title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In the 2017 legislative election, the ÖVP competed under the alias "Sebastian Kurz list – the new People's Party". Besides Kurz, other nominees on the federal list ("Bundesliste") were Elisabeth Köstinger, Josef Moser, Gaby Schwarz, Efgani Dönmez, Maria Großbauer, Rudolf Taschner, Tanja Graf, Karl Mahrer and Kira Grünberg. The first part of the election program, titled "New Justice & Responsibility" ("Neue Gerechtigkeit & Verantwortung"), was presented on 4 September 2017 and it promised tax cuts, advocated against assets and inheritance taxes and for a reduction of the minimum income obtained by people without Austrian citizenship. Already in June 2017, Kurz had announced that he would aim for a tax relief in the amount of 12 to 14 billion euros annually, counterbalanced by savings in the bureaucracy and "misguided social services", which would in particular affect child and family subsidy as well as the minimum income received by foreigners.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The second part of the program, presented nine days later, comprised economics, education, research, culture and the environment. It also aimed to replace compulsory school attendance with "compulsory education". Children shall "be able to comprehensively read and know the basics of math", otherwise compulsory school attendance shall be extended up until the age of 18. In addition, there shall be a mandatory second kindergarten year for children with insufficient knowledge of the German language. And contributions to the social security system shall be reduced for people with lower incomes.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 27 September 2017, Kurz presented the third part of the election program; "Order and Security". Anyone arriving illegally shall be returned to their country of origin. If someones requires protection, they shall be harboured in a Protection Center within a third-party country. It also asked for an improved scoring system ("Punktesystem") for legal immigration. With regards to government reforms, it wished a more clearly defined separation of responsibilities between the federal government and the state and municipality governments. It also called for structural reforms within the EU, the implementation of the security compact and tougher punishments for violence against women and incitements.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 15 October 2017, Kurz and his party emerged as victorious from the 2017 legislative election, receiving 1,595,526 votes (31.5%) in the popular vote and thus gaining 15 additional seats, and thereby a plurality, in the Parliament. As the leader of the party with the most seats after the election, Kurz was charged with the formation of a new cabinet by President Alexander Van der Bellen. Since he did not obtain an absolute majority in parliament, Kurz decided to look out for a coalition partner to ensure one. The search turned out rather quick and the ÖVP entered negotiations with the right-wing to far-right FPÖ on 25 October. Negotiations concluded successfully on 15 December and the incoming coalition presented its ministers list to the President. Van der Bellen assented and the Kurz cabinet was sworn in on 18 December 2017.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Under his first cabinet, Kurz received the chancellorship and five ministries, while the FPÖ received the vice chancellorship and six ministries.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: It became the first cabinet with FPÖ participation in more than 10 years and – following the Ibiza affair – the first with technocratic participation in more than 90 years. It was succeeded by the first only-technocratic cabinet in Austrian history. Additionally, Herbert Kickl became the first minister to be removed from office against their will as well as the first person serving as party leader to be excluded from re-appointment by a president.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 17 May 2019, the Ibiza affair came to public light. The scandal involved Vice Chancellor and FPÖ chairman Heinz-Christian Strache as well as FPÖ deputy chair Johann Gudenus, who were offered political support by a woman posing as the niece of Russian oligarch Igor Makarov. The incident was recorded on camera and later published by the "Süddeutsche Zeitung" and "Der Spiegel". The video tape showcased the openness of Strache and Gudenus to engage in corruption, their willingness to violate Austrian campaign finance law, and their aspiration to bring nonpartisan news outlets under their control.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The revelation swiftly lead to national and international condemnation. The following day both, Strache and Gudenus, resigned from all positions. Kurz supported keeping the cabinet on the condition that Herbert Kickl be replaced. As Interior Minister, Kickl (a member of the FPÖ) would have overseen the investigation into Strache and Gudenus. Additionally, following the revelation, Kickl quickly moved to appoint his close ally, Peter Goldgruber, director general for Public Security – the supreme authority of Austrian law enforcement – thus causing further controversy and public concern. The FPÖ rejected Kurz ultimatum. As a result, Kurz suspended the coalition agreement and asked President Van der Bellen to remove Kickl from office; the president assented. Following Kickl's removal, the remaining FPÖ ministers tendered their resignation, formally ending the coalition. Kurz filled the vacancies they left with technocrats.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: By ending the coalition, Kurz no longer commanded a majority in Parliament. On 27 May, the SPÖ became the first party to officially introduce a motion of no confidence against the entire cabinet (including Kurz). With the concurrence of JETZT and the FPÖ, the resolution received sufficient support to pass. In the history of Austrian republicanism, it was the first motion of no confidence against a chancellor and the entire cabinet to be successful. The next day, the president officially removed all cabinet members from office; although everyone, except for Kurz, was immediately re-appointed to serve in an acting capacity. Finance Minister Hartwig Löger succeeded Kurz and served until he was replaced by Brigitte Bierlein and a caretaker cabinet less than a week later.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In September 2019, the ÖVP won the 2019 legislative election in a landslide, receiving 1,789,417 votes and 37.5% of the total valid votes cast, enough for a wide plurality in the Parliament. Consequently, Kurz picked up an additional nine seats in parliament. It is the second consecutive election that the ÖVP emerged as the clear winner. As a result of the election, Kurz was again tasked with the formation of a new cabinet by President Alexander Van der Bellen on 7 October. Throughout October, Kurz held several exploratory meetings with the SPÖ, the FPÖ, NEOS, and the Green Party, which had experienced a grand comeback in the 2019 legislative election, after having dropped out of the Parliament following the 2017 election, and excluding the JETZT party, which failed to secure a minimum of 4 seats to obtain parliamentary representation. On 11 November, Kurz announced that the ÖVP would enter into coalition negotiations with the Green Party.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: At the end of December it was reported that coalition negotiations had concluded successfully. The program for the new cabinet was introduced to the general public on 2 January 2020. The executive board of the ÖVP approved the coalition agreement the next day, the Green Party federal congress followed on 4 January.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Under his second cabinet, Kurz received the chancellorship and eight ministries, while the Green party received the vice chancellorship and four ministries.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The second cabinet comprised significantly more partisan appointees and Kurz loyalists – e.g. both Blümel and Nehammer previously served as ÖVP general secretaries – than the first one. It was also the first cabinet in Austrian history that included the Green party and the first one with a predominantly female membership.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 6 October 2021, agents of the (WKStA) raided the Federal Chancellery and the headquarters of the ÖVP as part of a corruption probe targeting Kurz and his "inner circle". Prosecutors allege that Kurz bribed news outlets in 2016 to make anti-Reinhold Mitterlehner propaganda. The bribery scheme aimed at ousting Mitterlehner who served as then-vice chancellor and chair of the ÖVP, so Kurz could take his place. In addition, the WKStA accused Kurz of misappropriating tax payer money, as bribes were allegedly diverted from Finance Ministry funds.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Following the raid, opposition parties unanimously demanded Kurz' resignation and called a special session of the Parliament to vote on a motion of no confidence. The Greens pondered supporting the motion if Kurz was unwilling to voluntarily step down but were also supportive of continuing the coalition cabinet if Kurz was replaced. On 9 October 2021, Kurz resigned the chancellorship but announced his intentions to remain party chairman and assume direct leadership of the party in the Parliament. The Greens accepted Kurz' bargain, while opposition parties strongly condemned the move and said that Kurz would continue "pulling the strings".


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 11 October 2021, at 11:00 UTC, President Alexander Van der Bellen officially removed Kurz from office and appointed his nominee then-Foreign Minister Alexander Schallenberg chancellor of Austria.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Following Kurz' resignation as chancellor, news outlets, political analysts and the general public briefly referred to him as "shadow chancellor" – who continued to be, in effect, chief of government – albeit Kurz himself disavowed that label. As leader of the senior party of the coalition cabinet, Kurz remained the leading lawmaker and held the power to introduce motions of no confidence at will. He indirectly retained control over most government ministries, as they were headed by partisan loyalists, who had continuously voiced their unwavering fidelity to him.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 11 October 2021, Kurz was unanimously elected parliamentary leader of the ÖVP. Three days later, Kurz was officially sworn in as member of parliament. On 15 October, anti-corruption prosecutors filed an extradition request with the Parliament to lift his legal immunity; the ÖVP "welcomed" the request, as it would "allow Kurz to be vindicated of any allegations of corruption". In the first week of his chancellorship, Alexander Schallenberg reaffirmed that he sought a close cooperation with Kurz, and that he would stick to the former chancellor's policy objectives.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 16 November 2021, a parliamentary subcommittee unanimously voted to strip Kurz of his immunity; a plenary session formally enacted the vote two days later, allowing anti-corruption prosecutors to resume the criminal probe.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 3 December 2021, Kurz resigned all of his remaining positions and quit politics entirely. He was succeeded by Karl Nehammer as party chairman and August Wöginger as parliamentary leader. He cited his newborn son as the prime reason for this departure.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In June 2018, Kurz introduced a social security reform package termed the Family Bonus Plus Act, which was passed by the Parliament in July and became effective in January 2019. The act offers annual income tax deductions for parents up to €1,500 per under aged child (€125 per month) and €500 per of age child. The act only affects parents who already receive child benefits from the government. If at least one parent has a monthly net income of €1,350, parents become eligible for the maximum deductible amount of €1,500 per anum. The minimum deductible amount is €250 and can be claimed by every employed single parent, regardless of their monthly income; unemployed parents are ineligible for deductions.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Additionally, the Family Bonus Plus Act supersedes multiple other child benefit programs, such as the Child Tax Credit which offered €600 and €440 direct grants, to couples and single parents respectively; as well as the Childcare Expenses Mitigation Program which offered parents €2,300 annually per child younger than 10 years old.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The SPÖ and welfare advocates starkly condemned the reform package for "solely benefiting the well off and completely omitting the low earners and unemployed".


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In November 2018, the Cabinet completed drafting a major overhaul bill – affecting the basic income and unemployment insurance laws – known as the Social Security Act. Parliament enacted the bill in March 2019 and it took effect the following month. The act 'federalizes' the basic income; it sets the fundamental rules and minimum standards, while authorizing state governments to create local ordinances that regulate the details.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The Social Security Act introduces a nationwide basic income ceiling at €863.04 monthly for singles and €1,208.26 monthly for couples. Under the act, parents receive a complementary €215 for their first child, €129 for their second one, and €43 from the third one onward. Foreigners now become eligible for the basic income after a registered five-years stay in Austria or if they previously served as employers. Immigrants with a meager understanding of the German language now receive a reduced basic income of €563 per month; Kurz argued that the difference of €300 would pay for their German language classes. Immigrants that improve their language skills to German level B1 or English level C1 become qualified for the ordinary basic income. Furthermore, all recipients (except for the permanently unemployable) now have to re-apply for the basic income on an annual basis.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 13 December 2018, as part of Kurz's campaign promise to modernize Austrian public administration, Parliament enacted a major social insurance overhaul bill introduced by his cabinet; the Social Insurance Reform Act. The bill attempts to wind down redundant bureaucratic processes by merging social insurers, laying off "superfluous functionaries", and modernizing workplaces. Kurz explained that "centralizing the social insurance system will considerably benefit the insured".Implementation began in April 2019, under the supervision of an ad hoc subcommittee of Parliament, and concluded in 2020, rendering the act fully effective.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Austria has a national, publicly-funded health system. Although health insurance was always national, the system was originally administered by state-level insurers.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The Government Pension Fund (PVA) and the General Accident Insurance (AUVA) remain unchanged. While the Social Insurance Association, which oversees all social insurances, was disempowered and cut down.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: All opposition parties, the chairman of the Social Insurance Association and various insurance and welfare experts decried the changes, commenting "the bill would not centralize but decentralize and harm an effective and perfectly functional system, and are hence disadvantageous to the insured". The mergers cost the government approximately €300 to €400 million.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: As of 1 January 2019, all primary ("Volksschule") and secondary schools ("Hauptschule", "Gymnasium") are legally required to establish mandatory German language classes (which deviate from regular classes) for children with a lacking knowledge of the German language, denoted "extraordinary students"; however, such classes are only established when there is a minimum of eight such pupils per school. Extraordinary students are determined by a nationwide test (administered by the principal) when signing up for a school, or when having entered school during a school year and being new to Austria. When tests do conclude an "insufficient" knowledge of the German language, pupils are obliged to attend German language classes for fifteen hours per week in primary schools and twenty hours per week in secondary schools. Extraordinary students would remain in these classes until a maximum tenure of four semesters or when having at least improved their skills to an "inadequate" knowledge of the German language; their language level would be examined every semester through a ministerial test. Such students would attend joint subjects, such as drawing, music, gymnastics and handicraft, with their original regular class.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The new law replaced a previous act, which allowed pupils to voluntarily attend German language classes for eleven hours per week. Cabinet argued that the previous law was not effective enough and did not achieve the desired results. The new initiative faced great opposition by schools, their representatives and the opposition parties. Opponents argued that yet alone the Viennese schools would require 500 additional rooms. Furthermore, extraordinary students may face discrimination, many teachers do not have the necessary requirements, costs for the implementation are gigantic and all extraordinary students are in the same class regardless of their age, which prevents them from learning efficiently.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In October 2018, the Kurz cabinet passed the Child Benefits for Foreigners Reform Act. The bill affects foreign citizens of the European Union (EU) that are employed in Austria, but whose children reside in their home country. The act adjusts child benefits received by these foreign workers to the local price level of their home country. Civil workers – such as nurses – are especially pertained by the changes.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The European Commission decried the bill and reminded that EU laws expressly disallowed favoring domestic workers over European foreign. The commission announced its intention to file a civil suit against Austria in the European Court of Justice.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 31 October 2018, Kurz declared that Austria would not join the Global Compact for Migration, claiming it would encroach on the country's sovereignty and fail to demarcate illegal (economic migration) from legal immigration (asylum).


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In July 2018, the Kurz cabinet passed an amendment to the working time law ("Arbeitszeitgesetz") in the Parliament, which has commonly been referred to as the "12 hour work day" ("12-Stunden-Arbeitstag"). Cabinet skipped the common assessment process ("Begutachtungsprozess") for the amendment. The average work time in Austria was eight hours per day, the amendment extended the maximum work time of ten hours per day to twelve hours, and the fifty hours work time per week to sixty hours. Chancellor Kurz and his cabinet commented the changes with "legally allowing employees to work more a day on a voluntary basis. In theory, employees could legally decline an employer's request to work longer.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Prior to the amendment it has only been possible to work longer than ten hours per day in certain circumstances and with the explicit assent of the works council. Supporters of these changes have been the Economic Chamber and the Federation of Industries. Opponents on the other side, have been the SPÖ, the Peter Pilz List, the Chamber for Workers and Employees, and the Trade Union Federation. Opponents have raised strong concerns regarding the amendment, doubting that an appliance of the "voluntary basis" is actually possible in practice, since they expect the employer to dismiss a denial of the employee to work longer and threaten them with suspension and discharge.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In April 2018, the coalition enacted the monitoring compact, officially titled security compact. The ÖVP already attempted to pass such a law in the previous legislative period, but failed since their bill presented before the Parliament was rejected by all other parties, including their current and former coalition partner.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The compact allows for authorities to monitor messenger services, such as WhatsApp and Skype, of a person that has committed a crime punishable with a maximum of ten years imprisonment, or five years when life and sexual integrity are endangered, or is suspected of being a potential terrorist. With the new compact, authorities would be empowered to order telecommunication companies to save a person's data up to one year if they are suspected of committing a specific crime. Should the initial suspicion not be substantiated throughout the investigation, then authorities' directive to store data would turn void and the surveillance target must be informed of their investigation. Furthermore, the optical and acoustic surveillance in the public are also planned to be expanded, and authorities would be able to access the video and audio surveillance of government-operated or funded organisations, such as public transportation services, airports, and railway stations, which are obliged to store recordings for a tenure of four weeks. The license plate recognition systems ("Kennzeichenerkennungssysteme") are also intended to be advanced, with them being able to detect the driver, license plate, type and color of any car. IMSI-catchers used by the police would be able to localise phones without contacting the respective telecommunication company. Anonymous prepaid cards would no longer be available and only sim cards would remain, which require one to register their identity.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The compact would stand for five years and be evaluated after three years. Jurists, attorneys, the Constitutional Service and many others, have expressed their strong concerns regarding the compact and have accused it of infringing the very basis of liberty. Both the SPÖ and NEOS have announced to file one-third petitions in parliament to trigger a lawsuit against the compact before the Constitutional Court; the SPÖ aims to introduce its petition in the Federal Council, where it already possesses one-thirds of the seats, while NEOS would introduce theirs in the Parliament, hoping for the support of the SPÖ to derive the remaining votes necessary.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: On 19 March 2019, the Kurz cabinet presented the mobile application Digital Office for Android and IOS as well as the website oesterreich.gv.at; both platforms combine and centralize existing online services of government that allow for citizens to interact with authorities through the internet. While both are generally the same, the mobile app was labeled "more comfortable" by cabinet. The concept for both platforms was drafted by Margarete Schramböck, Minister of Digital Affairs, and subsequently developed by her ministry. Digitalizing government services and bureaucracy has been an election promise of Kurz. The services data.gv.at and help.gv.at were merged into the new platforms, although data.gv.at is intended to additional remain as an independent website. The new platforms currently allow users to:


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The digital driving license would for the moment only be usable domestically, since there are no European-wide regulations for such licenses. Registering for those platforms requires a mobile signature. There currently are more than 1,1 million registered mobile signatures.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: During Austria's presidency of the Council of the European Union, which lasted from July to December 2018, Kurz advocated for an increased protection of the Schengen Area and suggested that Frontex border guards should prevent any migrant boat from entering Europe.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In March 2018, the Kurz cabinet repealed a general smoking ban enacted by its predecessor, the Kern cabinet, which was slated to take effect on 1 May 2018. The reversal was a long-standing campaign promise and policy objective of the FPÖ, which insisted that it be included in the coalition agreement and the official cabinet agenda. Despite publicly supporting the smoking ban, the ÖVP reluctantly voted for its repeal in Parliament as part of this bargain.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The reversal remains one of the most controversial acts of Kurz's first chancellorship, as his own and all opposition parties, a dozen gastronomy and health specialists, as well as the majority of Austrians opposed it.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The smoking ban would have completely prohibited the use of cigarettes in all coffee shops and restaurants, which had previously still been allowed within designated smoking areas. However, as part of the reversal bill, the Cabinet also illegalized the sale of tobacco to minors and disallowed smoking in cars if children are present.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Following the end of the smoking ban, an anti-smoking campaign known as "Don't smoke" became viral. The campaign's anti-smoking plebiscite – that would have forced Parliament to reconsider the reversal – garnered more than 880,000 votes, which made up 13.8% of Austria's population at the time, and was one of the most successful petitions in the country's history. Nevertheless, it fell just short of the 900,000 votes threshold, which had been raised by FPÖ party chairman and Vice Chancellor Heinz-Christian Strache beforehand. Strache received massive amounts of criticisms for that, as he had pledged to hear any petition that reaches a scanty 150,000 votes while still in opposition. A lawsuit against the repeal was filed with the Constitutional Court.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Following the collapse of the first Kurz cabinet, Parliament reinstated the smoking ban in July 2019; all parties, but the FPÖ, voted in favor.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Under Kurz, the Foreign Ministry asked university professor and Islam specialist Ednan Aslan to create a study on Islamic kindergartens. A preliminary report, published at the end of 2015, came to the conclusion that Salafist sentiments among society were on the rise, and that there was a surging support for Islamist ideologies. As a result, the government of Vienna and the Foreign Ministry jointly agreed to conduct a more comprehensive, scientific study on the matter. In addition, the Viennese government began to vet Islamic kindergartens more carefully and subjected them to increased scrutiny. In June 2017, Kurz demanded that all Islamic kindergartens be completely shut down, as they had "isolated pupils – linguistically and culturally – from society". After a "Falter" investigation accused the Foreign Ministry of having changed specific contents of the study's report, stark public controversy emerged; Aslan backed the Ministry's version of the report. The University of Vienna launched a scholarly peer review.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Following the ban of full face veils by the Kern cabinet, which Kurz supported, his cabinet also passed a headscarf ban in kindergartens, and intended to expand the ban so that it would also cover elementary schools.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In March 2019, the Cabinet announced its intent to establish a new government agency that monitors Islamic political activities in Austria. Referencing studies which show that a significant amount of Austrian Muslims hold anti-western and antisemitic views, Kurz said that it would be necessary to actively monitor Islamic mosques, clubs, and social media accounts in order to safeguard Austria's liberal, democratic and secular system. He suggested that this planned organisation should be modeled after the Documentation Centre of Austrian Resistance (DÖW) which is responsible for the surveillance


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: A ruling of the Constitutional Court in December 2017 declared most provisions of the Registered Partnership Act to be unconstitutional and overturned them, which ultimately resulted in the legalisation of same-sex marriage in Austria. Both the ÖVP and FPÖ opposed same-sex marriage and previously rejected several bills introduced by the SPÖ, NEOS, and the Green party that would have legalized it prior to the court ruling. Kurz opposes same-sex marriage, and opined that inequality has already been eliminated with the introduction of registered partnerships. He commented: "the official recognition of homosexual couples and their right to adopt children already exists. Hence, legal discrimination is no more".


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: As foreign minister, Kurz was a vehement advocate of non-proliferation and supported denuclearisation efforts around the globe. He explained that "nuclear weapons are not only a threat to all of humanity, but also a dark piece of Cold War legacy, that must be resolutely overcome".


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Kurz participated in a review of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and, in 2014, successfully organized his own international conference on nuclear disarmament in Vienna.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In his campaign pledges for the 2017 legislative election, Kurz spoke out against further raising the national debt and for reducing government spending and budget deficits; he intends to realize proposed policies through abolishing the fiscal drag ("Kalte Progression") and by cutting the payroll and income taxes. Kurz opposes any sorts of inheritance, property, and wealth taxes. He wishes for cash to be retained as an ordinary payment method.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In December 2018, Kurz announced a nationwide digital tax to partly fund a major upcoming tax reform. The digital tax topic has previously been discussed on European level but no agreement came about.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: As chancellor, Kurz instated a strict regulation to manage and oversee the communication of government and the ministries. The concept is intended to exhibit a uniform and almost synchronous appearance of government, of which no cabinet member could stand out through their individual views and stances. Journalists have accused the Kurz cabinet, through rejecting questions and by applying other methods of message control, of efforts to control and otherwise influence the media coverage. Kurz himself reduced his communication to short and often repeated sentences and keywords.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Following Kurz's inaugural visit to Berlin as foreign minister, the "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung" described him as "highly eloquent", "succinct", and "everything but sheepish", and nicknamed him the "young Metternich". In December 2014, the German Press Agency ranked Kurz as one of "the seven winners on the political world stage of 2014".


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Anna von Bayern of "Focus" wrote that "one really notices the new and confident approach of the Foreign Ministry", adding that "Kurz bestowed upon it new relevance". In March 2016, Franz Schandl of "Der Freitag" described Kurz as someone who "puts on a friendly face" but is actually indistinguishable from a right-wing populist. In 2017, the "Time" magazine listed Kurz as one of ten "Next Generation Leaders", referring to him as the "statesman of a new kind", who found a way to deal with the European refugee crisis and whose pragmatic approach has been a "story of success adopted even by other European politicians". "Die Welt" described Kurz as a "conservative-liberal, European-minded politician", whose rise to power "in many ways resembled" that of French President Emmanuel Macron. The "Neue Zürcher Zeitung" praised Kurz as the embodiment of "progress, self-confidence, dynamism, elegance, and determination"; while German Chancellor Angela Merkel was a "token of stagnation", Kurz was "sovereign, considerate towards his critics, and a rhetorical master of the German language" adding that "if Kurz were German, he would be chancellor, or about to be chancellor".


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: The "Rheinische Post" wrote "if we take a look at his supporters, Kurz strongly resembles Jörg Haider, the legendary right-wing populist, who set out to end the everlasting SPÖ-ÖVP rule over the country – and ultimately failed. What Kurz seeks to change, remains opaque even after his electoral campaigning. The only thing that's clear is that he wants to become Austria's youngest chancellor".


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In June 2018, a commentary of Edward Lucas published by the "Financial Times" compared the modern political development of Europe and the United States with the political environment of the 1930s. Lucas explained that Kurz was "easily comparable" with U.S. President Donald Trump of the Republican Party and Italian Minister Matteo Salvini of the Lega Nord. Following publication, the Austrian Embassy in Washington,


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: D.C. contacted Lucas and demanded that certain "inappropriate" parts of the commentary be redacted; Lucas complied. In December 2018, the term "silent chancellor" became Austria's Word of the Year for the second year running. The jury chose the word because "Kurz avoids commenting on issues that personally displease him and refuses to rebuke or justify contentious actions or statements made by the FPÖ, where the public would conventionally expect clarification from the chancellor".


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: In 2019 Kurz was first listed by "Spiegel Online" in the ranking "who will be important abroad?", explaining that "from an international perspective", Kurz had attracted considerable amounts of attention as he was "only 32 years old and governs with right-wing populists". As Kurz's coalition partner, the FPÖ "has pushed the moral boundaries. In the future, unfavorable views on foreigners, refugees, and migrants are likely to increase even more, because Kurz lets his coalition partner say bad things, but remains silent himself. Meanwhile, his job approval remains consistently high". In March 2019, Kurz was elected "word-keeper" of 2018 by the readers of the "Deutsche Sprachwelt", and "silent chancellor" became the Austrian Word of the Year.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Kurz's response to the COVID-19 pandemic was soundly unpopular and resulted in a stark decline of his job approval rating; this combined with the corruption inquiry that concluded his political career caused his approval rating to plummet even further. At the end of 2021, the media consortium Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project named Kurz "Corrupt Person of the Year Finalist" in its annual contest.


title: Sebastian Kurz

text: Since 2022, Kurz has been working as a global strategist for Thiel Capital, the California-based private investment company of American billionaire Peter Thiel. On 9 January, he was appointed co-chairman of the European Council on Tolerance and Reconciliation.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: An explosively formed penetrator (EFP), also known as an explosively formed projectile (EFP), a self-forging warhead, or a self-forging fragment, is the product of a shaped charge designed to penetrate armor effectively. As the name suggests, the effect of the explosive charge is to deform a metal plate into a jet, slug or rod shape and accelerate it toward a target. They were first developed as oil well perforators by American oil companies in the 1930s, and were deployed as weapons in World War II.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: A shaped charge generally has a metal liner that is forced by an explosive blast into a metal jet or slug able to penetrate thick steel armor and knock out vehicles. A disadvantage of this arrangement is that the jet of metal loses effectiveness the further it travels, as it breaks up into disconnected particles that drift out of alignment.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: An EFP operates on the principle designed to form a distinct projectile (slug or jet), permitting it to penetrate armor at distance. The dish-shaped liner of an EFP can generate a number of distinct projectile forms, depending on the shape of the plate and how the explosive is detonated.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: An EFP's penetration is affected by the density of its liner metal. At 16.654 g/cm, tantalum is preferable in delivery systems that have limitations in size, like the SADARM, which is delivered by a howitzer. For other weapon systems without practical limitations on warhead diameter, a less expensive copper liner (8.960 g/cm) of double the diameter can be used instead. An EFP with a tantalum liner can typically penetrate steel armor of a thickness equal to its diameter – or half that amount with a copper liner instead. By contrast, a conventional shaped charge can penetrate armor up to six times its diameter in thickness, depending on its design and liner material.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: Some sophisticated EFP warheads have multiple detonators that can be fired in different arrangements causing different types of waveform in the explosive, resulting in either a long-rod penetrator, an aerodynamic slug projectile, or multiple high-velocity fragments. A less sophisticated approach for changing the formation of an EFP is the use of wire mesh in front of the liner, which causes the liner to fragment into multiple penetrators.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: In addition to single-penetrator EFPs (also called single EFPs or SEFPs), there are EFP warheads whose liners are designed to produce more than one penetrator; these are known as multiple EFPs, or MEFPs. The liner of an MEFP generally comprises a number of dimples that intersect each other at sharp angles. Upon detonation, the liner fragments along these intersections to form up to dozens of small, generally spheroidal projectiles, producing an effect similar to that of a shotgun. The pattern of impacts on a target can be finely controlled based on the design of the liner and the manner in which the explosive charge is detonated. A nuclear-driven MEFP was apparently proposed by a member of the JASON group in 1966 for terminal ballistic missile defense. A related device was the proposed nuclear pulse propulsion unit for Project Orion.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: Extensive research is going on in the zone between jetting charges and EFPs, which combines the advantages of both types, resulting in very long stretched-rod EFPs for short-to-medium distances (because of the lack of aerostability) with improved penetration capability.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: EFPs have been adopted as warheads in a number of weapon systems, including the CBU-97 and BLU-108 air bombs (with the Skeet submunition), the M303 Special Operations Forces demolition kit, the M2/M4 Selectable Lightweight Attack Munition (SLAM), the SADARM submunition, the SMArt 155 top-attack artillery round, the Low Cost Autonomous Attack System, and the TOW-2B anti-tank missile.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: EFPs have been used in improvised explosive devices against armoured cars, for example in the 1989 assassination of German banker Alfred Herrhausen (attributed to the Red Army Faction) and by Hezbollah in the 1990s. A recent development is their widespread use in IEDs by insurgents in Iraq against coalition vehicles.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: The charges are generally cylindrical, fabricated from commonly available metal pipe, with the forward end closed by a concave copper or steel disk-shaped liner to create a shaped charge. Explosive is loaded behind the metal liner to fill the pipe. Upon detonation, the explosive projects the liner to form a projectile.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: The effects of traditional explosions like blast-forces and metal fragments seldom disable armored vehicles, but the explosively formed solid copper penetrator is quite lethal—even to the new generation of mine-resistant vehicles (which are made to withstand an anti-tank mine), and many tanks.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: Often mounted on crash barriers at window level, they are placed along roadsides at choke points where vehicles must slow down, such as intersections and junctions. This gives the operator time to judge the moment to fire, when the vehicle is moving more slowly.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: Detonation is controlled by cable, radio control, TV or IR remote controls, or remote arming with a passive infrared sensor, or via a pair of ordinary cell phones. EFPs can be deployed singly, in pairs, or in arrays, depending on the tactical situation.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: Non-circular explosively formed penetrators can be formed based on modifications to the liner construction. For instance, U.S. patents 6606951 and 4649828 are non-circular in design. US6606951B1 is designed to launch multiple asymmetric explosively forged penetrators horizontally in 360 degrees. US4649828A is designed to form several clothespin shaped EFPs, increasing hit probability.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: In addition, a simplified EFP (SIM-EFP) can be made using a rectangular liner, similar to a linear shaped charge or modified platter charge. This design can be further modified to be similar to US4649828A with multiple cut and bent steel bars lined side by side instead of a singular liner.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: In Northern Ireland similar devices have been discovered that were developed by dissident Republican groups for intended use against the police.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: In Northern Ireland, the weapon was first used in March 2014 when a PSNI Land Rover was targeted as it travelled along the Falls Road in west Belfast.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: A police car was destroyed by an EPF detonated by a command wire in Strabane, Co Tyrone on 18 November 2022.


title: Explosively formed penetrator

text: The spacecraft "Hayabusa2" carried a small carry-on impactor. It was dropped off "Hayabusa2" on to an asteroid and detonated. The explosion created a copper explosively formed penetrator, which hit the asteroid with a velocity of 2 km/s. The crater created by the impact was a target for further observations by the onboard instruments. The shaped charge consisted of 4.5 kg of plasticized HMX and a 2.5 kg copper liner.


title: Charles Michel

text: Charles Michel (; born 21 December 1975) is a Belgian politician serving as the president of the European Council since 2019. He previously served as the prime minister of Belgium between 2014 and 2019.


title: Charles Michel

text: Michel became the minister of Development Cooperation in 2007, and remained in this position until elected the leader of the Francophone liberal Reformist Movement (MR) in February 2011. He led MR to the 2014 federal election, where they emerged as the third-largest party in the Chamber of Representatives. After coalition negotiations, Michel was confirmed as Prime Minister of a MR-N-VA-OVLD-CD&V government. He was sworn in on 11 October 2014, becoming the youngest Belgian Prime Minister since 1845.


title: Charles Michel

text: In December 2018, the government collapsed following internal disagreements over the handling of the Global Compact for Migration, with the N-VA withdrawing from the cabinet. Michel subsequently tendered his resignation and remained in office in a caretaker capacity. At the 2019 federal election shortly afterwards, MR lost a number of seats, although Michel remained in office as interim Prime Minister during coalition negotiations. Weeks after the federal election, on 2 July 2019, the European Council voted to appoint Michel as its new President. He took over from Donald Tusk at a ceremony on 29 November 2019, formally beginning his term on 1 December 2019.


title: Charles Michel

text: Charles Michel was born in Namur, Wallonia, on 21 December 1975. He is the son of Louis Michel, a former European Commissioner, and Martine Pierre.


title: Charles Michel

text: Michel began his political career at the age of 16 when he joined the Young Liberal Reformers of Jodoigne ("Jeunes Réformateurs Libéraux de Jodoigne"), affiliated to the MR. In 1994, at the age of 18, he was elected provincial councilor in Walloon Brabant. He graduated in law at the Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB) and the University of Amsterdam in 1998, after which he became lawyer at the Brussels Bar. He is fluent in Dutch and English in addition to his native French.


title: Charles Michel

text: Michel was elected to the federal Chamber of Representatives in 1999, representing Walloon Brabant, a stronghold of the liberal MR.


title: Charles Michel

text: In 2000, he became Minister of Home Affairs in the Walloon Government aged 25, making him the youngest regional minister in Belgian history. At the local level, he was elected city councillor in Wavre in 2000, and in 2006 became mayor of the city.


title: Charles Michel

text: In December 2007, Michel became the Minister of Development Cooperation in the Verhofstadt III Government and subsequently in the Leterme I, Van Rompuy I and Leterme II governments.


title: Charles Michel

text: After poor results in the 2009 regional elections, Michel was part of a group demanding the MR leader Didier Reynders resign. After the party suffered further losses in the 2010 federal election, Reynders resigned, and Michel announced his candidacy to replace him. In January 2011, he was elected President of MR, and resigned from the cabinet.


title: Charles Michel

text: After the 2014 federal election, Michel became co-formateur in the ensuing coalition negotiations. Initially, CD&V Leader Kris Peeters was expected to be Prime Minister. However CD&V also insisted on Marianne Thyssen being appointed as European Commissioner, and Michel's MR refused to allow the two most important political posts to be held by a single party.


title: Charles Michel

text: Ultimately, the parties agreed to appoint Thyssen as European Commissioner, with an understanding that the prime ministership would go to either MR or OVLD. As Michel was serving as co-formateur, he quickly won internal support from other parties to lead the next government. On 7 October 2014, an overall agreement was reached between the four parties to form a new government, with Michel proposed as Prime Minister, and Peeters as one of four Deputy Prime Ministers. Michel became the youngest Belgian Prime Minister, and was only the second Francophone liberal to become Prime Minister.


title: Charles Michel

text: In December 2018, a political crisis emerged over whether to sign the Global Compact for Migration. Michel's coalition partner N-VA, which originally supported the Compact, reversed course to oppose it whereas the other three parties continued to support it. Michel subsequently announced the formation of a minority government, with CD&V, MR and OVLD backing the compact. On 18 December, he presented his government's resignation to the King. The King accepted Michel's resignation on 21 December after consulting party leaders. He remained in office as caretaker Prime Minister during the 2019 federal election, and the ensuing coalition negotiations.


title: Charles Michel

text: On 2 July 2019, Michel was elected President of the European Council, one of the most prominent leadership positions of the European Union.


title: Charles Michel

text: On 20 July 2020, Michel announced a historical deal on the recovery package Next Generation EU and the EU 2021–2027 budget to support member states hit by the COVID-19 pandemic.


title: Charles Michel

text: In August 2020, Michel expressed "full solidarity" with Greece and Cyprus in their conflict with Turkey, which has occupied the northern part of Cyprus since July 1974. The Aegean dispute between Turkey and Greece escalated when Ankara resumed gas exploration in contested areas of the eastern Mediterranean.


title: Charles Michel

text: On 27 September 2020, Michel expressed deep concern over the escalation of hostilities in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh and called on Armenia and Azerbaijan to immediately halt fighting and progress towards a peaceful resolution.


title: Charles Michel

text: After French-U.S. and French-Australia relations suffered a period of tension in September 2021 due to fallout from the AUKUS defense pact between the U.S., the United Kingdom, and Australia. The security pact is directed at countering Chinese power in the Indo-Pacific region. As part of the agreement, the U.S. agreed to provide nuclear-powered submarines to Australia. After entering into AUKUS, the Australian government canceled an agreement that it had made with France for the provision of French conventionally powered submarines. Von der Leyen called the way France was treated "unacceptable" and demanded an explanation. The EU called the way France was treated "unacceptable" and demanded an explanation. Michel denounced a "lack of transparency and loyalty" by the United States.


title: Charles Michel

text: During his tenure, there were internal expressions of discontent, including from a Prime Minister and diplomats from different EU countries to Michel's administration. The EU summits, for which he is responsible as president, were criticized for being not well organized. During his tenure, he ignored the decisions of the European Commission instead of remaining solution-oriented like his predecessors in office. A diplomatic fauxpas known as the "Sofagate" was described as a symbol of the strained working relationship between Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and Michel.


title: Charles Michel

text: Following Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, sanctions against Russia also included asset freezes on the Russian Central Bank, which holds $630 billion in foreign-exchange reserves, to prevent it from offsetting the impact of sanctions. On 5 May, Charles Michel said: "I am absolutely convinced that this is extremely important not only to freeze assets but also to make possible to confiscate it, to make it available for the rebuilding" of Ukraine.


title: Charles Michel

text: Following the 2020 Georgian parliamentary election, Georgia experienced a political crisis. The ruling Georgian Dream party was deemed the winner, but the opposition parties said that the election was marred by irregularities and violations, they boycotted the results of the elections and refused to enter the parliament. After Georgian authorities arrested opposition politician Nika Melia, the chairman of the opposition United National Movement (UNM), the country's prime minister resigned and mass street protests ensued.


title: Charles Michel

text: In March 2021, Michel visited Georgia and participated in talks between Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili and the opposition. Michel and the EU's High Representative Josep Borrell appointed Swedish diplomat Christian Danielsson as the EU envoy to mediate political crisis talks in the country. Michel also met Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili in Brussels later that month, and met political leaders in Tbilisi in April 2021, after an agreement was signed after several weeks of mediation brokered by Michel and the EU. The agreement was welcomed as a success by the international community and local civil society organizations such as the Europe-Georgia Institute, and Michel hailed the agreement as being in "a truly European spirit" that takes Georgia towards a "Euro-Atlantic future."


title: Charles Michel

text: Later the largest opposition party in Tbilisi did not accept the agreement and the ruling party withdrawn from it.


title: Charles Michel

text: Michel and his partner Amélie Derbaudrenghien have two children. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, the couple postponed their wedding, which was supposed to take place in France in August 2020, to avoid quarantine upon return to Belgium.


title: Dead reckoning

text: In navigation, dead reckoning is the process of calculating current position of some moving object by using a previously determined position, or fix, and then incorporating estimates of speed, heading direction, and course over elapsed time. The corresponding term in biology, used to describe the processes by which animals update their estimates of position or heading, is path integration.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Dead reckoning is subject to cumulative errors. Advances in navigational aids that give accurate information on position, in particular satellite navigation using the Global Positioning System, have made simple dead reckoning by humans obsolete for most purposes. However, inertial navigation systems, which provide very accurate directional information, use dead reckoning and are very widely applied.


title: Dead reckoning

text: The term "dead reckoning" was not originally used to abbreviate "deduced reckoning," nor is it a misspelling of the term "ded reckoning." The use of "ded" or "deduced reckoning" is not known to have appeared earlier than 1931, much later in history than "dead reckoning" appearing as early as 1613 in the Oxford English Dictionary. The original intention of "dead" in the term is not clear however. Whether it is used to convey "absolute" as in "dead ahead," reckoning using other objects that are "dead in the water," or using reckoning properly "you’re dead if you don’t reckon right," is not known.


title: Dead reckoning

text: By analogy with their navigational use, the words "dead reckoning" are also used to mean the process of estimating the value of any variable quantity by using an earlier value and adding whatever changes have occurred in the meantime. Often, this usage implies that the changes are not known accurately. The earlier value and the changes may be measured or calculated quantities.


title: Dead reckoning

text: While dead reckoning can give the best available information on the present position with little math or analysis, it is subject to significant errors of approximation. For precise positional information, both speed and direction must be accurately known at all times during travel. Most notably, dead reckoning does not account for directional drift during travel through a fluid medium. These errors tend to compound themselves over greater distances, making dead reckoning a difficult method of navigation for longer journeys.


title: Dead reckoning

text: For example, if displacement is measured by the number of rotations of a wheel, any discrepancy between the actual and assumed traveled distance per rotation, due perhaps to slippage or surface irregularities, will be a source of error. As each estimate of position is relative to the previous one, errors are cumulative, or compounding, over time.


title: Dead reckoning

text: The accuracy of dead reckoning can be increased significantly by using other, more reliable methods to get a new fix part way through the journey. For example, if one was navigating on land in poor visibility, then dead reckoning could be used to get close enough to the known position of a landmark to be able to see it, before walking to the landmark itself — giving a precisely known start point — and then setting off again.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Localizing a static sensor node is not a difficult task because attaching a GPS device suffices the need of localization. But a mobile sensor node, which continuously changes its geographical location with time is difficult to localize. Mostly mobile sensor nodes within some particular domain for data collection can be used, "i.e", sensor node attached to an animal within a grazing field or attached to a soldier on a battlefield. Within these scenarios a GPS device for each sensor node cannot be afforded. Some of the reasons for this include cost, size and battery drainage of constrained sensor nodes.


title: Dead reckoning

text: To overcome this problem a limited number of reference nodes (with GPS) within a field is employed. These nodes continuously broadcast their locations and other nodes in proximity receive these locations and calculate their position using some mathematical technique like trilateration. For localization, at least three known reference locations are necessary to localize. Several localization algorithms based on Sequential Monte Carlo (SMC) method have been proposed in literature. Sometimes a node at some places receives only two known locations and hence it becomes impossible to localize. To overcome this problem, dead reckoning technique is used. With this technique a sensor node uses its previous calculated location for localization at later time intervals. For example, at time instant 1 if node A calculates its position as "loca_1" with the help of three known reference locations; then at time instant 2 it uses "loca_1" along with two other reference locations received from other two reference nodes. This not only localizes a node in less time but also localizes in positions where it is difficult to get three reference locations.


title: Dead reckoning

text: In studies of animal navigation, dead reckoning is more commonly (though not exclusively) known as path integration. Animals use it to estimate their current location based on their movements from their last known location. Animals such as ants, rodents, and geese have been shown to track their locations continuously relative to a starting point and to return to it, an important skill for foragers with a fixed home.


title: Dead reckoning

text: In marine navigation a "dead" reckoning plot generally does not take into account the effect of currents or wind. Aboard ship a dead reckoning plot is considered important in evaluating position information and planning the movement of the vessel.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Dead reckoning begins with a known position, or fix, which is then advanced, mathematically or directly on the chart, by means of recorded heading, speed, and time. Speed can be determined by many methods. Before modern instrumentation, it was determined aboard ship using a chip log. More modern methods include pit log referencing engine speed ("e.g". in rpm) against a table of total displacement (for ships) or referencing one's indicated airspeed fed by the pressure from a pitot tube. This measurement is converted to an equivalent airspeed based upon known atmospheric conditions and measured errors in the indicated airspeed system. A naval vessel uses a device called a pit sword (rodmeter), which uses two sensors on a metal rod to measure the electromagnetic variance caused by the ship moving through water. This change is then converted to ship's speed. Distance is determined by multiplying the speed and the time. This initial position can then be adjusted resulting in an estimated position by taking into account the current (known as set and drift in marine navigation). If there is no positional information available, a new dead reckoning plot may start from an estimated position. In this case subsequent dead reckoning positions will have taken into account estimated set and drift.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Dead reckoning positions are calculated at predetermined intervals, and are maintained between fixes. The duration of the interval varies. Factors including one's speed made good and the nature of heading and other course changes, and the navigator's judgment determine when dead reckoning positions are calculated.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Before the 18th-century development of the marine chronometer by John Harrison and the lunar distance method, dead reckoning was the primary method of determining longitude available to mariners such as Christopher Columbus and John Cabot on their trans-Atlantic voyages. Tools such as the traverse board were developed to enable even illiterate crew members to collect the data needed for dead reckoning. Polynesian navigation, however, uses different wayfinding techniques.


title: Dead reckoning

text: On 21 May 1927 Charles Lindbergh landed in Paris, France after a successful non-stop flight from the United States in the single-engined Spirit of St. Louis. As the aircraft was equipped with very basic instruments, Lindbergh used dead reckoning to navigate.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Dead reckoning in the air is similar to dead reckoning on the sea, but slightly more complicated. The density of the air the aircraft moves through affects its performance as well as winds, weight, and power settings.


title: Dead reckoning

text: The basic formula for DR is Distance = Speed x Time. An aircraft flying at 250 knots airspeed for 2 hours has flown 500 nautical miles through the air. The wind triangle is used to calculate the effects of wind on heading and airspeed to obtain a magnetic heading to steer and the speed over the ground (groundspeed). Printed tables, formulae, or an E6B flight computer are used to calculate the effects of air density on aircraft rate of climb, rate of fuel burn, and airspeed.


title: Dead reckoning

text: A course line is drawn on the aeronautical chart along with estimated positions at fixed intervals (say every ½ hour). Visual observations of ground features are used to obtain fixes. By comparing the fix and the estimated position corrections are made to the aircraft's heading and groundspeed.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Dead reckoning is on the curriculum for VFR (visual flight rules – or basic level) pilots worldwide. It is taught regardless of whether the aircraft has navigation aids such as GPS, ADF and VOR and is an ICAO Requirement. Many flying training schools will prevent a student from using electronic aids until they have mastered dead reckoning.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Inertial navigation systems (INSes), which are nearly universal on more advanced aircraft, use dead reckoning internally. The INS provides reliable navigation capability under virtually any conditions, without the need for external navigation references, although it is still prone to slight errors.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Dead reckoning is today implemented in some high-end automotive navigation systems in order to overcome the limitations of GPS/GNSS technology alone. Satellite microwave signals are unavailable in parking garages and tunnels, and often severely degraded in urban canyons and near trees due to blocked lines of sight to the satellites or multipath propagation. In a dead-reckoning navigation system, the car is equipped with sensors that know the wheel circumference and record wheel rotations and steering direction. These sensors are often already present in cars for other purposes (anti-lock braking system, electronic stability control) and can be read by the navigation system from the controller-area network bus. The navigation system then uses a Kalman filter to integrate the always-available sensor data with the accurate but occasionally unavailable position information from the satellite data into a combined position fix.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Dead reckoning is utilized in some robotic applications. It is usually used to reduce the need for sensing technology, such as ultrasonic sensors, GPS, or placement of some linear and rotary encoders, in an autonomous robot, thus greatly reducing cost and complexity at the expense of performance and repeatability. The proper utilization of dead reckoning in this sense would be to supply a known percentage of electrical power or hydraulic pressure to the robot's drive motors over a given amount of time from a general starting point. Dead reckoning is not totally accurate, which can lead to errors in distance estimates ranging from a few millimeters (in CNC machining) to kilometers (in UAVs), based upon the duration of the run, the speed of the robot, the length of the run, and several other factors.


title: Dead reckoning

text: With the increased sensor offering in smartphones, built-in accelerometers can be used as a pedometer and built-in magnetometer as a compass heading provider. Pedestrian dead reckoning (PDR) can be used to supplement other navigation methods in a similar way to automotive navigation, or to extend navigation into areas where other navigation systems are unavailable.


title: Dead reckoning

text: In a simple implementation, the user holds their phone in front of them and each step causes position to move forward a fixed distance in the direction measured by the compass. Accuracy is limited by the sensor precision, magnetic disturbances inside structures, and unknown variables such as carrying position and stride length. Another challenge is differentiating walking from running, and recognizing movements like bicycling, climbing stairs, or riding an elevator.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Before phone-based systems existed, many custom PDR systems existed. While a pedometer can only be used to measure linear distance traveled, PDR systems have an embedded magnetometer for heading measurement. Custom PDR systems can take many forms including special boots, belts, and watches, where the variability of carrying position has been minimized to better utilize magnetometer heading. True dead reckoning is fairly complicated, as it is not only important to minimize basic drift, but also to handle different carrying scenarios and movements, as well as hardware differences across phone models.


title: Dead reckoning

text: The south-pointing chariot was an ancient Chinese device consisting of a two-wheeled horse-drawn vehicle which carried a pointer that was intended always to aim to the south, no matter how the chariot turned. The chariot pre-dated the navigational use of the magnetic compass, and could not "detect" the direction that was south. Instead it used a kind of directional dead reckoning: at the start of a journey, the pointer was aimed southward by hand, using local knowledge or astronomical observations e.g. of the Pole Star. Then, as it traveled, a mechanism possibly containing differential gears used the different rotational speeds of the two wheels to turn the pointer relative to the body of the chariot by the angle of turns made (subject to available mechanical accuracy), keeping the pointer aiming in its original direction, to the south. Errors, as always with dead reckoning, would accumulate as distance traveled increased.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Networked games and simulation tools routinely use dead reckoning to predict where an actor should be right now, using its last known kinematic state (position, velocity, acceleration, orientation, and angular velocity). This is primarily needed because it is impractical to send network updates at the rate that most games run, 60 Hz. The basic solution starts by projecting into the future using linear physics:


title: Dead reckoning

text: This formula is used to move the object until a new update is received over the network. At that point, the problem is that there are now two kinematic states: the currently estimated position and the just received, actual position. Resolving these two states in a believable way can be quite complex. One approach is to create a curve (e.g. cubic Bézier splines, centripetal Catmull–Rom splines, and Hermite curves) between the two states while still projecting into the future. Another technique is to use projective velocity blending, which is the blending of two projections (last known and current) where the current projection uses a blending between the last known and current velocity over a set time.


title: Dead reckoning

text: The first equation calculates a blended velocity formula_6 given the client-side velocity at the time of the last server update formula_7 and the last known server-side velocity formula_8. This essentially blends from the client-side velocity towards the server-side velocity for a smooth transition. Note that formula_9 should go from zero (at the time of the server update) to one (at the time at which the next update should be arriving). A late server update is unproblematic as long as formula_9 remains at one.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Next, two positions are calculated: firstly, the blended velocity formula_6 and the last known server-side acceleration formula_12 are used to calculate formula_13. This is a position which is projected from the client-side start position formula_14 based on formula_15, the time which has passed since the last server update. Secondly, the same equation is used with the last known server-side parameters to calculate the position projected from the last known server-side position formula_16 and velocity formula_8, resulting in formula_18.


title: Dead reckoning

text: Finally, the new position to display on the client formula_19 is the result of interpolating from the projected position based on client information formula_13 towards the projected position based on the last known server information formula_18. The resulting movement smoothly resolves the discrepancy between client-side and server-side information, even if this server-side information arrives infrequently or inconsistently. It is also free of oscillations which spline-based interpolation may suffer from.


title: Dead reckoning

text: In computer science, dead-reckoning refers to navigating an array data structure using indexes. Since every array element has the same size, it is possible to directly access one array element by knowing any position in the array.


title: Dead reckoning

text: This property is particularly important for performance when used in conjunction with arrays of structures because data can be directly accessed, without going through a pointer dereference.


title: The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind

text: The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind is a 2019 British drama film written, directed by and starring Chiwetel Ejiofor in his feature directorial debut. The film is based on the memoir of the same name by William Kamkwamba and Bryan Mealer. It was screened in the Premieres section at the 2019 Sundance Film Festival and began streaming in most territories on Netflix on 1 March 2019. It was selected as the British entry for the Best International Feature Film at the 92nd Academy Awards, but it was not nominated. It received widely positive reviews with praise going to Ejiofor's direction and the acting.


title: The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind

text: Born in Kasungu, Malawi, William Kamkwamba is a young schoolboy who comes from a family of farmers who live in the nearby village of Wimbe. William has a talent for fixing radios for his friends and neighbours and spends his free time looking through the local junkyard for salvageable electronic components. Although he is soon banned from attending school due to his parents' inability to pay his tuition fees, William blackmails his science teacher (who is in a secret relationship with William's sister) into letting him continue attending his class and have access to the school's library where he learns about electrical engineering and energy production.


title: The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind

text: By the mid-2000s, the family's crops fail due to drought and the resulting famine devastates William's village, leading to riots over government rationing. William's family is also robbed of their already meager grain stores. People soon begin abandoning the village, and William's sister elopes with his former teacher in order to leave her family "one less mouth to feed".


title: The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind

text: Seeking to save his village from the drought, William devises a plan to build a windmill to power the town's broken water pump. His small prototype works successfully, but to build a larger windmill, William requires his father, Trywell, to give permission to dismantle the family bicycle for parts, which is the only bicycle in the village and the family's last major asset. His father believes the exercise futile and destroys the prototype and forces William to toil in the fields. After William's dog dies of starvation and hope seems lost, William's mother, Agnes, intervenes and urges his father to reconsider. William and his father reconcile after William buries his dog. With the help of his friends and the few remaining members of the village, they build a full-size windmill which leads to a successful crop being sown.


title: The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind

text: Word of William's windmill spreads and he is awarded a scholarship to attend school, ultimately receiving a degree from Dartmouth College.


title: The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind

text: On 14 November 2018, Netflix acquired global distribution rights, excluding Japan, China, and the United Kingdom. The film had its world premiere at the 2019 Sundance Film Festival on 25 January 2019. It was later released on Netflix on 1 March 2019.


title: The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind

text: On review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes the film has an approval rating of , based on reviews, with an average rating of . The website's critical consensus reads, ""The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind" earns its predictably uplifting arc through strong performances and impressive work from debuting director Chiwetel Ejiofor." On Metacritic, the film has a weighted average score of 68 out of 100, based on 18 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Islam is the second largest religion in the United Kingdom, with results from the 2011 Census giving the total population as 2,786,635, or 4.4% of the total UK population, while the 2021 Census results released so far () show a population of 3,868,133 (6.5%) in England and Wales, 3,801,178 in England and 66,950 in Wales. The 2011 census reported 76,737 Muslims in Scotland (1.45%). London has the greatest population of Muslims in the country. The vast majority of Muslims in the United Kingdom adhere to Sunni Islam, while smaller numbers are associated with Shia Islam.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: During the Middle Ages, there was some general cultural exchange between Christendom and the Islamic world, however, there were no Muslims in the British Isles (a few Crusaders did convert in the East, such as Robert of St. Albans). During the Elizabethan age, contacts became more explicit as the Tudors made alliances against Catholic Habsburg Spain, including with Morocco and the Ottoman Empire. As the British Empire grew, particularly in India, Britain came to rule territories with many Muslim inhabitants; some of these, known as the "lascars", are known to have settled in Britain from the mid-18th century onwards. In the 19th century, Victorian Orientalism spurred an interest in Islam and some British people, including aristocrats, converted to Islam. Marmaduke Pickthall, an English writer and novelist, and a convert to Islam, provided the first complete English-language translation of the Qur'an by a British Muslim in 1930.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Under the British Indian Army, a significant number of Muslims fought for the United Kingdom during the First and the Second World Wars (a number of whom were awarded the Victoria Cross, Britain's highest honour). In the decades following the latter conflict and the Partition of India in 1947, many Muslims (from what is today Bangladesh, India and Pakistan) settled in Britain itself. To this day, British Asians constitute the majority of Muslims in Britain in terms of ethnicity, although there are significant Turkish, Arab and Somali communities, as well as up to 100,000 British converts of multiple ethnic backgrounds. Islam is the fastest growing religion in the United Kingdom and its adherents have the lowest average age out of all the major religious groups. Between 2001 and 2009, the Muslim population increased almost 10 times faster than the non-Muslim population.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Although Islam is generally thought of as a recent arrival in the UK, Muslims have been trading and exchanging ideas with the British for centuries.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The earliest evidence of Islamic influence in England dates to the 8th century, when Offa, the Anglo-Saxon king of Mercia, minted a coin with an Arabic inscription, largely a copy of coins issued by a contemporary Abbasid ruler, Caliph Al-Mansur. In the 16th century, Muslims from North Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia were present in London, working in a range of roles, from diplomats and translators to merchants and musicians.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Bengal was annexed by the East India Company from the quasi-independent Nawabs of Bengal following the Battle of Plassey in 1757. The manufactured goods produced in Bengal directly contributed to the Industrial Revolution in Britain, with the textiles produced in Bengal being used to support British industries such as textile manufacturing, aided by the invention of devices such as the spinning jenny. With the establishment of Crown control in India after 1857, the British Empire came to rule over a large Muslim population. The first educated South Asian to travel to Europe and live in Britain was I'tisam-ud-Din, a Bengali Muslim cleric, munshi and diplomat to the Mughal Empire who arrived in 1765 with his servant Muhammad Muqim during the reign of King George III. He wrote of his experiences and travels in his Persian book, (or 'Wonder Book of Europe').


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: In South Asia, specifically, the British ruled over one of the largest Muslim populations in the world. Upon coming into contact with such a population, the British authorities forged a uniquely Muslim identity for the local believers. This was, in part, due to the way British historians periodized South Asian history into an "ancient" Hindu one and a "medieval" Muslim one. Under the system, the colonial period was classified as "modern". Debate rages on concerning the utility and legitimacy of these labels themselves. Problems with these labels range from the connotations coupled with the word 'medieval' to the implications related to labelling the colonial era as "modern". The term "medieval" itself is quite controversial. Historians writing in journals relating to the time period have asked whether the term is a "tyrannous construct" or an "alien conceptual hegemony". This is because the label was originally developed during the study of European history to mark the period in between the fall of the Roman Empire and the fall of Constantinople.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Such classifications done by British historians throughout their long period of rule paved the way for a more cohesive Muslim identity. In the eighteenth century, this seemed unlikely. Muslims who hailed from Afghan, Turk, Persian, or Arab roots did not find their Muslim identities especially salient. Mughal courts divided not into Hindu or Muslim factions but Persian and Turkish ones. Converts to the religion outside of courtly life, the majority of the Muslim population in the Subcontinent, too were more focused on their regional and lingual cultural identities-whether that be Bengali, Punjabi, Sindhi, or Gujarati.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The first group of Muslims to come to Great Britain in significant numbers, in the 18th century, were lascars (sailors) recruited from the Indian subcontinent, largely from the Bengal region, to work for the East India Company on British ships, some of whom settled down and took local wives. Due to the majority being lascars, the earliest Muslim communities were found in port towns. Naval cooks also came, many of them from the Sylhet district of British Bengal (now in Bangladesh). One of the most famous early Asian immigrants to England was the Bengali Muslim entrepreneur Sake Dean Mahomet, a captain of the East India Company who in 1810 founded London's first Indian restaurant, the Hindoostanee Coffee House.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Between 1803 and 1813, there were more than 10,000 lascars from the Indian subcontinent visiting British port cities and towns. By 1842, 3,000 lascars visited the UK annually, and by 1855, 12,000 lascars were arriving annually in British ports. In 1873, 3,271 lascars arrived in Britain. Throughout the early 19th century lascars visited Britain at a rate of 1,000 every year, which increased to a rate of 10,000 to 12,000 every year throughout the late 19th century. A prominent English convert of the 19th century was Henry Stanley, 3rd Baron Stanley of Alderley, who became a Muslim in 1862. Although not a convert himself, the Victorian Age adventurer, Sir Richard Francis Burton visited Mecca in disguise, documented in "The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night". At the beginning of World War I, there were 51,616 South Asian lascars working on British ships, the majority of whom were of Bengali descent. In 1932, the Indian National Congress survey of 'all Indians outside India' (which included modern Pakistani and Bangladeshi territories) estimated that there were 7,128 Indians living in the United Kingdom.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: By 1911, the British Empire had a Muslim population of 94 million, larger than the empire's 58 million Christian population. By the 1920s, the British Empire included roughly half of the world's Muslim population. More than 400,000 Muslim soldiers of the British Indian Army fought for Britain during World War I, where 62,060 were killed in action. Muslim soldiers of the British Indian Army later fought for Britain against the Nazis in World War II, where Muslim soldiers accounted for up to 40% of the 2.5 million troops serving the British Indian Army. David Lloyd George, British Prime Minister from 1916 to 1922, stated: "we are the greatest Mahomedan power in the world and one-fourth of the population of the British Empire is Mahomedan. There have been no more loyal adherents to the throne and no more effective and loyal supporters of the Empire in its hour of trial." This statement was later reiterated by Gandhi in 1920. Winston Churchill also stated in 1942: "We must not on any account break with the Moslems, who represent a hundred million people, and the main army elements on which we must rely for the immediate fighting."


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The Shah Jahan Mosque in Woking was the first purpose-built mosque in Britain, and was built in 1889. In the same year, Abdullah Quilliam installed a mosque in a terrace in Liverpool, which became the Liverpool Muslim Institute. The first mosque in London was the Fazl Mosque, established in 1924, commonly called the London mosque.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Quran translators Yusuf Ali and Marmaduke Pickthall, who authored "The Meaning of the Glorious Koran: An Explanatory Translation" in 1930, were both trustees of the Shah Jehan Mosque in Woking and the East London Mosque.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Other aristocratic British converts included Sir Archibald Hamilton, 5th Baronet, Rowland Allanson-Winn, 5th Baron Headley, St John Philby and Zainab Cobbold (the first Muslim woman born in Britain to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca).


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Large-scale immigration of Muslims to Britain began after World War II, as a result of the destruction and labour shortages caused by the war. Muslim migrants from former British colonies, predominantly India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, were recruited in large numbers by government and businesses to rebuild the country. Large numbers of doctors recruited from India and Pakistan, encouraged by health minister Enoch Powell in the early 1960s, also played a key role in the establishment of the National Health Service.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: British Asians (both Muslim and non-Muslim) faced increased discrimination following Powell's Rivers of Blood speech and the establishment of the National Front in the late 1960s. This included overt racism in the form of "Paki bashing", predominantly from white power skinheads, the National Front, and the British National Party, throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Drawing inspiration from the civil rights movement, the black power movement, and the anti-apartheid movement, young British Pakistani and British Bangladeshi activists began a number of anti-racist Asian youth movements in the 1970s and 1980s, including the Bradford Youth Movement in 1977, the Bangladeshi Youth Movement following the murder of Altab Ali in 1978, and the Newham Youth Movement following the murder of Akhtar Ali Baig in 1980.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The majority of mosques founded after World War II in Britain are reflective of the major strands of Sunni Islam predominating in the Indian subcontinent; namely Deobandi and Barelvi (the latter of which is more Sufi-orientated). There are also a smaller number of Salafi-oriented mosques, inspired by Abul A'la Maududi and , are representative of the Arab mainstream or are associated with the UK Turkish Islamic Trust. In addition to this there are Twelver Shia Mosques. The Murabitun World Movement founded by Abdalqadir as-Sufi (born Ian Dallas) in 1968 is a branch of the Sufi Darqawi-Shadhili-Qadiri tariqa which was run out of Achnagairn in the Scottish Highlands.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Martin Lings, an English Muslim scholar, published a significant biography of the Prophet Muhammad in 1983 entitled "". The publication of Salman Rushdie's novel "The Satanic Verses" in 1988 caused major controversy. A number of Muslims in Britain condemned the book for blasphemy. On 2 December 1988, the book was publicly burned at a demonstration in Bolton attended by 7,000 Muslims, followed by a similar demonstration and book-burning in Bradford on 14 January 1989. The growing number of Muslims resulted in the establishment of more than 1,500 mosques by 2007.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The Muslim population of England and Wales has grown consistently since World War II. Sophie Gilliat-Ray attributes the recent growth to "recent immigration, the higher than average birth rate, some conversion to Islam".


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: According to the 2021 United Kingdom census, Muslims in England and Wales enumerated 3,868,133, or 6.5% of the population.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: According to recent projections the Muslim population in the UK in the year 2050 is likely to number around 13 million.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The top 20 local authorities in England and Wales with the highest percentage of Muslims in 2021 were:


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Several large cities have one area that is a majority Muslim even if the rest of the city has a fairly small Muslim population. In addition, it is possible to find small areas that are almost entirely Muslim: for example, Savile Town in Dewsbury.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Initial limited mosque availability meant that prayers were conducted in small rooms of council flats until the 1980s when more and larger facilities became available. Some synagogues and community buildings were turned into mosques and existing mosques began to expand their buildings. This process has continued down to the present day with the East London Mosque recently expanding into a large former car park where the London Muslim Centre is now used for prayers, recreational facilities and housing. Most people regard themselves as part of the , and their identity is based on their religion rather than their ethnic group.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The 2001 census recorded that there were 179,733 Muslims who described themselves as 'white'. 65% of white Muslims described themselves as "other white", and would likely have originated from locations such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Adygea, Chechnya, Albania, Turkey, Bulgaria, the region of East Macedonia and Thrace in Northern Greece, and North Macedonia. The remainder of white Muslims are converts and mostly identified themselves as White British and White Irish.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Islam is the third-largest religious group of British Indian people, after Hinduism and Sikhism. 8% of UK Muslims are of Indian descent, principally those whose origins are in Gujarat, West Bengal, Telangana and Kerala. Gujarati Muslims from the Surat and Bharuch districts started to arrive from the 1940s when India was under British colonial rule, settling in the towns of Dewsbury and Batley in Yorkshire and in parts of Lancashire.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The single largest group of Muslims in the United Kingdom are of Pakistani descent. Pakistanis were one of the first South Asian Muslim communities to permanently settle in the United Kingdom, arriving in England first in the late 1940s. Immigration from Mirpur in Pakistan grew from the late 1950s, accompanied by immigration from other parts of Pakistan especially from Punjab, particularly from the surrounding Punjab villages of Faisalabad, Sahiwal, Sialkot, Jhelum, Gujar Khan and Gujarat, in addition to from the north-west Punjab including the chhachhi Pathans and Pashtuns from Attock District, and some from villages of Ghazi, Nowshera and Peshawar. There is also a fairly large Punjabi community from East Africa found in London. People of Pakistani extraction are particularly notable in West Midlands, West Yorkshire, London, Lancashire/Greater Manchester and several industrial towns such as Luton, Slough and High Wycombe in the Home Counties. There are smaller numbers of Sindhis in Greater London. Pakistanis were traditionally working class but are slowly progressing into a Metropolitan middle class; they continue to face social integration issues.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: People of Bangladeshi descent are the second largest Muslim community (after Pakistanis), 15% of Muslims in England and Wales are of Bangladeshi descent, one of the ethnic groups in the UK with the largest proportion of people following a single religion, being 92% Muslim. The majority of these Muslims come from the Sylhet Division of Bangladesh. Many mosques opened by the British Bangladeshi community are often named after Shah Jalal and other Sufi saints who took part in the Islamic conquest of Sylhet in 1303. British Bangladeshi Muslims are mainly concentrated in London (Tower Hamlets and Newham), Luton, Birmingham and Oldham. The Bangladeshi Muslim community in London forms 24% of the Muslim population, larger than any other ethnic group. Other smaller Bangladeshi Muslim communities are present in Newcastle upon Tyne, Bradford, Manchester, Sunderland, Portsmouth, and Rochdale.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: There are groups which are active throughout Bangladeshi communities such as The Young Muslim Organisation. It is connected to the Islamic Forum Europe, associated with the East London Mosque and the London Muslim Centre – all of which have connections with the Bangladeshi political party, the . Other large groups include another Sunni movement, the Fultoli (founded in Sylhet), and the Tablighi Jamaat – which is a missionary and revival movement, and avoids political attention. The Hizb ut-Tahrir calls for the Khilafah (caliphate) and influences by publishing annual magazines, and lectures through mainly political concepts, and the other which is a movement within Sunni Islam is the Salafi – who view the teachings of the first generations after Muhammed as the correct teachings, and appeals to younger Muslims as a way to differentiate themselves towards their elders. All these groups work to stimulate Islamic identity among local Bengalis or Muslims and particularly focus on the younger members of the communities. The British Bangladeshi community has held a strong point in Islam, often opening large mosques such as East London Mosque and Brick Lane Masjid, as well as opening madrassas and Islamic TV channels.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: There are large numbers of Gujarati Muslims in Dewsbury, Blackburn (including Darwen), Bolton, Preston, Nottingham, Leicester, Nuneaton, Gloucester and London (Newham, Waltham Forest and Hackney).


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Turks in the United Kingdom represent a unique community in the country because they have emigrated not only from the Republic of Turkey but also from other former Ottoman regions; in fact, the majority of British Turks are Turkish Cypriots who migrated from the island of Cyprus from the British colonial period onwards. The second largest Turkish community descend from Turkey. There has also been ethnic Turkish migration waves from Arabic-speaking countries (such as Iraq and Syria) as well as the Balkans (including Bulgaria, Greece, and Romania). A report published by the Home Affairs Committee in 2011 claimed that there was 500,000 British Turks, made up of approximately 150,000 Turkish nationals, 300,000 Turkish Cypriots, and the remainder from other countries. , there was a growing number of ethnic Turks from the modern diaspora in Western Europe; for example, Turks with German and Dutch citizenship (i.e. Turkish Germans and Turkish Dutch) had also immigrated to Britain in accordance with the freedom of movement under EU law.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Turkish Cypriots first began to migrate to the United Kingdom in 1917. At the time, the British Empire had already annexed Cyprus and the residents of Cyprus became subjects of the Crown. Migration continued through the 1920s; during the Second World War, the number of Turkish-run cafes increased from 20 in 1939 to 200 in 1945 – creating a demand for more Turkish Cypriot workers. However, due to the Cyprus conflict, many Turkish Cypriots began to leave the island for political reasons in the 1950s, with the numbers increasing significantly after the intercommunal violence of late 1963. With the subsequent division of the island in 1974 (followed by the declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus in 1983) an economic embargo against the Turkish Cypriots by the Greek Cypriot controlled Republic of Cyprus, caused a further 130,000 Turkish Cypriots to leave the Island for the United Kingdom.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Migrant workers from the Republic of Turkey began to arrive in large numbers in the 1970s, followed by their family members in the late 1970s and 1980s. Many of these workers were recruited by Turkish Cypriots who had already established businesses such as restaurants. These workers were required to renew their work permits every year until they became residents after living in the country for five years. By the 1980s, intellectuals, including students, and highly educated professionals arrived in the country, most of which received support from the Turkish Cypriot community. Mainland Turks settled in similar areas of London in which the Turkish Cypriots lived in; however, many have also moved to the outer districts, such as Essex.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The Turkish community have established several mosques in the country. The first was Shacklewell Lane Mosque, established by the Turkish Cypriot community in 1977. There are numerous other Turkish mosques in London, mainly in Hackney, including the Aziziye Mosque and Suleymaniye Mosque. Notable Turkish mosques outside London include Selimiye Mosque in Manchester, Hamidiye Mosque in Leicester, and Osmaniye Mosque in Stoke-on-Trent.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Turks from the same districts from their homeland tend to congregate in the same quarters in the UK. The majority live in capital city of London, particularly in Hackney, Haringey, Enfield, Lewisham, Lambeth, Southwark, Croydon, Islington, Kensington, Waltham Forest, and Wood Green. Outside London there are smaller Turkish communities in Birmingham, Hertfordshire, Luton, Manchester, Sheffield and the East Midlands.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The UK has a significant Iraqi Kurdish population. Academic sources indicate that 65–70% of people originating from Iraq are Kurdish Iraqis. Nearly all Iraqi Kurds are Muslims.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: According to the Department for Communities and Local Government, the Iraqi Kurds make up the largest group of Kurds in the country, exceeding the numbers from Turkey and Iran.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: People of Arab origin in Britain are the descendants of Arab immigrants to Britain from a variety of Arab states, including Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt and Palestine. Most British Arabs are Sunni Muslim, although some – such as those of Iraqi and Lebanese origin – are Shi'ite. A smaller number belong to one of the Eastern Christian denominations, such as Coptic Orthodox and Maronite or Syriac Orthodox Arabs from the Levant and Egypt and Iraq. The main Arab Muslim communities in the UK live in the Greater London area, with smaller numbers living in Manchester, Liverpool, and Birmingham. There are also sizable and very long-established communities of Muslim Yemenis in the United Kingdom in among other places Cardiff and the South Shields area near Newcastle.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The 2001 UK Census recorded 32,236 Iraqi-born residents, and the Office for National Statistics estimates that, as of 2009, this figure had risen to around 65,000. According to estimates by the Iraqi embassy, the Iraqi population in the UK is around 350,000–450,000.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Although data is short, findings indicate Maghrebis make up a substantial community in Europe and the United Kingdom. Britain has long ties with Maghrebis, through contact with the Maghrebis. Nevertheless, Britain has a far lower count of Maghrebis in comparison to France, the Netherlands and Spain, where the majority of Muslims are Maghrebi.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: A 2009 government paper estimated the Nigerian Muslim community at 12,000 to 14,000 people. The community is concentrated in London.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: Nigerian Muslims in the UK are represented by several community organizations including the Nigeria Muslim Forum.


title: Islam in the United Kingdom

text: The United Kingdom, with 43,532 Somalia-born residents in 2001, and an estimated 101,000 in 2008, is home to the largest Somali community in Europe. A 2009 estimate by Somali community organisations puts the Somali population figure at 90,000 residents. The first Somali immigrants were seamen and traders who arrived in small numbers in port cities in the late 19th century, although most Somalis in the UK are recent arrivals. Further more Somali European such as from Holland or Denmark have been emigrating in recent years. Established Somali communities are found in Bristol, Cardiff, Liverpool and London, and newer ones have formed in Leicester, Manchester and Sheffield.