, Andrea wrote a TV pilot for ABC/Sony produced by Jamie Tarses, as well as another pilot for Comedy Central, "River Dogs", produced by Will Ferrell's Gary Sanchez Productions. She also acted opposite John Leguizamo as "Juicy" in an untitled John Leguizamo pilot for ABC.


title: Andrea Savage

text: Savage's other television credits include starring roles in the FOX pilot "Rebounding" and "Lies & The Wives We Tell Them To" on NBC. Additionally, she has recently appeared on other popular comedies such as "Modern Family", "House of Lies", and "The League".


title: Andrea Savage

text: Savage also starred alongside Danielle Schneider, Tymberlee Hill, Angela Kinsey, Kristen Schaal, and Casey Wilson in the Hulu original series "The Hotwives". The series is a parody of the reality television franchise "The Real Housewives" on Bravo. Season one ("The Hotwives of Orlando") focused on Orlando, while season two (now titled "The Hotwives of Vegas") took place in Las Vegas with the same cast playing new characters.


title: Andrea Savage

text: In 2016, she began appearing as Senator (and later President) Laura Montez on "Veep", who first appears as the running mate of the titular Veep's opponent, before ultimately becoming president in a complex manipulation of constitutional procedure.


title: Andrea Savage

text: In 2017, she created the semi-autobiographical TruTV comedy "I'm Sorry", in which she also stars. The series premiered on July 12, 2017.


title: Power (social and political)

text: In social science and politics, power is the social production of an effect that determines the capacities, actions, beliefs, or conduct of actors. Power does not exclusively refer to the threat or use of force (coercion) by one actor against another, but may also be exerted through diffuse means (such as institutions). Power may also take structural forms, as it orders actors in relation to one another (such as distinguishing between a master and a slave), and discursive forms, as categories and language may lend legitimacy to some behaviors and groups over others.


title: Power (social and political)

text: The term "authority" is often used for power that is perceived as legitimate or socially approved by the social structure. Power can be seen as evil or unjust; however, power can also be seen as good and as something inherited or given for exercising humanistic objectives that will help, move, and empower others as well.


title: Power (social and political)

text: In a now-classic study (1959), social psychologists John R. P. French and Bertram Raven developed a schema of sources of power by which to analyse how power plays work (or fail to work) in a specific relationship.


title: Power (social and political)

text: According to French and Raven, power must be distinguished from influence in the following way: power is that state of affairs which holds in a given relationship, A-B, such that a given influence attempt by A over B makes A's desired change in B more likely. Conceived this way, power is fundamentally "relative" – it depends on the specific understandings A and B each apply to their relationship, and requires B's recognition of a quality in A which would motivate B to change in the way A intends. A must draw on the 'base' or combination of bases of power appropriate to the relationship, to effect the desired outcome. Drawing on the wrong power base can have unintended effects, including a reduction in A's own power.


title: Power (social and political)

text: French and Raven argue that there are five significant categories of such qualities, while not excluding other minor categories. Further bases have since been adduced – in particular by Gareth Morgan in his 1986 book, "Images of Organization".


title: Power (social and political)

text: Also called "positional power", legitimate power is the power of an individual because of the relative position and duties of the holder of the position within an organization. Legitimate power is formal authority delegated to the holder of the position. It is usually accompanied by various attributes of power such as a uniform, a title, or an imposing physical office.


title: Power (social and political)

text: In simple terms, power can be expressed as being "upward" or "downward". With downward power, a company's superior influences subordinates for attaining organizational goals. When a company exhibits upward power, subordinates influence the decisions of their leader or leaders.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Referent power is the power or ability of individuals to attract others and build loyalty. It is based on the charisma and interpersonal skills of the power holder. A person may be admired because of specific personal trait, and this admiration creates the opportunity for interpersonal influence. Here the person under power desires to identify with these personal qualities, and gains satisfaction from being an accepted follower. Nationalism and patriotism count towards an intangible sort of referent power. For example, soldiers fight in wars to defend the honor of the country. This is the second least obvious power, but the most effective. Advertisers have long used the referent power of sports figures for products endorsements, for example. The charismatic appeal of the sports star supposedly leads to an acceptance of the endorsement, although the individual may have little real credibility outside the sports arena. Abuse is possible when someone that is likable, yet lacks integrity and honesty, rises to power, placing them in a situation to gain personal advantage at the cost of the group's position. Referent power is unstable alone, and is not enough for a leader who wants longevity and respect. When combined with other sources of power, however, it can help a person achieve great success.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Expert power is an individual's power deriving from the skills or expertise of the person and the organization's needs for those skills and expertise. Unlike the others, this type of power is usually highly specific and limited to the particular area in which the expert is trained and qualified. When they have knowledge and skills that enable them to understand a situation, suggest solutions, use solid judgment, and generally outperform others, then people tend to listen to them. When individuals demonstrate expertise, people tend to trust them and respect what they say. As subject matter experts, their ideas will have more value, and others will look to them for leadership in that area.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Reward power depends on the ability of the power wielder to confer valued material rewards, it refers to the degree to which the individual can give others a reward of some kind such as benefits, time off, desired gifts, promotions or increases in pay or responsibility. This power is obvious but also ineffective if abused. People who abuse reward power can become pushy or be reprimanded for being too forthcoming or 'moving things too quickly'. If others expect to be rewarded for doing what someone wants, there is a high probability that they will do it. The problem with this basis of power is that the rewarder may not have as much control over rewards as may be required. Supervisors rarely have complete control over salary increases, and managers often cannot control all actions in isolation: even a company CEO needs permission from the board of directors for some actions. When an individual uses up available rewards, or the rewards do not have enough perceived value to others, their power weakens. One of the frustrations of using rewards is that they often need to be bigger each time if they are to have the same motivational impact: even then, if rewards are given frequently, people can become satiated by the reward, such that it loses its effectiveness.


title: Power (social and political)

text: In terms of cancel culture, the mass ostracization used to reconcile unchecked injustice and abuse of power is an "upward power." Policies for policing internet against these processes as a pathway for creating due process for handling conflicts, abuses, and harm that's done through established processes is known as "downward power."


title: Power (social and political)

text: Coercive power is the application of negative influences. It includes the ability to demote or to withhold other rewards. The desire for valued rewards or the fear of having them withheld can ensure the obedience of those under power. Coercive power tends to be the most obvious but least effective form of power as it builds resentment and resistance from the people who experience it. Threats and punishment are common tools of coercion. Implying or threatening that someone will be fired, demoted, denied privileges, or given undesirable assignments – these are characteristics of using coercive power. Extensive use of coercive power is rarely appropriate in an organizational setting, and relying on these forms of power alone will result in a very cold, impoverished style of leadership. This is a type of power commonly seen in fashion industry by coupling with legitimate power, it is referred in the industry specific literature's as "glamorization of structural domination and exploitation".


title: Power (social and political)

text: According to Laura K. Guerrero and Peter A. Andersen in "Close Encounters: Communication in Relationships":


title: Power (social and political)

text: Game theory, with its foundations in the Walrasian theory of rational choice, is increasingly used in various disciplines to help analyze power relationships. One rational choice definition of power is given by Keith Dowding in his book "Power".


title: Power (social and political)

text: In rational choice theory, human individuals or groups can be modelled as 'actors' who choose from a 'choice set' of possible actions in order to try to achieve desired outcomes. An actor's 'incentive structure' comprises (its beliefs about) the costs associated with different actions in the choice set, and the likelihoods that different actions will lead to desired outcomes.


title: Power (social and political)

text: This framework can be used to model a wide range of social interactions where actors have the ability to exert power over others. For example, a 'powerful' actor can take options away from another's choice set; can change the relative costs of actions; can change the likelihood that a given action will lead to a given outcome; or might simply change the other's beliefs about its incentive structure.


title: Power (social and political)

text: As with other models of power, this framework is neutral as to the use of 'coercion'. For example: a threat of violence can change the likely costs and benefits of different actions; so can a financial penalty in a 'voluntarily agreed' contract, or indeed a friendly offer.


title: Power (social and political)

text: In the Marxist tradition, the Italian writer Antonio Gramsci elaborated the role of ideology in creating a cultural hegemony, which becomes a means of bolstering the power of capitalism and of the nation-state. Drawing on Niccolò Machiavelli in "The Prince", and trying to understand why there had been no Communist revolution in Western Europe, while it was claimed there had been one in Russia, Gramsci conceptualised this hegemony as a centaur, consisting of two halves. The back end, the beast, represented the more classic, material image of power, power through coercion, through brute force, be it physical or economic. But the capitalist hegemony, he argued, depended even more strongly on the front end, the human face, which projected power through 'consent'. In Russia, this power was lacking, allowing for a revolution. However, in Western Europe, specifically in Italy, capitalism had succeeded in exercising "consensual" power, convincing the working classes that their interests were the same as those of capitalists. In this way, a revolution had been avoided.


title: Power (social and political)

text: While Gramsci stresses the significance of ideology in power structures, Marxist-feminist writers such as Michele Barrett stress the role of ideologies in extolling the virtues of family life. The classic argument to illustrate this point of view is the use of women as a 'reserve army of labour'. In wartime, it is accepted that women perform masculine tasks, while after the war the roles are easily reversed. Therefore, according to Barrett, the destruction of capitalist economic relations is necessary but not sufficient for the liberation of women.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Eugen Tarnow considers what power hijackers have over air plane passengers and draws similarities with power in the military. He shows that power over an individual can be amplified by the presence of a group. If the group conforms to the leader's commands, the leader's power over an individual is greatly enhanced while if the group does not conform the leader's power over an individual is nil.


title: Power (social and political)

text: For Michel Foucault, the real power will always rely on the ignorance of its agents. No single human, group nor single actor runs the dispositif (machine or apparatus) but power is dispersed through the apparatus as efficiently and silently as possible, ensuring its agents to do whatever is necessary. It is because of this action that power is unlikely to be detected that it remains elusive to 'rational' investigation. Foucault quotes a text reputedly written by political economist Jean Baptiste Antoine Auget de Montyon, entitled "Recherches et considérations sur la population de la France" (1778), but turns out to be written by his secretary Jean-Baptise Moheau (1745–1794) and by emphasizing biologist Jean-Baptiste Lamarck who constantly refers to milieus as a plural adjective and sees into the milieu as an expression as nothing more than water air and light confirming the genus within the milieu, in this case the human species, relates to a function of the population and its social and political interaction in which both form an artificial and natural milieu. This milieu (both artificial and natural) appears as a target of intervention for power according to Foucault which is radically different from the previous notions on sovereignty, territory and disciplinary space inter woven into from a social and political relations which function as a species (biological species). Foucault originated and developed the concept of "docile bodies" in his book "Discipline and Punish". He writes, "A body is docile that may be subjected, used, transformed and improved.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Stewart Clegg proposes another three-dimensional model with his "circuits of power" theory. This model likens the production and organizing of power to an electric circuit board consisting of three distinct interacting circuits: episodic, dispositional, and facilitative. These circuits operate at three levels, two are macro and one is micro. The "episodic circuit" is the micro level and is constituted of irregular exercise of power as agents address feelings, communication, conflict, and resistance in day-to-day interrelations. The outcomes of the episodic circuit are both positive and negative. The "dispositional circuit" is constituted of macro level rules of practice and socially constructed meanings that inform member relations and legitimate authority. The "facilitative circuit" is constituted of macro level technology, environmental contingencies, job design, and networks, which empower or disempower and thus punish or reward, agency in the episodic circuit. All three independent circuits interact at "obligatory passage points" which are channels for empowerment or disempowerment.


title: Power (social and political)

text: John Kenneth Galbraith summarizes the types of power as being "condign" (based on force), "compensatory" (through the use of various resources) or "conditioned" (the result of persuasion), and their sources as "personality" (individuals), "property" (their material resources) and "organizational" (whoever sits at the top of an organisational power structure).


title: Power (social and political)

text: Gene Sharp, an American professor of political science, believes that power depends ultimately on its bases. Thus a political regime maintains power because people accept and obey its dictates, laws and policies. Sharp cites the insight of Étienne de La Boétie.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Sharp's key theme is that power is not monolithic; that is, it does not derive from some intrinsic quality of those who are in power. For Sharp, political power, the power of any state – regardless of its particular structural organization – ultimately derives from the subjects of the state. His fundamental belief is that any power structure relies upon the subjects' obedience to the orders of the ruler(s). If subjects do not obey, leaders have no power.


title: Power (social and political)

text: His work is thought to have been influential in the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević, in the 2011 Arab Spring, and other nonviolent revolutions.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Björn Kraus deals with the epistemological perspective upon power regarding the question about possibilities of interpersonal influence by developing a special form of constructivism (named relational constructivism). Instead of focussing on the valuation and distribution of power, he asks first and foremost what the term can describe at all. Coming from Max Weber's definition of power, he realizes that the term of power has to be split into "instructive power" and "destructive power". More precisely, instructive power means the chance to determine the actions and thoughts of another person, whereas destructive power means the chance to diminish the opportunities of another person. How significant this distinction really is, becomes evident by looking at the possibilities of rejecting power attempts: Rejecting instructive power is possible – rejecting destructive power is not. By using this distinction, proportions of power can be analyzed in a more sophisticated way, helping to sufficiently reflect on matters of responsibility. This perspective permits to get over an "either-or-position" (either there is power, or there isn't), which is common especially in epistemological discourses about power theories, and to introduce the possibility of an "as well as-position".


title: Power (social and political)

text: The idea of "unmarked categories" originated in feminism. As opposed to looking at social difference by focusing on what or whom is perceived to be different, theorists who use the idea of unmarked categories insist that one must also look at how whatever is "normal" comes to be perceived as unremarkable, and what effects this has on social relations. Attending the "un"marked category is thought to be a way to analyze linguistic and cultural practices to provide insight into how social differences, including power, are produced and articulated in everyday occurrences.


title: Power (social and political)

text: According to the idea of unmarked categories, when the cultural practices of people who occupy positions of relative power or can more easily exercise power seem obvious, they tend not to be explicitly articulated and therefore are perceived as default or baseline practices against which others are evaluated as different, deviant, or aberrant. The unmarked category becomes the standard against which to measure everything else. For example, it is posited that if a protagonist's race is not indicated, most Western readers will assume the protagonist is white; if a sexual identity is not indicated, it will be assumed the protagonist is heterosexual; if the gender of a body is not indicated, it is assumed to be male; if no disability is indicated, it will be assumed the protagonist is able-bodied. These assumptions do not, however, mean the unmarked category is superior, preferable, or more "natural," nor that the practices associated with the unmarked category require less social effort to enact.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Although the "unmarked" category is typically not explicitly "noticed" and often goes overlooked, it is still necessarily "visible". As visible but unnoticed and unremarkable, membership in the unmarked category can be an index of power. For example, whiteness forms an unmarked category not commonly noticeable to the powerful, as they often fall within this category. Social groups can hold this view of power in terms of a variety of social distinctions, such as race, class, gender, ability, and sexuality.


title: Power (social and political)

text: The term 'counter-power' (sometimes written 'counterpower') is used in a range of situations to describe the countervailing force that can be utilised by the oppressed to counterbalance or erode the power of elites. A general definition has been provided by the anthropologist David Graeber as 'a collection of social institutions set in opposition to the state and capital: from self-governing communities to radical labor unions to popular militias'. Graeber also notes that counter-power can also be referred to as 'anti-power' and 'when institutions [of counter-power] maintain themselves in the face of the state, this is usually referred to as a 'dual power' situation'. Tim Gee, in his 2011 book "Counterpower: Making Change Happen", put forward a theory that those disempowered by governments' and elite groups' power can use "counterpower" to counter this. In Gee's model, "counterpower" is split into three categories: "idea counterpower", "economic counterpower", and "physical counterpower".


title: Power (social and political)

text: Although the term has come to prominence through its use by participants in the global justice/anti-globalization movement of the 1990s onwards, the word has been used for at least 60 years; for instance Martin Buber's 1949 book 'Paths in Utopia' includes the line 'Power abdicates only under the stress of counter-power'.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Recent experimental psychology suggests that the more power one has, the less one takes on the perspective of others, implying that the powerful have less empathy. Adam Galinsky, along with several coauthors, found that when those who are reminded of their powerlessness are instructed to draw Es on their forehead, they are 3 times more likely to draw them such that they are legible to others than those who are reminded of their power. Powerful people are also more likely to take action. In one example, powerful people turned off an irritatingly close fan twice as much as less powerful people. Researchers have documented the bystander effect: they found that powerful people are three times as likely to first offer help to a "stranger in distress".


title: Power (social and political)

text: A study involving over 50 college students suggested that those primed to feel powerful through stating 'power words' were less susceptible to external pressure, more willing to give honest feedback, and more creative.


title: Power (social and political)

text: The use of power has evolved from centuries. Gaining prestige, honor and reputation is one of the central motives for gaining power in human nature. Power also relates with empathy gaps because it limits the interpersonal relationship and compares the power differences. Having power or not having power can cause a number of psychological consequences. It leads to strategic versus social responsibilities. Research experiments were done as early as 1968 to explore power conflict.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Earlier, research proposed that increased power relates to increased rewards and leads one to approach things more frequently. In contrast, decreased power relates to more constraint, threat and punishment which leads to inhibitions. It was concluded that being powerful leads one to successful outcomes, to develop negotiation strategies and to make more self-serving offers.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Later, research proposed that differences in power lead to strategic considerations. Being strategic can also mean to defend when one is opposed or to hurt the decision-maker. It was concluded that facing one with more power leads to strategic consideration whereas facing one with less power leads to a social responsibility.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Bargaining games were explored in 2003 and 2004. These studies compared behavior done in different power given situations.


title: Power (social and political)

text: In an "ultimatum game", the person in given power offers an ultimatum and the recipient would have to accept that offer or else both the proposer and the recipient will receive no reward.


title: Power (social and political)

text: In a "dictator game", the person in given power offers a proposal and the recipient would have to accept that offer. The recipient has no choice of rejecting the offer.


title: Power (social and political)

text: The dictator game gives no power to the recipient whereas the ultimatum game gives some power to the recipient. The behavior observed was that the person offering the proposal would act less strategically than would the one offering in the ultimatum game. Self-serving also occurred and a lot of pro-social behavior was observed.


title: Power (social and political)

text: When the counterpart recipient is completely powerless, lack of strategy, social responsibility and moral consideration is often observed from the behavior of the proposal given (the one with the power).


title: Power (social and political)

text: One can regard power as evil or unjust; however, power can also be seen as good and as something inherited or given for exercising humanistic objectives that will help, move, and empower others as well. In general, power derives from the factors of interdependence between two entities and the environment. The use of power need not involve force or the threat of force (coercion). An example of using power without oppression is the concept "soft power" (as compared to hard power). Much of the recent sociological debate about power revolves around the issue of its means to enablein other words, power as a means to make social actions possible as much as it may constrain or prevent them.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Abusive power and control (or controlling behaviour or coercive control) involve the ways in which abusers gain and maintain power and control over victims for abusive purposes such as psychological, physical, sexual, or financial abuse. Such abuse can have various causes - such as personal gain, personal gratification, psychological projection, devaluation, envy or because some abusers enjoy exercising power and control.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Controlling abusers may use multiple tactics to exert power and control over their victims. The tactics themselves are psychologically and sometimes physically abusive. Control may be helped through economic abuse, thus limiting the victim's actions as they may then lack the necessary resources to resist the abuse. Abusers aim to control and intimidate victims or to influence them to feel that they do not have an equal voice in the relationship.


title: Power (social and political)

text: The vulnerabilities of the victim are exploited, with those who are particularly vulnerable being most often selected as targets. Traumatic bonding can occur between the abuser and victim as the result of ongoing cycles of abuse in which the intermittent reinforcement of reward and punishment fosters powerful emotional bonds that are resistant to change, as well as a climate of fear. An attempt may be made to normalise, legitimise, rationalise, deny, or minimise the abusive behaviour, or to blame the victim for it.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Isolation, gaslighting, mind games, lying, disinformation, propaganda, destabilisation, brainwashing and divide and rule are other strategies that are often used. The victim may be plied with alcohol or drugs or deprived of sleep to help disorientate them.


title: Power (social and political)

text: In everyday situations people use a variety of power tactics to push or prompt other people into particular actions. Many examples exist of common power tactics employed every day. Some of these tactics include bullying, collaboration, complaining, criticizing, demanding, disengaging, evading, humor, inspiring, manipulating, negotiating, socializing, and supplicating. One can classify such power tactics along three different dimensions:


title: Power (social and political)

text: People tend to vary in their use of power tactics, with different types of people opting for different tactics. For instance, interpersonally oriented people tend to use soft and rational tactics. Moreover, extroverts use a greater variety of power tactics than do introverts. People will also choose different tactics based on the group situation, and based on whom they wish to influence. People also tend to shift from soft to hard tactics when they face resistance.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Because power operates both relationally and reciprocally, sociologists speak of the "balance of power" between parties to a relationship:


title: Power (social and political)

text: all parties to all relationships have "some" power: the sociological examination of power concerns itself with discovering and describing the relative strengths: equal or unequal, stable or subject to periodic change. Sociologists usually analyse relationships in which the parties have relatively equal or nearly equal power in terms of "constraint" rather than of power. In this context, "power" has a connotation of unilateralism. If this were not so, then all relationships could be described in terms of "power", and its meaning would be lost. Given that power is not innate and can be granted to others, to acquire power one must possess or control a form of power currency.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Developed by D. Keltner and colleagues, approach/inhibition theory assumes that having power and using power alters psychological states of individuals. The theory is based on the notion that most organisms react to environmental events in two common ways. The reaction of "approach" is associated with action, self-promotion, seeking rewards, increased energy and movement. "Inhibition", on the contrary, is associated with self-protection, avoiding threats or danger, vigilance, loss of motivation and an overall reduction in activity.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Overall, approach/inhibition theory holds that power promotes approach tendencies, while a reduction in power promotes inhibition tendencies.


title: Power (social and political)

text: A number of studies demonstrate that harsh power tactics (e.g. punishment (both personal and impersonal), rule-based sanctions, and non-personal rewards) are less effective than soft tactics (expert power, referent power, and personal rewards). It is probably because harsh tactics generate hostility, depression, fear, and anger, while soft tactics are often reciprocated with cooperation. Coercive and reward power can also lead group members to lose interest in their work, while instilling a feeling of autonomy in one's subordinates can sustain their interest in work and maintain high productivity even in the absence of monitoring.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Coercive influence creates conflict that can disrupt entire group functioning. When disobedient group members are severely reprimanded, the rest of the group may become more disruptive and uninterested in their work, leading to negative and inappropriate activities spreading from one troubled member to the rest of the group. This effect is called "Disruptive contagion or ripple effect" and it is strongly manifested when reprimanded member has a high status within a group, and authority's requests are vague and ambiguous.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Coercive influence can be tolerated when the group is successful, the leader is trusted, and the use of coercive tactics is justified by group norms. Furthermore, coercive methods are more effective when applied frequently and consistently to punish prohibited actions.


title: Power (social and political)

text: However, in some cases, group members chose to resist the authority's influence. When low-power group members have a feeling of shared identity, they are more likely to form a "Revolutionary Coalition", a subgroup formed within a larger group that seeks to disrupt and oppose the group's authority structure. Group members are more likely to form a revolutionary coalition and resist an authority when authority lacks referent power, uses coercive methods, and asks group members to carry out unpleasant assignments. It is because these conditions create reactance, individuals strive to reassert their sense of freedom by affirming their agency for their own choices and consequences.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Herbert Kelman identified three basic, step-like reactions that people display in response to coercive influence: compliance, identification, and internalization. This theory explains how groups convert hesitant recruits into zealous followers over time.


title: Power (social and political)

text: At the stage of "compliance," group members comply with authority's demands, but personally do not agree with them. If authority does not monitor the members, they will probably not obey.


title: Power (social and political)

text: "Identification" occurs when the target of the influence admires and therefore imitates the authority, mimics authority's actions, values, characteristics, and takes on behaviours of the person with power. If prolonged and continuous, identification can lead to the final stage – internalization.


title: Power (social and political)

text: When "internalization" occurs, individual adopts the induced behaviour because it is congruent with his/her value system. At this stage, group members no longer carry out authority orders but perform actions that are congruent with their personal beliefs and opinions. Extreme obedience often requires internalization.


title: Power (social and political)

text: Power literacy refers to how one perceives power, how it is formed and accumulates, and the structures that support it and who is in control of it. Education can be helpful for heightening power literacy. In a 2014 TED talk Eric Liu notes that "we don't like to talk about power" as "we find it scary" and "somehow evil" with it having a "negative moral valence" and states that the pervasiveness of power illiteracy causes a concentration of knowledge, understanding and clout. Joe L. Kincheloe describes a "cyber-literacy of power" that is concerned with the forces that shape knowledge production and the construction and transmission of meaning, being more about engaging knowledge than "mastering" information, and a "cyber-power literacy" that is focused on transformative knowledge production and new modes of accountability.


title: Roman consul

text: A consul held the highest elected political office of the Roman Republic ( to 27 BC), and ancient Romans considered the consulship the second-highest level of the "cursus honorum" (an ascending sequence of public offices to which politicians aspired) after that of the censor. Each year, the Centuriate Assembly elected two consuls to serve jointly for a one-year term. The consuls alternated in holding "fasces" – taking turns leading – each month when both were in Rome and a consul's "imperium" extended over Rome and all its provinces.


title: Roman consul

text: There were two consuls in order to create a check on the power of any individual citizen in accordance with the republican belief that the powers of the former kings of Rome should be spread out into multiple offices. To that end, each consul could veto the actions of the other consul.


title: Roman consul

text: After the establishment of the Empire (27 BC), the consuls became mere symbolic representatives of Rome's republican heritage and held very little power and authority, with the Emperor acting as the supreme authority.


title: Roman consul

text: According to Roman tradition, after the expulsion of the last king, Tarquin Superbus, the powers and authority of the king were given to the newly instituted consulship. Originally, consuls were called praetors ("leader"), referring to their duties as the chief military commanders. By at least 300 BC the title of "consul" became commonly used. Ancient writers usually derive the title "consul" from the Latin verb "consulere", "to take counsel", but this is most likely a later gloss of the term, which probably derives—in view of the joint nature of the office—from "con-" and "sal-", "get together" or from "con-" and "sell-/sedl-", "sit down together with" or "next to". In Greek, the title was originally rendered as , "strategos hypatos" ("the supreme general"), and later simply as ὕπατος ("hypatos").


title: Roman consul

text: The consulship was believed by the Romans to date back to the traditional establishment of the Republic in 509 BC, but the succession of consuls was not continuous in the 5th century BC, when the consulship was supposedly replaced with a board of consular tribunes, which was elected whenever the military needs of the state were significant enough to warrant the election of more than the usual two consuls. These remained in place until the office was abolished in 367 BC and the consulship was reintroduced.


title: Roman consul

text: Consuls had extensive powers in peacetime (administrative, legislative, and judicial), and in wartime often held the highest military command. Additional religious duties included certain rites which, as a sign of their formal importance, could only be carried out by the highest state officials. Consuls also read auguries, an essential religious ritual, before leading armies into the field.


title: Roman consul

text: Two consuls were elected each year, serving together, each with veto power over the other's actions, a normal principle for magistracies. They were elected by the "comitia centuriata", which had an aristocratic bias in its voting structure, which only increased over the years from its foundation. However, they formally assumed powers only after the ratification of their election in the older "comitia curiata", which granted the consuls their "imperium" by enacting a law, the "lex curiata de imperio".


title: Roman consul

text: If a consul died during his term (not uncommon when consuls were in the forefront of battle) or was removed from office, another would be elected by the "comitia centuriata" to serve the remainder of the term as "consul suffectus" ("suffect consul"). A consul elected to start the yearcalled a "consul ordinarius" ("ordinary consul")held more prestige than a suffect consul, partly because the year would be named for ordinary consuls (see consular dating).


title: Roman consul

text: According to tradition, the consulship was initially reserved for patricians and only in 367 BC did plebeians win the right to stand for this supreme office, when the Licinio-Sextian rogations provided that at least one consul each year should be plebeian. The first plebeian consul, Lucius Sextius, was elected the following year. Nevertheless, the office remained largely in the hands of a few families as, according to Gelzer, only fifteen "novi homines" ("new men" with no consular background) were elected to the consulship until the election of Cicero in 63 BC. Modern historians have questioned the traditional account of plebeian emancipation during the early Republic (see Conflict of the Orders), noting for instance that about thirty percent of the consuls prior to Sextius had plebeian, not patrician, names. It is possible that only the chronology has been distorted, but it seems that one of the first consuls, Lucius Junius Brutus, came from a plebeian family. Another possible explanation is that during the 5th-century social struggles, the office of consul was gradually monopolized by a patrician elite.


title: Roman consul

text: During times of war, the primary qualification for consul was military skill and reputation, but at all times the selection was politically charged. With the passage of time, the consulship became the normal endpoint of the "cursus honorum", the sequence of offices pursued by the ambitious Roman who chose to pursue political power and influence. When Lucius Cornelius Sulla regulated the "cursus" by law, the minimum age of election to consul became, in effect, 42 years of age.


title: Roman consul

text: Beginning in the late Republic, after finishing a consular year, a former consul would usually serve a lucrative term as a proconsul, the Roman governor of one of the senatorial provinces.


title: Roman consul

text: It would not be uncommon for the patrician consuls of the early Republic to intersperse public office with agricultural labor. In Cicero’s words: "in agris erant tum senatores, id est senes": ‘In those days senators—that is, seniors—would live on their farms’. This practice was obsolete by the 2nd century.


title: Roman consul

text: Although throughout the early years of the Principate the consuls were still formally elected by the "comitia centuriata", they were de facto nominated by the princeps. As the years progressed, the distinction between the "comitia centuriata" and the "comitia populi tributa" (which elected the lower magisterial positions) appears to have disappeared, and so for the purposes of the consular elections, there came to be just a single "assembly of the people" which elected all the magisterial positions of the state, while the consuls continued to be nominated by the princeps.


title: Roman consul

text: The imperial consulate during the Principate (until the 3rd century) was an important position, albeit as the method through which the Roman aristocracy could progress through to the higher levels of imperial administration – only former consuls could become consular legates, the proconsuls of Africa and Asia, or the urban prefect of Rome. It was a post that would be occupied by a man halfway through his career, in his early thirties for a patrician, or in his early forties for most others. Emperors frequently appointed themselves, or their protégés or relatives, consuls, even without regard to the age requirements. Cassius Dio states that Caligula intended to make his horse Incitatus consul, but was assassinated before he could do so.


title: Roman consul

text: The need for a pool of men to fill the consular positions forced Augustus to remodel the suffect consulate, allowing more than the two elected for the ordinary consulate. During the reigns of the Julio-Claudians, the ordinary consuls who began the year usually relinquished their office mid-year, with the election for the suffect consuls occurring at the same time as that for the ordinary consuls. During reigns of the Flavian and Antonine emperors, the ordinary consuls tended to resign after a period of four months, and the elections were moved to 12 January of the year in which they were to hold office. Election of the consuls were transferred to the Senate during the Flavian or Antonine periods, although through to the 3rd century, the people were still called on to ratify the Senate's selections.


title: Roman consul

text: The proliferation of suffect consuls through this process, and the allocation of this office to "homines novi" tended, over time, to devalue the office. However, the high regard placed upon the ordinary consulate remained intact, as it was one of the few offices that one could share with the emperor, and during this period it was filled mostly by patricians or by individuals who had consular ancestors. If they were especially skilled or valued, they may even have achieved a second (or rarely, a third) consulate. Prior to achieving the consulate, these individuals already had a significant career behind them, and would expect to continue serving the state, filling in the post upon which the state functioned. Consequently, holding the ordinary consulship was a great honor and the office was the major symbol of the still relatively republican constitution. Probably as part of seeking formal legitimacy, the break-away Gallic Empire had its own pairs of consuls during its existence (260–274). The list of consuls for this state is incomplete, drawn from inscriptions and coins.


title: Roman consul

text: By the end of the 3rd century, much had changed. The loss of many pre-consular functions and the gradual encroachment of the "equites" into the traditional senatorial administrative and military functions, meant that senatorial careers virtually vanished prior to their appointment as consuls. This had the effect of seeing a suffect consulship granted at an earlier age, to the point that by the 4th century, it was being held by men in their early twenties, and possibly younger, without the significant political careers behind them that was normal previously. As time progressed, second consulates, usually ordinary, became far more common than had been the case during the first two centuries, while the first consulship was usually a suffect consulate. Also, the consulate during this period was no longer just the province of senators – the automatic awarding of a suffect consulship to the equestrian praetorian prefects (who were given the "ornamenta consularia" upon achieving their office) allowed them to style themselves "cos. II" when they were later granted an ordinary consulship by the emperor. All this had the effect of further devaluing the office of consul, to the point that by the final years of the 3rd century, holding an ordinary consulate was occasionally left out of the cursus inscriptions, while suffect consulships were hardly ever recorded by the first decades of the 4th century.


title: Roman consul

text: One of the reforms of Constantine I (r. 306–337) was to assign one of the consuls to the city of Rome, and the other to Constantinople. Therefore, when the Roman Empire was divided into two halves on the death of Theodosius I (r. 379–395), the emperor of each half acquired the right of appointing one of the consuls—although on occasion an emperor did allow his colleague to appoint both consuls for various reasons. The consulship, bereft of any real power, continued to be a great honor, but the celebrations attending it – above all the chariot races – had come to involve considerable expense, which only a few citizens could afford, to the extent that part of the expense had to be covered by the state. In the 6th century, the consulship was increasingly sparsely given, until it was allowed to lapse under Justinian I (r. 527–565): the western consulship lapsed in 534, with Decius Paulinus the last holder, and the consulship of the East in 541, with Anicius Faustus Albinus Basilius. Consular dating had already been abolished in 537, when Justinian introduced dating by the emperor's regnal year and the indiction. In the eastern court, the appointment to consulship became a part of the rite of proclamation of a new emperor from Justin II (r. 565–578) on, and is last attested in the proclamation of the future Constans II (r. 641–668) as consul in 632. In the late 9th century, Emperor Leo the Wise (r. 886–912) finally abolished consular dating with Novel 94. By that time, the Greek titles for consul and ex-consul, ""hypatos"" and ""apo hypaton"", had been transformed to relatively lowly honorary dignities.


title: Roman consul

text: In the west, the rank of consul was occasionally bestowed upon individuals by the Papacy. In 719, the title of Roman consul was offered by the Pope to Charles Martel, although he refused it. About 853, Alfred the Great, then a child aged four or five, was made a Roman consul by the Pope.


title: Roman consul

text: Traditionally, after the expulsion of the kings, all the powers that had belonged to the kings were transferred to two offices: the consulship and the office of "rex sacrorum". While the "rex sacrorum" inherited the kings' position as royal priest and various religious functions were handed off to the pontiffs, the consuls were given the remaining civil and military responsibilities. To prevent abuse of the kingly power, this authority was shared by two consuls, each of whom could veto the other's actions, with short annual terms.


title: Roman consul

text: The consuls were invested with the executive power of the state and headed the government of the Republic. Initially, the consuls held vast executive and judicial power. In the gradual development of the Roman legal system, however, some important functions were detached from the consulship and assigned to new officers. Thus, in 443 BC, the responsibility to conduct the Census was taken from the consuls and given to the censors. The second function taken from the consulship was their judicial power. Their position as chief judges was transferred to the praetors in 366 BC. After this time, the consul would only serve as judges in extraordinary criminal cases and only when called upon by decree of the Senate.


title: Roman consul

text: For the most part, power was divided between civil and military spheres. As long as the consuls were in the "pomerium" (the city of Rome), they were at the head of government, and all the other magistrates, with the exception of the tribune of the plebs, were subordinate to them, but retained independence of office. The internal machinery of the Republic was under the consuls’ supervision. In order to allow the consuls greater authority in executing laws, the consuls had the right of summons and arrest, which was limited only by the right of appeal from their judgement. This power of punishment even extended to inferior magistrates.


title: Roman consul

text: As part of their executive functions, the consuls were responsible for carrying into effect the decrees of the Senate and the laws of the assemblies. Sometimes, in great emergencies, they might even act on their own authority and responsibility. The consuls also served as the chief diplomats of the Roman state. Before any foreign ambassadors reached the Senate, they met with the consuls. The consul would introduce ambassadors to the Senate, and they alone carried on the negotiations between the Senate and foreign states.


title: Roman consul

text: The consuls could convene the Senate, and presided over its meetings. Each consul served as president of the Senate for a month. They could also summon any of the three Roman assemblies (Curiate, Centuriate, and Tribal) and presided over them. Thus, the consuls conducted the elections and put legislative measures to the vote. When neither consul was within the city, their civic duties were assumed by the "praetor urbanus".


title: Roman consul

text: Each consul was accompanied in every public appearance by twelve lictors, who displayed the magnificence of the office and served as his bodyguards. Each lictor held a "fasces", a bundle of rods that contained an axe. The rods symbolized the power of scourging, and the axe the power of capital punishment. When inside the "pomerium", the lictors removed the axes from the "fasces" to show that a citizen could not be executed without a trial. Upon entering the "comitia centuriata", the lictors would lower the "fasces" to show that the powers of the consuls derive from the people.


title: Roman consul

text: Outside the walls of Rome, the powers of the consuls were far more extensive in their role as commanders-in-chief of all Roman legions. It was in this function that the consuls were vested with full "imperium". When legions were ordered by a decree of the Senate, the consuls conducted the levy in the Campus Martius. Upon entering the army, all soldiers had to take their oath of allegiance to the consuls. The consuls also oversaw the gathering of troops provided by Rome's allies.


title: Roman consul

text: Within the city a consul could punish and arrest a citizen, but had no power to inflict capital punishment. When on campaign, however, a consul could inflict any punishment he saw fit on any soldier, officer, citizen, or ally.


title: Roman consul

text: Each consul commanded an army, usually two legions strong, with the help of military tribunes and a quaestor who had financial duties. In the rare case that both consuls marched together, each one held the command for a day respectively. A typical consular army was about 20,000 men strong and consisted of two citizen and two allied legions. In the early years of the Republic, Rome's enemies were located in central Italy, so campaigns lasted a few months. As Rome's frontiers expanded, in the 2nd century BC, the campaigns became lengthier. Rome was a warlike society, and very seldom did not wage war. So the consul upon entering office was expected by the Senate and the People to march his army against Rome's enemies, and expand the Roman frontiers. His soldiers expected to return to their homes after the campaign with spoils. If the consul won an overwhelming victory, he was hailed as imperator by his troops, and could request to be granted a triumph.


title: Roman consul

text: The consul could conduct the campaign as he saw fit, and had unlimited powers. However, after the campaign, he could be prosecuted for his misdeeds (for example for abusing the provinces, or wasting public money, as Scipio Africanus was accused by Cato in 205 BC).


title: Roman consul

text: Abuse of power by consuls was prevented with each consul given the power to veto his colleague. Therefore, except in the provinces as commanders-in-chief where each consul's power was supreme, the consuls could only act not against each other's determined will. Against the sentence of one consul, an appeal could be brought before his colleague, which, if successful, would see the sentence overturned. In order to avoid unnecessary conflicts, only one consul would actually perform the office's duties every month and could act without direct interference. In the next month, the consuls would switch roles with one another. This would continue until the end of the consular term.


title: Roman consul

text: Another point which acted as a check against consuls was the certainty that after the end of their term they would be called to account for their actions while in office.


title: Roman consul

text: There were also three other restrictions on consular power. Their term in office was short (one year); their duties were pre-decided by the Senate; and they could not stand again for election immediately after the end of their office. Usually a period of ten years was expected between consulships.


title: Roman consul

text: After leaving office, the consuls were assigned by the Senate to a province to administer as governor. The provinces to which each consul was assigned were drawn by lot and determined before the end of his consulship. Transferring his consular "imperium" to proconsular "imperium", the consul would become a proconsul and governor of one (or several) of Rome's many provinces. As a proconsul, his "imperium" was limited to only a specified province and not the entire Republic. Any exercise of proconsular "imperium" in any other province was illegal. Also, a proconsul was not allowed to leave his province before his term was complete or before the arrival of his successor. Exceptions were given only on special permission of the Senate. Most terms as governor lasted between one and five years.


title: Roman consul

text: In times of crisis, when Rome's territory was in immediate danger, a dictator was appointed by the consuls for a period of no more than six months, after the proposition of the Senate. While the dictator held office, the imperium of the consuls was subordinate to the dictator.


title: Roman consul

text: After Augustus became the first Roman emperor in 27 BC with the establishment of the Principate, the consuls lost most of their powers and responsibilities. Though still officially the highest office of the state, with the emperor's superior "imperium" they were merely a symbol of Rome's republican heritage. One of the two consular positions was often occupied by emperors themselves and eventually became reserved solely for the emperor. However, the imperial consuls still maintained the right to preside at meetings of the Senate, exercising this right at the pleasure of the emperor. They partially administered justice in extraordinary cases, and presented games in the Circus Maximus and all public solemnities in honor of the emperor at their own expense.


title: Roman consul

text: After the expiration of their offices, the ex-consuls usually went on to govern one of the provinces that were administered by the Senate. They usually served proconsular terms of three to five years.


title: Roman consul

text: Roman dates were customarily kept according to the names of the two consuls who took office that year, much like a regnal year in a monarchy. For instance, the year 59 BC in the modern calendar was called by the Romans "the consulship of Caesar and Bibulus", since the two colleagues in the consulship were Gaius Julius Caesar and Marcus Calpurnius Bibulus, although Caesar dominated the consulship so thoroughly that year that it was jokingly referred to as "the consulship of Julius and Caesar". The date the consuls took office varied: from 222 BC to 153 BC they took office 15 March, and due to the Second Celtiberian War, from 153 BC onwards the consuls took office on 1 January. The practice of dating years "ab urbe condita" (from the supposed foundation date of Rome) was less frequently used.


title: Roman consul

text: In Latin, the ablative absolute construction is frequently used to express the date, such as ""M. Messalla et M. Pupio Pisone consulibus"", translated literally as "Marcus Messalla and Marcus Pupius Piso being the consuls", which appears in Caesar's "De Bello Gallico".


title: Roman consul

text: The word "consul" is abbreviated as "COS." The disappearance of the N is explained by the fact that in Classical Latin an N before a fricative is pronounced as a nasalization of the previous vowel (meaning "consul" is pronounced /kõːsul/).


title: Roman consul

text: Also, "consul" is pronounced [ko:sul], as shown in ancient writing, "COSOL", whereas the classical spelling (consul) seems like an etymological reminder of the nasal consonant. If a senator held the consulship twice then: "COS" becomes "COS II"; thrice becomes "COS III", etc.


title: Greer Garson

text: Eileen Evelyn Greer Garson (29 September 1904 – 6 April 1996) was an English-American actress and singer. She was a major star at Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer who became popular during the Second World War for her portrayal of strong women on the homefront; listed by the "Motion Picture Herald" as one of America's top-ten box office draws from 1942 to 1946.


title: Greer Garson

text: The fourth most-nominated woman for the Best Actress Oscar, Garson received seven Academy Award nominations, including a record-tying (with Bette Davis) five consecutive nominations (1941–1945) in the actress category, winning for her performance in the title role of the 1942 film "Mrs. Miniver".


title: Greer Garson

text: Greer Garson was born on 29 September 1904 in Manor Park, East Ham (then in Essex, now part of Greater London), the only child of Nancy Sophia "Nina" (née Greer; 1880–1958) and George Garson (1865–1906), a commercial clerk in a London importing business. Her father was born in London to Scottish parents, and her mother was born at Drumalore (usually spelled as Drumalure or Drumaloor), a townland near Belturbet in County Cavan, Ireland. The name Greer is a contraction of MacGregor, another family name.


title: Greer Garson

text: Her maternal grandfather David Greer ( 1848-1913 from Kilrea, County Londonderry), was an RIC sergeant stationed in Castlewellan, County Down. In the 1870s or 1880s he became a land steward to the wealthy Annesley family, who built the town of Castlewellan. While there, he lived in a large detached house called "Clairemount", which was built on the lower part of what was known as Pig Street, or locally known as the Back Way, near Shilliday's builder's yard. It was often erroneously reported Greer Garson was born there ("The Macmillan International Film Encyclopedia" gives her place of birth as County Down, and year of birth as 1908).


title: Greer Garson

text: Garson read French and 18th-century literature at King's College London and did her postgraduate studies at the University of Grenoble. While aspiring to be an actress, she was appointed head of the research library of LINTAS in the marketing department of Lever Brothers. Her co-worker there, George Sanders, wrote in his autobiography that it was Garson who suggested he take up a career in acting.


title: Greer Garson

text: Garson's early professional appearances were on stage, starting at Birmingham Repertory Theatre in January 1932, when she was 27 years old. She appeared on television during its earliest years (the late 1930s), most notably starring in a 30-minute production of an excerpt of "Twelfth Night" in May 1937, with Dorothy Black. These live transmissions were part of the BBC's experimental service from Alexandra Palace, and this is the first known instance of a Shakespeare play performed on television. In 1936, she appeared in the West End in Charles Bennett's play "Page From a Diary", and Noël Coward's play "Mademoiselle".


title: Greer Garson

text: Louis B. Mayer discovered Garson while he was in London looking for new talent. Garson was signed to a contract with MGM in late 1937. The actress suffered a back injury during her first 18 months at MGM while waiting for a role Mayer deemed worthy of her, and was nearly released from her contract.


title: Greer Garson

text: She began work on her first film, "Goodbye, Mr. Chips", in late 1938. She received her first Oscar nomination for the role, but lost to Vivien Leigh for "Gone with the Wind". She received critical acclaim the next year for her role as Elizabeth Bennet in the 1940 film "Pride and Prejudice".


title: Greer Garson

text: Garson starred with Joan Crawford in "When Ladies Meet", a 1941 poorly received and sanitized re-make of a pre-Code 1933 film of the same name, which had starred Ann Harding and Myrna Loy. That same year, she became a major box-office star with the sentimental Technicolor drama "Blossoms in the Dust", which brought her the first of five consecutive Best Actress Oscar nominations, tying Bette Davis's 1938–1942 record, which still stands.


title: Greer Garson

text: Garson starred in two Academy Award-nominated films in 1942, "Mrs. Miniver" and "Random Harvest". She won the Academy for Best Actress for her performance as a strong British wife and mother protecting the homefront during the Second World War in "Mrs. Miniver", which co-starred Walter Pidgeon. The "Guinness Book of World Records" credits her with the longest Oscar acceptance speech, at five minutes and 30 seconds, after which the Academy Awards instituted a time limit.


title: Greer Garson

text: In "Random Harvest", she co-starred with Ronald Colman. The drama received seven Academy Award nominations, including Colman for Best Actor and Best Picture, but Garson was ineligible, as she had already been nominated that year for "Mrs. Miniver". The American Film Institute ranked it #36 on its list of 100 Greatest Love Stories of All Time, and it was one of Garson's favorite films.


title: Greer Garson

text: Garson also received Oscar nominations for her performances in the films "Madame Curie" (1943), "Mrs. Parkington" (1944), and "The Valley of Decision" (1945). She frequently co-starred with Walter Pidgeon, ultimately making eight pictures with him: "Blossoms in the Dust" (1941), "Mrs. Miniver" (1942), "Madame Curie", "Mrs. Parkington", "Julia Misbehaves" (1948), "That Forsyte Woman" (1949), "The Miniver Story" (1950), and "Scandal at Scourie" (1953).


title: Greer Garson

text: Garson was partnered with Clark Gable after his return from war service in "Adventure" (1945). The film was advertised with the catch-phrase "Gable's back, and Garson's got him!" Gable argued for "He put the Arson in Garson"; she countered with "She put the Able in Gable!"; thereafter, the safer catchphrase was selected.


title: Greer Garson

text: She injured her back again while filming "Desire Me" in Monterey on 26 April 1946 when a wave knocked her and co-star Richard Hart from the rocks where they were rehearsing. A local fisherman and a film extra rescued Garson from the surf and potential undertow. She was bruised and in shock and required by doctors to rest for several days. The injury to her back would require several surgeries over the coming years.


title: Greer Garson

text: Garson's popularity declined somewhat in the late 1940s, but she remained a prominent film star until the mid-1950s. In 1951, she became a naturalised citizen of the United States. She made only a few films after her MGM contract expired in 1954. In 1958, she received a warm reception on Broadway in "Auntie Mame", replacing Rosalind Russell, who had gone to Hollywood to make the film version. In 1960, Garson received her seventh and final Oscar nomination for "Sunrise at Campobello", playing Eleanor Roosevelt, this time losing to Elizabeth Taylor for "BUtterfield 8".


title: Greer Garson

text: Greer was a special guest on an episode of the TV series "Father Knows Best", playing herself. On 4 October 1956, Garson appeared with Reginald Gardiner as the first two guest stars of the series in the premiere of NBC's "The Ford Show, Starring Tennessee Ernie Ford". She appeared as a mystery guest on "What's My Line" on 25 October 1953 and again on 6 April 1958 to promote her appearance on stage in "Auntie Mame". She also served as a panelist rather than a guest on the "What's My Line" episode which aired on 12 May 1957.


title: Greer Garson

text: She returned to MGM for a role in "The Singing Nun" (1966), starring Debbie Reynolds. Her last film appearance was in the 1967 Walt Disney feature "The Happiest Millionaire", although she made infrequent television appearances afterwards. In 1968, she narrated the children's television special "The Little Drummer Boy". Her final role for television was in a 1982 episode of "The Love Boat".


title: Greer Garson

text: Garson was married three times. Her first marriage, on 28 September 1933, was to Edward Alec Abbot Snelson (1904–1992), later Sir Edward, a British civil servant who became a noted judge and expert in Indian affairs. After a honeymoon in Germany, he returned to his appointment at Nagpur, a town in central India, and she chose to return to her mother and the theatre in Britain. Snelson reportedly grieved at losing her and would watch multiple screenings of any film of hers that played in Nagpur. The marriage was not formally dissolved until 1943.


title: Greer Garson

text: Her second marriage, on 24 July 1943, was to Richard Ney (1916–2004), a young actor who had played her son in "Mrs. Miniver". The relationship was under constant scrutiny owing to their 12-year age difference. MGM claimed that Garson was merely three years older than Ney and tried to portray them as a happy couple, but the marriage was troubled. They divorced in 1947, after several attempts at reconciliation. Ney eventually became a stock-market analyst, financial consultant, and author.


title: Greer Garson

text: Her third marriage in 1949, was to millionaire Texas oilman and horse breeder, E.E. "Buddy" Fogelson (1900–1987). In 1967, the couple retired to their Forked Lightning Ranch in New Mexico. They purchased the US Hall of Fame champion Thoroughbred Ack Ack from the estate of Harry F. Guggenheim in 1971, and were successful as breeders. They also maintained a home in Dallas, where Garson funded the Greer Garson Theatre at Southern Methodist University. She founded a permanent endowment for the Fogelson Honors Forum at Texas Christian University (TCU), Buddy Fogelson's alma mater, in nearby Fort Worth.


title: Greer Garson

text: In 1951, Garson became a dual citizen of the United Kingdom and the United States. She was a registered Republican and in 1966 was asked to run for Congress on the Republican ticket against Democrat Earle Cabell but declined. She was a devout Presbyterian.