title: Manchineel

text: A poultice of arrowroot ("Maranta arundinacea") was used by the Arawak and Taíno as an antidote against such poisons. The Caribs were known to poison the water supply of their enemies with the leaves. Spanish explorer Juan Ponce de León died shortly after an injury incurred in battle with the Calusa in Florida—being struck by an arrow that had been poisoned with manchineel sap.


title: Manchineel

text: Despite the inherent dangers associated with handling it, the tree has been used as a source of wood by Caribbean furniture makers for centuries. It must be cut and left to dry in the sun to dry the sap. To avoid dangerous contact with the poisonous parts, the tree may be burnt at the base to fell it.


title: Manchineel

text: On the fourth, a party of men were sent to cut wood, as the island apparently afforded plenty of that article; amongst other trees they unluckily cut down several of the manchineel, the juice of which getting into their eyes, rendered them blind for several days.


title: Manchineel

text: One day being hugely tormented with mosquitoes or gnats, and as yet unacquainted with the nature of this tree, I cut a branch thereof, to serve me instead of a fan, but all my face swelled the next day and filled with blisters, as if it were burnt to such a degree that I was blind for three days.


title: Manchineel

text: The Mangeneel Apple has the smell and appearance of an English Apple, but small, grows on large trees, generally along the Seashore. They are rank poison. I am told that one apple is sufficient to kill 20 people. This poison is of such a malignant nature that a single drop of rain or dew that falls from the tree upon your skin will immediately raise a blister. Neither Fruit or Wood is of any use, that I can learn.


title: Visa requirements for Chinese citizens

text: Visa requirements for Chinese citizens are administrative entry restrictions imposed on citizens of China by the authorities of other states.


title: Visa requirements for Chinese citizens

text: Before February 2014, Chinese immigration authorities did not generally allow mainland Chinese citizens to board outbound flights without having a valid visa for the destination country, even if the destination country granted a visa on arrival to Chinese passport holders, unless the exit was approved by the Ministry of Public Security. Exceptions were possible if the traveller had a third country's visa and a connecting flight from the initial destination country to the third country. if the destination is a visa-on-arrival or e-visa issuing country this approval is no longer needed.


title: Visa requirements for Chinese citizens

text: Visa requirements for Chinese citizens were lifted by Micronesia on 18 December 1980, the Bahamas on 12 February 2014, Indonesia in 2015, Grenada on 10 June 2015, Ecuador on 1 March 2016, Morocco on 1 June 2016, Tonga on 19 August 2016, Saint Kitts and Nevis on 1 January 2017, Serbia on 15 January 2017, Tunisia on 15 February 2017, Barbados on 1 June 2017, United Arab Emirates on 16 January 2018, Bosnia and Herzegovina on 29 May 2018, British Virgin Islands on 5 July 2018, St Lucia on 18 July 2018, Belarus on 10 August 2018, Qatar on 21 December 2018, Iran on 21 July 2019, Albania on 23 December 2019, Uzbekistan on 1 January 2020, Armenia on 19 January 2020, Oman on 16 December 2020, Suriname on 1 May 2021, Kazakhstan on 8 July, 2022, Dominica on September 19 2022 and Zambia on Oct 1, 2022.


title: Visa requirements for Chinese citizens

text: Visas on arrival were introduced by Azerbaijan on 1 February 2016, Brunei on 23 May 2016, Ukraine on 1 October 2016, Armenia on 10 November 2016, São Tomé and Príncipe on 5 April 2017, Qatar on 22 June 2017, Gabon on 12 October 2017, Bolivia on 27 December 2017, Rwanda on 1 January 2018, Benin on 15 March 2018, Zimbabwe on 1 July 2018, Myanmar on 1 October 2018, Sierra Leone on 5 July 2019, Saudi Arabia on 28 September 2019, and Iraq on 15 March 2021.


title: Visa requirements for Chinese citizens

text: Chinese citizens were made eligible for eVisas by Lesotho on 1 May 2017, Djibouti on 18 February 2018, Oman on 7 May 2018, Uzbekistan on 15 July 2018, Pakistan on 14 March 2019, Saudi Arabia on 28 September 2019,and South Africa on February 14, 2022, .


title: Visa requirements for Chinese citizens

text: The country's passport index has constantly improved in the 00's decade from 42 in 2010 to 80 countries/territories in 2022, almost doubling its mobility access in 12 years. As shown before, more and more countries are lifting visa restrictions on Mainland China passport holders in recent years and there is a tendency for more countries to keep lifting restrictions as a way to pull the massive tourist market that Mainland Chinese tourists represent.


title: Visa requirements for Chinese citizens

text: Holders of an APEC Business Travel Card (ABTC) travelling on business do not require a visa to the following countries:


title: Visa requirements for Chinese citizens

text: In addition to passports, Exit and Entry Permit were issued to citizens of the People's Republic of China for visiting certain land neighboring countries for trade, tourism purposes without a passport, and visa to the country of visiting and vice versa under the bilateral agreements. Such permit is issued by the police stations in the related the boder administrative divisions. By far, travelers from the administrative divisions that share borders with North Korea, Mongolia, Myanmar, Laos, Vietnam, India and Nepal could apply for the Exit-Entry Permit for crossing borders.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: Forza Italia (transl. "Forward Italy", "Come on Italy" or "Let's go Italy"; FI) is a centre-right political party in Italy, whose ideology includes elements of liberal conservatism, Christian democracy and liberalism. FI is a member of the European People's Party. Silvio Berlusconi (former Prime Minister of Italy, 1994–1995, 2001–2006, and 2008–2011) is the party's leader and president, while Antonio Tajani (former President of the European Parliament, 2017–2019) functions as vice president and national coordinator. Other leading members include Elisabetta Casellati (former President of the Senate, 2018–2022).


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: The party branched out of the People of Freedom (PdL) in 2013, and is a revival of the original Forza Italia (FI), founded in 1994 and disbanded in 2009, when it was merged with National Alliance (AN) and several minor parties to form the PdL. FI is a smaller party than the early PdL, which suffered three significant splits: Future and Freedom in 2010, Brothers of Italy in 2012, and the New Centre-Right in 2013. In the 2018 general election FI was overtaken by the League as the largest party of the centre-right coalition, and in the 2022 general election it became the third largest in the coalition, as Brothers of Italy (FdI) became the new dominant party of the Italian centre-right.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: After participating in the national unity government led by Mario Draghi, in October 2022 FI joined the government majority of the Meloni Cabinet with five ministers, including Tajani as deputy prime minister and foreign affairs minister.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: The new FI, announced in June 2013, was launched on 18 September and the PdL was formally dissolved into the party on 16 November. The day before a group of dissidents (mainly Christian democrats), led by Berlusconi's former protégé Angelino Alfano, had broken away by announcing the foundation of the alternative New Centre-Right (NCD). Another group of PdL members, led by former mayor of Rome Gianni Alemanno, had left the party earlier in order to form Italy First (they would later join the Brothers of Italy, FdI). According to Berlusconi, the PdL would become a coalition of centre-right parties, including the new FI, Lega Nord (LN), the NCD, the FdI, etc.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: Among the supporters of the return to FI, the so-called "hawks" and self-proclaimed "loyalists", a leading role was played by Raffaele Fitto, who, despite the common Christian-democratic background, was a long-time rival of Alfano. Loyalists included Antonio Martino, Renato Brunetta, Denis Verdini, Mariastella Gelmini, Mara Carfagna, Daniela Santanchè, Niccolò Ghedini and Daniele Capezzone, while Maurizio Gasparri, Altero Matteoli and Paolo Romani tried to mediate, but finally joined the new FI. The symbol of FI made its return in the 2013 Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol provincial elections, although in a regional fashion: "Forza Trentino" and "Forza Alto Adige" (in list with Lega Nord Alto Adige – Südtirol).


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: On 27 November the Senate approved Berlusconi's expulsion, following the leader's conviction for tax evasion in August, when Berlusconi was sentenced to four years of imprisonment, the last three being automatically pardoned. The day before FI had joined the opposition to Enrico Letta's government, which was still supported by Alfano's NCD instead. The latter voted against Berlusconi's expulsion, but since then completely parted ways from FI.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: As of the end of December 2013, Berlusconi was set to appoint two vice-presidents: Antonio Tajani (European Commissioner and vice-president of the European People's Party) and Giovanni Toti (former editor of Studio Aperto and TG4, two news programs of Berlusconi's Mediaset). As a result of the resentment by the party's old guard, notably including Fitto, on the alleged appointment of Toti also as coordinator-at-large, Berlusconi appointed him merely "political counselor" to the party.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In the 2014 European Parliament election FI obtained 16.8% of the vote and 13 MEPs elected, including Toti in the North-West, Tajani (who had first been elected to the European Parliament in 1994) in the Centre and, most notably, Fitto (who garnered more than 180,000 votes in his native Apulia alone) in the South.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: Fitto, the strongest backer of Berlusconi's leadership in late 2013, became his main internal challenger by mid 2014. After months of bickering with Berlusconi over the so-called "Nazareno pact" with Matteo Renzi, leader of the Democratic Party and Prime Minister, in February 2015 Fitto launched his own faction, named "Rebuilders". Fitto's supporters included Capezzone, Maurizio Bianconi, Rocco Palese, Saverio Romano, Cinzia Bonfrisco, Augusto Minzolini and most Apulian MPs.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In September 2014 FI was admitted into the European People's Party (EPP), inheriting the PdL's membership.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In the run-up of the 2015 regional elections the party was riven in internal disputes and was divided mainly in three groups: Berlusconi's loyalists, Fitto's "Rebuilders" and nostalgics of the "Nazareno pact". The latter were led by Verdini and some of them, notably including Bondi, were openly pro-Renzi. Bondi, a former Berlusconi loyalist, and his partner Manuela Repetti left the party in March, while other disgruntled "Verdiniani" propped up the government from time to time. Berlusconi chose Toti as candidate for president in Liguria, confirmed incumbent Stefano Caldoro as the party's standard-bearer in Campania and renewed their support of LN's Luca Zaia in Veneto. However, Berlusconi and Fitto did not find an agreement on the composition of the slates in Apulia, where the two wings of the party fielded two opposing candidates for president, and similar problems arose in Tuscany, Verdini's (and Renzi's) home region and stronghold.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: Two weeks before the regional election, Fitto left the European People's Party group in the European Parliament in order to join the European Conservatives and Reformists. He also left FI altogether and launched his own party, named Conservatives and Reformists (CR) too. By mid July, when CR was formally established as a party, nine deputies, ten senators and another MEP had left FI in order to follow Fitto.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In the elections the party lost many votes, mainly to the LN, and gained more than 10% only in three regions out seven (including Apulia, where the party's candidate did worse than Fitto's one, while, in Veneto, a former stronghold, FI barely reached 6%), but, thanks to the LN's strong showing, Toti was elected President of Liguria.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: Another split occurred in late July, when Verdini led his group out of the party and launched the Liberal Popular Alliance (ALA).


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In the 2016 Milan municipal election FI found a strong candidate for mayor in Stefano Parisi, a former director-general of Confindustria and CEO of Fastweb, who pulled the party to 20.2% (virtually double than the LN's score), but however narrowly lost to his Democratic opponent in the run-off, Giuseppe Sala. After the election, FI was basically divided in two camps: one led by Parisi, who did not officially joined the party and proposed a more traditional centre-right "liberal-popular" path, and the other led by Toti, who had formed a strong partnership with Roberto Maroni and Luca Zaia, the LN's Presidents of Lombardy and Veneto, and was supportive of a full-scale alliance with LN and, possibly, of its leader Matteo Salvini's bid to become the leader of the centre-right coalition. In November, when it was clear that Parisi would not come to terms with Salvini, Berlusconi disowned Parisi, who responded by launching his own Energies for Italy (EpI) party.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: Since then, the party has strengthened its position in parliament, thanks to an influx of MPs from other parties, including several returning after years of dissent. In August 2016 the party was re-joined by two senators, including Renato Schifani from the NCD and another from the ALA. In November came Mario Mauro and his Populars for Italy (PpI). Since June 2017 the party was joined by three deputies and one senator from Popular Alternative (AP, ex-NCD), one deputy and one senator from the Mixed Group (ex-Five Star Movement, M5S), one deputy from Direction Italy (DI, ex-CR), one from Solidary Democracy (Demo.S), one from Act! (F!, ex-LN) and two senators from the ALA. Particularly, Enrico Costa left AP and resigned from minister of Regional Affairs in Paolo Gentiloni's centre-left government, aiming at forming a "liberal centre" with FI. In the context of a more united centre-right, Costa might form the "fourth leg" of the coalition, after the LN, FI and the FdI, by uniting other AP splinters, DI, F!, Identity and Action (IdeA), the Italian Liberal Party (PLI), the Union of the Centre (UdC), and the Pensioners' Party (PP), all variously affiliated with FI and the centre-right. Not all FI members were happy with all that, in fact two senators and one deputy, Daniela Santanchè, switched to the FdI.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In January 2017, Antonio Tajani was elected President of the European Parliament, the first Italian since Emilio Colombo (1977–1979).


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In the 2018 general election FI obtained 14.0% of the vote and was overtaken by the LN for the first time as the largest party of the centre-right. After the election, long-time FI senator Elisabetta Casellati, was appointed President of the Senate, with centre-right's and M5S' support. After months of negotiations, the centre-right fragmented as the LN chose to team up with the M5S and formed a yellow-green government, also dubbed as Government of Change, under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In July Berlusconi appointed Tajani, who had been previously tipped as candidate for Prime Minister in the run-up of the 2018 general election, vice president and Adriano Galliani coordinator of departments, in an effort to restructure the party, which was shrinking in opinion polls.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: Berlusconi decided to run in the 2019 European Parliament election as FI's top candidate in all Italian constituencies, except for central Italy. In the election, FI received only 8.8% of the vote, its worst result ever. Berlusconi was one of the party's elected representatives to the European Parliament, and the oldest member of the assembly.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In June Berlusconi appointed Toti and Carfagna national coordinators, with the goal of reforming and relaunching the party. However, after a few weeks, Toti left the party in opposition to Berlusconi and launched Cambiamo!. One of the main reasons for the split was Toti's support of an alliance with the League and the Brothers of Italy (FdI) at national-level, about which Berlusconi was reticent and Carfagna against.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In January 2021, Conte's second government fell after losing support from Matteo Renzi's Italia Viva party. Subsequently, President Mattarella appointed Mario Draghi to form a cabinet, which won support from FI, the League, the PD and the M5S. FI was given three ministers in the new government: Renato Brunetta at Public Administration, Mariastella Gelmini at Regional Affairs and Mara Carfagna at the South.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In July 2022 the M5S did not participate in a Senate's confidence vote on a government bill. Prime Minister Draghi offered his resignation, which was rejected by President Mattarella. After a few days, Draghi sought a confidence vote again to secure the government majority supporting his cabinet, while rejecting the proposal put forward by Lega and FI of a new government without the M5S. In that occasion, FI as well as the M5S, Lega and FdI, did not participate in the vote. Consequently, Draghi tendered his final resignation to President Mattarella, who dissolved the houses of Parliament, leading to a snap election. The party's abstention led some leading members of FI, notably including the three ministers Brunetta, Gelmini and Carfagna, to leave the party.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: In the 2022 general election FI, which was part of the of the winning centre-right coalition, won 8.1% of the vote, compared to FdI's 26.0% and the League's 8.8%. As a result, Giorgia Meloni, leader of FdI, accepted the task of forming a new government and announced the Meloni Cabinet, which assumed official functions after each ministers were sworn in on 22 October. FI joined the new government with five ministers, notably including Tajani as deputy prime minister and minister of Foreign Affairs.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: FI's ideology is similar to that of its predecessor, The People of Freedom (PdL), a big tent centre-right party including Christian democrats, liberals, conservatives, and social democrats. FI presents itself as a "liberal", "Catholic", "reformist", and "moderate" alternative to the political left in alliance with the political right but not rightist itself. The PdL's break-up and the exit of the New Centre-Right (NCD) left FI with a more liberal base. Generally speaking, with the long-prepared return to FI, Berlusconi aimed at returning to the party's "liberal roots"; in doing so, he reinforced his ties with those liberals, like Antonio Martino, who had been marginalised in the PdL, while losing many of its Christian democrats and conservatives to the NCD. After NCD's internal struggles, its transformation into Popular Alternative (AP) and several splits, some NCD conservatives have returned to FI. In 2015, FI lost several liberal MPs, who formed the Liberal Popular Alliance in support to Matteo Renzi's cabinet.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: FI includes several factions and ideological trends. The party's leading faction was long not an organised one: named the "magic circle" by journalists (a reference to a defunct faction within Lega Nord), it was composed of Berlusconi's closest allies, notably including Giovanni Toti, Mariarosaria Rossi, Deborah Bergamini, and Francesca Pascale (Berlusconi's partner). Since being elected President of Liguria in 2015, Toti became more autonomous from Berlusconi and more and more a strong supporter of closer ties with Lega Nord. In 2018, Toti lost the title of "political counselor" (the closest thing to a number two so far) and Berlusconi appointed Antonio Tajani as vice president. In 2019, Toti finally left the party.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: On social issues, most FI politicians are conservative, even though a minority of them can be considered liberal. According to an article from "Corriere della Sera", on the so-called "ethical issues" like abortion and LGBT rights, the party aimed at returning to its 1994's original values, including "liberalism, the socialist roots, even the radical component", respected its MPs' "freedom of conscience", and was open to civil unions, while NCD's positions were "closer to those of the European traditionalist right". In October 2014, Berlusconi personally endorsed Renzi's proposals on civil unions for gays and a quicker path to citizenship to Italian-born children of immigrants; however, the party remained socially conservative. FI clarified that it considers marriage solely as the union between a man and a woman. The majority of its members voted against civil unions, whereas the NCD voted in favour. Moreover, the party is critical of teaching gender studies in schools. Party members are generally opposed to abortion and seek to limit access to them and euthanasia. The party has criticized illegal immigration and the way it has been managed by centre-left coalition governments. It has also declared itself against the introduction of "jus soli" in Italy. In addition, the party is opposed to drug liberalization, which it considers potentially negative for health and not useful for solving criminal matters. When FI's predecessors were in power, they restricted the legislation on the matter, with the Fini-Giovanardi law. Finally, FI considers Italy as a country with a Christian civilization and favours displaying Christian symbols in public places.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: On economic issues, FI is more supportive of the private rather than the public sector. It aims at representing business owners' interests and has often advocated for a reduction of taxation, red tape, and public expenditure. One of its latest proposals is the introduction of a flat tax. In addition, FI is more supportive of free trade agreements rather than protectionism.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: On foreign policy, the party supports the European Union (EU), despite elements of criticism, NATO, and a close relationship with the United States. FI also seeks good relations with Russia, especially in defence of the interests of Italian companies that export to the Russian market. The party is a member of the Europeanist, centre-right European People's Party (EPP). Whereas most of its members are supportive of the European Union (EU), the most notable example being Tajani (President of the European Parliament since 2017), others are slightly Eurosceptic and have criticised the Euro and Germany's role in the EU. The party refuses the "Eurosceptic" label, while supporting a reform of the EU. In 2017 Berlusconi reconciled with Angela Merkel, Chancellor of Germany and one of the EPP leaders, after years of hostility, re-affirming his support to the European integration and his hostility towards populism.


title: Forza Italia (2013)

text: The electoral results of the FI in general (Chamber of Deputies) and European Parliament elections since 2014 are shown in the chart below.


title: Divya Dutta

text: Divya Dutta (born 25 September 1977) is an Indian actress and model. She has appeared in Hindi and Punjabi cinema, in addition to Malayalam and English-language films. She has received many awards including a National Film Award, a Filmfare Award and 2 IIFA Awards.


title: Divya Dutta

text: Dutta debuted in Hindi cinema in 1994 with the film "Ishq Mein Jeena Ishq Mein Marna", which she followed up with a lead role in the 1995 drama "Veergati" and a string of supporting roles. She then garnered attention for playing the lead role of Zainab, a Muslim wife separated from her Sikh husband, in the 1999 Punjabi film "Shaheed-e-Mohabbat Boota Singh", set against the backdrop of the 1947 Partition of India. The movie was a surprise hit, and Dutta subsequently continued to act in supporting roles. In 2004, Dutta garnered widespread critical acclaim for her role as Shabbo in the romantic drama "Veer-Zaara" and earned best supporting actress nominations at several awards ceremonies, including Filmfare. She subsequently received recognition for her role in the 2008 comedy film "Welcome to Sajjanpur", and received the IIFA Award for Best Supporting Actress for her portrayal of Jalebi in the 2009 drama film "Delhi-6".


title: Divya Dutta

text: Dutta continued to establish herself with character roles in the 2011 film "Stanley Ka Dabba" and the 2012 drama "Heroine". In 2013, she received attention for her performances in "Gippi" and the biographical sports drama film "Bhaag Milkha Bhaag", in which she played Ishri Kaur, the sister of Milkha Singh. For her role in the latter, she received several awards and nominations, including her second IIFA Award for Best Supporting Actress. To date, she has acted in more than sixty feature films, including two international productions. In television, she played Purnima Banerjee in the serial "Samvidhaan" (2014). For her role in the social drama "Irada" (2017), Dutta was awarded the National Film Award for Best Supporting Actress. Dutta's debut performance in short films was "Plus Minus", winner in the Most Popular Short Film category at the 2019 Filmfare Awards, written and directed by Jyoti Kapur Das. She has authored a book, "The Stars in My Sky".


title: Divya Dutta

text: Dutta was born on 25 September 1977 in Ludhiana, Punjab. Her mother, Nalini Dutta, is a government officer and doctor who raised Dutta and her brother single-handedly following the death of her husband when Dutta was aged seven. Dutta described her as "fearless and professional" and a "fun mom at home." She took inspiration from her mother for her role as a single mother, Pappi in the 2013 drama film "Gippi". She and her brother compiled a collection of their mother's poems and published them as a present to her. Dutta's maternal uncle is film director and producer Deepak Bahry.


title: Divya Dutta

text: When Dutta was young, the Punjab insurgency began and Dutta described herself as hiding behind her mother's dupatta "praying nobody shoots us." Dutta was educated at Sacred Heart Convent in Ludhiana.


title: Divya Dutta

text: Before venturing into cinema, she modelled for regional television commercials in her home state of Punjab. In 2001, she appeared in the music video "Romeo" by music duo Basement Jaxx, from London, England.


title: Divya Dutta

text: Dutta made her film debut in 1994 with the film "Ishq Mein Jeena Ishq Mein Marna". She followed this by playing the supporting role of Bindiya in the 1995 film "Surakshaa", alongside Suniel Shetty, Aditya Pancholi, Saif Ali Khan and Sheeba. The film performed very well in the overseas markets, especially Norway and Sweden. The same year, Dutta earned her first leading role opposite Salman Khan in the 1995 drama film "Veergati", portraying the role of Sandhya. However, the film became a flop at the box office.


title: Divya Dutta

text: The following year, Dutta played supporting roles in three releases- "Agni Sakshi" alongside Jackie Shroff, Nana Patekar and Manisha Koirala, "Chhote Sarkar" alongside Govinda and Shilpa Shetty, and "Ram Aur Shyam". In 1997, she played small roles in "Raja Ki Aayegi Baraat", alongside Rani Mukerji, as Sharda's sister and in "Daava" as Deepa, alongside Akshay Kumar and Raveena Tandon. Dutta had four releases in 1998, playing small roles in "Gharwali Baharwali" and "Bade Miyan Chote Miyan", but appearing as the female lead, Milli, in the film "Iski Topi Uske Sarr". However, her performance was criticised as "wooden". She also played the role of a prostitute in the Pamela Rooks drama "Train to Pakistan" set during the time of the partition of India, in 1947.


title: Divya Dutta

text: In 1999, Dutta made her Punjabi debut in the romantic drama "Shaheed-e-Mohabbat Boota Singh", in the first of her many roles opposite Gurdas Maan. The film was also set during the 1947 Indian partition and was based on the real-life story of a Sikh Boota Singh. Dutta played his Muslim wife, Zainab, who was separated from him and pressurised by her family. It was well-received and a surprise hit at the box office. Dutta was praised for her performance, with the "Tribune" remarking that she is "competent in the depiction of Punjabi exuberance, as well as acute grief." She played supporting roles in the films "Samar", "Rajaji" and "Tabaahi – The Destroyer".


title: Divya Dutta

text: The following year, Dutta made her Nepali debut in the romance film "Basanti", playing the role of Malati. In 2001, she also had one release, the suspense thriller "Kasoor", directed by Vikram Bhatt. She played the role of Ms. Payal and dubbed the voice of non-Hindi speaking actress Lisa Ray. The film was a commercial success.


title: Divya Dutta

text: In 2002, Dutta had six releases — she made a special appearance in the Nepali film "Maya Namara", and appeared in "Inth Ka Jawab Patthar", playing the role of Kanchan. She played supporting roles in "" alongside Karisma Kapoor and Shah Rukh Khan, and in "Sur – The Melody of Life". She appeared alongside Gurdas Maan and Tabu in "Zindagi Khoobsoorat Hai", directed by Manoj Punj. She played the role of Durgawati Devi alongside Sunny Deol and Bobby Deol in "", but the movie was a flop at the box office. In 2003, she ventured into comedy with "Praan Jaye Par Shaan Na Jaye", playing the role of Dulari. She appeared in two ensemble movies, the family film "Baghban" and the war film "LOC Kargil". Both were well-received, but in the latter she was described as barely having "the screen time that may be consumed in a blink." She played the role of Chatterjee's daughter in "Jogger's Park" and received her first nomination for the Star Guild Award for Best Actress in a Supporting Role for her performance.


title: Divya Dutta

text: In 2004, Dutta made her breakthrough in Hindi cinema with the role of Shabbo in the Yash Chopra romantic drama "Veer-Zaara", alongside Shah Rukh Khan, Preity Zinta and Rani Mukerji. It was critically acclaimed and became an all-time blockbuster at the box office. Dutta was widely lauded for her performance, with Aakash Gandhi describing her as "doing a fantastic job serving as the maid who's trying to join the two lovers" and critic Subhash K. Jha remarking that she "bring[s] enormous feeling." For her performance, Dutta received nominations at several award ceremonies, including her first Filmfare Award nomination. That same year, she also appeared in supporting roles in "Murder" and "Agnipankh", and collaborated for a third time with director Manoj Punj in the Punjabi film "Des Hoyaa Pardes". She also played lead roles in "Shobhayatra" and the comedy film "Shaadi Ka Laddoo".


title: Divya Dutta

text: The following year, Dutta had seven releases, with appearances in "Dil Ke Pechey Pechey", "Naam Gum Jaayega" and "Dubai Return". She also appeared in "Silsiilay" alongside Shah Rukh Khan and Bhumika Chawla, and in the comedy "Mr Ya Miss". She played Ila Bose, the sister of Subhas Chandra Bose, in the film based on his life, "", and was described as "outstanding" by film critic Subhash K. Jha. She also played the title role in "Sanyogita: The Bride in Red", a Rajasthani girl struggling to control her desires in a patriarchal society. The film received rave reviews in France and won the Best Film Award at the Lyon Asian Film Festival. In 2006, Dutta appeared in a small role in "Darwaaza Bandh Rakho", alongside Aftab Shivdasani and Isha Sharvani. The film underperformed at the box office. She also appeared in "Umrao Jaan", and despite the film receiving mixed reviews and performing poorly at the box office, Dutta's performance was praised, with the Tribune remarking that she is "convincing," but Rediff criticised the film for underutilising her and called her "an exceptional artist...reduced to a sidekick."


title: Divya Dutta

text: Dutta made her international debut in the English Rituparno Ghosh film "The Last Lear" alongside Amitabh Bachchan, Preity Zinta and Arjun Rampal, playing the role of Ivy, a nurse. The film premiered at the Toronto International Film Festival. Reviews of the film were mixed, but Dutta was mostly praised for her portrayal, with Aparajita Ghosh calling her "simply superb" but Joxily John remarking that she is "wasted in a character that does not add any significant value to the proceedings." She also played supporting roles in the sports drama "Apne" as part of an ensemble cast including Dharmendra and Katrina Kaif, and in the dance drama "Aaja Nachle" alongside Madhuri Dixit. Although the former was a hit, the latter underperformed at the box office. In 2008, she played supporting roles in "U Me Aur Hum" alongside Ajay Devgn and Kajol, and in "Summer 2007". For her performance in "Welcome to Sajjanpur", she received the Star Sabse Favourite Kaun Award. She also appeared opposite Vinay Pathak in the comedy "Oh, My God", which received mainly negative reviews, although Dutta's performance was branded "earnest." She played the titular role in "Kahaani Gudiya Ki...True Story of a Woman" and was praised for her portrayal of a Muslim woman in the Kargil War.


title: Divya Dutta

text: Dutta's first release of 2009, the Rakeysh Omprakash Mehra drama film "Delhi-6", was a box office flop and received mixed reviews. For her portrayal of the low-caste trash collector girl, Jalebi, Dutta was praised, with Taran Ardash calling her "admirable" and BehindWoods calling the supporting actors, including Dutta, "the highlight of the movie." Dutta received nominations for Best Supporting Actress at many awards ceremonies and won her first IIFA Award for Best Supporting Actress. She starred in "Love Khichdi" alongside Randeep Hooda and Avijit Ghosh of the Economic Times called her "among those who stand out." She also appeared in "Morning Walk" and her performance was described as "good" although the movie received negative reviews. Her other two releases that year were "Mini Punjab" and "Paroksh".


title: Divya Dutta

text: In 2010, she appeared in the Punjabi film "", once again alongside Juhi Chawla and Gurdas Maan, playing the role of Reshma. For her performance, she received the PTC Punjabi Film Award for Best Actress. She played a supporting role in the Manoj Tiwari directed comedy film "Hello Darling". The film received extremely negative reviews, but Dutta's performance received mixed reviews, with Joginder Tuteja calling her "okay," but NDTV calling her one of the actresses who make an impression. She also appeared in "Malik Ek", based on the life of Shirdi Sai Baba, playing one of his devotees, Laxmi. The film received mostly negative reviews, but her performance received mixed reviews and was described as "efficient" by Komal Nahta. The same year, she appeared in two international ventures- director Fred Holmes' multilingual project "Heart Land" and the film "Hisss" alongside Mallika Sherawat. The film received negative reviews and was criticised for underutilising her, with Taran Ardash calling her "wasted" and Pankaj Sabnani remarking that she "doesn't have much scope."


title: Divya Dutta

text: The following year, Dutta had nine releases, making appearances in "Chaloo Movie" and "Masti Express", as well as the Punjabi film "The Lion of Punjab". Her film "Haat: The Weekly Bazaar" had its teasers and promo screened at the Cannes Film Festival. She played the lead role of Sanja, a woman who decides to leave her husband but maintains her dignity in the male-dominated society. The film won the Special Jury's Award at the Third Eye Asian Film Festival in Mumbai. She also played supporting roles in the comedy "Mummy Punjabi", alongside Kirron Kher and "My Friend Pinto", alongside Prateik Babbar and Kalki Koechlin. Her performance in the former received positive reviews, with the Daily Bhaskar branding her "the only character that stands out" and a "firebrand." However, her performance in the latter was met with mixed reviews, with Rediff stating, "Considering the oomph factor which Divya is capable of oozing on screen, it is one more opportunity lost as the all-pervading air is one of buffoonery," but with Jhinuk Sen calling her "rather endearing." She played the female lead, Minnie, in the Dev Anand film "Chargesheet", which was met with highly negative reviews. However, Dutta's performance was positively received, with NDTV remarking that she "does Mini Singh to perfection." She also played lead roles in the drama "Monica" and the independent film "Stanley Ka Dabba". In the former, she played the title role of a journalist, and the film received mixed reviews, but her performance was praised. Mahesh Bhatt remarked that Dutta "bares her soul on the screen," and Komal Nahta said, "Dutta does a fine job, conveying her fears and frustration, especially in the second half, beautifully." The film was a disaster at the box office. "Stanley Ka Dabba" received overwhelmingly positive reviews, and Dutta was praised for her portrayal of a teacher, with Rediff remarking that she is "sure to bring back rose-tinted memories of saccharine-oversweet teachers you couldn't get enough of," and Sonia Chopra saying "Dutta shines in her role as the sympathetic teacher." The film was a hit at the box office.


title: Divya Dutta

text: In 2012, Dutta appeared alongside Karisma Kapoor in "Dangerous Ishhq", playing three characters. The film received mostly negative reviews and was a flop at the box office, although her performance was lauded, with Taran Ardash remarking, "Divya Dutta does very well, but, again, gets no scope after a point," and Mrigank Dhaniwala stating, "Divya Dutta does fine job in multiple roles." Her next release, the Madhur Bhandarkar drama "Heroine" also received negative reviews and had a below average performance at the box office. However, her performance as Pallavi Narayan, the PR manager of a struggling actress, was highly praised, with Taran Ardash commenting, "a special mention of Divya Dutta [in terrific form]" and Lisa Tsering remarking "the supporting actors are strong throughout, especially the smart Divya Dutta as a wily PR maven." Her performance earned her another nomination for the IIFA Best Supporting Actress Award. Dutta also appeared in "Overtime".


title: Divya Dutta

text: In 2013, Dutta appeared in some of the year's most critically acclaimed hits. Her first release was the Neeraj Pandey thriller heist film "Special 26" alongside Akshay Kumar and Kajal Aggarwal. The film was a critical and commercial success. Her comedy turn as Shanti was praised, with Madhureeta Mukherjee commenting, "Dutta throws in laughs." Her next release was the drama "Gippi", produced by Karan Johar, in which she played a single mother struggling with her victimised daughter. Dutta took inspiration from her mother for her role and received mixed reviews, with Rediff commenting, "Her acting was alright," but in.com saying, "Dutta aces the mummy act." The film was an average performer at the box office. Dutta received a nomination for the Screen Award for Best Supporting Actress for her performance. Dutta then made an appearance in the period romantic drama "Lootera" alongside Ranveer Singh and Sonakshi Sinha. The film was critically acclaimed and an average performer at the box office.


title: Divya Dutta

text: Dutta's next release was the biographical sports film "Bhaag Milkha Bhaag", based on the life of Milkha Singh. She appeared alongside Farhan Akhtar, Sonam Kapoor and Meesha Shafi, playing the sister of Singh. The film is Dutta's biggest commercial success to date and entered the 100-crore club. The film, and her performance, were highly praised, with the Times of India branding her "outstanding," and Priya Joshi calling her "exceptional in a poignant role as his protective elder sister." For her performance, Dutta received nominations at several awards ceremonies, and eventually won her second IIFA Award. Her final release of the year was the political action thriller "Zila Ghaziabad" alongside Arshad Warsi and Sanjay Dutt. The film received mostly negative reviews, although Dutta was described as one of the "few quality actors."


title: Divya Dutta

text: In 2014, Dutta's first release was the horror-thriller "Ragini MMS 2", a sequel to "Ragini MMS", alongside Sunny Leone and Parvin Dabas. Dutta played a psychiatrist, Dr. Meera Dutta and received mixed reviews, with Madhureeta Mukherjee stating that she "stays trapped in an unconvincing role,". The film was a super hit at the box office. Her second release was the biographical film "Manjunath" alongside Seema Biswas and Kishore Kadam. The film received positive reviews and her performance as Anjali Mullati, the owner of a consulting company who decides to start fighting her own battle against the mafia, was praised, with Taran Ardash calling her "absolutely believable."


title: Divya Dutta

text: Dutta appeared in the 2016 thriller film "Traffic" alongside Manoj Bajpayee, a remake of the Malayalam film of the same name. She also appeared in successful movies like Badlapur (2015), Blackmail (2018) and Babumoshai Bandookbaaz (2017). She also acted in a short film "Plus Minus" (2018), which got 16 million views on YouTube and another short film The Playboy Mr. Sawhney. "Plus Minus" was the winner in the Most Popular Short Film category at the 2019 Filmfare Awards.


title: Divya Dutta

text: Divya Dutta is unmarried. She wrote a memoir, "Me and Ma", about her heavenly relationship with her mother. "Me and Ma" celebrates her mother's struggles to turn her into the woman she is today. The book was published on 10 February 2017 by Penguin Random House.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Vladimir Putin has served three terms and is currently in a fourth as President of Russia (2000–2004, 2004–2008, 2012–2018 and May 2018 to present) and served as Acting President from 1999 to 2000, succeeding Boris Yeltsin after Yeltsin's resignation.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Putin was also Prime Minister for three months in 1999 and served a full term from 2008 to 2012. During his presidency, he has been a member of the Unity party and the United Russia party. He is also affiliated with the People's Front, a group of supporters that Putin organized in 2011 to help improve the public's perception of United Russia. His political ideology, priorities and policies are sometimes referred to as Putinism.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Putin has enjoyed high domestic approval ratings throughout the majority of his presidency, with the exception of 2011–2013 which is likely due to the 2011–2013 Russian protests. In 2007, he was "Time" magazine's Person of the Year. In 2015, he was designated No. 1 in "Time" 100, "Time" magazine's list of the top 100 most influential people in the world. From 2013 to 2016, he was designated No. 1 on the "Forbes" list of The World's Most Powerful People. The Russian economy and standard of living grew rapidly during the early period of Putin's regime, fueled largely by a boom in the oil industry. However, lower oil prices and sanctions for Russia's annexation of Crimea led to recession and stagnation in 2015 that has persisted into the present day. Political freedoms have been sharply curtailed, leading to widespread condemnation from human rights groups, as well as Putin being described as a dictator.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The political system under Putin has been described as incorporating some elements of economic liberalism, a lack of transparency in governance, cronyism, nepotism and pervasive corruption. This view has been supported by many, but it has also been characterized as "a systemic and institutionalized form" by others, notably Boris Nemtsov. Between 1999 and 2008, the Russian economy grew at a steady pace, which some experts attribute to the sharp rouble devaluation of 1998, Boris Yeltsin-era structural reforms, rising oil prices and cheap credit from Western banks. In former Ambassador Michael McFaul's opinion (June 2004), Russia's "impressive" short-term economic growth "came simultaneously with the destruction of free media, threats to civil society and an unmitigated corruption of justice".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: During Putin's first two terms as president, he signed into law a series of liberal economic reforms, such as the flat income tax of 13 percent, reduced profits-tax and new land and civil codes. Within this period, poverty in Russia reduced by more than half and real GDP has grown rapidly.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In foreign affairs, the Putin government seeks to emulate the former Soviet Union's grandeur, belligerence and expansionism. In November 2007, Simon Tisdall of "The Guardian" pointed out that "just as Russia once exported Marxist revolution, it may now be creating an international market for Putinism" as "more often than not, instinctively undemocratic, oligarchic and corrupt national elites find that an appearance of democracy, with parliamentary trappings and a pretense of pluralism, is much more attractive, and manageable, than the real thing".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In an article published on 20 September 2007 in "The Washington Times", American economist Richard W. Rahn called Putinism "a Russian nationalistic authoritarian form of government that pretends to be a free market democracy" and which "owes more of its lineage to fascism than communism", noting that "Putinism depended on the Russian economy growing rapidly enough that most people had rising standards of living and, in exchange, were willing to put up with the existing soft repression". He predicted that "as Russia's economic fortunes changed, Putinism was likely to become more repressive". After Rahn's remarks, Putin took actions to lessen democracy, promote conservative beliefs and values, and silence opposition to his policies and administration.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Russian historian Andranik Migranyan saw the Putin regime as restoring what he viewed as the natural functions of a government after the period of the 1990s, when oligopolies expressing only their own narrow interests allegedly ruled Russia. Migranyan said: "If democracy is the rule by a majority and the protection of the rights and opportunities of a minority, the current political regime can be described as democratic, at least formally. A multiparty political system exists in Russia, while several parties, most of them representing the opposition, have seats in the State Duma".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In an article published 11 January 2000 in "Sovetskaya Rossiya", Russian political analyst Andrey Piontkovsky characterized Putinism as the highest and final stage of bandit capitalism in Russia, the stage where, as one half-forgotten classic said, the bourgeoisie throws the flag of democratic freedoms and human rights overboard; and also as a war, "consolidation" of the nation on the grounds of hatred against some ethnic group, attack on freedom of speech, information brainwashing, isolation from the outside world, and further economic degradation. It was the first recorded usage of the term "Putinism".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The terms "Putinism" and "Putinist" often have negative connotations when used in Western media to reference the Russian government under Putin where , the military-security establishment, allegedly control much of the political and financial power. Many are Putin's personal friends or previously worked with him in state security and intelligence agencies, such as the , the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the military.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Cassiday and Johnson argue that since taking power in 1999, "Putin has inspired expressions of adulation the likes of which Russia has not seen since the days of Stalin. Tributes to his achievements and personal attributes have flooded every possible media". Ross says the cult emerged quickly by 2002 and emphasizes Putin's "iron will, health, youth and decisiveness, tempered by popular support". Ross concludes: "The development of a Putin mini cult of personality was based on a formidable personality at its heart".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 31 December 1999, President Boris Yeltsin resigned. Under the Constitution of Russia, the then Prime Minister of Russia Vladimir Putin became Acting President.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The day before, a program article signed by Putin, "Russia at the turn of the millennium", was published on the government web site. The potential head of state expressed his views on the past and problems of the country. The first task in Putin's view was consolidation of Russia's society: "The fruitful and creative work, which our country needs so badly, is impossible in a divided and internally atomised society". However, the author stressed: "There should be no forced civil accord in a democratic Russia. Social accord can only be voluntary".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The author stressed the importance of strengthening the state: "The key to Russia's recovery and growth today lies in the state-political sphere. Russia needs strong state power and must have it". Detailing his view, Putin emphasized: "Strong state power in Russia is a democratic, law-based, workable federal state".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Regarding the economic problems, Putin pointed out the need to significantly improve economic efficiency, the need to carry out a coherent and result-based social policy aimed at battling poverty, and the need to provide stable growth for people's well-being.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The article stated the importance of government support of science, education, culture, and health care since "[a] country in which the people are not healthy physically and psychologically, are poorly educated and illiterate, will never rise to the peaks of world civilisation".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The article concluded with an alarmist statement that Russia was in the midst of one of the most difficult periods in its history: "For the first time in the past 200–300 years, it is facing the real threat of slipping down to the second, and possibly even third, rank of world states". To avoid that, he argued that there was a need for tremendous effort by all the intellectual, physical and moral forces of the nation because "[e]verything depends on us, and us alone, on our ability to recognise the scale of the threat, to unite and apply ourselves to lengthy and hard work".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: As stated in the history course by Russian Doctors of History Barsenkov and Vdovin, the basic ideas of the article were represented in the election platform of Vladimir Putin and supported by the majority of the country's citizens, leading to the victory of Vladimir Putin in the first round of the 2000 election, with 52 per cent of the votes cast.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The outline of Russia's foreign policy was presented by Vladimir Putin in his Address to Russia's Federal Assembly in April 2002: "We are building constructive, normal relations with all the world's nations—I want to emphasise, with all the world's nations. However, I want to note something else: the norm in the international community, in the world today, is also harsh competition—for markets, for investment, for political and economic influence. And in this fight, Russia needs to be strong and competitive". "I want to stress that Russian foreign policy will in the future be organized in a strictly pragmatic way, based on our capabilities and national interests: military and strategic, economic and political. And also taking into account the interests of our partners, above all in the CIS".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In his 2008 book, the Russian political commentator, retired KGB lieutenant-general Nikolai Leonov, noted that Putin's program article was barely noticed then and never revisited later—a fact that Leonov regretted, because "its content is most important for contrasting against his [Putin's] subsequent actions" and thus figuring out Putin's pattern, under which "words, more often than not, do not match his actions".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The concept of "Putinism" was described in a positive sense by Russian political scientist Andranik Migranyan. According to Migranyan, Putin came into office when the worst regime was established: the economy was "totally decentralized" and "the state had lost central authority while the oligarchs robbed the country and controlled its power institutions". In two years, Putin restored the hierarchy of power, ending the omnipotence of regional elites as well as destroying political influence of "oligarchs and oligopolies in the federal center". The Boris Yeltsin-era non-institutional center of power commonly called "The Family" was ruined, which according to Migranyan in turn undercut the positions of the actors such as Boris Berezovsky and Vladimir Gusinsky, who had sought to privatize the Russian state "with all of its resources and institutions".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Migranyan said that Putin began establishing common rules of the game for all actors, starting with an attempt to restore the role of the government as the institution expressing the combined interests of the citizens and "capable of controlling the state's financial, administrative and media resources". According to Migranyan: "Naturally, in line with Russian traditions, any attempt to increase the state's role causes an intense repulsion on the part of the liberal intellectuals, not to mention a segment of the business community that is not interested in the strengthening of state power until all of the most attractive state property has been seized". Migranyan claimed that oligopolies' view of democracy was set on a premise of whether they were close to the center of power, rather than "objective characteristics and estimates of the situation in the country". Migranyan said "free" media, owned by e.g. Berezovsky and Gusinsky, were nothing similar to free media as understood by the West, but served their own economic and political interests while "all other politicians and analysts were denied the right to go on the air".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Migranyan sees enhancement of the role of the law enforcement agencies as a trial to set barriers against criminals, "particularly those in big business".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Migranyan sees in 2004 fruition of the social revolution initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev, whose aims were to rebuild the social system, saying that "the absolute dominance of private ownership in Russia, recognized by all political forces today, has been the greatest achievement and result of this social revolution".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: According to Migranyan, the major trouble of Russian democracy is the inability of its civil society to rule the state, and underdevelopment of public interests. He sees that as the consequence of the Yeltsin era's family-ruled state being unable to pursue "a favorable environment for mid-sized and small businesses". Migranyan sees modern Russia as a democracy, at least formally, while "the state, having restored its effectiveness and control over its own resources, has become the largest corporation responsible for establishing the rules of the game". Migranyan wonders how much this influence might extend into the future. In 2004, he saw two possibilities for the Putin regime: either transformation into a consolidated democracy, or bureaucratic authoritarianism. However, "if Russia is lagging behind the developed capitalist nations in regard to the consolidation of democracy, it is not the quality of democracy, but rather its amount and the balance between civil society and the state".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The report by Andrew C. Kuchins in November 2007 said that "Russia today is a hybrid regime that might best be termed “illiberal internationalism”, although neither word is fully accurate and requires considerable qualification. From being a weakly institutionalized, fragile, and in many ways distorted proto-democracy in the 1990s, Russia under Vladimir Putin has moved back in the direction of a highly centralized authoritarianism, which has characterized the state for most of its 1,000-year history. But it is an authoritarian state where the consent of the governed is essential. Given the experience of the 1990s and the Kremlin's propaganda emphasizing this period as one of chaos, economic collapse, and international humiliation, the Russian people have no great enthusiasm for democracy and remain politically apathetic in light of the extraordinary economic recovery and improvement in lifestyles for so many over the last eight years. The emergent, highly centralized government, combined with a weak and submissive society, is the hallmark of traditional Russian paternalism".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In a 2007 interview with "Der Spiegel", Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn commented on the Putin regime: "Putin has inherited a plundered and downtrodden country with a majority of her people demoralized and poor. He understood and managed what was possible — a gradual, slow recovery. These efforts were neither noticed nor appreciated immediately. In any case, one is hard pressed to find examples in history when measures by one country for recovering strength of its own government is met favorably by other governments".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: According to a 2007 article by Dimitri Simes, published in "Foreign Affairs:" "With high energy prices, sound fiscal policies, and tamed oligarchs, the Putin regime no longer needs international loans or economic assistance and has no trouble attracting major foreign investment despite growing tension with Western governments. Within Russia, relative stability, prosperity, and a new sense of dignity have tempered popular disillusionment with growing state control and the heavy-handed manipulation of the political process".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: BBC diplomatic correspondent Bridget Kendall in her 2007 article described Russia's "scarred decade" of the 1990s, with "rampant hyperinflation", harsh Yeltsin policies, population decrease at a rate similar to that for a nation at war, and the country turning "from superpower into beggar", and then wonders: "So who can blame Russians for welcoming the relative stability Putin has presided over during the past seven years, even if other aspects of his rule have cast an authoritarian shadow? In the back-to-front world of Russian politics, it is not too little democracy that many people fear, but too much of it. This, I discovered, is why some are calling for Putin to stay on for a third term. Not because they admire him—privately, many say that he and his cronies are just as corrupt and disdainful of others as their communist predecessors were—but because they mistrust the idea of democracy, resent the West for pushing it, and fear what might happen as a result of next year's elections. Recent experience has taught them that change is usually for the worse and best avoided".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: According to Dr. Mark Smith (March 2003), some of the main features of Putin's regime to that point were the development of a corporatist system by pursuing close ties with business organizations, social stability and co-optation of opposition parties. He determined three main groupings in Putin's early leadership: 1) the "siloviki", 2) economic liberals and 3) supporters of "the Family", i.e. those who were close to Yeltsin.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Olga Kryshtanovskaya, who carried out a sociological survey in 2004, put the relative number of "siloviki" in the Russian political elite at 25%. In Putin's "inner circle" which constitutes about 20 people, the percentage of "siloviki" rises to 58% and fades to 18–20% in parliament and 34% in the government overall. According to Kryshtanovskaya, there was no capture of power as Kremlin bureaucracy has called siloviks in order to "restore order". The process of "siloviki" coming into power allegedly started in 1996, during Boris Yeltsin's second term. "Not personally Yeltsin, but the whole elite wished to stop the revolutionary process and consolidate the power". When "silovik" Putin was appointed Prime Minister in 1999, the process was boosted. According to Olga: "Yes, Putin has brought siloviks with him. But that's not enough to understand the situation. Here's also an objective aspect: the whole political class wished them to come. They were called for service... There was a need of a strong arm, capable from point of view of the elite to establish order in the country".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Kryshtanovskaya noted that there were also people who had worked in structures believed to be affiliated with the KGB/FSB, such as the Soviet Union Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Governmental Communications Commission, Ministry of Foreign Trade, Press Agency "News" and others. The work "per se" in such agencies would not necessarily involve contacts with security services, but would make it likely. Summing up the numbers of official and affiliated "siloviki", she came up with an estimate of 77% of such in power.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: According to a Russian Public Opinion Foundation 2005 investigation, 34% of respondents think "there is a lack of democracy in Russia because democratic rights and freedoms are not observed", and they also pointed to the lack of law and order. At the same time, 21% of respondents said there was too much democracy in Russia, and many of them pointed to the same drawbacks as the previous group: "[T]he lack of law and order, irresponsibility and non-accountability of politicians". According to the Foundation: "As we can see, Russians' negative opinions about democracy are based on their dissatisfaction with contemporary conditions, while some respondents think the democratic model is not suitable in principal". Considering the modern regime: "It is interesting that most respondents think Putin's government marks the most democratic epoch in Russian history (29%), while second place goes to Brezhnev's times (14%). Some people mentioned Gorbachev and Yeltsin in this context (11% and 9%, respectively)".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: At the end of 2008, Lev Gudkov, based on the Levada Center polling data, pointed out the near-disappearance of public opinion as a socio-political institution in Putin's Russia and its replacement with the still-efficacious state propaganda.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The 2008 power-switching operation between Putin and Medvedev was widely seen as a "pro forma" action after the constitution did not allow Putin to be reelected for a third term in the 2008 presidential election.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: According to a study by Olesya Zakharova, researcher in a Research Link between the Higher School of Economics and the Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen, after the 2011-2013 protests on Bolotnaya Square, which were described in Russian official discourse as an abuse of democratic freedoms and serious threats to the safety of Russian citizens, Putin presented a new concept of "Russian democracy", which he interpreted exclusively as "compliance with and respect for laws, rules and regulations", and that individual freedoms and human rights were no longer seen as prerequisites for a democratic society.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Russian laws were changed according to this new concept of "democracy". According to a study carried out by the International Federation for Human Rights, about 50 antidemocratic laws were adopted in Russia during the period 2012–2018.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The new laws and regulations range from increased surveillance and censorship powers, to laws banning "questioning the integrity of the Russian nation" - effectively banning criticism of Russia's presence in Eastern Ukraine and Crimea - broad laws on "extremism" that grant authorities powers to crack down on political and religious freedom, to imposing certain views on Russian history by forbidding people to think differently. A specific and complex branch of laws has also been constructed through these last years to make it more difficult for NGOs and human rights organisations to run and communicate on their activities, to access information, and to receive international funding, thus severely hindering their ability to operate independently, and for the smaller ones, to survive.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 21 November 2012, the Federal Law of 20 July 2012 No.121-FZ "On Amendments to Legislative Acts of the Russian Federation regarding the Regulation of the Activities of Non-profit Organisations Performing the Functions of a Foreign Agent", which is the amendments to the Federal Law of 19 May 1995 No.82-FZ "On public associations", the Federal Law of 12 January 1996 No.7-FZ "On Non-profit Organizations", the Federal Law of 7 August 2001 No.115-FZ "On countering the legalization (laundering) of the proceeds of crime and the financing of terrorism", the Criminal Code of Russia and the Criminal Procedure Code of Russia, entered into force. In accordance to this law, Russian non-profit organization, except for state and municipal companies, can be declared foreign agent if it participates in political activity in Russia and receives funding from foreign sources. Political activity is defined as any influence to public opinion and public policy including a sending a requests and petitions. The foreign agent label increases registration barriers for a non-profit organization in Russia. Once registered, non-profit organizations are subject to additional audits and are obliged to mark all their official statements with a disclosure that it is being given by a "foreign agent". This includes restrictions on foreigners and stateless peoples from establishing or even participating in the organization. Supervisory powers are allowed to intervene and interrupt the internal affairs of the NGO with suspensions for up to six months.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 1 January 2013, the Federal Law of 28 December 2012 No.272-FZ "On Sanctions for Individuals Violating Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms of the Citizens of the Russian Federation" (also known as Dima Yakovlev Law or Law of Scoundrels) entered into force. It creates a list of citizens who are banned from entering Russia, and also allows the government to freeze their assets and investments. The law suspends the activity of politically active non-profit organizations which receive money from American citizens or organizations. It also bans citizens of the United States from adopting children from Russia. This law was adopted as the answer to American Magnitsky Act.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 3 June 2015, the amendments to the Federal Law of 28 December 2012 No.272-FZ "On Sanctions for Individuals Violating Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms of the Citizens of the Russian Federation", contained in the Federal Law of 23 May 2015, No.129-FZ "On amendments of some legislative acts of the Russian Federation", entered into force. These amendments give Prosecutor-General of Russia the power to extrajudicially declare foreign and international organizations "undesirable" in Russia and shut them down. There is no procedure for appeals. Organizations that do not disband when given notice to do so, as well as Russians who maintain ties to them, are subject to high fines and significant jail time. The law provides only one ground for recognizing organization as "undesirable" – "a threat to the fundamental principles of the constitutional order of the Russian Federation, defence capability of country or state security".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 13 June 2016, the opinion of the Venice Commission on Russian undesirable organizations law was published. According to the Venice Commission conclusion, Russian undesirable organizations law consists the vague definition of certain fundamental concepts, such as “non-governmental organisations”, grounds on the basis of which the activities of a foreign or international NGO may be declared undesirable, “directing of” and “participating in” the activities of a listed NGO, coupled with the wide discretion granted to the Office of the Public Prosecutor and the lack of specific judicial guarantees in the Federal Law, contradicts the principle of legality. The automatic legal consequences (blanket prohibitions) imposed upon NGOs whose activities are declared undesirable (prohibition to organise and conduct mass actions and public events or to distribute information materials) may only be acceptable in extreme cases of NGOs constituting serious threat to the security of the state or to fundamental democratic principles. In other instances, the blanket application of these sanctions might contradict the requirement under the European Convention on Human Rights that the interference with the freedom of association and assembly has to respond to a pressing social need and has to be proportional to the legitimate aim pursued. Furthermore, the inclusion of an NGO in the List should be made on the basis of clear and detailed criteria following a judicial decision or at least, the decision should be subject to an appropriate judicial appeal.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 25 November 2017, the amendments, contained in the Federal Law of 25 November 2017 No.327-FZ "On Amendments to the articles 10.4 and 15.3 of the Federal Law "On Information, Information Technologies and Information Protection" and to the article 6 of the Russian Federation Law "On the media"", entered into force. In accordance to these amendments, any foreign juridical person distributing printed, audio or audio-visual materials can be declared a foreign media performing the functions of a "foreign agent" even if such juridical person doesn't have branches or representative offices in Russia. Foreign juridical persons declared a foreign media performing the functions of a "foreign agent" are obliged the Russian foreign agent law.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 2 December 2019, the amendments, contained in the Federal Law of 2 December 2019 No.426-FZ "On Amendments to the Russian Federation Law "On the media" and the Federal Law "On Information, Information Technologies and Information Protection"", entered into force. In accordance to these amendments, foreign juridical persons declared a foreign media performing the functions of a "foreign agent" must form a Russian juridical person and inform Russian authorities about this. Also these amendments provided the possibility to designate natural person as "foreign agent" - this requires that natural person distributes a materials of a foreign media performing functions of a "foreign agent" (for example, in social media) and receive funding from foreign sources (for example, salary from international company).


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 30 December 2020, the amendments, contained in the Federal Law of 30 December 2020 No.481-FZ "On Amendments to Legislative Acts of the Russian Federation regarding the Establishment Additional Measures to Counter the Threats to National Security", entered into force. In accordance to these amendments, special marking are envisaged not only for a publications of non-profit organizations declared a "foreign agent" but also for a publications of its founders, heads, members, employees. Individuals (Russian citizens, foreign citizens and stateless persons) also can be declared "foreign agent" for their political activity. Political activity is defined as any influence to public opinion including publications in social media and public policy including a sending a requests and petitions. The publications of individuals declared "foreign agent" also must be marked. Individuals declared "foreign agent" are obliged to make special reporting and are deprived of the right to hold public office.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The articles 13.15, 19.7.5-2, 19.7.5-3, 19.7.5-4, 19.34, 19.34.1, 20.28 of the Code of the Russian Federation on Administrative Offenses establish liability providing for substantial fines for violating Russian foreign agent law. The article 330.1 of the Criminal Code of Russia establish criminal liability providing for imprisonment for up to 5 years and compulsory labour for violating Russian foreign agent law. The article 20.33 of the Code of the Russian Federation on Administrative Offenses establish liability providing for substantial fines for violating Russian undesirable organizations law. The article 284.1 of the Criminal Code of Russia establish criminal liability providing for imprisonment for up to 6 years and compulsory labour for violating Russian undesirable organizations law.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In January 2020, Putin proposed a number of substantial amendments to the Constitution of Russia. To introduce these amendments, he held a referendum. They were approved on 1 July 2020 by a contested popular vote. The amendments had wide reaching impacts, including extending Presidential term limits, allowing the President to fire federal judges, and constitutionally banning same-sex marriage.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: With Putin's signing a decree on 3 July 2020 to officially insert the amendments into the Russian Constitution, they took effect on 4 July 2020.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The Venice Commission concluded that the amendments have disproportionately strengthened the position of the President of the Russian Federation and have done away with some of the checks and balances originally foreseen in the Constitution, taken together, these changes go far beyond what is appropriate under the principle of separation of powers, even in presidential regimes, and the speed of the preparation of such wide-ranging amendments was clearly inappropriate for the depth of the amendments considering their societal impact.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Protests in Russia began on 23 January 2021 in support of opposition leader Alexei Navalny who was detained upon his arrival at Sheremetyevo Airport after treatment and rehabilitation in Germany. On the first day, protests were held in 198 towns and cities across Russia. On 31 January, more than 4000 protesters were detained which is the record number in Russia's post-Soviet history.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 2 February, Navalny's suspended sentence of three and a half years was replaced with a prison sentence. In March, his team launched a campaign demanding for his freedom, with protests planned after 500,000 people pledge to participate. On 21 April 2021, there was another mass protest. Subsequently, Russian authorities identified participants of the protest using public video surveillance and facial recognition system and initiated proceedings against them; many protesters were dismissed from their jobs and were expelled from universities.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 9 June 2021, Vyacheslav Polyga, judge of Moscow City Court, upheld the administrative claim of the prosecutor of Moscow city Denis Popov and decided to recognize Anti-Corruption Foundation, Citizens’ Rights Protection Foundation and Alexei Navalny staff as extremist organizations, to liquidate Anti-Corruption Foundation, Citizens’ Rights Protection Foundation and confiscate their assets, to prohibit the activity of Alexei Navalny staff (case No.3а-1573/2021). Case hearing was held in camera because, as indicated by advocate Ilia Novikov, the case file including the text of the administrative claim was classified as state secret. According to advocate Ivan Pavlov, Alexei Navalny was not the party to the proceedings and the judge refused to give him such status; at the hearing, the prosecutor stated that defendants are extremist organizations because they want the change of power in Russia and they promised to help participants of the protest with payment of administrative and criminal fines and with making a complaints to the European Court of Human Rights. On 4 August 2021, First Appellate Ordinary Court located in Moscow upheld the decision of the court of first instance (case No.66а-3553/2021) and this decision entered into force that day. On 28 December 2021, it was reported that Anti-Corruption Foundation, Citizens' Rights Protection Foundation and 18 natural persons including Alexei Navalny filed a cassation appeals to the Second Cassation Ordinary Court. On 25 March 2022, the Second Cassation Ordinary Court rejected all cassation appeals and upheld the judgements of lower courts (case No.8а-5101/2022).


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In the opinion of Vladimir Pastukhov, political scientist, Russian advocate and honorary senior research associate of University College London School of Slavonic and East European Studies, after amendments to the Constitution of Russia, the phase transition had happened – Russia had transformed from authoritarian dictatorship into totalitarian tyranny. This transition is due to the convergence of two factors: the completion of establishment of the repressive infrastructure and the creation of ersatz ideology which is the eclectic set composed of such elements as paternalistic autocracy (tsarism), communism, Pan-Slavism, Eastern Orthodoxy, Eurasianism, right-wing populism, left-wing populism, cult of victory in Great Patriotic War, anti-Americanism, imperialism, xenophobia, Russian messianism, versailles syndrome and revanchism. The transformation into totalitarian state is reflected in the transition from selective repressions against opposition politicians and political activists who struggle for power to mass repressions against dissidents and potentially disloyal citizens who just don't want to support Putin's regime.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The poisoning of Dmitry Bykov, writer, poet and literary critic who criticized Putin's regime, the criminal proceedings against Ivan Pavlov, advocate who defended persons accused of treason and extremism, and Denis Karagodin, philosopher who has been digging into archives to find out the truth about his great-grandfather murder during Stalin's Great Purge, and the pressure against numerous independent journalists became the signs of new times.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 4 June 2021, the amendments, contained in Federal Law of 4 June 2021, No.157-FZ, entered into force. According to these amendments, any person who was a founder, a head, a member, an employee of the organization recognized as extremist or terrorist or just who donated this organization or expressed support for this organization (in writing or orally) is deprived of the right to stand for election. This legal provision has retroactive effect because it includes the case where a person carried out relevant activity before the organization was recognized as extremist or terrorist, nevertheless, such person is deprived of passive suffrage. Furthermore, under Article 282.2 of the Criminal Code of Russia the participation in the activity of extremist organization carries a sentence of between 2 and 6 years' imprisonment for ordinary participants and between 6 and 10 years' imprisonment for founders and heads of such organization. And reigning approach in Russian law enforcement practice is that the former participant of the organization, recognized as extremist and liquidated by court decision, is considered as a person who continues the activity of such organization in the event he is the participant new organization even if these organizations have different statutes and objectives (many activists were convicted in Putin's Russia precisely in accordance with this approach, for example, the members of group supporting the referendum "For responsible authority!" and the members of organization "People's Militia of Russia"). So, the convergence of aforementioned approach in law enforcement practice and new law establishes the legal framework for subsequent political repressions of people who participated or supported the organizations recognized as extremist and liquidated by court decision even if such people's actions occurred prior to the date of court decision.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In Golos assessment, at least 9 million people have been deprived of the right to stand for election in Russia.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 6 July 2021, the opinion of the Venice Commission on Russian foreign agent law was published. According to the Venice Commission conclusion, Russian foreign agent law constitutes serious violations of basic human rights, including the freedoms of association and expression, the right to privacy, the right to participate in public affairs, as well as the prohibition of discrimination. The Venice Commission is particularly concerned by the combined effect of the most recent amendments on entities, individuals, the media and civil society more broadly. The combined effect of the recent reforms enables authorities to exercise significant control over the activities and existence of associations as well as over the participation of individuals in civic life.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 1 June 2021, the Federal Law of 5 April 2021 No.85-FZ “On Amendments to the Federal Law “About education in Russian Federation”” entered into force. This law establishes the concept of the outreach activity: it is the activity, carrying out outside educational programs, which aims to dissemination of a knowledge and an experience, to formation of a skills, a values, and a competence, in order to intellectual, spiritual and moral, creative, physical, and (or) professional development of individual, and to meet educational needs of individual. The manner, conditions and implementation modalities of outreach activity and also the procedure for the control of such activity are regulated by the Government of Russia. Outreach activity can be carried out by public and local authorities and natural and juridical persons concluded a contracts with educational institutions in the order determined by the Government of Russia. Although the Russian Academy of Sciences and numerous cultural and educational societies opposed the bill, it was adopted by the State Duma, approved by the Federation Council and signed by the President of Russia Vladimir Putin. According to scientists, science popularizers, educationalists, lawyers, this law, in fact, establishes the prior censorship of virtually every ways to share knowledge and conviction, contrary to the articles 19 and 29 of the Constitution of Russia. According to the authors, the law aims to shield Russian citizens against anti-Russian propaganda.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 9 May 2000, the newspaper Kommersant had published the document called «Revision number Six», which was the reform project of Presidential Administration. Before the text of the document, editor-in-chief wrote: «the fact that such program is being developing is very important it is in itself ... if this will be a reality, almost of the entire population of Russia – from politicians and governors to ordinary voters – will be under surveillance by secret services». This document was published again in 2010.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Furthemore, on 9 May 2000, the newspaper Kommersant had published the article by deputy editor-in-chief Veronika Kutsyllo, according to which the text of «Revision number Six» had been provided to journalists by anonymous employee of the Presidential Administration; Putin was mentioned in the text of this document as acting president and the attached charts, totalling more than 100 pages, were drawn up before 1999 Russian legislative election, and these facts created the reason to believe that the work on this document started long before 2000 Russian presidential election.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The authors of «Revision number Six» stated that Russian social and political system at the time was self-regulatory that was totally unacceptable to Putin who wished that all social and political processes in Russia were completely managed by one single body. The Presidential Administration and, more specifically, its Domestic Policy Directorate was to be such body.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The authors of «Revision number Six» rejected the possibility of direct prohibition on opposition activities and independent mass media activities considering that Russian society was not ready for that, and it was the reason, they proposed that Domestic Policy Directorate of the Presidential Administration uses the combination of public and secret activities. Secret activities were to be carried out with the direct use of special services, in particular, Federal Security Service. The main objective of such secret activity was to take control over activity of political parties, community and political leaders, governors, legislatures, candidates for elective positions, election commissions and election officials, mass media and journalists. To achieve this objective, the following tasks were set: 1) the collection information (including dirt) about individuals and organizations of interests and the pressure on them; 2) the creation of conditions under which independent mass media cannot operate; 3) taking control over elections to ensure the victories of pro-Kremlin candidates; 4) the establishment of civil society organizations which are ostensibly independent but actually are under the full control of the Kremlin; 5) the discredit the opposition and the creation of the informational and political barrier around Putin (good things happen thanks to Putin personally but bad officials are responsible for bad things and not Putin; Putin doesn't respond to opposition's charge and doesn't participate in debates – others do that for him).


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: According to Vasily Gatov, the analyst of Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism at the University of Southern California, the realizations of the provisions of «Revision number Six» means building the state where democratic institutions exist nominally but in reality these institutions are fully controlled by Presidential Administration and secret police. He characterized such regime as «counterintelligence state» (one of the kinds of guided democracy).


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 7 May 2016, the newspaper Kommersant had published an article by Ilya Barabanov and Gleb Cherkasov containing an analysis of the implementation of provisions of «Revision number Six». They concluded that, although the authors of «Revision number Six» had not taken into account some things (for example, authors of the aforementioned document denied the need for creation of pro-Kremlin political party, which actually was established subsequently), by and large, the provisions of «Revision number Six» were conducted.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Russian politician Boris Nemtsov and commentator Kara-Murza define Putinism in Russia as "a one party system, censorship, a puppet parliament, ending of an independent judiciary, firm centralization of power and finances, and hypertrophied role of special services and bureaucracy, in particular in relation to business".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Russia's nascent middle class showed few signs of political activism under the regime as Masha Lipman reported: "As with the majority overall, those in the middle-income group have accepted the paternalism of Vladimir Putin's government and remained apolitical and apathetic".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In December 2007, the Russian sociologist Igor Eidman (VCIOM) categorized the Putin regime as "the power of bureaucratic oligarchy" which had "the traits of extreme right-wing dictatorship — the dominance of state-monopoly capital in the economy, "silovoki" structures in governance, clericalism and statism in ideology".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In August 2008, "The Economist" wrote about the virtual demise of both Russian and Soviet intelligentsia in post-Soviet Russia and noted: "Putinism was made strong by the absence of resistance from the part of society that was meant to provide intellectual opposition".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In early February 2009, Aleksander Auzan, an economist and board member at a research institute set up by Dmitry Medvedev, said that in the Putin system "there is not a relationship between the authorities and the people through Parliament or through nonprofit organizations or other structures. The relationship to the people is basically through television. And under the conditions of the crisis, that can no longer work".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: About the same time, Vladimir Ryzhkov pointed out that a bill Medvedev had sent to the State Duma in late January 2009, when signed into law, will allow Kremlin-friendly regional legislatures to remove opposition mayors who were elected by popular vote: "It is no coincidence that Medvedev has taken aim at the country's mayors. Mayoral elections were the last bastion of direct elections after the Duma cancelled the popular vote for governors in 2005. Independent mayors were the only source of political competition against governors who were loyal to the Kremlin and United Russia. Now one of the few remaining checks and balances against the monopoly on executive power in the regions will be removed. After the law is signed by Medvedev, the power vertical will be extended one step further to reach every mayor in the country".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 9 July 2020, the popular governor of the Khabarovsk Krai, Sergei Furgal, who defeated the candidate of Putin's United Russia party in elections two years ago, was detained and flown to Moscow. Furgal was arrested 15 years after the alleged crimes he is accused of. Every day since June 11, mass protests have been held in the Khabarovsk Krai in support of Furgal. The protests included anti-Kremlin slogans like "Putin resign”, "Twenty years, no trust", or "Away with Putin!".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 7 April 2022, Russia was suspended from the United Nations Human Rights Council over reports of "gross and systematic violations and abuses of human rights" after 93 members voted in favour.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 1 March 2022, Russian authorities blocked access to Echo of Moscow and Dozhd (TV Rain), Russia's last independent TV station.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 4 March 2022, Putin signed into law a bill introducing prison sentences of up to 15 years for those who publish "knowingly false information" about the Russian military and its operations, leading to some media outlets in Russia to stop reporting on Ukraine.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 9 July 2000, while speaking to the Russian Parliament, Putin advocated an economy policy which would have introduced a flat tax rate of 13% and a reduction in the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 24 percent. Putin also intended for small businesses to get better treatment under this economic reform package. Under Putin, the old system which included high tax rates has been replaced with a new system where companies can choose either a 6 percent tax on gross revenue or a 15 percent tax on profits.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In February 2009, Putin called for a single VAT rate to be "as low as possible" (at the time it stood at an average rate of 18 percent), which could be reduced to between 12 percent and 13 percent. The overall tax burden was lower in Russia under Putin than in most European countries.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: According to Dr Mark Smith (March 2003), Putin had developed a "corporatist system" in the sense that under him the Kremlin was interested in close ties with business organizations such as the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, Delovaya Rossiya and the trade union federation (FNPR). This was a part of Putins attempts to involve broad sectors of society in the making and implementation of policy.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: "There is a school of thought which says that a number of Putin's steps in the economy (notably the fate of Yukos) were signs of a shift toward a system normally described as state capitalism, where "the entirety of state-owned and controlled enterprises are run by and for the benefit of the cabal around Putin—a collection of former KGB colleagues, Saint Petersburg lawyers, and other political cronies", he said in his words.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: According to Andrey Illarionov, advisor of Putin until 2005, Putin policies were a new socio-political order "distinct from any seen in our country before" as members of the Corporation of Intelligence Service Collaborators had taken over the entire body of state power, followed an "omertà"-like behavior code and were "given instruments conferring power upon others—membership "perks", such as the right to carry and use weapons". According to Illarionov, this "Corporation has seized key government agencies—the Tax Service, Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Parliament, and the government-controlled mass media—which are now used to advance the interests of [Corporation] members. Through those agencies, every significant resource in the country—security/intelligence, political, economic, informational and financial—is being monopolized in the hands of Corporation members". Members of the Corporation formed an isolated caste and according to an anonymous former KGB general cited by "The Economist", “[a] Chekist is a breed ... A good KGB heritage—a father or grandfather, say, who worked for the service—is highly valued by today's siloviki. Marriages between siloviki clans are also encouraged.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Jason Bush, chief of the Moscow bureau of the magazine "Business Week" has commented in December 2006 on troubling growth of government's role: "The Kremlin has taken control of some two dozen Russian companies since 2004 making them public property, including oil assets from Sibneft and Yukos, as well as banks, newspapers, and more. Despite his sporadic support for pro-market reforms, Putin has backed national champions such as energy concerns Gazprom and Rosneft. The private sector's share of output fell from 70% to 65% last year, while public owned companies now represent 38% of stock market capitalization, up from 22% a year ago".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: On 20 September 2008 and when the late 2000s recession had started to hit the well-being of Russia's top tycoons, the "Financial Times" said that "Putinism was built on the understanding that if tycoons played by Kremlin rules they would prosper".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: Although Russia's state intervention in the economy had been usually criticized in the West, a study by Bank of Finland's Institute for Economies in Transition (BOFIT) in 2008 showed that state intervention had had a positive impact on the corporate governance of many companies in Russia as the formal indications of the quality of corporate governance in Russia were higher in companies with state control or with a stake held by the government.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In 2005, Putin launched National Priority Projects in the fields of health care, education, housing and agriculture. In his May 2006 annual speech, Putin proposed increasing maternity benefits and prenatal care for women. Putin was strident about the need to reform the judiciary considering the present federal judiciary "Sovietesque", wherein many of the judges hand down the same verdicts as they would under the old Soviet judiciary structure and preferring instead a judiciary that interpreted and implemented the code to the current situation. In 2005, responsibility for federal prisons was transferred from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the Ministry of Justice.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: The most high-profile change within the national priority project frameworks was probably the 2006 across-the-board increase in wages in healthcare and education as well as the decision to modernise equipment in both sectors in 2006 and 2007.


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: In 2006, chief of "Business Week"s Moscow bureau Jason Bush commented on the condition of Russian middle class: "This group has grown from just 8 million in 2000 to 55 million today and now accounts for some 37% of the population, estimates Expert, a market research firm in Moscow. That's giving a lift to the mood in the country. The share of Russians who think life is 'not bad' has risen to 23% from just 7% in 1999, while those who find living conditions 'unacceptable' has dropped to 29% from 53%, according to a recent poll". However, "[n]ot everyone has shared in the prosperity. Far from it. The average Russian earns $330 a month, just 10% of the U.S. average. Only a third of households own a car, and many—particularly the elderly—have been left behind".


title: Russia under Vladimir Putin

text: At the end of Putin's second term, Jonathan Steele has commented on Putin's legacy: "What, then, is Putin's legacy? Stability and growth, for starters. After the chaos of the 90s, highlighted by Yeltsin's attack on the Russian parliament with tanks in 1993 and the collapse of almost every bank in 1998, Putin has delivered political calm and a 7% annual rate of growth. Inequalities have increased and many of the new rich are grotesquely crass and cruel, but not all the Kremlin's vast revenues from oil and gas have gone into private pockets or are being hoarded in the government's "stabilisation fund". Enough has gone into modernising schools and hospitals so that people notice a difference. Overall living standards are up. The second Chechen war, the major blight on Putin's record, is almost over".