title: Prince engine

text: On 29 September 2010, it was announced by BMW that the 1.6Turbo version of the Prince engine would be supplied from 2012 to Saab for use in forthcoming models, primarily the 9-3. However with the closure of SAAB supply never started.


title: Prince engine

text: At the Geneva Auto Show 2011, Saab unveiled their latest concept vehicle Saab PhoeniX with BMW Prince Engine 1.6T ;


title: Prince engine

text: On 25 June 2014 1.6-litre turbo Prince engine won its eighth consecutive International Engine of the Year Award in the 1.4 to 1.8-litre category. In 2014 the Prince engine beat, among others, the new BMW B38 engine which is replacing the Prince engine in the Mini and BMW lineups.


title: Prince engine

text: The Prince family shares its basic block dimensions with the previous PSA TU engine family. Engineering design was directed by BMW using their Valvetronic variable valve lift system on the intake side, flow-controlled oil pump, timing chain, single belt drive of all ancillary units, composite camshafts and cylinder head produced by lost-foam casting. It is also equipped with an on-demand water pump. Gasoline direct injection with a twin-scroll turbocharger will be used on the higher power versions.


title: Prince engine

text: All Prince engines will share cylinder bore spacing, with bore. The 1.6 litre engine has a stroke of . The engine features a two-piece "bedplate" aluminum crankcase for extra stiffness.


title: Prince engine

text: The 1.4 L PSA EP3 and EP3C is the smallest member of the Prince family with a stroke measuring and total capacity of . Depending on application, power output varies from while torque varies from .


title: Prince engine

text: The 1.6 L engine is used in the second-generation MINI and various Peugeot 207 models. It has an stroke for a total of of displacement.


title: Prince engine

text: The naturally aspirated variant (EP6, EP6C) has conventional fuel injection and lost-foam cast cylinder heads. Its 11:1 compression ratio creates an output of at 6000 rpm with a redline of 6500 rpm. Torque is at 4250 rpm.


title: Prince engine

text: The turbocharged 1.6 L unit adds gasoline direct injection and has special low-pressure die-cast heads. It has an stroke for a total of of displacement.


title: Prince engine

text: At first, there were two versions on offer – the THP150 and THP175, also known as the EP6DT and EP6DTS respectively within Peugeot. The first was later updated as EP6CDT and also as THP163, EP6CDTM. There is also EP6CDT MD – with lowered compression ratio.


title: Prince engine

text: For the THP175 (EP6DTS, later EP6CDTS) maximum torque is at 1600 rpm, remaining flat to 5000 rpm. Power output is at 5500 rpm. An overboost function is available which temporarily increases torque to between 1700 rpm and 4500 rpm in gears 3 to 5.


title: Prince engine

text: In 2010 Peugeot released the 1.6 THP engine (EP6CDTX) with at 5500 rpm, maximum torque at 1700 rpm. It featured direct injection, twin-scroll turbocharger and Valvetronic variable valve lift. It was first introduced in the Peugeot RCZ sport compact for the 2010 model year, where it generates .


title: Prince engine

text: The 2012–2014 Mini John Cooper Works GP featured additional performance, with at 6000 rpm and of torque at 2000–5100 rpm from a larger turbo and engine internals.


title: Prince engine

text: The turbocharged 1.6 litre version used by BMW is called the BMW N13. The N13 replaced the naturally aspirated BMW N43 engine and was produced from 2011 to 2016. It is BMW's first turbocharged four-cylinder petrol engine since the BMW 2002 Turbo ceased production in 1974.


title: Prince engine

text: BMW sold the N13 alongside the larger displacement BMW N20 turbocharged four-cylinder engine. The N13 was effectively replaced by the turbocharged three-cylinder BMW B38 engine.


title: Prince engine

text: The turbocharged 1.6 litre versions used by Mini are called the Mini N14 and Mini N18. The N18 succeeded the N14 and had double Vanos. The N14/N18 engine uses direct injection, a twin-scroll turbocharger and Valvetronic (variable valve lift).


title: Prince engine

text: There has been several cases of recalls and/or extended warranty due to failing HPFP (high pressure fuel pumps) in the Prince engine


title: Prince engine

text: There was a service bulletin issued in 2013 due to failing timing chains and timing chain tensioner, both designed by BMW, in the Prince engine


title: Prince engine

text: The production of MINI version of 'Prince' family of engines is set to end by 2016, and be replaced by its very latest 3 and 4 cylinder Engine family – BMW B37, BMW B38 and BMW B48.


title: Prince engine

text: In 2015 it was announced, on the Hong Kong Stock exchange, that BMW had signed an IPR deal with XCE. They will make the N18 TVDI engine in China for use in various Brilliance Automotive vehicles (JV Partner of BMW in China) and also for other China OEM's.


title: Prince engine

text: PSA will continue to develop the higher power models of the engine family, with future production planned for China with its JV partners DONFENG (DPCA) and Changan（CAPSA）.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The military dictatorship in Brazil () was established on 1 April 1964, after a coup d'état by the Brazilian Armed Forces, with support from the United States government, against President João Goulart. The Brazilian dictatorship lasted for 21 years, until 15 March 1985. The military coup was fomented by José de Magalhães Pinto, Adhemar de Barros, and Carlos Lacerda (who had already participated in the conspiracy to depose Getúlio Vargas in 1945), then governors of the states of Minas Gerais, São Paulo, and Guanabara, respectively. The coup was planned and executed by the most forefront commanders of the Brazilian Army and received the support of almost all high-ranking members of the military, along with conservative elements in society, like the Catholic Church and anti-communist civil movements among the Brazilian middle and upper classes. Internationally, it was supported by the State Department of the United States through its embassy in Brasilia.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Despite initial pledges to the contrary, the military regime enacted in 1967 a new, restrictive Constitution, and stifled freedom of speech and political opposition. The regime adopted nationalism, economic development, and anti-communism as its guidelines.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The dictatorship reached the height of its popularity in the 1970s with the so-called "Brazilian Miracle", even as the regime censored all media, and tortured and exiled dissidents. João Figueiredo became President in March 1979; in the same year he passed the Amnesty Law for political crimes committed for and against the regime. While combating the "hardliners" inside the government and supporting a re-democratization policy, Figueiredo could not control the crumbling economy, chronic inflation and concurrent fall of other military dictatorships in South America. Amid massive popular demonstrations in the streets of the main cities of the country, the first free elections in 20 years were held for the national legislature in 1982. In 1985, another election was held, this time to elect (indirectly) a new president, being contested between civilian candidates for the first time since the 1960s, being won by the opposition. In 1988, a new Constitution was passed and Brazil officially returned to democracy. Since then, the military has remained under the control of civilian politicians, with no official role in domestic politics.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Brazil's military government provided a model for other military regimes and dictatorships throughout Latin America, being systematized by the so-called "Doctrine of National Security", which "justified" the military's actions as operating in the interest of national security in a time of crisis, creating an intellectual basis upon which other military regimes relied. In 2014, nearly 30 years after the regime collapsed, the Brazilian military recognized for the first time the excesses committed by its agents during the years of the dictatorship, including the torture and murder of political dissidents. In May 2018, the United States government released a memorandum, written by Henry Kissinger, dating back to April 1974 (when he was serving as Secretary of State), confirming that the leadership of the Brazilian military regime was fully aware of the killing of dissidents. It is estimated that 434 people were either confirmed killed or went missing (not to be seen again) and 20,000 people were tortured during the military dictatorship in Brazil. While some human rights activists and others assert that the true figure could be much higher, and should include thousands of indigenous people who died because of the regime's negligence, the armed forces have always disputed this.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Brazil's political crisis stemmed from the way in which the political tensions had been controlled in the 1930s and 1940s during the Vargas Era. Vargas' dictatorship and the presidencies of his democratic successors marked different stages of Brazilian populism (1930–1964), an era of economic nationalism, state-guided modernization, and import substitution trade policies. Vargas' policies were intended to foster an autonomous capitalist development in Brazil, by linking industrialization to nationalism, a formula based on a strategy of reconciling the conflicting interests of the middle class, foreign capital, the working class, and the landed oligarchy.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Essentially, this was the epic of the rise and fall of Brazilian populism from 1930 to 1964: Brazil witnessed over the course of this time period the change from export-orientation of the First Brazilian Republic (1889–1930) to the import substitution of the populist era (1930–1964) and then to a moderate structuralism of 1964–80. Each of these structural changes forced a realignment in society and caused a period of political crisis. Period of right-wing military dictatorship marked the transition between populist era and the current period of democratization.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The Brazilian Armed Forces acquired great political clout after the Paraguayan War. The politicization of the Armed Forces was evidenced by the Proclamation of the Republic, which overthrew the Empire, or within Tenentismo ("Lieutenants' movement") and the Revolution of 1930. Tensions escalated again in the 1950s, as important military circles (the "hard-line militars", old positivists whose origins could be traced back to the AIB and the Estado Novo) joined the elite, medium classes and right-wing activists in attempts to stop Presidents Juscelino Kubitschek and João Goulart from taking office, due to their supposed support for Communist ideology. While Kubitschek proved to be friendly to capitalist institutions, Goulart promised far-reaching reforms, expropriated business interests and promoted economical-political neutrality with the US.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: After Goulart suddenly assumed power in 1961, society became deeply polarized, with the elites fearing that Brazil would become another Cuba and join the Communist Bloc, while many thought that the reforms would boost greatly the growth of Brazil and end its economical subservience with the US, or even that Goulart could be used to increase the popularity of the Communist agenda. Influential politicians, such as Carlos Lacerda and even Kubitschek, media moguls (Roberto Marinho, Octávio Frias, Júlio de Mesquita Filho), the Church, landowners, businessmen, and the middle class called for a coup d'état by the Armed Forces to remove the government. The old "hard-line" army officers, seeing a chance to impose their positivist economic program, convinced the loyalists that Goulart was a communist menace.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: After the presidency of Juscelino Kubitschek, the right wing opposition elected Jânio Quadros, who based his electoral campaign on criticizing Kubitschek and government corruption. Quadros' campaign symbol was a broom, with which the president would "sweep away the corruption." In his brief tenure as president, Quadros made moves to resume relations with some communist countries, made some controversial laws and law proposals, but without legislative support, he couldn't follow his agenda.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In the last days of August 1961, Quadros tried to break the impasse by resigning from the presidency, apparently with the intention of being reinstated by popular demand. João Goulart was vice president. He was a member of the Brazilian Labour Party and has been active in politics since the Vargas Era. As Quadros resigned, Goulart was outside the country visiting China. At that time Brazil's president and vice president were elected from different party tickets. Some military top brass tried to prevent Goulart from assuming the presidency, accusing him of being communist, but the legalist campaign in support of Goulart was already strong. The crisis was solved by the "parliamentarian solution" - an arrangement that decreased the powers of the president by creating a new post of prime minister, which was filled by Tancredo Neves and instituting a Parliamentary republic.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Brazil returned to Presidential government in 1963 after a referendum, and, as Goulart's powers grew, it became evident that he would seek to implement "base reforms" (bottom-up reforms) such as land reform and nationalization of enterprises in various economic sectors (which would remove the nation from its antiquated latifundial economy). The reforms were considered communist. Goulart sought to implement the reforms regardless of assent from established institutions such as Congress. Goulart had low parliamentarian support, due to the fact that his centrist attempts to win support from both sides of the spectrum gradually came to alienate both. Over time, Goulart was forced to shift well to the left of his mentor Getúlio Vargas and was forced to mobilize the working class and even the peasantry amid falling urban bourgeois support. The core of Brazilian populism was economic nationalism, and that was no longer appealing to the middle classes.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: On 1 April 1964, after a night of conspiracy, rebel troops made their way to Rio de Janeiro, considered a legalist bastion. São Paulo's and Rio de Janeiro's generals were convinced to join the coup. To prevent a civil war, and in knowledge that the US would openly support the army, the President fled first to Rio Grande do Sul, and then went to exile in Uruguay, where his family owned large estates.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The US Ambassador Lincoln Gordon later admitted that the embassy had given money to anti-Goulart candidates in the 1962 municipal elections, and had encouraged the plotters; many extra United States military and intelligence personnel were operating in four United States Navy oil tankers and the aircraft carrier USS Forrestal, in an operation code-named Operation Brother Sam. These ships had positioned off the coast of Rio de Janeiro in case Brazilian troops required military assistance during the 1964 coup. A document from Gordon in 1963 to US president John F. Kennedy also describes the ways João Goulart should be put down, and his fears of a communist intervention supported by the Soviets or by Cuba.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Washington immediately recognized the new government in 1964, and hailed the coup d'état as one of the "democratic forces" that had allegedly staved off the hand of international communism. American mass media outlets like Henry Luce's "Time" magazine also gave positive remarks about the dissolution of political parties and salary controls at the beginning of Castello Branco mandate.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Brazil actively participated in the CIA-backed state terror campaign against left-wing dissidents known as Operation Condor.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The argument used to justify the establishment of a military dictatorship in the country was the imminence of a "communist threat" in 1964. The historian disputes the assertion that communism was of sufficient strength in Brazil to threaten the democratic system in 1964. In an interview, Motta said:


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Instead, Motta asserts that the assertion of a "communist threat" was fabricated to unify the Brasilian armed forces and increase their support among the general population.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The Intercept reported that the asserted threat of Jango's "guerrillas," the weapons in possession of the (considered the MST of the time) and the communist infiltrations into the armed forces were nothing more than fantasy, and that the coup of 64 occurred without resistance, since "there was no resistance." Moreover, the communist armed struggles only appeared after the implementation of the dictatorship, and not before it, and in fact never put Brazilian democracy at risk.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The armed forces' officer corps was divided between those who believed that they should confine themselves to their barracks, and the hard-liners who regarded politicians as willing to turn Brazil to communism. The victory of the hard-liners dragged Brazil into what political scientist Juan J. Linz called "an authoritarian situation." However, because the hard-liners could not ignore the counterweight opinions of their colleagues or the resistance of society, they were unable to institutionalize their agenda politically. In addition, they did not attempt to eliminate liberal constitutionalism because they feared disapproval of international opinion and damage to their alignment with the United States. The United States as bastion of anticommunism during the Cold War, provided the ideology that the authoritarians used to justify their hold on power. Washington also preached liberal democracy, which forced the authoritarians to assume the contradictory position of defending democracy, while destroying it. Their concern for appearances caused them to abstain from personal dictatorship by requiring each successive general-president to hand over power to his replacement.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The Army could not find a civilian politician acceptable to all of the factions that supported the ouster of João Goulart.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: On 9 April 1964 coup leaders published the First Institutional Act, which greatly limited the freedoms of the 1946 constitution. The president was granted authority to remove elected officials from office, dismiss civil servants, and revoke for 10 years the political rights of those found guilty of subversion or misuse of public funds. On 11 April 1964 the Congress elected the Army Chief of Staff, Marshal Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco as president for the remainder of Goulart's term.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Castelo Branco had intentions of overseeing a radical reform of the political-economic system and then returning power to elected officials. He refused to remain in power beyond the remainder of Goulart's term or to institutionalize the military in power. However, competing demands radicalized the situation. Military "hard-line" wanted a complete purge of left-wing and populist influences while civilian politicians obstructed Castelo Branco's reforms. The latter accused him of hard-line actions to achieve his objectives, and the former accused him of leniency. On 27 October 1965, after victory of opposition candidates in two provincial elections, he signed the Second Institutional act which purged Congress, removed objectionable state governors and expanded president's arbitrary powers at the expense of the legislative and judiciary branches. This gave him the latitude to repress the populist left but also provided the subsequent governments of Artur da Costa e Silva (1967–69) and Emílio Garrastazu Médici (1969–74) with a "legal" basis for their hard-line authoritarian rule.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Castelo Branco, through extra-constitutional decrees dubbed "Institutional Acts" ( or "AI"), gave the executive the unchecked ability to change the constitution and remove anyone from office ("AI-1") as well as to have the presidency elected by Congress. A two-party system was created - the ruling government-backed National Renewal Alliance (ARENA) and the mild not-leftist opposition Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB) party ("AI-2"). In the new Constitution of 1967 the name of the country was changed from "United States of Brazil" to "Federative Republic of Brazil".


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Castelo Branco was succeeded to the presidency by General Artur da Costa e Silva who was representative of hard-line elements of the regime. On 13 December 1968 he signed the Fifth Institutional Act that gave president dictatorial powers, dissolved Congress and state legislatures, suspended the constitution, and imposed censorship. On 31 August 1969 Costa e Silva suffered a stroke. Instead of his Vice-president all state power was assumed by military junta, which then chose General Emílio Garrastazu Médici as the new president.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: A hardliner, Médici sponsored the greatest human rights abuses of the time period. During his government, persecution and torture of dissidents, harassment against journalists and press censorship became ubiquitous. The succession of kidnappings of foreign ambassadors in Brazil embarrassed the military government. The anti-government manifestations and the action of guerrilla movements generated an increase in repressive measures. Urban guerrillas from Ação Libertadora Nacional and Revolutionary Movement 8th October were suppressed, and military operations undertaken to finish the Araguaia Guerrilla War.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The "ideological frontiers" of Brazilian foreign policy were reinforced. By the end of 1970, the official minimum wage went down to US$40/month, and the more than one-third of Brazilian workforce which had their wages tied to it lost about 50% of its purchasing power in relation to the 1960 levels of the Juscelino Kubitschek administration.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Nevertheless, Médici was popular, as his term was met with the largest economic growth of any Brazilian President, the Brazilian Miracle unfolded and the country won the 1970 Football World Cup. In 1971 Médici presented the First National Development Plan aimed at increasing the rate of economic growth especially in remote Northeast and Amazonia. The results of his economic policy consolidated the option for the national-development model. Because of these results, the country's foreign economic connections were transformed, allowing its international presence to be broadened.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In November 1970 federal, state, and municipal elections were held. Most of the seats were won by ARENA candidates. In 1973, an electoral college system was established and in January 1974 General Ernesto Geisel was elected to be the next president.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The fall of João Goulart worried many citizens. Many students, Marxists, and workers formed groups that opposed military rule. A minority of these adopted direct armed struggle, while most supported political solutions to the mass suspension of human rights. In the first few months after the coup, thousands of people were detained, while thousands of others were removed from their civil service or university positions.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In 1968 there was a brief relaxation of the nation's repressive politics. Experimental artists and musicians formed the Tropicalia movement during this time. However, some of the major popular musicians Gilberto Gil and Caetano Veloso, for instance were arrested, imprisoned, and exiled. Chico Buarque left the country, in self-proclaimed exile.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The first signs of resistance to this repression were seen with the appearance of widespread student protests. In response, the government issued the Fifth Institutional Act in December 1968, which suspended habeas corpus, closed Congress, ended democratic government, and instituted other repressive features.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In 1969 the Revolutionary Movement 8th October kidnapped Charles Burke Elbrick, the U.S. ambassador to Brazil. The resistance fighters demanded the release of imprisoned dissidents who were being cruelly tortured in exchange for Ambassador Elbrick. The government responded by adopting more brutal measures of counter-insurgency, leading to the assassination of Carlos Marighella, a guerrilla leader, two months after Elbrick's kidnapping. This marked the beginning of the decline of armed opposition. In 1970, Nobuo Okuchi, Japanese consul general in Sāo Paulo, was kidnapped, while Curtis C. Cutter, U.S. consul in Porto Alegre, was wounded in the shoulder but escaped kidnapping. Also in 1970, Ehrenfried von Holleben, West German Ambassador, was kidnapped in Rio and one of his bodyguards was killed.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: After the military coup, the new government put forward a series of measures to strengthen its rule and weaken the opposition. The complex structure of the state's repression reached several areas of Brazilian society, and involved the implementation of measures of censorship, persecutions, and violations of human rights.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The systematic repression during this period in the Brazilian history was dependent on and alternated between the so-called “moderates” (“"moderados"”) and “hard-liners” (“"linha dura"”) in power. The most aggressive set of repressive measures took place during the period between 1968 and 1978, called the Years of Lead ("Anos de Chumbo"). The repressive characteristic of the regime, however, was present in the Brazilian society throughout the military rule.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The mainstream media, initially in pair with the military intervention at the coup's eve, later became contrary to the government and thus under heavy censorship rules. The management of all sectors of national communication was overseen by the Special Counsel of Public Relations ("Assessoria Especial de Relações Públicas") created in the beginning of 1968 while censorship was institutionalized through the Higher Counsel of Censorship ("Conselho Superior de Censura") later on that same year.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The Higher Counsel of Censorship was overseen by the Ministry of Justice, which was in charge of analyzing and revising decisions put forward by the director of the Federal Cops department. The ministry also was responsible for establishing guidelines and norms to implement censorship at local levels. Institutionalized censorship affected all areas of communication in Brazilian society:- newspaper, television, music, theater, and all industries related to mass communication activities, including marketing companies.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Despite the regime's efforts to censor any and all pieces of media that could hurt the government, the population found ways to get around it as much as possible. Even though artists and journalists had to have permission from the counsel to publish any piece of communication, they sometimes were able to surpass censorship barriers through unconventional ways. Musicians would rely on word play to publish songs with veiled criticisms towards the government while famous newspapers would fill in empty spaces left blank due to censored articles with random cake recipes, a way to indicate to the population the government's involvement with their publication.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: As early as 1964, the military government was already using the various forms of torture it devised systematically to not only gain information it used to crush opposition groups, but to intimidate and silence any further potential opponents. This radically increased after 1968.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: While other dictatorships killed more people, Brazil saw the widespread use of torture, as it also had during the dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas; Vargas's enforcer Filinto Müller has been named the "patron of torturers" in Brazil. Advisors from the United States and United Kingdom trained Brazilian forces in interrogation and torture. To extinguish its left-wing opponents, the dictatorship used arbitrary arrests, imprisonment without trials, kidnapping, and most of all, torture, which included rape and castration. The book "Torture in Brazil" provides accounts of only a fraction of the atrocities committed by the government.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The military government murdered hundreds of others, although this was done mostly in secret and the cause of death often falsely reported as accidental. The government occasionally dismembered and hid the bodies.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: French General Paul Aussaresses, a veteran of the Algerian War, came to Brazil in 1973. General Aussaresses used "counter-revolutionary warfare" methods during the Battle of Algiers, including the systemic use of torture, executions and death flights. He later trained U.S. officers and taught military courses for Brazil's military intelligence. He later acknowledged maintaining close links with the military.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: So far nobody has been punished for these human rights violations, because of the 1979 Amnesty Law written by the members of the government who stayed in place during the transition to democracy. The law grants amnesty and impunity to any government official or citizen accused of political crimes during the dictatorship. Because of a certain "cultural amnesia" in Brazil, the victims have never garnered much sympathy, respect, or acknowledgement of their suffering.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Work is underway to alter the Amnesty Law, which has been condemned by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The National Truth Commission was created in 2011 attempting to help the nation face its past and honor those who fought for democracy, and to compensate the family members of those killed or disappeared. Its work was concluded in 2014. It reported that under military regime at least 191 people were killed and 243 "disappeared". The total number of deaths probably measures in the hundreds, not reaching but could be nearing one thousand, while more than 50,000 people were detained and 10,000 forced to go into exile.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: According to the "Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Assistência Jurídica da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil", the "Brazilian death toll from government torture, assassination and 'disappearances' for 1964–81 was [...] 333, which included 67 killed in the Araguaia guerrilla front in 1972–74". According to the Brazilian Army 97 military and civilians were killed by terrorist and guerrilla actions made by leftist groups during the same period.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In a 2014 report by Brazil's National Truth Commission which documented the human rights abuses of the military government, it was noted that the United States "had spent years teaching the torture techniques to the Brazilian military during that period."


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: It was in this atmosphere that retired General Ernesto Geisel (1974–79) was elected to Presidency with Médici's approval. Geisel was a well-connected Army General and former president of Petrobras.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: There had been intense behind-the-scenes maneuvering by the hard-liners against him and by the more moderate supporters of Castelo Branco for him. Fortunately for Geisel, his older brother, Orlando Geisel was the Minister of Army, and his close ally, General João Baptista de Oliveira Figueiredo, was chief of Médici's military staff. Once in power, Geisel adopted a more moderate stance with regards to political opposition than his predecessor Médici.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Although not immediately understood by civilians, Ernesto Geisel's accession signaled a move toward a less oppressive rule. He replaced several regional commanders with trusted officers and labeled his political programs "abertura" (opening) and "distensão" (decompression), meaning a gradual relaxation of authoritarian rule. It would be, in his words, "the maximum of development possible with the minimum of indispensable security."


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Together with his Chief of Staff, Minister Golbery do Couto e Silva Geisel devised a plan of gradual, slow democratization that would eventually succeed despite all the threats and opposition from hard-liners.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: However, the torture of the regime's left-wing and Communist opponents by DOI-CODI was still ongoing as demonstrated by the murder of Vladimir Herzog.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Geisel allowed opposition Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB) to run an almost free election campaign before November 1974 elections and MDB won more votes than ever.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: When opposition MDB party won more seats in 1976 Congress elections, Geisel in April 1977 used powers granted to him by AI-5, dismissed Congress and introduced a new package of laws ("April Package"), that made gubernatorial elections indirect and created an electoral college for electing the next president, thus safeguarding ARENA positions.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In 1977 and 1978 the presidential succession issue caused further political confrontation with the hard-liners. In October 1977 he suddenly dismissed the far-right Minister of Army, General Sylvio Couto Coelho da Frota who had tried to become candidate for the next president.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In May 1978 Geisel had to deal with the first labor strikes since 1964. 500 000 workers, led by the future President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, demanded and won 11% wage increase.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: By the end of his Presidency Geisel had allowed exiled citizens to return, restored habeas corpus, repealed the extraordinary powers, in December 1978 ended the Fifth Institutional Act, and imposed General João Figueiredo (1979–85) as his successor in March 1979.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: President Geisel sought to maintain high economic growth rates of the Brazilian Miracle which were tied to maintaining the prestige of the regime, even while seeking to deal with the effects of the 1973 oil crisis. Geisel removed long-time Minister of Finance Antônio Delfim Netto. He maintained massive state investments in infrastructure—highways, telecommunications, hydroelectric dams, mineral extraction, factories, and atomic energy. All this required more international borrowing and increased state's debt.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Fending off nationalist objections, he opened Brazil to oil prospecting by foreign firms for the first time since the early 1950s. He also tried to reduce Brazil's reliance on oil, by signing a US$10 billion agreement with West Germany to build eight nuclear reactors in Brazil. During this time ethanol production program was promoted as an alternative to gasoline and the first ethanol fueled cars were produced.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Brazil suffered drastic reductions in its terms of trade as a result of the 1973 oil crisis. In the early 1970s, the performance of the export sector was undermined by an overvalued currency. With the trade balance under pressure, the oil shock led to a sharply higher import bill. Thus, the Geisel government borrowed billions of dollars to see Brazil through the oil crisis. This strategy was effective in promoting growth, but it also raised Brazil's import requirements markedly, increasing the already large current-account deficit. The current account was financed by running up the foreign debt. The expectation was that the combined effects of import substitution industrialization and export expansion eventually would bring about growing trade surpluses, allowing the service and repayment of the foreign debt.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Brazil shifted its foreign policy to meet its economic needs. "Responsible pragmatism" replaced strict alignment with the United States and a worldview based on ideological frontiers and blocs of nations. Because Brazil was 80% dependent on imported oil, Geisel shifted the country from uncritical support of Israel to a more neutral stance on Middle Eastern affairs. His government also recognized the People's Republic of China and the new socialist governments of Angola and Mozambique, both former Portuguese colonies. The government moved closer to Latin America, Europe, and Japan.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Brasil's intention to build nuclear reactors with West Germany's help created tensions with the US which did not want to see a nuclear Brazil. After election of Carter a greater emphasis was put on the human rights. The new Harkin Amendment limited American military assistance to countries with human rights violations. Brazilian right-wingers and military viewed this as incursion on Brazilian sovereignty and Geisel renounced any future military aid from United States in April 1977.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: President João Figueiredo steered the country back to democracy and promoted the transfer of power to civilian rule, facing opposition from hardliners in the military. Figueiredo was an Army General and former head of the secret service, National Intelligence Service of Brazil.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: As president, he continued the gradual "abertura" (democratization) process that was begun in 1974. An amnesty law, signed by Figueiredo on 28 August 1979, amnestied those convicted of "political or related" crimes between 1961 and 1978. In the early 1980s, the military regime could no longer effectively maintain the two-party system established in 1966. The Figueiredo administration dissolved the government-controlled National Renewal Alliance Party (ARENA) and allowed new parties to be formed. The President was often incapacitated by illness and took two prolonged leaves for health treatment in 1981 and 1983, but the civilian vice president Antônio Aureliano Chaves de Mendonça did not enjoy major political power.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In 1981 the Congress enacted a law on restoration of direct elections of state governors. The general election of 1982 brought a narrow victory to ARENA's successor, pro-government Democratic Social Party (43.22% of the vote), while the opposition Brazilian Democratic Movement Party received 42.96% of votes. The governorship of three major states, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais, was won by the opposition.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: However, the political developments were overshadowed by increasing economic problems. As inflation and unemployment soared, the foreign debt reached massive proportions making Brazil the world's biggest debtor owing about US$90 billion to international lenders. The austerity program imposed by the government brought no signs of recovery for the Brazilian economy.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In 1984, Diretas Já demonstrators took over the country and epitomized the newly regained freedoms of assembly and expression, but the movement's primary objective was not attained, and the 1985 presidential election was held indirectly, via selected electoral college. The opposition vigorously struggled for passing a constitutional amendment that would allow direct popular presidential elections in November 1984, but the proposal failed to win passage in the Congress. Opposition's candidate Tancredo Neves succeeded Figueiredo when Congress held an election for the new president.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: During this period Brazil's international agenda incorporated new perceptions. With nationalist military — who were State-control devotees — in power, there was increased energy for questioning the disparities of the international system. Interest in expanding state presence in the economy was accompanied by policies intended to transform Brazil's profile abroad. The relationship with the United States was still valued, but policy alignment was no longer total. Connections between Brazilian international activity and its economic interests led foreign policy, conducted by foreign minister José de Magalhães Pinto (1966–67), to be labeled "Prosperity Diplomacy."


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: This new emphasis of Brazil's international policy was followed by an appraisal of relations maintained with the United States in the previous years. It was observed that the attempted strengthening of ties had yielded limited benefits. A revision of the Brazilian ideological stand within the world system was added to this perception. This state of affairs was further enhanced by the momentary relaxation of the bipolar confrontation during détente.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In this context, it became possible to think of substituting the concept of limited sovereignty for full sovereignty. Development was made a priority for Brazilian diplomacy. These conceptual transformations were supported by the younger segments of Itamaraty (Ministry of External Relations), identified with the tenets of the independent foreign policy that had distinguished the early 1960s.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Based on the priorities of its foreign policy, Brazil adopted new positions in various international organizations. Its performance at the II Conference of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in 1968, in defense of non-discriminatory and preferential treatment for underdeveloped countries' manufactured goods, was noteworthy. The same level of concern distinguished the Brazilian stand at the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) meeting in Viña del Mar (1969). On this occasion, Brazil voiced its support of a Latin American union project.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In the security sphere, disarmament was defended and the joint control system of the two superpowers condemned. Brazil was particularly critical of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, with a view to guarantee the right to develop its own nuclear technology. This prerogative had already been defended previously, when the Brazilian government decided not to accept the validity of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TNP) in Latin America and the Caribbean. Brazil's position on the TNP became emblematic of the negative posture that it would, from then onwards, sustain regarding the power politics of the United States and the Soviet Union. Its initial detailing was influenced by the presence of João Augusto de Araújo Castro as ambassador to the UN and president of the Security Council in the years 1968–69. Brazil tried to strengthen its position with nuclear cooperation negotiated settlements with countries such as Israel (1966), France (1967), India (1968) and the United States (1972).


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The changes in Brazilian diplomacy were to be also reflected in other matters on the international agenda, such as the moderate stance taken with regard to the "Six-Day War" between Arabs and Israelis. In the multilateral sphere, the country championed the cause of the reform of the United Nations Organization charter.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The expansion of Brazil's international agenda coincided with the administrative reform of the Ministry of External Relations. Its move to Brasília in 1971 was followed by internal modernization. New departments were created, responding to the diversification of the international agenda and the increasing importance of economic diplomacy. Examples include the creation of a trade promotion system (1973) and the Alexandre de Gusmão Foundation (1971) to develop studies and research foreign policy.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Foreign policy during the Gibson Barboza mandate (1969–74) united three basic positions. The first one, ideological, defended the existence of military governments in Latin America. To achieve that, the Organization of American States fought terrorism in the region. The second one criticized the distension process between the two superpowers, condemning the effects of American and Soviet power politics. The third requested support for development, considering that Brazil, with all its economic potential, deserved greater responsibility within the international system.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: New demands and intentions appeared, related to the idea that the nation was strengthening its bargaining power in the world system. At international forums, its main demand became "collective economic security". The endeavor to lead Third World countries made Brazil value multilateral diplomacy. Efforts in this direction can be observed at the UN Conference on Environment (1972), the GATT meeting in Tokyo (1973) and the Law of the Sea Conference (1974).


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: This new Brazilian stance served as a base for the revival of its relationship with the United States. Differentiation from other Latin American countries was sought, to mean special treatment from the United States. Nevertheless, not only was this expectation not fulfilled but military assistance and the MEC-USAID educational cooperation agreement were interrupted.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: Washington held itself aloof at the time of President Médici's visit to the United States in 1971. In response, especially in the military and diplomatic spheres, nationalist ideas were kindled and raised questions about the alignment policy with the United States.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: The presence of J.A. de Araújo Castro as ambassador to Washington contributed to the re-definition of relations with the American government. The strategic move was to try to expand the negotiation agenda by paying special attention to the diversification of trade relations, the beginning of nuclear cooperation, and the inclusion of new international policy themes.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: In 1971 the military dictatorship helped rig Uruguayan elections, which "Frente Amplio", a left-wing political party, lost. The government participated in Operation Condor, which involved various Latin American security services (including Pinochet's DINA and the Argentine SIDE) in the assassination of political opponents.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: During this period, Brazil began to devote more attention to less-developed countries. Technical cooperation programs were initiated in Latin America and in Africa, accompanied in some cases by State company investment projects – in particular in the fields of energy and communication. With this pretext, an inter-ministerial system was created by Itamaraty and the Ministry of Planning, whose function it was to select and coordinate international cooperation projects. To foster these innovations, in 1972 foreign minister Gibson Barboza visited Senegal, Togo, Ghana, Dahomey, Gabon, Zaïre, Nigeria, Cameroon and Côte d'Ivoire.


title: Military dictatorship in Brazil

text: However, the prospect of economic interests and the establishment of cooperation programs with these countries was not followed by a revision of the Brazilian position on the colonial issue. Traditional loyalty was still towards Portugal. Attempts were made to consolidate the creation of a Portuguese-Brazilian community.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: As originally stated in terms of direct-current resistive circuits only, Thévenin's theorem states that ""For any linear electrical network containing only voltage sources, current sources and resistances can be replaced at terminals A–B by an equivalent combination of a voltage source V in a series connection with a resistance R.""


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: In circuit theory terms, the theorem allows any one-port network to be reduced to a single voltage source and a single impedance.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: The theorem also applies to frequency domain AC circuits consisting of reactive (inductive and capacitive) and resistive impedances. It means the theorem applies for AC in an exactly same way to DC except that resistances are generalized to impedances.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: The theorem was independently derived in 1853 by the German scientist Hermann von Helmholtz and in 1883 by Léon Charles Thévenin (1857–1926), an electrical engineer with France's national Postes et Télégraphes telecommunications organization.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: Thévenin's theorem and its dual, Norton's theorem, are widely used to make circuit analysis simpler and to study a circuit's initial-condition and steady-state response. Thévenin's theorem can be used to convert any circuit's sources and impedances to a Thévenin equivalent; use of the theorem may in some cases be more convenient than use of Kirchhoff's circuit laws.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: The Thévenin-equivalent voltage "V" is the open-circuit voltage at the output terminals of the original circuit. When calculating a Thévenin-equivalent voltage, the voltage divider principle is often useful, by declaring one terminal to be "V" and the other terminal to be at the ground point.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: The Thévenin-equivalent resistance "R" is the resistance measured across points A and B "looking back" into the circuit. The resistance is measured after replacing all voltage- and current-sources with their internal resistances. That means an ideal voltage source is replaced with a short circuit, and an ideal current source is replaced with an open circuit. Resistance can then be calculated across the terminals using the formulae for series and parallel circuits. This method is valid only for circuits with independent sources. If there are dependent sources in the circuit, another method must be used such as connecting a test source across A and B and calculating the voltage across or current through the test source.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: As a mnemonic, the Thevenin replacements for voltage and current sources can be remembered as the sources' values (meaning their voltage or current) are set to zero. A zero valued voltage source would create a potential difference of zero volts between its terminals, just like an ideal short circuit would do, with two leads touching; therefore the source is replaced with a short circuit. Similarly, a zero valued current source and an "open" circuit both pass zero current.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: The proof involves two steps. The first step is to use superposition theorem to construct a solution. Then, uniqueness theorem is employed to show that the obtained solution is unique. It is noted that the second step is usually implied in literature.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: By using superposition of specific configurations, it can be shown that for any linear "black box" circuit which contains voltage sources and resistors, its voltage is a linear function of the corresponding current as follows


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: Here, the first term reflects the linear summation of contributions from each voltage source, while the second term measures the contributions from all the resistors.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: The above expression is obtained by using the fact that the voltage of the black box for a given current formula_6 is identical to the linear superposition of the solutions of the following problems: (1) to leave the black box open circuited but activate individual voltage source one at a time and, (2) to short circuit all the voltage sources but feed the circuit with a certain ideal voltage source so that the resulting current exactly reads formula_6 (Alternatively, one can use an ideal current source of current formula_6). Moreover, it is straightforward to show that formula_9 and formula_10 are the single voltage source and the single series resistor in question.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: As a matter of fact, the above relation between formula_11 and formula_6 is established by superposition of some particular configurations. Now, the uniqueness theorem guarantees that the result is general. To be specific, there is one and only one value of formula_11 once the value of formula_6 is given. In other words, the above relation holds true independent of what the "black box" is plugged to.


title: Thévenin's theorem

text: In 1933, A. T. Starr published a generalization of Thévenin's theorem in an article of the magazine "Institute of Electrical Engineers Journal", titled "A New Theorem for Active Networks", which states that any three-terminal active linear network can be substituted by three voltage sources with corresponding impedances, connected in wye or in delta.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: The FIBA Men's World Ranking are FIBA's rankings of national basketball teams. FIBA ranks both men's and women's national teams for both senior and junior competitions. It also publishes combined rankings for all mixed-sex competitions.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: Not included are the rankings for three-on-three competitions, which are tabulated for individual players.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: Only FIBA tournaments consisting of full five-a-side teams are used in calculations for the rankings. Other tournaments, such as regional championships, invitationals, three-on-three half-court basketball, and friendlies are not included.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: On October 11, 2017, FIBA radically changed its ranking system for men's national teams, switching from the previous competition-based system to a game-based system. Every game played by a national team within the last eight years in the World Cup, Olympics, continental championships, and qualifiers for these events is included in the calculations. In addition to the qualifying rounds, results of the FIBA European Championship for Small Countries are also included.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: Until the 2016 Olympic Games, the Olympics and the men's world championship gave 5 points each toward the ranking. Since the new FIBA ranking system was launched, these two tournaments had their score devalued to 2.5 points for playing in a World championship, and 2 points for playing in an Olympic game since 2017.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: According to the new system, both tournaments will not grant a differential score with respect to other tournaments of national teams, as opposed to the past where there was no difference in points in the ranking for being world champion or Olympic champion, but if there was much difference until 2016 in FIBA ranking points between these two tournaments and the rest of the competitions in FIBA, such as the continental tournaments. For women, FIBA will maintain the score of 5 points for playing an Olympic or world championship game.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: Each game in a ranking tournament is initially valued at 1,000 "basis points", divided between the two teams as follows:


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: The basis points are adjusted based on the site of the game, with FIBA calling this adjustment "home" and "away" points. During the finals of ranking tournaments, only games played by a host team in its own country count as "home" games; all others are treated as neutral-site games. Adjustments are:


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: The basis points are also adjusted to reflect the strength of the opponent. FIBA determines what it calls "opposition ranking points" by the following formula:


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: A team's final rating points for a particular game is the "sum" of basis, home/away, and opposition ranking points.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: The new calculations continue to account for the specific tournament and region, as in the former procedure, but no longer explicitly consider a team's final tournament placement.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: The basis points (above) are weighted by the product of the time decay, regional, competition stage, and round weights, as follows.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: In a new feature, a "time decay" factor has been introduced into the calculations. More-recent games carry the greatest weight, steadily declining until falling out of the calculations after 8 years:


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: FIBA uses a weighted arithmetic mean (with a minimum divisor which is not published) to determine the statistical weight of each tournament. Each event is assigned a point weight that is based partly on how competitive the tournament is and partly on which national teams are participating.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: From 2017 forward, FIBA Asia and FIBA Oceania members compete for a single regional championship under the FIBA Asia banner. Results from the 2010–2016 period, during which FIBA Asia and FIBA Oceania held separate championships, will continue to figure into the rankings (until 2025 via "time decay").


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: Additionally, FIBA has added a "round weighting" to the system, giving each game in a final tournament (World Cup, Olympics, or continental championship) a weighting based on the round in which it takes place. Qualifying matches for these tournaments implicitly carry a round weighting of 1.0.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: If a competition does not have a round of 16 and/or a quarterfinal round, the results from the rounds that are held are scaled according to the number of rounds, with the group stage remaining at a 1.0 weighting and the competition final remaining at 2.0.


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: Rankings are now updated after every individual game in a ranking tournament (including qualifiers for such tournaments).


title: FIBA Men's World Ranking

text: FIBA still uses the competition-based system to determine its women's rankings. As noted above, this system was also used to determine men's rankings prior to 2017. FIBA introduced a game-based ranking procedure similar to that currently used for men's rankings in the indeterminate future in November 2019.


title: Colugo

text: Colugos () are arboreal gliding mammals that are native to Southeast Asia. Their closest evolutionary relatives are primates. There are just two living species of colugos: the Sunda flying lemur ("Galeopterus variegatus") and the Philippine flying lemur ("Cynocephalus volans"). These two species make up the entire family Cynocephalidae () and order Dermoptera (not to be confused with Dermaptera, an order of insects known as earwigs).


title: Colugo

text: Although they are called "flying lemurs", the colugos are not lemurs and do not fly. Instead, they glide as they leap among trees. They are the most capable gliders of all gliding mammals. A fur-covered membrane, called a patagium, connects to the face, paws, and tail. This enables them to glide in the air for distances of up to between trees. They are also known as cobegos.


title: Colugo

text: Flying lemurs and regular lemurs (Lemuriformes) form a mirorder together (called primatomorpha). However, notably, the haplorhini are sister to the regular lemurs within this grouping, together forming the primates.


title: Colugo

text: They reach lengths of and weigh . They have long, slender front and rear limbs, a medium-length tail, and a relatively light build. The head is small, with large, front-focused eyes for excellent binocular vision, and small rounded ears.


title: Colugo

text: The incisor teeth of colugos are highly distinctive; they are comb-like in shape with up to 20 tines on each tooth. The incisors are analogous in appearance and function to the incisor suite in strepsirrhines, which is used for grooming. The second upper incisors have two roots, another unique feature among mammals. The dental formula of colugos is:


title: Colugo

text: Colugos are proficient gliders, and they can travel as far as from one tree to another without losing much altitude, with a Malayan colugo ("Galeopterus variegatus") individual having travelled about in one glide.


title: Colugo

text: Of all the gliding mammals, colugos have the most perfected adaptation for flight. They have a large membrane of skin that extends between their paired limbs and gives them the ability to glide significant distances between trees. This gliding membrane, or patagium, runs from the shoulder blades to the fore paws, from the tip of the rear-most fingers to the tip of the toes, and from the hind legs to the tip of the tail. The spaces between the colugo's fingers and toes are webbed. As a result, colugos were once considered to be close relatives of bats. Today, on account of genetic data, they are considered to be more closely related to primates.


title: Colugo

text: Colugos are unskilled climbers; they lack opposable thumbs. They progress up trees in a series of slow hops, gripping onto the bark with their small, sharp claws. They spend most of the day resting. At night, colugos spend most of their time up in the trees foraging, with gliding being used to either find another foraging tree or to find possible mates and protect territory.


title: Colugo

text: Colugos are shy, nocturnal, solitary animals found in the tropical forests of Southeast Asia. Consequently, very little is known about their behavior. They are herbivorous and eat leaves, shoots, flowers, sap, and fruit. They have well-developed stomachs and long intestines capable of extracting nutrients from leaves and other fibrous material.


title: Colugo

text: Colugos have evolved into a nocturnal species, along with the ability to proficiently see during the nighttime.


title: Colugo

text: Although they are placental mammals, colugos raise their young in a manner similar to marsupials. Newborn colugos are underdeveloped and weigh only . They spend the first six months of life clinging to their mother's belly. The mother colugo curls her tail and folds her patagium into a warm, secure, quasipouch to protect and transport her young. The young do not reach maturity until they are two to three years old. In captivity, they live up to 15 years, but their lifespan in the wild is unknown.


title: Colugo

text: Both species are threatened by habitat destruction, and the Philippine flying lemur was once classified by the IUCN as vulnerable. In 1996, the IUCN declared the species vulnerable owing to destruction of lowland forests and hunting. It was downlisted to least-concern status in 2008 but still faces the same threats. In addition to the ongoing clearing of its rainforest habitat, it is hunted for its meat and fur. It is also a favorite prey item for the gravely endangered Philippine eagle; some studies suggest colugos account for 90% of the eagle's diet.


title: Colugo

text: The Mixodectidae and Plagiomenidae appear to be fossil Dermoptera. Although other Paleogene mammals have been interpreted as related to dermopterans, the evidence for this association is uncertain and many of the fossils are no longer interpreted as being gliding mammals. At present, the fossil record of definitive dermopterans is limited to two species of the Eocene and Oligocene cynocephalid genus "Dermotherium".


title: Colugo

text: Recent molecular phylogenetic studies have demonstrated that colugos emerged as a basal Primatomorpha clade which is a basal Euarchontoglires clade. Treeshrews (order Scandentia) emerged as sister of Glires (lagomorphs and rodents), in an unnamed sister clade of the Primatomorpha.


title: Colugo

text: The names Colugidae, Galeopithecidae, and Galeopteridae are synonyms for Cynocephalidae. Colugo, Dermopterus, Galeolemur, Galeopithecus, Galeopus, and Pleuropterus are synonyms for "Cynocephalus".


title: Seismic wave

text: A seismic wave is a wave of acoustic energy that travels through the Earth. It can result from an earthquake, volcanic eruption, magma movement, a large landslide, and a large man-made explosion that produces low-frequency acoustic energy. Seismic waves are studied by seismologists, who record the waves using seismometers, hydrophones (in water), or accelerometers. Seismic waves are distinguished from seismic noise (ambient vibration), which is persistent low-amplitude vibration arising from a variety of natural and anthropogenic sources.


title: Seismic wave

text: The propagation velocity of a seismic wave depends on density and elasticity of the medium as well as the type of wave. Velocity tends to increase with depth through Earth's crust and mantle, but drops sharply going from the mantle to Earth's outer core.


title: Seismic wave

text: Earthquakes create distinct types of waves with different velocities. When recorded by a seismic observatory, their different travel times help scientists locate the quake's hypocenter. In geophysics, the refraction or reflection of seismic waves is used for research into Earth's internal structure. Scientists sometimes generate and measure vibrations to investigate shallow, subsurface structures.


title: Seismic wave

text: Among the many types of seismic waves, one can make a broad distinction between "body waves", which travel through the Earth, and "surface waves", which travel at the Earth's surface.


title: Seismic wave

text: Other modes of wave propagation exist than those described in this article; though of comparatively minor importance for earth-borne waves, they are important in the case of asteroseismology.


title: Seismic wave

text: Body waves travel through the interior of the Earth along paths controlled by the material properties in terms of density and modulus (stiffness). The density and modulus, in turn, vary according to temperature, composition, and material phase. This effect resembles the refraction of light waves. Two types of particle motion result in two types of body waves: Primary and Secondary waves.


title: Seismic wave

text: Primary waves (P-waves) are compressional waves that are longitudinal in nature. P-waves are pressure waves that travel faster than other waves through the earth to arrive at seismograph stations first, hence the name "Primary". These waves can travel through any type of material, including fluids, and can travel nearly 1.7 times faster than the S-waves. In air, they take the form of sound waves, hence they travel at the speed of sound. Typical speeds are 330 m/s in air, 1450 m/s in water and about 5000 m/s in granite.


title: Seismic wave

text: Secondary waves (S-waves) are shear waves that are transverse in nature. Following an earthquake event, S-waves arrive at seismograph stations after the faster-moving P-waves and displace the ground perpendicular to the direction of propagation. Depending on the propagational direction, the wave can take on different surface characteristics; for example, in the case of horizontally polarized S waves, the ground moves alternately to one side and then the other. S-waves can travel only through solids, as fluids (liquids and gases) do not support shear stresses. S-waves are slower than P-waves, and speeds are typically around 60% of that of P-waves in any given material. Shear waves can't travel through any liquid medium, so the absence of S-waves in earth's outer core suggests a liquid state.


title: Seismic wave

text: Seismic surface waves travel along the Earth's surface. They can be classified as a form of mechanical surface waves. They are called surface waves, as they diminish as they get further from the surface. They travel more slowly than seismic body waves (P and S). In large earthquakes, surface waves can have an amplitude of several centimeters.


title: Seismic wave

text: Rayleigh waves, also called ground roll, are surface waves that travel as ripples with motions that are similar to those of waves on the surface of water (note, however, that the associated particle motion at shallow depths is retrograde, and that the restoring force in Rayleigh and in other seismic waves is elastic, not gravitational as for water waves). The existence of these waves was predicted by John William Strutt, Lord Rayleigh, in 1885. They are slower than body waves, roughly 90% of the velocity of S waves for typical homogeneous elastic media. In a layered medium (like the crust and upper mantle) the velocity of the Rayleigh waves depends on their frequency and wavelength. See also Lamb waves.


title: Seismic wave

text: Love waves are horizontally polarized shear waves (SH waves), existing only in the presence of a semi-infinite medium overlain by an upper layer of finite thickness. They are named after A.E.H. Love, a British mathematician who created a mathematical model of the waves in 1911. They usually travel slightly faster than Rayleigh waves, about 90% of the S wave velocity, and have the largest amplitude.


title: Seismic wave

text: A Stoneley wave is a type of boundary wave (or interface wave) that propagates along a solid-fluid boundary or, under specific conditions, also along a solid-solid boundary. Amplitudes of Stoneley waves have their maximum values at the boundary between the two contacting media and decay exponentially towards the depth of each of them. These waves can be generated along the walls of a fluid-filled borehole, being an important source of coherent noise in vertical seismic profiles (VSP) and making up the low frequency component of the source in sonic logging.


title: Seismic wave

text: The equation for Stoneley waves was first given by Dr. Robert Stoneley (1894–1976), Emeritus Professor of Seismology, Cambridge.


title: Seismic wave

text: Free oscillations of the Earth are standing waves, the result of interference between two surface waves traveling in opposite directions. Interference of Rayleigh waves results in "spheroidal oscillation S" while interference of Love waves gives "toroidal oscillation T". The modes of oscillations are specified by three numbers, e.g., S, where "l" is the angular order number (or "spherical harmonic degree", see Spherical harmonics for more details). The number "m" is the azimuthal order number. It may take on 2"l"+1 values from −"l" to +"l". The number "n" is the "radial order number". It means the wave with "n" zero crossings in radius. For spherically symmetric Earth the period for given "n" and "l" does not depend on "m".


title: Seismic wave

text: Some examples of spheroidal oscillations are the "breathing" mode S, which involves an expansion and contraction of the whole Earth, and has a period of about 20 minutes; and the "rugby" mode S, which involves expansions along two alternating directions, and has a period of about 54 minutes. The mode S does not exist because it would require a change in the center of gravity, which would require an external force.


title: Seismic wave

text: Of the fundamental toroidal modes, T represents changes in Earth's rotation rate; although this occurs, it is much too slow to be useful in seismology. The mode T describes a twisting of the northern and southern hemispheres relative to each other; it has a period of about 44 minutes.


title: Seismic wave

text: The first observations of free oscillations of the Earth were done during the great 1960 earthquake in Chile. Presently periods of thousands of modes are known. These data are used for determining some large scale structures of the Earth interior.


title: Seismic wave

text: When an earthquake occurs, seismographs near the epicenter are able to record both P and S waves, but those at a greater distance no longer detect the high frequencies of the first S wave. Since shear waves cannot pass through liquids, this phenomenon was original evidence for the now well-established observation that the Earth has a liquid outer core, as demonstrated by Richard Dixon Oldham. This kind of observation has also been used to argue, by seismic testing, that the Moon has a solid core, although recent geodetic studies suggest the core is still molten.


title: Seismic wave

text: The path that a wave takes between the focus and the observation point is often drawn as a ray diagram. An example of this is shown in a figure above. When reflections are taken into account there are an infinite number of paths that a wave can take. Each path is denoted by a set of letters that describe the trajectory and phase through the Earth. In general an upper case denotes a transmitted wave and a lower case denotes a reflected wave. The two exceptions to this seem to be "g" and "n".


title: Seismic wave

text: In the case of local or nearby earthquakes, the difference in the arrival times of the P and S waves can be used to determine the distance to the event. In the case of earthquakes that have occurred at global distances, three or more geographically diverse observing stations (using a common clock) recording P-wave arrivals permits the computation of a unique time and location on the planet for the event. Typically, dozens or even hundreds of P-wave arrivals are used to calculate hypocenters. The misfit generated by a hypocenter calculation is known as "the residual". Residuals of 0.5 second or less are typical for distant events, residuals of 0.1–0.2 s typical for local events, meaning most reported P arrivals fit the computed hypocenter that well. Typically a location program will start by assuming the event occurred at a depth of about 33 km; then it minimizes the residual by adjusting depth. Most events occur at depths shallower than about 40 km, but some occur as deep as 700 km.


title: Seismic wave

text: A quick way to determine the distance from a location to the origin of a seismic wave less than 200 km away is to take the difference in arrival time of the P wave and the S wave in seconds and multiply by 8 kilometers per second. Modern seismic arrays use more complicated earthquake location techniques.


title: Seismic wave

text: At teleseismic distances, the first arriving P waves have necessarily travelled deep into the mantle, and perhaps have even refracted into the outer core of the planet, before travelling back up to the Earth's surface where the seismographic stations are located. The waves travel more quickly than if they had traveled in a straight line from the earthquake. This is due to the appreciably increased velocities within the planet, and is termed Huygens' Principle. Density in the planet increases with depth, which would slow the waves, but the modulus of the rock increases much more, so deeper means faster. Therefore, a longer route can take a shorter time.


title: Seismic wave

text: The travel time must be calculated very accurately in order to compute a precise hypocenter. Since P waves move at many kilometers per second, being off on travel-time calculation by even a half second can mean an error of many kilometers in terms of distance. In practice, P arrivals from many stations are used and the errors cancel out, so the computed epicenter is likely to be quite accurate, on the order of 10–50 km or so around the world. Dense arrays of nearby sensors such as those that exist in California can provide accuracy of roughly a kilometer, and much greater accuracy is possible when timing is measured directly by cross-correlation of seismogram waveforms.


title: Islam in France

text: Islam in France is a minority faith. Muslims are estimated to represent around 4 to 8 percent of the nation's population and France is estimated to have the largest number of Muslims in the Western world, primarily due to migration from Maghrebi, West African, and Middle Eastern countries. After conquering much of the Iberian peninsula, the Umayyad Muslim forces invaded modern day southern France, but were decisively defeated by the Frankish Christian army led by Charles Martel at the Battle of Tours in 732 AD, thus preventing the subsequent Islamisation of the Western Europe.


title: Islam in France

text: The majority of Muslims in France belong to the Sunni denomination and are of foreign origins. The French overseas region of Mayotte has a majority Muslim population.


title: Islam in France

text: According to a survey in which 536 people of Muslim origin participated, 39% of Muslims in France surveyed by the polling group IFOP said they observed Islam's five prayers daily in 2008, a steady rise from 31% in 1994, according to the study published in the Catholic daily "La Croix". Mosque attendance for Friday prayers has risen to 23% in 2008, up from 16% in 1994, while Ramadan observance has reached 70% in 2008 compared to 60% in 1994. Drinking alcohol, which Islam forbids, has also declined to 34% from 39%.


title: Islam in France

text: After their conquest of Hispania and invasion of Gaul, the Arab Umayyads were defeated at the Battle of Tours in 732 but managed to hold on to Septimania until 759.


title: Islam in France

text: From the 9th century onwards, the Muslim forces conquered several bases in southern France and established the emirate of Fraxinet in 887. They were defeated and expelled in 975.


title: Islam in France

text: During the winter of 1543–1544, after the siege of Nice, Toulon was used as an Ottoman naval base under admiral Hayreddin Barbarossa. The Christian population was temporarily evacuated, and Toulon Cathedral was briefly converted into a mosque until the Ottomans' departure.


title: Islam in France

text: After the expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain in 1609–1614, about 50,000 Moriscos entered France, according to the research of Henri Lapeyre.


title: Islam in France

text: Muslim immigration, mostly male, was high in the late 1960s and 1970s. These immigrants mostly hailed from Algeria and other former French colonies in North Africa; however, Islam has had an older history in France, since the Great Mosque of Paris was built in 1922, as a sign of recognition from the French Republic to the fallen Muslim "tirailleurs" mainly coming from Algeria, in particular at the battle of Verdun and the takeover of the Douaumont fort.


title: Islam in France

text: Though the French State is secular, in recent years the government has tried to organize a representation of French Muslims. In 2002, the then Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy initiated the creation of a "French Council of the Muslim Faith" ("Conseil Français du Culte Musulman" – CFCM), though wide criticism claimed this would only encourage communitarianism. Though the CFCM is informally recognized by the national government, it is a private nonprofit association with no special legal status. , it is headed by the rector of the Paris Mosque, Dalil Boubakeur – who harshly criticized the controversial Union of Islamic Organizations of France (UOIF) for involving itself in political matters during the 2005 riots. Sarkozy's views on "laïcité" have been widely criticized by left- and right-wing members of parliament; more specifically, he was accused, during the creation of the CFCM, of favoring the more extreme sectors of Muslim representation in the Council, in particular the UOIF.


title: Islam in France

text: The first generation of Muslim immigrants, who are today mostly retired from the workforce, kept strong ties with their countries, where their families lived. In 1976, the government passed a law allowing families of these immigrants to settle in France. Thus, the wives, children, and other family members of these immigrants also came to France. Most immigrants, realizing that they couldn't or didn't want to return to their homeland, asked for French nationality before quietly retiring. However, many live alone in housing projects, having now lost their ties with their families and friends back from their home countries.


title: Islam in France

text: Olivier Roy indicates that for first-generation immigrants, the fact that they are Muslims is only one element among others. Their identification with their country of origin is much stronger: they see themselves first through their descent (Algerians, Moroccans, Tunisians, etc.).


title: Islam in France

text: The false claim that a third of newborns in France have Muslim parents, is brought up in American immigration discourse. But over the years it has been debunked numerous times.


title: Islam in France

text: According to Michel Tribalat, a researcher at INED, people of Maghrebi origin in France represent 82% of the Muslim population (43.2% from Algeria, 27.5% from Morocco, and 11.4% from Tunisia). Others are from sub-Saharan Africa (9.3%) and Turkey (8.6%). She estimated that there were 3.5 million people of Maghrebi origin (with at least one grandparent from Algeria, Morocco, or Tunisia) living in France in 2005 corresponding to 5.8% of the total French metropolitan population (60.7 million in 2005). Maghrebis have settled mainly in the industrial regions in France, especially in the Paris region. Many famous French people like Edith Piaf, Isabelle Adjani, Arnaud Montebourg, Alain Bashung, Dany Boon, and many others have varying degrees of Maghrebi ancestry.


title: Islam in France

text: In 2005, the percentage of young people under 18 of Maghrebi origin (at least one immigrant parent) was about 7% in Metropolitan France, 12% in Greater Paris and above 20% in French département of Seine-Saint-Denis.


title: Islam in France

text: In 2008, the French national institute of statistics, INSEE, estimated that 11.8 million foreign-born immigrants and their direct descendants (born in France) lived in France representing 19% of the country's population. About 4 million of them are of Maghrebi origin.


title: Islam in France

text: According to some non-scientific sources between 5 and 6 million people of Maghrebin origin live in France corresponding to about 7–9% of the total French metropolitan population.


title: Islam in France

text: The great majority of Muslims practice their religion in the French framework of laïcité as a religious code of conduct must not infringe the public area. According to the study, 39% pray (salat), five times, and most observe the fast of Ramadan (70%) and most do not eat pork while many do not drink wine. Rachel Brown shows that some Muslims in France alter some of these religious practices, particularly food practices, as a means of showing "integration" into French culture. According to expert Franck Fregosi: "Although fasting during Ramadan is the most popular practice, it ranks more as a sign of Muslim identity than piety, and it is more a sign of belonging to a culture and a community", and he added that not drinking alcohol "seems to be more a cultural behavior".


title: Islam in France

text: Some Muslims (the UOIF for example) request the recognition of an Islamic community in France (which remains to be built) with an official status.


title: Islam in France

text: Two main organizations are recognized by the French Council of Muslim Faith (CFCM): the "Federation of the French Muslims" ("Fédération des musulmans de France") with a majority of Moroccan leaders, and the controversial "Union of Islamic Organisations of France" ("Union des organizations islamiques de France") (UOIF). In 2008, there were about 2,125 Muslim places of worship in France.


title: Islam in France

text: Since publicly funded state schools in France must be secular, owing to the 1905 separation of Church and State, Muslim parents who wish their children to be educated at a religious school often choose private (and therefore fee-paying, though heavily subsidized) Catholic schools, of which there are many. Few specifically Muslim schools have been created. There is a Muslim school in La Réunion (a French island to the east of Madagascar), and the first Muslim "collège" (a school for students aged eleven to fifteen) opened its doors in 2001 in Aubervilliers (a suburb northeast of Paris), with eleven students. Unlike most private schools in the United States and the UK, these religious schools are affordable for most parents since they may be heavily subsidized by the government (teachers' wages in particular are covered by the state).


title: Islam in France

text: In November 2015 in the aftermath of the Paris attacks, French authorities for the first time closed three mosques with extremist activities and radicalization being given as the reason. The mosques were located in Lagny-Sur-Marne, Lyon, and Gennevilliers. Muslim community leaders widely condemned the Paris attacks in public statements and expressed their support for the French government's attempts to oppose Islamist extremism.


title: Islam in France

text: Due to the deadly attacks in 2015, France changed the character of Islamist radicalization from a security threat to constitute a societal problem. President François Hollande and prime minister Manuel Valls saw the fundamental values of the French republic being challenged and called them attacks against fundamental secular, enlightenment, and democratic values along with "what makes us who we are".


title: Islam in France

text: In 2016, French authorities reported that 120 of the 2,500 Islamic prayer halls were disseminating Salafist ideas and 20 mosques were closed due to findings of hate speech. In 2016, French authorities stated that of the individuals on the list of security threats belong to Islamist movements.


title: Islam in France

text: In 2018, EU anti-terror coordinator Gilles de Kerchove estimated there to be 17,000 radicalized Muslims and jihadists living in France.


title: Islam in France

text: In 2018, French intelligence services monitored around 11,000 individuals with suspected ties to radical Islamism. France has sentenced a large number of individuals for terrorist-related offenses which have increased the prison population. This in turn has created an issue with radicalization in French prisons.


title: Islam in France

text: In February 2019, authorities in Grenoble closed the Al-Kawthar Mosque for six months due to it propagating a "radical Islamist ideology". The Al-Kawthar Mosque had about 400 regular visitors. In several of the sermons, the imam legitimized armed jihad, violence, and hatred towards followers of other religions' anti-republican values and promoted Sharia law.


title: Islam in France

text: In November 2019, French authorities closed cafés, schools, and mosques in about 15 neighborhoods due to them disseminating political Islam and communitarian ideas.


title: Islam in France

text: In October 2020, President Emmanuel Macron announced a crackdown on "Islamist separatism" in Muslim communities in France, saying a bill with this objective would be sent to parliament in "early 2021." Among the measures, would be a ban on foreign imams, restrictions on homeschooling, and the creation of an "Institute of Islamology" to tackle Islamic fundamentalism. His government introduced a bill that would punish with jail terms and fine any doctor who provides virginity certificates for traditional, religious marriages. ANCIC stated it supported the government's stand against "virginity tests" but warned that in some cases women were in "real danger" and "a ban would simply deny the existence of such community practices, without making them disappear". The association suggested that the issue be "tackled quite differently so that women and men free themselves and reject the weight of [such] traditions." On 16 February 2021, the law passed the lower house 347—151 with 65 abstentions.


title: Islam in France

text: In 2019 Kahina Bahloul, Eva Janadin and Anne-Sophie Monsinay became the first female imams to lead Muslim prayers in France.


title: Islam in France

text: Several studies have concluded that France is the European country where Muslims integrate the best and feel the most for their country and that French Muslims have the most positive opinions about their fellow citizens of different faiths. A 2006 study from the Pew Research Center on Integration is one such study. In Paris and the surrounding Île-de-France region where French Muslims tend to be more educated and religious, the vast majority rejects violence and say they are loyal to France according to studies by Euro-Islam, a comparative research network on Islam and Muslims in the West sponsored by GSRL Paris/ CNRS France and Harvard University. On the other hand, a 2013 IPSOS survey published by the French daily "Le Monde", indicated that only 26% of French respondents believed that Islam was compatible with French society (compared to 89% identifying Catholicism as compatible and 75% identifying Judaism as compatible). A 2014 survey by the Pew Research Center showed that out of all Europeans, the French view Muslim minorities most favorably with 72% having a favorable opinion. Other research has shown how these positive attitudes are not always reflected in popular opinion and the subject of Muslim integration in France is much more nuanced and complex.


title: Islam in France

text: In April 2018 an Algerian Muslim woman refused to shake hands with an official for religious reasons at a citizenship ceremony. As an applicant must demonstrate being integrated into society as well as respect for French values, officials considered her not integrated and denied her citizenship application.


title: Islam in France

text: According to a poll by Institut français d'opinion publique in 2020, 46% of Muslims gave the view that their religious beliefs were more important than the values and laws of the French republic, more than twice the fraction of the French public (17%). Among Muslims under 25 years of age a large majority (74%) considered their religion more important than French laws and values.


title: Islam in France

text: The 2009 Gallup poll showed that 35% of the French Muslims believed that homosexuality is morally acceptable.


title: Islam in France

text: In October 2020, the unemployment among Muslims was far higher at 14% than the population at large (8%).


title: Islam in France

text: According to a poll by Institut Montaigne in 2016, 15% of Muslims in France had no academic qualification at all and 25% had less than secondary education (Baccalauréat). 12% had more than 2 years higher education, a further 20% had more than 2 years. It been estimated that Muslim students form more than 10% of the students in the French Catholic schools.


title: Islam in France

text: In 2010, a study entitled "Are French Muslims Discriminated Against in Their Own Country?" found that "Muslims sending out resumes in hopes of a job interview had 2.5 times less chance than Christians" with similar credentials "of a positive response to their applications".


title: Islam in France

text: Other examples of discrimination against Muslims include the desecration of 148 French Muslim graves near Arras. A pig's head was hung from a headstone and profanities insulting Islam and Muslims were daubed on some graves. Destruction and vandalism of Muslim graves in France were seen as Islamophobic by a report of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia. Several of Mosques have also been vandalized in France over the years. On 14 January 2015, it was reported that 26 mosques in France had been subject to attack since the Charlie Hebdo shooting in Paris.


title: Islam in France

text: On 29 June 2017, a man who had schizophrenia attempted to ram his vehicle into a crowd of worshipers exiting a mosque in Créteil, a suburb of Paris, though no one was injured. Le Parisien claims the suspect, of Armenian origin, wanted to "avenge the Bataclan and Champs-Elysées" attacks.


title: Islam in France

text: In 2019, The French Institute for Public Research (IFOP) conducted the study from August 29 to September 18, based on a sample of 1007 Muslims aged 15 and above. According to the study, 40% of Muslims in France felt that they were discriminated against. More than a third of these instances were recorded in the past five years, suggesting an increase in the overall mistreatment of Muslims in France over recent years. The survey found that 60% of women wearing a headscarf were subject to discrimination. 37% of Muslims in France have been a victim of verbal harassment or defamatory insults. The study, however, revealed that 44% of Muslim women who do not wear headscarves found themselves being a victim of verbal harassment or defamatory insults. The survey found that 13% of incidents of religious discrimination happened at police control points and 17% happened at job interviews. 14% of incidents occurred while the victims were looking to rent or buy accommodation. The IFOP stated that 24% of Muslims were exposed to verbal aggression during their lifetime, compared to 9% among non-Muslims. In addition, 7% of Muslims were physically attacked, compared to 3% of non-Muslims.


title: Islam in France

text: However, in 2019, according to the French Ministry of Interior, 154 anti-religious acts targeted Muslims (+54%), while those targeting Jews stood at 687 (+27%), and those against Christians was 1.052.


title: Islam in France

text: A February 2017 poll of 10 000 people in 10 European countries by Chatham House found on average a majority (55%) were opposed to further Muslim immigration, with opposition especially pronounced in Austria, Poland, Hungary, France and Belgium. Except for Poland, all of those had recently suffered jihadist terror attacks or been at the center of a refugee crisis. A survey published in 2019 by the Pew Research Center found that 72% of French respondents had a favorable view of Muslims in their country, whereas 22% had an unfavourable view.


title: Islam in France

text: The 2005 French riots have been controversially interpreted as an illustration of the difficulty of integrating Muslims in France, and smaller-scale riots have been occurring throughout the 1980s and 1990s, first in Vaulx-en-Velin in 1979, and in Vénissieux in 1981, 1983, 1990 and 1999.


title: Islam in France

text: Furthermore, although Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy claimed that most rioters were immigrants and already known to the police, the majority were, in fact, previously unknown to the police.


title: Islam in France

text: In 2014, an analysis by The Washington Post showed that between 60 and 70% of the prison population in France are Muslim or come from Muslim backgrounds while Muslims constitute 12% of the population of France. The claims in this article have been refuted: the headline figure was based on research in 4 Paris and north regions prisons out of a total 188 by Professor Farhad Khosrovkhavar later said his best estimate was 40-50%, but that data is not recorded by French authorities. Statistics on ethnicity and religion are banned in France. In 2013, 18,300 (27%) of the 67,700 French prison population registered for Ramadan, an indication of their religious affiliation.


title: Islam in France

text: The wearing of "hijab" in France has been a very controversial issue since 1989. The debate essentially concerns whether Muslim girls who choose to wear hijab may do so in state schools. A secondary issue is how to protect the free choice and other rights of young Muslim women who do not want the veil, but who may face strong pressure from families or traditionalists. Similar issues exist for civil servants and the acceptance of male Muslim medics in medical services.


title: Islam in France

text: In 1994, the French Ministry for Education sent out recommendations to teachers and headmasters to ban the Islamic veil in educational institutions. According to a 2019 study by the Institute of Labor Economics, more girls with a Muslim background born after 1980 graduated from high school after the 1994 restrictions were introduced. While secularism is often criticized for restricting freedom of religion, the study suggested that "public schools ended up promoting the educational empowerment of some of the most disadvantaged groups of female students".


title: Islam in France

text: Leila Babes in her book "The Veil Demystified", believe that wearing the veil does not derive from a Muslim religious imperative.


title: Islam in France

text: The French government and a large majority of public opinion are opposed to the wearing of a "conspicuous" sign of religious expression (dress or symbol), whatever the religion, as this is incompatible with the French system of "laïcité". In December 2003, President Jacques Chirac said that it breaches the separation of church and state and would increase tensions in France's multicultural society, whose Muslim and Jewish populations are both the biggest of their kind in Western Europe.


title: Islam in France

text: The issue of Muslim hijabs has sparked controversy after several girls refused to uncover their heads in class, as early as 1989. In October 1989, three Muslim schoolgirls wearing the Islamic headscarf were expelled from the "collège Gabriel-Havez" in Creil (north of Paris). In November, the First Conseil d'État ruling affirmed that the wearing of the Islamic headscarf, as a symbol of freedom of religious expression, in public schools was not incompatible with the French school system and the system of "laïcité". In December, a first ministerial circular ("circulaire Jospin") was published, stating teachers had to decide on a case-by-case basis whether to ban the wearing of Islamic headscarves.


title: Islam in France

text: In January 1990, three schoolgirls were expelled from the "collège Pasteur" in Noyon, north of Paris. The parents of one expelled schoolgirl filed a defamation action against the principal of the "collège Gabriel-Havez" in Creil. As a result, the teachers of a "collège" in Nantua (eastern part of France, just to the west of Geneva, Switzerland) went on strike to protest the wearing of the Islamic headscarf in school. A second ministerial circular was published in October, to restate the need to respect the principle of "laïcité" in public schools.