title: Swabia

text: The Alemanni were ruled by independent kings throughout the 4th to 5th century centuries but fell under Frankish domination in the 6th (Battle of Tolbiac 496).


title: Swabia

text: By the late 5th century, the area settled by the Alemanni extended to Alsace and the Swiss Plateau, bordering on the Bavarii to the east, the Franks to the north, the remnants of Roman Gaul to the west, and the Lombards and Goths, united in the Kingdom of Odoacer, to the south.


title: Swabia

text: The name "Alamannia" was used by the 8th century, and from the 9th century, "Suebia" was occasionally used for "Alamannia", while "Alamannia" was increasingly used to refer to Alsace specifically. By the 12th century, "Suebia" rather than "Alamannia" was used consistently for the territory of the Duchy of Swabia.


title: Swabia

text: Swabia was one of the original stem duchies of East Francia, the later Holy Roman Empire, as it developed in the 9th and 10th centuries. Due to the foundation of the important abbeys of St. Gallen and Reichenau, Swabia became an important center of Old High German literary culture during this period.


title: Swabia

text: In the later Carolingian period, Swabia became once again de facto independent, by the early 10th century mostly ruled by two dynasties, the Hunfriding counts in Raetia Curiensis and the Ahalolfings ruling the Baar estates around the upper Neckar and Danube rivers.


title: Swabia

text: The conflict between the two dynasties was decided in favour of Hunfriding Burchard II at the Battle of Winterthur (919). Burchard's rule as duke was acknowledged as such by the newly elected king Henry the Fowler, and in the 960s the duchy under Burchard III was incorporated in the Holy Roman Empire under Otto I.


title: Swabia

text: The Hohenstaufen dynasty, which ruled the Holy Roman Empire in the 12th and 13th centuries, arose out of Swabia, but following the execution of Conradin, the last Hohenstaufen, on October 29, 1268, the duchy was not reappointed during the Great Interregnum. In the following years the original duchy gradually broke up into many smaller units.


title: Swabia

text: Rudolf I of Habsburg, elected in 1273 as emperor, tried to restore the duchy, but met the opposition of the higher nobility who aimed to limit the power of the emperor. Instead, he confiscated the former estates of the Hohenstaufen as imperial property of the Holy Roman Empire, and declared most of the cities formerly belonging to Hohenstaufen to be Free Imperial Cities, and the more powerful abbeys within the former duchy to be Imperial Abbeys.


title: Swabia

text: The rural regions were merged into the Imperial Shrievalty ("Reichslandvogtei") of Swabia, which was given as Imperial Pawn to Duke Leopold III of Austria in 1379 and again to Sigismund, Archduke of Austria in 1473/1486. He took the title of a "Prince of Swabia" and integrated the Shrievalty of Swabia in the realm of Further Austria.


title: Swabia

text: The Swabian League of Cities was first formed on 20 November 1331, when twenty-two imperial cities of the former Duchy of Swabia banded together in support of the Emperor Louis IV, who in return promised not to mortgage any of them to any imperial vassal. Among the founding cities were Augsburg, Heilbronn, Reutlingen, and Ulm. The counts of Württemberg, Oettingen, and Hohenberg were induced to join in 1340.


title: Swabia

text: The emperor refused to recognise the newly revitalised Swabian League, seeing it as a rebellion, and this led to an "imperial war" against the league. The renewed league defeated an imperial army at the Battle of Reutlingen on 14 May 1377.


title: Swabia

text: Burgrave Frederick V of Hohenzollern finally defeated the league in 1388 at Döffingen. The next year the city league disbanded according to the resolutions of the Reichstag at Eger.


title: Swabia

text: The major dynasties that arose out of medieval Swabia were the Habsburgs and the Hohenzollerns, who rose to prominence in Northern Germany. Also stemming from Swabia are the local dynasties of the dukes of Württemberg and the margraves of Baden. The Welf family went on to rule in Bavaria and Hanover, and are ancestral to the British Royal Family that has ruled since 1714. Smaller feudal dynasties eventually disappeared, however; for example, branches of the Montforts and Hohenems lived until modern times, and the Fürstenberg survive still. The region proved to be one of the most divided in the empire, containing, in addition to these principalities, numerous free cities, ecclesiastical territories, and fiefdoms of lesser counts and knights.


title: Swabia

text: A new Swabian League ("Schwäbischer Bund") was formed in 1488, opposing the expansionist Bavarian dukes from the House of Wittelsbach and the revolutionary threat from the south in the form of the Swiss.


title: Swabia

text: In 1519, the League conquered Württemberg and sold it to Charles V after its duke Ulrich seized the Free Imperial City of Reutlingen during the interregnum that followed the death of Maximilian I. It helped to suppress the Peasants' Revolt in 1524–26 and defeat an alliance of robber barons in the Franconian War. The Reformation caused the league to be disbanded in 1534.


title: Swabia

text: The territory of Swabia as understood today emerges in the early modern period. It corresponds to the Swabian Circle established in 1512.


title: Swabia

text: The Old Swiss Confederacy was "de facto" independent from Swabia from 1499 as a result of the Swabian War, while the Margraviate of Baden had been detached from Swabia since the twelfth century.


title: Swabia

text: Fearing the power of the greater princes, the cities and smaller secular rulers of Swabia joined to form the Swabian League in the fifteenth century. The League was quite successful, notably expelling the Duke of Württemberg in 1519 and putting in his place a Habsburg governor, but the league broke up a few years later over religious differences inspired by the Reformation, and the Duke of Württemberg was soon restored.


title: Swabia

text: The region was quite divided by the Reformation. While secular princes such as the Duke of Württemberg and the Margrave of Baden-Durlach, as well as most of the Free Cities, became Protestant, the ecclesiastical territories (including the bishoprics of Augsburg, Konstanz and the numerous Imperial abbeys) remained Catholic, as did the territories belonging to the Habsburgs (Further Austria), the Sigmaringen branch of the House of Hohenzollern, and the Margrave of Baden-Baden.


title: Swabia

text: In the wake of the territorial reorganization of the empire of 1803 by the "Reichsdeputationshauptschluss", the shape of Swabia was entirely changed. All the ecclesiastical estates were secularized, and most of the smaller secular states, and almost all of the free cities, were mediatized, leaving only the Kingdom of Württemberg, the Grand Duchy of Baden, and the Principality of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen as sovereign states. Much of Eastern Swabia became part of Bavaria, forming what is now the Swabian administrative region of Bavaria. The Kings of Bavaria assumed the title "Duke in Swabia", with the "in" indicating that only parts of the Swabian territory was ruled by them, unlike their other title "Duke of Franconia" which made clear that the whole of Franconia had become part of their kingdom.


title: Swabia

text: In contemporary usage, "Schwaben" is sometimes taken to refer to Bavarian Swabia exclusively, correctly however it includes the larger Württemberg part of Swabia. Its inhabitants attach great importance to calling themselves Swabians. Baden, historically part of the duchy of Swabia but not of the Swabian Circle, is no longer commonly included in the term. Baden's residents mostly refer to themselves as


title: Swabia

text: SIL Ethnologue cites an estimate of 819,000 Swabian speakers as of 2006. This corresponds to roughly 10% of the total population of the Swabian region, or roughly 1% of the total population of Germany.


title: Swabia

text: As an ethno-linguistic group, Swabians are closely related to other speakers of Alemannic German, i.e. Badeners, Alsatians, and German-speaking Swiss.


title: Swabia

text: Swabian German or German is traditionally spoken in the upper Neckar basin (upstream of Heilbronn), along the upper Danube between Tuttlingen and Donauwörth, and on the left bank of the Lech, in an area centered on the Swabian Alps roughly stretching from Stuttgart to Augsburg.


title: Swabia

text: Many Swabian surnames end with the suffixes "-le", "-(l)er", "-el", "-ehl", and "-lin", typically from the Middle High German diminutive suffix "-elîn" (Modern Standard German "-lein"). Examples would be: "Schäuble", "Egeler", "Rommel", and "Gmelin". The popular German surname "Schwab" as well as "Svevo" in Italy are derived from this area, both meaning literally "Swabian".


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV), also known as the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP), is the founding and sole legal party of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Founded in 1930 by Hồ Chí Minh, the CPV became the ruling party of North Vietnam in 1954 and then all of Vietnam after the collapse of the South Vietnamese government following the Fall of Saigon in 1975. Although it nominally exists alongside the Vietnamese Fatherland Front, it maintains a unitary government and has centralized control over the state, military, and media. The supremacy of the CPV is guaranteed by Article 4 of the national constitution. The Vietnamese public generally refer to the CPV as simply "the Party" () or "our Party" ().


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The CPV is organized on the basis of democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Russian Marxist revolutionary Vladimir Lenin. The highest institution of the CPV is the party's National Congress, which elects the Central Committee. The Central Committee is the supreme organ on party affairs in between party congresses. After a party congress, the Central Committee elects the Politburo and Secretariat, and appoints the First Secretary, the highest party office. In between sessions of the Central Committee, the Politburo is the supreme organ on party affairs. However, it can only implement decisions based on the policies which have been approved in advance by either the Central Committee or the party's National Congress. , the 12th Politburo has 19 members. The current party leader is Nguyễn Phú Trọng, who holds the titles of General Secretary of the Central Committee and Secretary of the Central Military Commission.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The CPV is committed to communism and participates in the annual International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties. The party is also known for its advocacy of what it calls a "socialist-oriented market economy", as well as Hồ Chí Minh Thought, which combines Marxism–Leninism, Vietnamese philosophy, ideas from the French Revolution, and Hồ Chí Minh's personal beliefs.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The CPV implemented a command economy in Vietnam before introducing economic reforms, known as , in 1986. The party aligned with the Soviet Union and its allies during the Cold War.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Communist Party of Vietnam traces its history back to 1925, when Hồ Chí Minh established the Vietnamese Revolutionary Youth League (), commonly shortened to the Youth League (). The Youth League's goal was to end the colonial occupation of Vietnam by France. The group sought political and social objectives—national independence and the redistribution of land to working peasants. The Youth League's purpose was to prepare the masses for a revolutionary armed struggle against the French occupation. His efforts in laying the groundwork for the party was financially supported by the Comintern.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: In 1928 the headquarters of the Youth League in Canton (present-day Guangdong), China, were destroyed by the Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party) and the group was forced underground. This led to a national breakdown within the Youth League, which indirectly led to a split. On 17 June 1929, more than 20 delegates from cells throughout the Tonkin (northern) region held a conference in Hanoi, where they declared the dissolution of Youth League and the establishment of a new organization called the Communist Party of Indochina (). The other faction of the Youth League, based in the Cochinchina (southern) region of the country, held a conference in Saigon and declared themselves the Communist Party of Annam () in late 1929. The two parties spent the rest of 1929 engaged in polemics against one another in an attempt to gain a position of hegemony over the radical Vietnamese liberation movement. A third Vietnamese communist group which did not originate from the Youth League emerged around this time in the Annam (central) region, calling itself the Communist League of Indochina (). The Communist League of Indochina had its roots in another national liberation group which had existed in parallel with the Youth League, and saw itself as a rival to the latter.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Communist Party of Indochina and Communist Party of Annam, together with individual members of the Communist League of Indochina, merged to form a united communist organization called the Communist Party of Vietnam (), founded by Hồ Chí Minh at a "Unification Conference" held in Wah Yan College in Kowloon, Hong Kong, from 3–7 February 1930. At a later conference, per the request of the Comintern, the party changed its name to the Indochinese Communist Party (), often abbreviated as ICP. During its first five years of existence, the ICP attained a membership of about 1,500 and had a large contingent of sympathizers. Despite the group's small size, it exerted an influence in a turbulent Vietnamese social climate. Poor harvests in 1929 and 1930 and an onerous burden of debt served to radicalize many peasants. In the industrial city of Vinh, May Day demonstrations were organized by ICP activists, which gained critical mass when the families of the semi-peasant workers joined the demonstrations to express their dissatisfaction with the economic circumstances they faced.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: As three May Day marches grew into mass rallies, French colonial authorities moved in to quash what they perceived to be dangerous peasant revolts. Government forces fired upon the crowds, killing dozens and enraging the population. In response, councils were organized in villages in an effort to govern themselves locally. Repression by the colonial authorities began in the autumn of 1931; around 1,300 people were eventually killed by the French and many more were imprisoned or deported as government authority was reasserted and the ICP was effectively wiped out in the region. General Secretary Tran Phu and a number of Central Committee members were arrested or killed. Lê Hồng Phong was assigned by the Comintern to restore the movement. The party was restored in 1935, and Lê Hồng Phong was elected its general secretary. In 1936, Hà Huy Tập was appointed general secretary instead of Lê Hồng Phong, who returned to the country to restore the Central Committee. In the mid 1930s the party was forced publicly to abandon much of its opposition to French colonialism as Soviet leader Joseph Stalin cared more about strengthening a left-inclined government in France. Hồ Chí Minh was also removed from the party leadership in the early 1930s.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The French colonial apparatus in Vietnam was disrupted during World War II. The fall of France to Nazi Germany in June 1940 and the subsequent collaboration of Vichy France with the Axis powers of Germany and Japan served to delegitimize French claims of sovereignty. The European war made colonial governance from France impossible and Indochina was occupied by Japanese forces. As a result, the communists also sought the opportunity to establish a grassroots organization throughout most of the country.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: At the beginning of the war, the ICP instructed its members to go into hiding in the countryside. Despite this, more than 2,000 party members, including many of its leaders, were rounded up and arrested. Party activists were particularly hard hit in the southern region of Cochinchina, where the previously strong organization was wiped out by arrests and killings. After an uprising in Cochinchina in 1940, most of the Central Committee, including Nguyễn Văn Cừ (general secretary) and Hà Huy Tập, were arrested and killed, and Lê Hồng Phong was deported to Côn Đảo and later died. A new party leadership, which included Trường Chinh, Phạm Văn Đồng, and Võ Nguyên Giáp emerged. Together with Hồ Chí Minh, these individuals would provide a unified leadership over the next four decades.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Hồ Chí Minh returned to Vietnam in February 1941 and established a military-political front known as the League for the Independence of Vietnam (), commonly known as the Viet Minh (). The Viet Minh was a broad organization that included many political parties, military groups, religious organizations and other factions who sought independence for Vietnam. The Viet Minh was heavily influenced by the leadership of the ICP. It was the most uncompromising fighting force against the Japanese occupation and gained popular recognition and legitimacy in an environment that would become a political vacuum. Despite its position as the core of the Viet Minh, the ICP remained very small throughout the war, with an estimated membership of between 2,000 and 3,000 in 1944.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The party, particularly in the south, was rivalled by other nationalist and left-wing groups, notably Trotskyist organisations. In November 1931, dissidents emerging from within the party formed the October Left Opposition () around the clandestine journal "" (October). These included Hồ Hữu Tường and Phan Văn Hùm who, protesting a leadership of "Moscow trainees", had formed an Indochinese group within the Communist League (), the French section of the International Left Opposition, in Paris in July 1930. Once considered "the theoretician of the Vietnamese contingent in Moscow", Tường was calling for a new "mass-based" party arising directly "out of the struggle of the real struggle of the proletariat of the cities and countryside". Tường was joined in endorsing Leon Trotsky's doctrines of "proletarian internationalism" and of "permanent revolution" by Tạ Thu Thâu of the Annamite Independence Party (). Rejecting (in the wake of the Shanghai massacre) the Comintern's "Kuomintang line", Thâu argued against a nationalist accommodation with the indigenous bourgeoisie and for immediate "proletarian socialist revolution."


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Recognizing the Trotskyists' relative strength in organizing Saigon's factories and waterfront, the ICP cells in the city maintained a unique pact with the Trotskyists for four years in the mid-1930s. The two groups published a common paper, "La Lutte" ("The Struggle"), and presented joint "workers' lists" for Saigon municipal and colonial-council elections. After they rallied in August 1945 with other non-Communist forces demanding arms against the French, the Trotskyists were systematically hunted down and eliminated by their former party collaborators under the direction of Tran Van Giau, a fate shared by large numbers of Caodaists, independent nationalists and their families.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Following the August Revolution, Hồ Chí Minh became Chairman of the Provisional Government (Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam) and issued a Proclamation of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Although he convinced Emperor Bảo Đại to abdicate, his government was not recognized by any country. He repeatedly petitioned American President Harry S. Truman for support for Vietnamese independence, citing the Atlantic Charter, but Truman did not respond. After the successful establishment of an independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam in Hanoi, Vietnam was taken over by Chinese nationalist forces in the north and the French-British joint forces in the south.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: In response to French attempts to sow disunity within the Viet Minh, the ICP was officially dissolved and was downgraded to the "Institute for Studying Marxism in Indochina" (). This symbolic gesture was intended to encourage unity between Vietnamese communists and non-communists in their struggle against the French and their sympathizers. In practice, the Viet Minh became the leading force in the struggle for Vietnamese independence. The ICP was ostensibly dissolved, but its core was still functioning. According to the United States' Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), membership in the Viet Minh grew to about 400,000 members by 1950. In 1951, during the war for independence, the officially dissolved Indochinese Communist Party was officially re-established and renamed the Worker's Party of Vietnam (), often abbreviated as the WPV. The Indochinese War against French forces lasted until the Vietnamese victory at the Battle of Điện Biên Phủ in 1954.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Vietnam was partitioned following the 1954 Geneva Conference, with the communists ruling the northern half of the country. Almost immediately, the party's Marxist ideologues believed that their party had lost sight of its real Marxist purpose of guiding the working class in a struggle against the bourgeoisie in its efforts of national independence. By 1955, they had launched a significant campaign to promote personnel with a background in class struggle, at the cost of communists whose claims to authority were based on their leadership in the resistance against the French.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: At the second party congress it was decided that the Communist Party would be split into three; one party for each of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. However, in an official note it said that the "Vietnamese party reserves the right to supervise the activities of its brother parties in Cambodia and Laos". The Khmer People's Revolutionary Party was established in April 1951 and the Lao People's Party was formed four years later on 22 March 1955. The third party congress, held in Hanoi in 1960, formalized the tasks of constructing socialism in what was by then North Vietnam, or the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), and committed the party to the "liberation" of South Vietnam. In the south, the United States helped establish an anti-communist state, the Republic of Vietnam (RVN), in 1955. In 1960 the DRV established a military-political front in the south called the National Liberation Front of Southern Vietnam () or NLF for short. American soldiers commonly referred to the NLF as the Viet Cong () or VC for short.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Vietnam War (or Second Indochina War) broke out between the communists which included the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam) and the National Liberation Front (Viet Cong), and the anti-communists which included the United States, the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam) and their allies, such as Australia, South Korea, and Thailand. The communists received support from the People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union. The war lasted from 1960 to 1975 and spilled over into Laos and Cambodia. The Cambodian Civil War broke out between the communist Khmer Rouge and GRUNK, and the pro-American Khmer Republic. The Laotian Civil War broke out between the communist Pathet Lao and the pro-American Kingdom of Laos. The Cambodian and Laotian communists received training and support from the DRV and NLF. During the war the Worker's Party of Vietnam also established its sub-branch in the south called the People's Revolutionary Party of South Vietnam (), which aimed to lead the NLF. After the withdrawal of American troops from Indochina and the collapse of the RVN on 30 April 1975, Vietnam was unified under the leadership of the communists. At the fourth party congress in 1976, the Workers' Party of Vietnam merged with the People's Revolutionary Party of South Vietnam to create the Communist Party of Vietnam (), commonly abbreviated as CPV. The party explained that the merger and name change was made in light of the "strengthened proletariat dictatorship, the development of the leadership of the working class... a worker-peasant alliance".


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The fourth party congress comprised 1,008 delegates who represented 1,553,500 party members, an estimated three per cent of the Vietnamese population. A new line for socialist construction was approved at the congress, the Second Five-Year Plan (1976–1980) was approved and several amendments were made to the party's constitution. The party's new line emphasized building socialism domestically and supported socialist expansion internationally. The party's economic goal was to build a strong and prosperous socialist country in 20 years. The economic goals set for the Second Five-Year Plan failed to be implemented, and a heated debate about economic reform took place between the fourth and fifth party congresses. The first was at the sixth Central Committee plenum of the fourth party congress in September 1979, but the most revealing one occurred at the tenth Central Committee plenum of the fourth party congress which lasted form 9 October to 3 November 1981. The plenum adopted a reformist line but was forced to moderate its position when several grassroot party chapters rebelled against its resolution. At the fifth party congress, held in March 1982, General Secretary Lê Duẩn said the party had to strive to reach two goals; to construct socialism and to protect Vietnam from Chinese aggression, but priority was given to socialist construction. The party leadership acknowledged the failures of the Second Five-Year Plan, claiming that their failure to grasp the economic and social conditions aggravated the country's economic problems. The Third Five-Year Plan (1981–1985) emphasized the need to improve living conditions and the need for more industrial construction, but agriculture was given top priority. Other points were to improve the deficiencies in central planning, improve economic trade relations with the COMECON countries, Laos and Kampuchea.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: While Lê Duẩn continued to believe in the goals set in the Third Five-Year Plan, leading members within the Communist Party were losing their trust in the system. It was in this mood that the 1985 price reform was introduced—market prices were introduced, which led to a sudden increase in inflation. By 1985, it became apparent that the Third Five-Year Plan had failed miserably. Attacks against the interests of the well-to-do were part of the Communist ideas of class struggle. The majority of the educated came from well-off families, and the middle and upper classes held education and abilities that were critical to the country's prosperity, but the Communist Party's attitude toward those groups has frequently hampered their effective use of their education and skills. As a result, Vietnam's most pressing needs, such as the rebuilding of a shattered economy and the establishment of long-term economic development, had largely gone unfulfilled. The Communist Party's personnel lacked the skills to tackle these issues, and the Communists' monopolization of power made it impossible for those who did have the skills to put them to use in the decade following the war's end. Vietnam was one of the poorest countries in the world during Lê Duẩn's rule. Lê Duẩn died on 10 July 1986, a few months before the sixth party congress. A Politburo meeting held between 25 and 30 August 1986, paved the way for more radical reforms; the new reform movement was led by Trường Chinh. At the sixth party congress, Nguyễn Văn Linh was elected the new general secretarythis was a victory for the party's old guard reformist wing. The new leadership elected at the Congress would later launch Đổi Mới and establish the framework for the socialist-oriented market economy. The economic reforms were initiated alongside a relaxation of state censorship and freedom of expression. The Chinese Communist Party praised the CPV's economic and political reforms, which continued into the early 2000s.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: At the seventh party congress in which Nguyễn Văn Linh retired from politics, he reaffirmed the party's and country's commitment to socialism. Đỗ Mười succeeded Nguyễn Văn Linh as general secretary, Võ Văn Kiệt, the leading reformist communist, was appointed prime minister and Lê Đức Anh, was appointed president. In 1994, four new members were appointed to the seventh Politburo, all of whom opposed radical reform. At the June 1997 Central Committee meeting, both Lê Đức Anh and Võ Văn Kiệt confirmed their resignations to the ninth National Assembly, which was dissolved in September. Phan Văn Khải was approved as Võ Văn Kiệt's successor, and the relatively unknown Trần Đức Lương succeeded Lê Đức Anh as president. At the fourth Central Committee plenum of the eighth party congress, Lê Khả Phiêu was elected general secretary and Đỗ Mười, Lê Đức Anh and Võ Văn Kiệt officially resigned from politics and were elected Advisory Council of the Central Committee. Nông Đức Mạnh succeeded Lê Khả Phiêu in 2001 as general secretary. Nông Đức Mạnh held the top spot until the 11th National Congress in 2011, when he was succeeded by Nguyễn Phú Trọng.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The National Congress is the party's highest organ, and is held once every five years. Delegates decide the direction of the party and the Government at the National Congress. The Central Committee is elected, delegates vote on policies and candidates are elected to posts within the central party leadership. After decisions taken at the National Congress are ratified, the congress is dissolved. The Central Committee implements the decisions of the National Congress during the five-year period between congresses. When the Central Committee is not in session, the Politburo implements the policies of the National Congress.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Central Committee is the CPV's most powerful institution. It delegates some of its powers to the Secretariat and the Politburo when it is not in session. When the Vietnam War ended in 1975, the Vietnamese leadership, led by Lê Duẩn, began to centralize power. This policy continued until the sixth National Congress, when Nguyễn Văn Linh took power. Linh pursued a policy of economic and political decentralization. The party and state bureaucracy opposed Linh's reform initiatives; because of this, Linh tried to win the support of provincial leaders, causing the powers of the provincial chapters of the CPV to increase in the 1990s. The CPV lost its power to appoint or dismiss provincial-level officials in the 1990s; Võ Văn Kiệt tried to wrestle this power back to the centre during the 1990s without success. These developments led to the provincialization of the Central Committee; for example, increasing numbers of Central Committee members have a background in provincial party work.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Because of these changes, power in Vietnam has become increasingly devolved. The number of Central Committee members with a provincial background increased from 15.6 per cent in 1982 to 41 per cent in 2001. Because of the devolution of power, the powers of the Central Committee have increased substantially; for example, when a two-thirds majority of the Politburo voted in favour of retaining Lê Khả Phiêu as General Secretary, the Central Committee voted against the Politburo's motion and voted unanimously in favour of removing him from his post of General Secretary. The Central Committee did this because most of its members had a provincial background, or were working in the provinces. These members were the first to be affected when the economy began to stagnate during Lê Khả Phiêu's rule. The Central Committee elects the Politburo in the aftermath of the Party Congress.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The General Secretary of the Central Committee is the highest office within the Communist Party, is elected by the Central Committee, and can remain in post for two five-year terms. The general secretary presides over the work of the Central Committee, the Politburo, the Secretariat, is responsible for issues such as defence, security and foreign affairs, and chairs meetings with important leaders. The general secretary holds the post of Secretary of the Central Military Commission, the party's highest military affairs organ.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Politburo is the highest organ of the Communist Party between Central Committee meetings, which are held twice a year. The Politburo can implement policies which have been approved by either the previous Party Congress or the Central Committee. It is the duty of the Politburo to ensure that resolutions of the Party Congress and the Central Committee are implemented nationally. It is also responsible for matters related to organization and personnel, and has the right to prepare and convene a Central Committee plenary session. The Politburo can be overruled by the Central Committee, as happened in 2001 when the Politburo voted in favour of retaining Lê Khả Phiêu as general secretary; the Central Committee overturned the Politburo's decision, dismissed Lê from politics, and forced the Politburo to elect a new general secretary after the ninth National Congress.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The members of the Politburo are elected and given a ranking by the Central Committee immediately after a National Party Congress. According to David Koh, the Politburo ranking from the first plenum of the 10th Central Committee onwards is based upon the number of approval votes by the Central Committee. Lê Hồng Anh, the Minister of Public Security, was ranked second in the 10th Politburo because he received the second-highest number of approval votes. Tô Huy Rứa was ranked lowest because he received the lowest approval vote of the 10th Central Committee when he stood for election to the Politburo. The 11th Politburo was elected by the Central Committee after the 11th National Congress and consists of 16 members. Decisions within the Politburo are made through collective decision-making.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Since 10th Central Committee, the duties and responsibilities of the members of the Politburo and those of the General Secretary, President, Prime Minister, the Chairman of the National Assembly and the Permanent member of the Secretariat have been specified separately.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Secretariat is headed by the general secretary and decisions within it are made through collective decision-making. The Secretariat is elected and the membership size is decided by the Central Committee immediately after the National Congress. It is responsible for solving organizational problems and implementing the demands of the Central Committee. The Secretariat oversees the work of the Departments of the Central Committee. It is also responsible for inspecting and supervising the implementation of resolutions and directives on fields regarding the party on economic, social, defence, security and foreign affairs, and it is directly responsible for the coordination of a number of party bodies. The Secretariat supervises the preparation for issues raised at Politburo meetings.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Central Military Commission is appointed by the Politburo and includes members from the military. The commission is responsible to the Central Committee and between meetings, the Politburo and the Secretariat. The Secretary of the Central Military Commission is the party's general secretary while the post of deputy secretary is held by the Minister of National Defence. The commission can issue guidelines on military and defence policies, and has leadership in all aspects of the military. The General Political Department is subordinate to the commission.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Central Inspection Commission is the party organ responsible for combating corruption, disciplining members and wrongdoing in general. It is the only organ within the party which can sentence or condemn party members. The Commission, and its chairman and deputy chairmen, are elected by the first plenum of the Central Committee after a National Party Congress. Due to the party's policy of democratic centralism, a local inspection commission can only investigate a case if the inspection commission directly superior to it consents to the investigation.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Central Theoretical Council was established on 22 October 1996 by a decision of the Central Committee. The 4th Central Theoretical Council was formed on 7 September 2016, and is currently headed by Politburo member Đinh Thế Huynh. It functions as an advisory body to the Central Committee, the Politburo and the Secretariat on conceiving and developing party theory in line with Marxism. It is responsible for studying topics put forth by the Politburo and the Secretariat, and topics set forth by its own members.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Vietnam is a socialist republic with a one-party system led by the Communist Party. The CPV espouses Marxism–Leninism and Hồ Chí Minh Thought, the ideologies of the late Hồ Chí Minh. The two ideologies serve as guidance for the activities of the party and state. According to the Constitution, Vietnam is in a period of transition to socialism. Marxism–Leninism was introduced to Vietnam in the 1920s and 1930s, and Vietnamese culture has been led under the banners of patriotism and Marxism–Leninism. Hồ Chí Minh's beliefs were not systematized during his life, nor did this occur quickly following his death. Trường Chinh's 1973 biography of Hồ emphasized his revolutionary policies. The thoughts of Hồ were systematized in 1989 under the leadership of Nguyễn Văn Linh. Hồ Chí Minh Thought and Marxism–Leninism became the official ideologies of the CPV and the state in 1991. The CPV's claim to legitimacy was retained after the collapse of communism elsewhere in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 by its commitment to the thoughts of Hồ Chí Minh, according to Sophie Quinn-Judge. According to Pierre Brocheux, the current state ideology is Hồ Chí Minh Thought, with Marxism–Leninism playing a secondary role. Some claim that Hồ Chí Minh Thought is used as a veil for a party leadership that has stopped believing in communism, but others rule this out on the basis that Hồ Chí Minh was an avid supporter of Lenin and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Still others see Hồ Chí Minh Thought as a political umbrella term whose main function is to introduce non-socialist ideas and policies without challenging socialist legality.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Marxism–Leninism has lost its monopolistic ideological and moral legitimacy since the introduction of a mixed economy in the late 1980s and 1990s. Because of the Đổi Mới reforms, the party could not base its rule on defending only the workers and the peasants, which was officially referred to as the "working class-peasant alliance". In the constitution introduced in 1992, the State represented the "workers, peasants and intellectuals". In recent years, the party has stopped representing a specific class, but instead the "interests of the entire people", which includes entrepreneurs. The final class barrier was removed in 2006, when party members were allowed to engage in private activities. In the face of de-emphasising the role of Marxism–Leninism, the party has acquired a broader ideology, laying more emphasis on nationalism, developmentalism and becoming the protector of tradition. Minh himself stated that what originally attracted him to Communism was not its doctrines, which he did not at that time understand, but the simple fact that the Communists supported the independence of countries like Vietnam.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: According to Hồ Chí Minh, before it becomes socialist, a society must evolve through national liberation and the construction of a people's democratic regime. While national liberation is the means of taking power, the establishment of a people's democratic regime requires the total destruction of the feudalist, colonialist and imperialist society. Only through this destruction can Vietnam transit to socialism. Lai Quoc Khanh, a journalist in the theoretical "Tạp chí Cộng Sản" wrote: "The people's democratic regime is an objective necessity in the development course of Vietnamese society". A people's democratic regime, however, is not a socialist regime. For instance, in a people's democratic regime private ownership still exists, while in a communist or socialist stage of development, ownership does not exist. Vietnamese communists consider the distribution of land during Hồ Chí Minh's early rule as an example of people's democracy.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: However, this is not the only difference. The logic is that difference in the ownership of productions lead to different modes of production. Hồ Chí Minh said that the basic economic tenets of a people's democratic regime was state ownership of certain segments of production—considered socialist since the state belongs to the people, cooperatives, which were half-socialist in nature but would develop into fully socialist economic entities, and the personal economics of individual handicraft and peasantry, which would later develop into cooperatives, private capitalism and state capitalism, where the state shares capital with capitalists to develop the country further. Since these economic basics relied on different types of ownership, the economy of the people's democratic regime cannot be considered socialist, hence the regime is not socialist. For example, in the socialist-oriented market economy, the state-owned sector will be the dominant sector, hence the socialist character of the economy dominates. The political platform of the second party congress held in 1951 stated: "The people's democratic revolution is neither an old-type capitalist democratic revolution nor socialist revolution, it is a new-type capitalist democratic revolution which will evolve into socialist revolution without experiencing a revolutionary civil war." To be more specific, the people's democratic regime is a substage in capitalist development. While Hồ Chí Minh supported the position that Vietnam had entered the stage of transition to socialism in 1954, he held the belief that Vietnam was still "a democratic regime in which people are the masters" and not socialist. To reach the socialist stage of development, the development of the state sector was of utmost importance—the lack of which according to Hồ Chí Minh would lead to failure. The platform of the 11th National Congress held in January 2011 stated: "This is a profound and thorough revolutionary process and a complicated struggle between the old and the new for qualitative changes in all aspects of social life. It is essential to undergo a long period of transition with several steps of development and several mixed social and economic structures".


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: According to the party's General Secretary Nguyễn Phú Trọng, during the transition to socialism, socialist factors of development compete with non-socialist factors, which include capitalist factors. Nguyễn said: "Along with positive aspects, there will always be negative aspects and challenges that need to be considered wisely and dealt with timely and effectively. It is a difficult struggle that requires spirit, fresh vision, and creativity. The path to socialism is a process of constantly consolidating and strengthening socialist factors to make them more dominant and irreversible. Success will depend on correct policies, political spirit, leadership capacity, and the fighting strength of the Party".


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The Communist Party believes that socialism is superior to other ideologies and state systems. According to Marxism–Leninism, socialism is the second-to-last stage of socio-economic development before pure communism. To build a socialist society, communists have to imagine, outline and study society. The party believes that socialism leads to human liberation from every oppressive situation, exploitation and injustice. While the founders of Marxism–Leninism forecasted the main characteristics of a socialist society, the founders are not considered by the party to hold the whole truth. The main outline of this ideology is upheld by the party—that is, a social mode superior and more advanced:


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Proponents of the socialist-oriented market economy claim that the system is neither socialist nor capitalist, but that it is "socialist-oriented." The Communist Party rejects the view that a market economy has to be capitalist. According to the party, "a socialist market-oriented economy is a multi-sectoral commodity economy, which operates in accordance with market mechanisms and a socialist orientation". According to Nguyễn Phú Trọng, "[i]t is a new type of market economy in the history of the market economy's development. It is a kind of economic organization which abides by market economy rules but is based on, led by, and governed by the principles and nature of socialism reflected in its three aspectsownership, organization, and distributionfor the goal of a prosperous people in a strong nation characterized by democracy, fairness, and civilization". There are multiple forms of ownership in a socialist-oriented market economy. Economic sectors operate in accordance with the law and are equal under the law in the interest of co-existence, cooperation and healthy competition. Nguyễn Phú Trọng said:


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Unlike in capitalist countries, a socialist-oriented market economy does not "wait for the economy to reach a high level of development before implementing social progress and fairness, nor 'sacrifice' social progress and fairness to the pursuit of mere economic growth". Policies are enacted for the sole purpose of improving the people's standard of living.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: Classical Marxist texts still play a prominent role in the Communist Party's ideological development. "The Communist Manifesto", written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, is considered an "immortal work". According to the party, the real value of "The Communist Manifesto" is not that it can provide answers to present revolutionary problems, but the way it explains the gradual liberation of the working class and labourers. It functions as a basis for the most basic theoretical beliefs upheld by the party. According to Tô Huy Rứa, currently a member of the 11th Politburo: "By participating in the process of globalization complete with its opportunities and challenges, as was predicted by Marx and Engels in the "Manifesto", the Vietnamese Communist Party and people will further find guidelines for a precious world outlook and methodologies. Sustainable values of this immortal theoretical work and political platform will remain forever". Trần Bạch Đằng wrote:


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: In a resolution of the 10th National Party Congress, it was decided to renovate and strengthen the party's foreign policy. , the Commission for External Relations of the Central Committee has good relations with 222 political parties in 115 countries. According to the party, this is an "important contributions to accelerating the renovation process, industrialization and modernization of Vietnam". The party does not only have foreign relations with communist parties; relations with non-communist parties have been established because their countries are economically important to Vietnam. Relations with other communist and workers' parties are very important and built on "solidarity, friendship, mutual support in the struggle for socialism in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism and pure internationalism of the working class". It exchanges views with such parties on theoretical and practical issues regarding socialist construction, party building and current problems. The CPV is active in international communist and workers party gatherings, such as the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The CPV currently maintains relations with over 100 communist and workers' parties. The party has emphasized the importance of relations with the Lao People's Revolutionary Party and the Cambodian People's Party. It also maintains good relations with the Chinese Communist Party, the Communist Party of Cuba, and the Workers' Party of Korea. The CPV sent delegations to the 8th Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in 2008, the 5th Congress of the Party of Italian Communists in 2008, the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India in 2008, the 9th Communist Party of India (Marxist) in 2008, the 18th Congress of Communist Party of Greece in 2009, the 9th Congress of the Communist Party of Denmark in 2009, the 18th Congress of the Spanish Communist Party in 2009, the 8th Congress of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist–Leninist) in 2009, the 12th Congress of the Communist Party of Brazil in 2009 and that of the Peruvian Communist Party in 2010.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: The CPV maintains also friendly relations with Latin American left-wing political parties. A delegation from the CPV participated in the 22nd Meeting of Foro de São Paulo in El Salvador in June 2016.


title: Communist Party of Vietnam

text: In spite of Vietnam's 1986 economic reform, many left-wing critics have criticized Vietnam's current ideology. Outspoken dissident leftist Bui Tin said that "the Communist Party [of Vietnam] is full of opportunists and privileged elites. The morality is lost. All is the search for dollars." Critics of the CPV have argued that the socialist-oriented market economy is a re-capitalized system which allows massive capitalist markets, bourgeoisie, and foreign investments while expanding economic inequality and social unrest.


title: Kojak

text: Kojak is an American action crime drama television series starring Telly Savalas as the title character, New York City Police Department Detective Lieutenant Theodopolis "Theo" Kojak. Taking the time slot of the popular "Cannon" series, it aired on CBS from 1973 to 1978.


title: Kojak

text: The show was created by Abby Mann, an Academy Award–winning film writer best known for his work on drama anthologies such as "Robert Montgomery Presents" and "Playhouse 90". Universal Television approached him to do a story based on the 1963 Wylie-Hoffert murders, the brutal rape and murder of two young professional women in Manhattan.


title: Kojak

text: Owing to poor and corrupt police work and the prevailing casual attitude toward suspects' civil rights, the crimes in the Wylie-Hoffert case were pinned on a young African-American man, George Whitmore Jr., who had been arrested on a separate assault charge. After illegally obtaining a confession, the police had the suspect all but convicted until a second investigation by a different team of detectives exonerated the suspect and identified the real killer, Richard Robles, who was convicted in 1965 and sentenced to life in prison.


title: Kojak

text: Mann developed the project as a gritty police procedural, but with a subtext focusing on institutionalized prejudice and the civil rights of suspects and witnesses. The result was a 1973 made-for-TV movie, "The Marcus-Nelson Murders". The opening and closing titles of the film emphasized the point that it was a fictional account of the events that led to the creation of Miranda rights by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1966. Selwyn Raab's book "Justice in the Back Room" provided Mann with some of his inspiration for the story of "The Marcus-Nelson Murders", and the series subsequently included a credits reference to having been "suggested by a book by Selwyn Raab".


title: Kojak

text: Savalas starred in "The Marcus-Nelson Murders" as a police detective whose last name was spelled "Kojack". The film served as a pilot for the "Kojak" television series. Kojak himself was a composite character, based on a number of detectives, lawyers, and reporters who were involved in the Wylie-Hoffert murder case.


title: Kojak

text: The series is set in the New York City Police Department's Eleventh Precinct (the building shown was actually Ninth Precinct), Manhattan South Patrol Borough. The series was also filmed in New York City.


title: Kojak

text: The show revolved around the efforts of the tough and incorruptible Lieutenant Theodopolus ("Theo") Kojak (Telly Savalas), a bald, dapper, New York City policeman, who was fond of Tootsie Pops and of using the catchphrases, "Who loves ya, baby?" and "Cootchie-coo!" Kojak was stubborn and tenacious in his investigation of crimes—and also displayed a dark, cynical wit, along with a tendency to bend the rules if it brought a criminal to justice.


title: Kojak

text: In the context of the script, Kojak's was seen as typical squad room humor, which was picked up later in the TV drama "Hill Street Blues". Savalas described Kojak as a "basically honest character, tough but with feelings—the kind of guy who might kick a hooker in the tail if he had to, but they'd understand each other because maybe they grew up on the same kind of block." Kojak's Greek American heritage, shared by actor Savalas, was featured prominently in the series.


title: Kojak

text: In the early episodes of the series, he is often seen smoking cigarettes. Following the 1964 Surgeon General's on smoking, cigarette commercials were banned from American television in 1971, and public awareness of the dangers of cigarette smoking increased dramatically during the 1970s. To cut down on his own deadly habit, Kojak began using lollipops as a substitute. The lollipop made its debut in the Season 1 episode "Dark Sunday", broadcast on December 12, 1973; Kojak lights a cigarette as he begins questioning a witness, but thinks better of it and sticks a lollipop (specifically, a Tootsie Pop) in his mouth instead. Later in the episode, Kevin Dobson's character Crocker asks about the lollipop and Kojak replies, "I'm looking to close the generation gap." Although Kojak continued to smoke, as he was frequently seen lighting a cigarillo, the lollipop eventually became his identifying characteristic; in fact, when the series debuted a new opening montage in season five, Kojak is seen both lighting a cigarillo and popping a lollipop into his mouth.


title: Kojak

text: His longtime supervisor was Capt. Frank McNeil (Dan Frazer), a man who never seemed to know what was going on. Later in the series, McNeil was promoted to Chief of Detectives in Manhattan. Kojak is the commander of the Manhattan South Precinct's detective squad. His squad includes one of his favorite employees, young plainclothes officer, Det. Bobby Crocker (Kevin Dobson). Detective Stavros, played by Telly's real-life brother George Savalas, used the name "Demosthenes" as his screen credit during the first two seasons. George Savalas, under his real name, also received a Production Associate credit during the first season and a Production Assistant credit for the second season. Detective Saperstein (Mark Russell), and Detective Rizzo (Vince Conti), all gave Kojak support. Roger Robinson appeared in 12 episodes as Detective Gil Weaver.


title: Kojak

text: Although the show primarily focused on Kojak's police work, it occasionally veered into other areas of the character's lives, such as the first-season episode "Knockover" which included a subplot involving Kojak romancing a (much younger) female police officer. In 1976, crime writer Joe Gores received an Edgar Award from the Mystery Writers of America for Best Episode in a TV Series Teleplay for the third-season episode "No Immunity for Murder" (first aired November 23, 1975).


title: Kojak

text: The show was canceled after five seasons in 1978, due to falling ratings. Reruns of "Kojak" became successful in syndication and on TV Land.


title: Kojak

text: Years after the series ended, Savalas reprised the role in two CBS TV movies, "Kojak: The Belarus File" (1985) (an adaptation of the John Loftus book "The Belarus Secret") and "" (1987) (based on Dorothy Uhnak's novel "The Investigation"). Kojak is not a character in either book.


title: Kojak

text: Dan Frazer, George Savalas, Mark Russell and Vince Conti made their final appearances in "The Belarus File".


title: Kojak

text: In 1989, ABC revived the series again with five additional TV movies. These films saw now-Inspector Kojak lead the NYPD's Major Crimes Squad. Andre Braugher was cast as Winston Blake, a young detective assigned to Kojak's command. Kevin Dobson returned for the fourth film "It's Always Something".


title: Kojak

text: Telly Savalas and Dan Frazer are the only cast members to appear in every episode of the original series. Kevin Dobson appeared in all but two episodes, whilst George Savalas appeared in all but three.


title: Kojak

text: Two main title themes were used for the show. The somewhat better-known first "Kojak" theme, in two distinct arrangements, is the work of Billy Goldenberg, who scored the first two episodes of the series (Goldenberg also scored the series' pilot movie). The first of these two arrangements was used for episodes 1-27. The second of these two arrangements was used for episodes 28–96. Kim Richmond scored the series' third episode. John Cacavas composed the second main title theme used for the show's fifth and final season. In addition, Cacavas composed the music score beginning with the series' fourth episode and continued throughout the remainder of the series.


title: Kojak

text: Goldenberg's first "Kojak" theme had lyrics, written by Bill Dyer. The song, entitled "We'll Make It This Time (Theme From Kojak)" was performed by Sammy Davis Jr. on his 1976 album "The Song And Dance Man".


title: Kojak

text: In the "Kojak" television series, the main character would drive an unmarked police car. This sedan model, was a 1973 Buick Century Police detective car with full wheel covers and a 1974 Buick Century 455 badged sedan with small wheel covers. Both cars were in dark brown colors (GM Nutmeg Poly color.) The "1973 grille (section above the bumper) has 3 horizontal bars while the 1974 has 5 horizontal bars." A blue 1974 Century sedan was also driven. "Later in the series, the brown Century was replaced by a 1975 (copper color). " The New York orange with dark blue lettered license plate was "383-JDZ" on the "Kojak" brown police detective car.


title: Kojak

text: "Kojak" aired for five seasons on CBS, from 1973 to 1978 for a total of 118 episodes. In the United Kingdom, the series premiered on 24 August 1974 on BBC1. In 1985, seven years after the series ended, Telly Savalas returned to play Kojak in seven TV movies beginning with "Kojak: The Belarus File". The first two were aired by CBS and the latter five were aired on ABC as part of their "ABC Saturday Mystery Movie" theme block. His character was promoted to the rank of captain, and later inspector. Andre Braugher co-starred as Det. Winston Blake, and for one TV movie, "Kojak: It's Always Something", Kevin Dobson returned as Bobby Crocker, now an assistant district attorney. Guest stars in these TV movies included Angie Dickinson, Marcia Gay Harden, Max von Sydow, Jerry Orbach and Suzanne Pleshette.


title: Kojak

text: Esquire TV aired the series in multi-hour blocks Wednesdays from September to mid-October 2015. MeTV picked "Kojak" up for its late night lineup shortly thereafter. Today, Cozi TV airs "Kojak" approximately six months during a calendar year.


title: Kojak

text: In March 2005, a new "Kojak" series debuted on the USA Network cable channel and on ITV4 in the UK. In this re-imagined version, African-American actor Ving Rhames portrays the character. The series only lasted one season.


title: Kojak

text: David and Leslie Newman's original script for "Superman: The Movie" featured a cameo appearance by Savalas as Kojak, with Superman mistaking him for Lex Luthor and accidentally capturing him. This scene was written out of the film after Richard Donner and Tom Mankiewicz became involved and shifted the film towards a less campy and more serious tone.


title: Kojak

text: Universal Pictures is planning to make a film version of Kojak, with Neal Purvis and Robert Wade to write the script for the film. Vin Diesel will star as Kojak and produced the film with Samantha Vincent. Philip Gawthorne was hired to construct a new draft for the film.


title: Kojak

text: On June 19, 2015 it was reported in media outlets that playwright Philip Gawthorne is on board for the new Kojak movie being written for Universal. "Kojak" is being produced by Diesel's Universal-based One Race Films with Scott Stuber and Dylan Clark. Neal Purvis and Robert Wade, the writing team behind James Bond films including "The World Is Not Enough" and "Skyfall", joined the project in 2012 to write a previous draft.


title: Kojak

text: Despite the show being ostensibly produced for an adult audience, Peter Pan Records produced an album of audio dramas based upon the series, aimed at children. This 12" album has an audio record and a story book released in 1977.


title: Kojak

text: There were several books titled, Telly Savalas Kojak in a numbered series. The author was Victor B. Miller of directing and writing career fame, especially the Friday the 13th screenplay and movie.


title: Kojak

text: Several re-prints from the Pocket Books were done in the U.K. by Star Books and there was one title, "Marked for Murder" published in 1976 that was not in the U.S. numbered series. Also, reprints with a different cover for "Requiem For a Cop" and "Girl in the River" were published in 1975.


title: Kojak

text: Another book was published by Berkley Medallion Books in 1976. The author was Thom Racina and was titled, "Kojak in San Francisco" with a tagline, "The story that couldn't be shown on TV."


title: Kojak

text: Janet Pate, authored, "Book of Sleuths from Sherlock Holmes to Kojak" in hardcover binding. The publisher was New English Library Ltd and the first edition was published on, March 3, 1977. The cover features Kojak on the telephone with a pinstripe suit. The information book indicated as 124 pages with profuse b/w photos, plates and illustrations.


title: Kojak

text: There were three annuals for Kojak published in 1977 (62 pages Stafford Pemberton Publishing), 1978, and 1979.


title: Kojak

text: Universal Studios released season 1 of "Kojak" on DVD in Regions 1, 2 and 4 in 2005–2006. Due to poor sales, no further seasons were released.


title: Kojak

text: On May 25, 2011, it was announced that Shout! Factory had acquired the Region 1 DVD rights to the series. They have subsequently released the remaining 4 seasons on DVD as well as a complete movie collection.


title: Kojak

text: There were mini trading cards with bubble gum included in packs made in Holland and solely imported by Lemberger Food Co. Inc. in Palisades Park, NJ. A pack of 8 cards and 1 gum were sold part of the collection at 10 cents. The merchandise packaging had copyright of Universal Television, Division of Universal City Studios INC. This Monty Gum collection is a set of mini-trading cards in 1 7/8" by 2 5/8" size with 72 color images of the series on the front side with a puzzle on the back side. Another set had deckle edged 100 images of the series to arrange the puzzle, on the back was a monochrome Kojak with a lollipop and card number. Also, in the Monty Gum collection was a 56 playing card deck with double monochrome Kojak on the telephone image on the front. This is how to determine the differences in the three card sets with Kojak (on telephone or with lollipop) or none. The size of the playing cards was approximately 2" X 3" in size. The playing cards had all different images with four Kojaks as Joker Card (no sunglasses, sunglasses, lollipop, no sunglasses and no lollipop) and was made for foreign markets as K, D Q V, and J B are shown for the face cards.


title: Kojak

text: Also, Milton Bradley manufactured a "Kojak" board game, called The Stake Out Detective. Another company, Arrow Games, Ltd, manufactured a different board game design as well in that year, calling it "Kojak" Detective Game. This identical play board game design had a French version by MB Jeux called "Enigmes Policieieres" and a combo English/French language board game version by Somerville Industries Lt (London, Ontario, Canada) called "Jeu de Détective" "Detective Game."


title: Kojak

text: Since the "Kojak" TV series was already showing in the UK, that Mettoy Toy Co. LTD in Northhampton, U.K., introduced Corgi Toys (model no. 690,) "Kojak"s Buick as a diecast 1:36 scale replica of the 74 Century car and indicated it as a 74 Regal. This toy car includes a standing, blue suit, bald "Kojak" and movable in the back seat, "Crocker" figures in firearm shooting positions. Another version was a standing, black suit, black hat "Kojak" with "Crocker" with no appearance difference. The vehicle had the two front doors that would open, a "gun shot sound" from rolling the rear bumper wheel, and a detachable red beacon on the roof. The packaging was designed for the English, French, and German markets and included a New York Police Department Lieutenant self-adhesive police badge.


title: Kojak

text: Also, Excel Toys manufactured in Hong Kong an 8 inch action figure of Kojak with all accessories including glasses, lollipops, cigar, holster, police revolver, and hat. One action figure was the blue suit (item no. 550) and the other was the pinstriped suit. The company had item no. 574, as a Police Emergency Set hand accessory kit for the action figures that included a bull horn, handcuffs, walkie-talkie, trench coat with belt, helmet, and riot gun. The action figures would be completed with a Headquarters background playset with a folded pop-up card table, desks with chair, file cabinets, coat rack, and bad guy action figure.


title: Kojak

text: Tomy introduced a Chad Valley "Kojak" Walkie Talkie. A battery operated device that had six Kojak phrases recorded when you pressed the button. The device was blue with a metal antenna that could be raised and lowered, but does not transmit or receive. The device had a clip for to attach on your belt or waist shorts/pants. The trademark was M.C.A. Universal City Studies, Inc.


title: Kojak

text: The Chad Valley Company Ltd., also had the "Kojak" Target Game with a plastic gun, pop-up knock down target, belt clip with special safety darts, and target feet. More spare darts could be ordered as 10 darts in 2 belt clips from the Birmingham, England factory.


title: Kojak

text: The Mettoy Toy Co. LTD in Northhampton, U.K., introduced Corgi Junior (no. 68,) "Kojak" Buick copper color sedan with only the fixed red beacon on the roof with no character figures nor front doors opening. The packing was a trademark of and licensed by Universal Studies, Inc. Additionally, there was the Corgi Junior (no. 2527,) "Kojak" New York Police that included the Buick copper color sedan and a blue City of New York Police helicopter. The scale was 1:55 for the Corgi Junior replicas.


title: Kojak

text: Continental Plastics Corp. of Hollis, NY had a made in Hong Kong item no 9116-5. It was branded as Harmony as the "Kojak" Detective Scope that had "9 ways to use it." It was one plastic item that was a microscope, magnifier, flat mirror, telescope, fire lighter, binoculars, solar clock, compass, code messages, and reading glasses. The packing was a trademark of and licensed by Universal Studies, Inc. and had a 1.00 dollar plus tax price sticker.


title: Kojak

text: Continental Plastics Corp. made another Hong Kong item no 9. It was branded as Harmony as the "Kojak" Walkie Talkie that had a badge, ID, and whistle. Also, the packing was a trademark and licensed with a 1.00 dollar plus tax price sticker. This plastic toy was not operational as other models available.


title: Kojak

text: Continental Plastics Corp. made another Hong Kong item as no 9128-9. It was branded as Harmony with the "Kojak" Harbor Patrol that included chopper, rescue boats, and ID card. The packing was a trademark of and licensed by Universal Studies, Inc. and had a .79 cents plus tax price sticker. The item appeared as set up from another series by consumers opinions.


title: Kojak

text: Additionally, Ideal Toy Company, of Hollis, NY produced the Pocket Flix as a battery-operated handheld motorized movie viewer with a sold separately "Kojak" Snap on Movie cassette clip of the series.


title: Kojak

text: Another trading card appeared in the Swedish Samlarsaker (collectibles) set of Swedish Pop Stars non-sport trading cards featuring Kojak as card 702.


title: Kojak

text: Corgi reissued the "Kojak" Buick Regal, under their Corgi Classics banner ( # 57403). No beacon, no sound, and no "Crocker" in the rear seat. A standing Kojak figure was in a shooting position; "hand painted and cast in white metal rather than plastic, using the familiar fedora hat and coat mould."


title: Kojak

text: This same model by Corgi Classics, was repackaged one final time. (# CC00501) The same Buick, with a small card figure of Kojak.


title: Kojak

text: Decades later, a manufacturer has "Kojak" car license plate, "383 JDZ" in a "1/24 1/25 scale model car movie TV license plates tags" to be used on model cars.


title: Kojak

text: Another toy manufacturer, Goldvarg Collection, created a 1:43 scale of the "Kojak" car described as "1974 Buick Century colour Nutmeg Poly."


title: Kojak

text: There is a custom manufacturer that creates a "1/6 scale custom Telly Savalas Kojack [sic] Action Figure head" to be placed on 12 inch action figure bodies.


title: Kojak

text: On an internet selling site, novelty Kojak and Crocker Police Badges are made ID's printed on CR80 PVC plastic credit card size - 85.6 x 54mm (3.375 x 2.125 inches) as movie props with images of Lieutenant Theo Kojak - Telly Savalas or Detective Bobby Crocker - Kevin Dobson.


title: Kojak

text: There is a tiny plastic red or blue colored beacon that can used on emergency vehicles. It has a description as a "1:25 scale model resin Federal Fireball Beacon red Kojak police light" or "1:25 scale model resin Federal Fireball Beacon blue Kojak police light." It also can be used on 1:24 scale vehicles. The item can be painted in enamel, acrylic, or lacquer. The manufacturer, Three Inches Under, introduced this item in 2014 as part, BEAKOJB.


title: Kojak

text: Vanity Fair in 1976, produced the "Kojak" Walkie Talkies designed as battery operated on 4 transistor Solid State transceivers. The 2 piece walkie talkie set meets all FCC standards. The units were able to detach the microphone from the handset and there was a Morse Code key guide on the devices. It had a telescopic antenna and a volume control. These devices were black in color opposed to the blue color toy called "Kojak" Walkie Talkie.


title: Kojak

text: Introduced in 1977, a bicycle and tricycle battery accessory was produced as a siren. It was made in Hong Kong as model 1300 and a safety 14 inch starter cord. The packaging indicated, "This siren is with or meets the specifications of California vehicle code section 670 and 27002."


title: Kojak

text: In 1978, Universal Security Instruments, Inc. of Owings Mills, Maryland introduced a "Kojak" complete burglar alarm system, "for protection where is counts." The packaging had Kojak with a lollipop on the front and the back and included "Kojak" installation instructions. The system had a protective electric loop for windows and doors. A break-in and cutting wires would cause an alarm to sound. The device operated on a 12-volt battery and included extra loud "B" bell, heavy-duty weather-resistant cabinet with built-in tamper resistant circuit, 125' of double stranded wire, six sets of magnetic switches, two keys, panic button, indoor "ON-OFF" control, and warning decals. Features were built-in timer to shut off the siren in five minutes and LED indicator light for indication if alarm was triggered. This alarm system was considered wired perimeter as the lowest-cost of $50.


title: Kojak

text: In 2022, there are selling sites with vehicle lights and strobes. One model by Grote is the "BEACN KOJAK TEAR DROP 12V RED" as Mfr. Model # 76032 which is a 12volt cigarette lighter plug and cord attached to a magnetic mounted base strobe light. The amber model is Mfr. Model # 76033 and has the same teardrop design lens that emits 80 flashes per minute in a rotating beacon. Both items comply to SAE J845 Class I standards.


title: Leslie David Baker

text: Leslie David Baker (born February 19, 1958) is an American actor. He is known for playing disgruntled paper salesman Stanley Hudson in "The Office" for nine seasons (2005–2013).


title: Leslie David Baker

text: Baker was born on February 19, 1958 in Chicago, Illinois. He holds a B.S. in psychology from Loyola University Chicago and an M.S. in human services administration from Spertus Institute for Jewish Learning and Leadership in Chicago. He taught special education and played an office worker in OfficeMax commercials while working on his MS degree. In Chicago, he worked for the Board of Education, the Department of Public Health, and the Office of Cable and Communications.


title: Leslie David Baker

text: Baker had another audition scheduled on the day he was called back for "The Office". On his way to his "Office" audition, he was caught in traffic though producers thought he had been in the bathroom and thanked him for his patience. "By then I was kind of sweaty, my clothes were rumpled, and I was cranky," Baker later said. "The character was written the way I was feeling that day, and I just let 'er rip. Two weeks later I got a call: 'You got the pilot.'"


title: Leslie David Baker

text: Baker's "Office" character, Stanley Hudson, is a sales representative for the fictional Dunder Mifflin paper distributor usually portrayed as a defiant, grouchy curmudgeon. It was said that his performance was "a standout" on the show, and with "his monotone voice and calm demeanor, he played well against the off-the-wall nature of many of the other characters." "Did I Stutter?" (season 4, 2008) has a focus on Baker's character; as with many supporting actors on "The Office", some of Baker's scenes became memorable to fans. Stanley is rarely, but sometimes, given a "soft side"; in "Stairmageddon" (season 9, 2013), Baker plays a tranquilized, and then giddy, Stanley. At the conclusion of the series, Stanley says he is happy to be living in retirement in Florida.


title: Leslie David Baker

text: He was part of the "Office" cast which won Screen Actors Guild Awards in the Outstanding Performance by an Ensemble in a Comedy Series category in 2007 and 2008.


title: Leslie David Baker

text: In December 2017, after several former "Office" actors expressed interest in a revival of the series, "The Hollywood Reporter" Lesley Goldberg said of Baker, "Why wouldn't he return?!" After "The Office" ended in 2013, "The Hollywood Reporter" said that Baker has had few roles; "Bustle" said that he was "plenty busy with his other creative pursuits". In July 2020, Baker launched a Kickstarter campaign to fund the production of a pilot for "Uncle Stan", a proposed spin-off series of "The Office" focusing on Stanley as he moves to Los Angeles, California to help his widowed nephew Lucky run his failing motorcycle repair/flower shop.


title: Leslie David Baker

text: In 2001, Baker guest-starred in "That '70s Show" in season 3's "Backstage Pass" as a janitor at the Ted Nugent concert. In November 2011, Baker released the song "2 Be Simple" with an accompanying music video which features Baker (credited as "Black Hugh Hefner") in a bath robe dancing with scantily clad women. "For reasons that remain unclear," wrote Jan Chaney of "The Washington Post", "Baker has released ... a track destined to be the party anthem at all your yuletide throwdowns." Cameron Matthews called the song's hook "infectious" with lyrics that "totally [capture] the daydreams of a middle-aged man in crisis."


title: Leslie David Baker

text: Baker appeared in "Raven's Home" as Principal Wentworth; previously, he had small parts in "Scorpion" and "Life in Pieces". He appeared on the CMT series "Still the King" and in the films "" (2017), in a voice role, and "The Happytime Murders" (2018). He also appeared in a January 2018 advertisement for FileMaker Inc., a subsidiary of Apple Inc., as a farmer alongside former "Office" actors Paul Lieberstein and Kate Flannery. In 2020 Baker starred in a series of commercials for Honey Nut Cheerios.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Postpartum depression (PPD), also called postnatal depression, is a type of mood disorder associated with childbirth, which can affect both sexes. Symptoms may include extreme sadness, low energy, anxiety, crying episodes, irritability, and changes in sleeping or eating patterns. Onset is typically between one week and one month following childbirth. PPD can also negatively affect the newborn child.


title: Postpartum depression

text: While the exact cause of PPD is unclear, the cause is believed to be a combination of physical, emotional, genetic, and social factors. These may include factors such as hormonal changes and sleep deprivation. Risk factors include prior episodes of postpartum depression, bipolar disorder, a family history of depression, psychological stress, complications of childbirth, lack of support, or a drug use disorder. Diagnosis is based on a person's symptoms. While most women experience a brief period of worry or unhappiness after delivery, postpartum depression should be suspected when symptoms are severe and last over two weeks.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Among those at risk, providing psychosocial support may be protective in preventing PPD. This may include community support such as food, household chores, mother care, and companionship. Treatment for PPD may include counseling or medications. Types of counseling that have been found to be effective include interpersonal psychotherapy (IPT), cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), and psychodynamic therapy. Tentative evidence supports the use of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs).


title: Postpartum depression

text: Postpartum depression affects roughly 15% of women after childbirth. Moreover, this mood disorder is estimated to affect 1% to 26% of new fathers. Postpartum psychosis, a more severe form of postpartum mood disorder, occurs in about 1 to 2 per 1,000 women following childbirth. Postpartum psychosis is one of the leading causes of the murder of children less than one year of age, which occurs in about 8 per 100,000 births in the United States.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Symptoms of PPD can occur any time in the first year postpartum. Typically, a diagnosis of postpartum depression is considered after signs and symptoms persist for at least two weeks.


title: Postpartum depression

text: fMRI studies indicate differences in brain activity between mothers with postpartum depression and those without. Mothers diagnosed with PPD tend to have less activity in the left frontal lobe and increased activity in the right frontal lobe when compared with healthy controls. They also exhibit decreased connectivity between vital brain structures, including the anterior cingulate cortex, dorsal lateral prefrontal cortex, amygdala, and hippocampus. Brain activation differences between depressed and nondepressed mothers is more pronounced when stimulated by non-infant emotional cues. Depressed mothers show greater neural activity in the right amygdala toward non-infant emotional cues as well as reduced connectivity between the amygdala and right insular cortex. Recent findings have also identified blunted activity in anterior cingulate cortex, striatum, orbitofrontal cortex, and insula in mothers with PPD when viewing images of their own infants.


title: Postpartum depression

text: More robust studies on neural activation regarding PPD have been conducted with rodents than humans. These studies have allowed for greater isolation of specific brain regions, neurotransmitters, hormones, and steroids.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Postpartum depression onset usually begins between two weeks to a month after delivery. A study done at an inner-city mental health clinic has shown that 50% of postpartum depressive episodes there began prior to delivery. Therefore, in the DSM-5 postpartum depression is diagnosed under "depressive disorder with peripartum onset", in which "peripartum onset" is defined as anytime either during pregnancy or within the four weeks following delivery. PPD may last several months or even a year. Postpartum depression can also occur in women who have suffered a miscarriage. For fathers, several studies show that men experience the highest levels of postpartum depression between 3–6 months postpartum.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Postpartum depression can interfere with normal maternal-infant bonding and adversely affect acute and longterm child development. Postpartum depression may lead mothers to be inconsistent with childcare. These childcare inconsistencies may include feeding routines, sleep routines, and health maintenance.


title: Postpartum depression

text: In rare cases, or about 1 to 2 per 1,000, the postpartum depression appears as postpartum psychosis. In these, or among women with a history of previous psychiatric hospital admissions, infanticide may occur. In the United States, postpartum depression is one of the leading causes of annual reported infanticide incidence rate of about 8 per 100,000 births.


title: Postpartum depression

text: According to research published in the "American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology", children can experience the effects of postpartum depression. If a mother experiences postpartum depression that goes untreated, it can have adverse effects on her children. When a child is in infancy, these problems can include unusual amounts of crying (colic) and not having normal sleeping patterns. These problems can have a cyclical effect, meaning that they can further agitate the mother's postpartum depression and can even lead to the mother further developing postpartum depression. These cyclical effects can affect the way the mother maintains her relationship with her child. These can include the stopping of breastfeeding, as well as negative emotions such as withdrawal, disengagement, and even hostility. If a mother develops a hostile relationship, it can lead to extreme outcomes such as infanticide.


title: Postpartum depression

text: As the child grows older, postpartum depression can lead to the child experiencing irregularities in cognitive processes, behaviors, and emotions. In addition to these abnormalities, children who grew up around postpartum depression also are susceptible to developing violent tendencies.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Paternal postpartum depression has not been studied as intently as its maternal counterpart. However, postpartum depression affects 8 to 10% of fathers. In men, postpartum depression is typically defined as "an episode of major depressive disorder (MDD) occurring soon after the birth of a child". There are no set criteria for men to have postpartum depression. The cause may be distinct in males. Causes of paternal postpartum depression include hormonal changes during pregnancy, which can be indicative of father-child relationships. For instance, male depressive symptoms have been associated with low testosterone levels in men. Low prolactin, estrogen, and vasopressin levels have been associated with struggles with father-infant attachment, which can lead to depression in first-time fathers. Symptoms of postpartum depression in men are extreme sadness, fatigue, anxiety, irritability, and suicidal thoughts. Postpartum depression in men is most likely to occur 3–6 months after delivery, and is correlated with maternal depression, meaning that if the mother is experiencing postpartum depression, then the father is at a higher risk of developing the illness as well. Postpartum depression in men leads to an increase risk of suicide, while also limiting healthy infant-father attachment. Men who experience PPD can exhibit poor parenting behaviors, distress, and reduce infant interaction. Reduced paternal interaction can later lead to cognitive and behavioral problems in children. Children as young as 3.5 years old experience problems with internalizing and externalizing behaviors, indicating that paternal postpartum depression can have long-term consequences. Furthermore, if children as young as two are not frequently read to, this negative parent-child interaction can have a harmful impact on their expressive vocabulary.


title: Postpartum depression

text: The cause of PPD is unknown. Hormonal and physical changes, personal and family history of depression, and the stress of caring for a new baby all may contribute to the development of postpartum depression.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Evidence suggests that hormonal changes may play a role. Understanding the neuroendocrinology characteristic of PPD has proven to be particularly challenging given the erratic changes to the brain and biological systems during pregnancy and postpartum. A review of exploratory studies in PPD have observed that women with PPD have more dramatic changes in HPA axis activity, however directionality of specific hormone increases or decreases remain mixed. Hormones which have been studied include estrogen, progesterone, thyroid hormone, testosterone, corticotropin releasing hormone, endorphins, and cortisol. Estrogen and progesterone levels drop back to pre-pregnancy levels within 24 hours of giving birth, and that sudden change may cause it. Aberrant steroid hormone–dependent regulation of neuronal calcium influx via extracellular matrix proteins and membrane receptors involved in responding to the cell's microenvironment might be important in conferring biological risk. The use of synthetic oxytocin, a birth-inducing drug, has been linked to increased rates of postpartum depression and anxiety.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Fathers, who are not undergoing profound hormonal changes, can also have postpartum depression. The cause may be distinct in males.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Profound lifestyle changes that are brought about by caring for the infant are also frequently hypothesized to cause PPD. However, little evidence supports this hypothesis. Mothers who have had several previous children without experiencing PPD can nonetheless experience it with their latest child. Despite the biological and psychosocial changes that may accompany pregnancy and the postpartum period, most women are not diagnosed with PPD. Many mothers are unable to get the rest they need to fully recover from giving birth. Sleep deprivation can lead to physical discomfort and exhaustion, which can contribute to the symptoms of postpartum depression.


title: Postpartum depression

text: While the causes of PPD are not understood, a number of factors have been suggested to increase the risk. These risks can be broken down into two categories, biological and psychosocial:


title: Postpartum depression

text: The risk factors for postpartum depression can be broken down into two categories as listed above, biological and psychosocial. Certain biological risk factors include the administration of oxytocin to induce labor. Chronic illnesses such as diabetes, or Addison's disease, as well as issues hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal dysregulation (which controls hormonal responses), inflammatory processes like asthma or celiac disease, and genetic vulnerabilities such as a family history of depression or PPD. Chronic illnesses caused by neuroendocrine irregularities including irritable bowl syndrome and fibromyalgia typically put individuals at risk for further health complications. However, it has been found that these diseases do not increase risk for postpartum depression, these factors are known to correlate with PPD. This correlation does not mean these factors are causal. Cigarette smoking has been known to have additive effects. Some studies have found a link between PPD and low levels of DHA (an omega-3 fatty acid) in the mother. A correlation between postpartum thyroiditis and postpartum depression has been proposed but remains controversial. There may also be a link between postpartum depression and anti-thyroid antibodies.


title: Postpartum depression

text: The psychosocial risk factors for postpartum depression include severe life events, some forms of chronic strain, relationship quality, and support from partner and mother. There is a need for more research in regard to the link between psychosocial risk factors and postpartum depression. Some psychosocial risk factors can be linked to the social determinants of health. Women with fewer resources indicate a higher level of postpartum depression and stress than those women with more resources, such as financial.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Rates of PPD have been shown to decrease as income increases. Women with fewer resources may be more likely to have an unintended or unwanted pregnancy, increasing risk of PPD. Women with fewer resources may also include single mothers of low income. Single mothers of low income may have more limited access to resources while transitioning into motherhood. These women already have fewer spending options, and having a child may spread those options even further. Low-income women are frequently trapped in a cycle of poverty, unable to advance, affecting their ability to access and receive quality healthcare to diagnose and treat postpartum depression.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Studies have also shown a correlation between a mother's race and postpartum depression. African American mothers have been shown to have the highest risk of PPD at 25%, while Asian mothers had the lowest at 11.5%, after controlling for social factors such as age, income, education, marital status, and baby's health. The PPD rates for First Nations, Caucasian and Hispanic women fell in between.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Migration away from a cultural community of support can be a factor in PPD. Traditional cultures around the world prioritize organized support during postpartum care to ensure the mother's mental and physical health, wellbeing, and recovery.


title: Postpartum depression

text: One of the strongest predictors of paternal PPD is having a partner who has PPD, with fathers developing PPD 50% of the time when their female partner has PPD.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Sexual orientation has also been studied as a risk factor for PPD. In a 2007 study conducted by Ross and colleagues, lesbian and bisexual mothers were tested for PPD and then compared with a heterosexual sample group. It was found that lesbian and bisexual biological mothers had significantly higher Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale scores than did the heterosexual women in the sample. Postpartum depression is more common among lesbian women than heterosexual women, which can be attributed to lesbian women's higher depression prevalence. Lesbian women have a higher risk of depression because they are more likely to have been treated for depression and to have attempted or contemplated suicide than heterosexual women. These higher rates of PPD in lesbian/bisexual mothers may reflect less social support, particularly from their families of origin and additional stress due to homophobic discrimination in society.


title: Postpartum depression

text: There is a call to integrate both a consideration of biological and psychosocial risk factors for PPD when treating and researching the illness.


title: Postpartum depression

text: A meta-analysis reviewing research on the association of violence and postpartum depression showed that violence against women increases the incidence of postpartum depression. About one-third of women throughout the world will experience physical or sexual violence at some point in their lives. Violence against women occurs in conflict, post-conflict, and non-conflict areas. The research reviewed only looked at violence experienced by women from male perpetrators. Further, violence against women was defined as "any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women". Psychological and cultural factors associated with increased incidence of postpartum depression include family history of depression, stressful life events during early puberty or pregnancy, anxiety or depression during pregnancy, and low social support. Violence against women is a chronic stressor, so depression may occur when someone is no longer able to respond to the violence.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Postpartum depression in the DSM-5 is known as "depressive disorder with peripartum onset". Peripartum onset is defined as starting anytime during pregnancy or within the four weeks following delivery. There is no longer a distinction made between depressive episodes that occur during pregnancy or those that occur after delivery. Nevertheless, the majority of experts continue to diagnose postpartum depression as depression with onset anytime within the first year after delivery.


title: Postpartum depression

text: The criteria required for the diagnosis of postpartum depression are the same as those required to make a diagnosis of non-childbirth related major depression or minor depression. The criteria include at least five of the following nine symptoms, within a two-week period:


title: Postpartum depression

text: Postpartum blues, commonly known as "baby blues," is a transient postpartum mood disorder characterized by milder depressive symptoms than postpartum depression. This type of depression can occur in up to 80% of all mothers following delivery. Symptoms typically resolve within two weeks. Symptoms lasting longer than two weeks are a sign of a more serious type of depression. Women who experience "baby blues" may have a higher risk of experiencing a more serious episode of depression later on.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Postpartum psychosis is not a formal diagnosis, but is widely used to describe a psychiatric emergency that appears to occur in about 1 in a 1000 pregnancies, in which symptoms of high mood and racing thoughts (mania), depression, severe confusion, loss of inhibition, paranoia, hallucinations and delusions begin suddenly in the first two weeks after delivery; the symptoms vary and can change quickly. It is different from postpartum depression and from maternity blues. It may be a form of bipolar disorder. It is important not to confuse psychosis with other symptoms that may occur after delivery, such as delirium. Delirium typically includes a loss of awareness or inability to pay attention.


title: Postpartum depression

text: About half of women who experience postpartum psychosis have no risk factors; but a prior history of mental illness, especially bipolar disorder, a history of prior episodes of postpartum psychosis, or a family history put some at a higher risk.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Postpartum psychosis often requires hospitalization, where treatment is antipsychotic medications, mood stabilizers, and in cases of strong risk for suicide, electroconvulsive therapy.


title: Postpartum depression

text: The most severe symptoms last from 2 to 12 weeks, and recovery takes 6 months to a year. Women who have been hospitalized for a psychiatric condition immediately after delivery are at a much higher risk of suicide during the first year after delivery.


title: Postpartum depression

text: Although birth-related posttraumatic stress disorder is not recognized in the DSM-5, there is extensive research being conducted to bring awareness to the posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms one could experience following childbirth. Some research examines the differences and comorbidity when looking into birth-related posttraumatic stress disorder, or postpartum posttraumatic stress disorder, and postpartum depression. In the recent research, similarities and differences in symptoms have been identified when it comes to postpartum posttraumatic stress disorder and postpartum depression. Although both diagnoses have overlap in their diagnostic criteria, some of the criteria specific to postpartum depression include intense hopelessness and sadness, excessive worry or anxiety, intrusive thoughts of harm to oneself or harm to the baby, feelings of guilt or thoughts of worthlessness, and a change in appetite which could result in under-eating or overeating. On the other hand, diagnostic criteria specific to postpartum posttraumatic stress disorder includes being easily startled, recurring nightmares and flashbacks, avoiding the baby or anything that reminds one of birth, aggression, irritability, and panic attacks. Although these are the symptoms that often help differentiate between postpartum posttraumatic stress disorder and postpartum depression, it is important to note that some of these symptoms can cross over to the other diagnosis (e.g., someone meeting the diagnostic criteria of postpartum depression may also present with panic attacks, or someone meeting the diagnostic criteria for postpartum posttraumatic stress disorder may experience depressive episodes, etc.). Another crucial element in diagnosing postpartum posttraumatic stress disorder following childbirth is when there is a real or perceived trauma before, during, or following childbirth, which is not always required when it comes to diagnosing someone with postpartum depression. This real or perceived traumatic event that could happen before, during, or following labor and delivery could be toward the baby, mother, or both. These traumatic events could include, but are not limited to unplanned c-section, death, the baby going into the NICU, the use of the vacuum extractor, or forceps during delivery, lack of support and/or reassurance during the delivery (from friends, family, and/or the medical staff), or any other severe physical complication or injury related to childbirth such as preeclampsia, or an unexpected hysterectomy.