title: Populus tremuloides

text: Many areas of the Western US have experienced increased diebacks which are often attributed to ungulate grazing and wildfire suppression. At high altitudes where grasses can be rare, ungulates can browse young aspen sprouts and prevent those young trees from reaching maturity. As a result, some aspen groves close to cattle or other grazing animals, such as deer or elk, have very few young trees and can be invaded by conifers, which are not typically browsed. Another possible deterrent to aspen regeneration is widespread wildfire suppression. Aspens are vigorous resprouters and even though the above-ground portion of the organism may die in a wild-fire, the roots, which are often protected from lethal temperatures during a fire, will sprout new trees soon after a fire. Disturbances such as fires seem to be a necessary ecological event in order for aspens to compete with conifers, which tend to replace aspens over long, disturbance-free intervals. The current dieback in the American West may have roots in the strict fire suppression policy in the United States. On the other hand, the widespread decimation of conifer forests by the mountain pine beetle may provide increased opportunities for aspen groves to proliferate under the right conditions.


title: Populus tremuloides

text: Because of vegetative regeneration by aspen, where an entire group of trees are essentially clones, there is a concern that something that hits one will eventually kill all of the trees, presuming they share the same vulnerability. A conference was held in Utah in September 2006 to share notes and consider investigative methodology.


title: Populus tremuloides

text: Aspen bark contains a substance that was extracted by indigenous North Americans and European settlers of the western U.S. as a quinine substitute.


title: Populus tremuloides

text: Like other poplars, aspens make poor fuel wood, as they dry slowly, rot quickly, and do not give off much heat. Yet they are still widely used in campgrounds because they are cheap and plentiful and not widely used in building lumber. Pioneers in the North American west used them to create log cabins and dugouts, though they were not the preferred species.


title: Populus tremuloides

text: Aspen wood is used for pulp products (its main application in Canada) such as books, newsprint, and fine printing paper. It is especially good for panel products such as oriented strand board and waferboard. It is light in weight and is used for furniture, boxes and crates, core stock in plywood, and wall panels.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: The Bodyguard: Original Soundtrack Album is a soundtrack album from the film of the same name, released on November 17, 1992, by Arista Records. The album's first side (in its original LP and cassette formats) features songs recorded by American singer Whitney Houston, who starred in the film, while side two features the work of various artists. Houston and Clive Davis were co-executive producers of the record.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: "The Bodyguard" was praised by music critics for Houston's vocal performance and its production. The album was a massive global success, hitting number one in eighteen countries and going top ten in dozens of other countries. In the United States, the album gave Houston the distinction of having the most weeks at number one by a female artist on "Billboard" 200, holding that record for 19 years until being surpassed by Adele's album "21" (2011). "The Bodyguard" is certified Diamond by the Recording Industry Association of America, which gives Houston three Diamond selling albums.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: It became the first album verified by the Nielsen SoundScan to sell over one million copies within a single week. At one point, the album was selling over a million copies per week for several weeks in a row. With sales of over 45 million copies worldwide, "The Bodyguard" is the best-selling soundtrack album of all-time, as well as the best selling album by a woman in music history, and the best selling album of the decade. The soundtrack won the Grammy Award for Album of the Year


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: In honor of the 25th anniversary of the soundtrack's release, Legacy Recordings and the Whitney Houston Estate released "", which included a collection of never-before-released live recordings from Houston's historic The Bodyguard World Tour (1993–1994), alternate versions of the audio recordings from "The Bodyguard" film, and an alternate version of a remix of "I’m Every Woman".


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: Houston and Clive Davis served as co-executive producers of the album. Houston planned to record "What Becomes of the Broken Hearted" as the film's theme song, however, when they learned Paul Young's version would be used in the film "Fried Green Tomatoes", they searched for another song. Kevin Costner, the film's co-star, thought of recording "I Will Always Love You", originally released by Dolly Parton. While recording the album, Houston insisted on using her touring band as opposed to a studio band.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: The album's first half features six pop songs performed by Houston. Houston's cover of Dolly Parton's plaintive country ballad "I Will Always Love You" is a grand pop-gospel declaration of lasting devotion to a departing lover. "I Have Nothing" and "Run to You" are ballads featuring Houston's characteristic stentorian delivery, and both received Oscar nominations. "Jesus Loves Me" is sung with Bebe Winans and features a pop arrangement.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: AllMusic editor Stephen Thomas Erlewine views that the first half is characterized by urban pop songs similar to "I'm Your Baby Tonight" (1990), while the second half has miscellaneous tracks more "typical of a big-budget soundtrack", including an excerpt from Alan Silvestri's score, instrumentals by Kenny G, and contemporary pop and dance songs. "Someday (I'm Coming Back)", performed by Lisa Stansfield, is an intense pop-disco song.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: The album is most notable for Houston's version of "I Will Always Love You" (written by Dolly Parton). The song received huge airplay, appealing to the pop, R&B, adult contemporary, and soul radio markets. The single spent 14 weeks at number one on the "Billboard" Hot 100 singles chart. "I Will Always Love You" was successful worldwide, peaking at number one for 14 weeks in New Zealand, 10 weeks in the UK and Australia, 9 weeks in Norway, 8 weeks in France and Switzerland, 6 weeks in the Netherlands, and 3 weeks in Sweden.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: With the next two Top 5 singles "I'm Every Woman" (originally a Chaka Khan hit) and "I Have Nothing", following on the heels of "I Will Always Love You", Houston became the first female act to have three songs in the Top 20 simultaneously.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: Two songs, "Run to You" and "I Have Nothing", were each nominated for the Academy Award for Best Original Song, but lost out to "A Whole New World" from the animated film "Aladdin". The same two songs were nominated for Grammy Awards in the category Best Song Written Specifically for a Motion Picture or for Television. Other songs garnering significant radio airplay included "Jesus Loves Me" on gospel stations, and "Queen of the Night" on pop and dance stations.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: "The Bodyguard" debuted at number two on the "Billboard" 200 chart and the "Billboard" Top R&B/Hip-Hop Albums chart, behind Ice Cube's "The Predator", selling 144,500 copies in its first week. In its second week, the album topped both of the charts, with sales of 292,000 units. While the album stayed the summit on the charts, it broke the record for the most one-week sales twice. In its fifth week, it sold 831,000 copies, breaking the old sales record of 770,000 set by Guns N' Roses' "Use Your Illusion II" in the fall of 1991. The following week, the album once again set a record for the most albums sold in a single week, since the Nielsen SoundScan introduced a computerized sales monitoring system in May 1991; when it sold 1,061,000 copies, making it the first album to sell over 1 million copies in one week since tracking began. The soundtrack stayed at number one for 20 non-consecutive weeks on the "Billboard" 200 chart, and spent eight consecutive weeks atop the Top R&B Albums chart, remaining on the charts for a total of 141 weeks and 122 weeks, respectively. The album held the record for the most weeks at number one, and the record for the most non-consecutive chart-topping weeks on the "Billboard" 200 chart in the Nielsen SoundScan era until 2012 when it was overtaken by Adele's "21" which spent 24 non-consecutive weeks at the summit.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: "The Bodyguard" soundtrack was ranked #1 in the 1993 "Billboard" year-end charts, on the Top "Billboard" 200 Album and Top R&B/Hip-Hop Album. In addition, the album was the first in Nielsen SoundScan history to rank among the top three albums in two consecutive years (#3 for 1992, #1 for 1993), and the best-selling soundtrack by the National Association of Recording Merchandisers (NARM) in 1993–1994. When the soundtrack to "The Bodyguard" was credited as a Whitney Houston album in "Billboard" archives, she became the only artist with three albums to remain on top of the "Billboard" 200 chart for over ten weeksㅡ"Whitney Houston" (14 weeks), "Whitney" (11 weeks) and "The Bodyguard" (20 weeks). Houston also broke the record for the most cumulative weeks at number one by a female artist with 46 cumulative weeks until Taylor Swift surpassed it on 2020 with her album "Folklore".


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: The album received the largest initial certification of any album for 6× platinum by the Recording Industry Association of America(RIAA) on January 18, 1993. The record was broken by 'N SYNC's "No Strings Attached", certified 7× Platinum initially in April 2000. On March 16, 1999, when the RIAA launched the Diamond Awards, honoring sales of 10 million copies or more of an album or single, the album received the award with 62 other albums initially. It was certified 17× Platinum by the RIAA on November 1, 1999, becoming the best-selling soundtrack album of all-time in United States. According to a new update from Whitney Houston's estate, particularly, Arista, "The Bodyguard" soundtrack has been certified 18× Platinum by RIAA in November 2017. It is the first album to reach both the 10 million and 11 million sales mark in the US since 1991, when Nielsen SoundScan started tracking music sales. As of October 2014, it has sold 12,140,000 copies; it is the sixth best-selling album of the SoundScan era in the United States.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: In 1992–1993, with the huge international success of the film "The Bodyguard", the soundtrack was also a phenomenal hit worldwide. It topped the albums chart in Australia for five weeks, Austria for nine weeks, Canada for 12 weeks, France for eight weeks, Germany for 11 weeks, Hungary for two weeks, Italy for two weeks, Japan for two weeks, Netherlands for six weeks, New Zealand for eight weeks, Norway for six weeks, Sweden for four weeks and Switzerland for nine weeks. In the United Kingdom, the album didn't chart on the main albums chart because compilation albums were excluded from the main albums chart from January 1989. Instead, the album reached the top on the official compilation albums chart and stayed there for 11 weeks, spending 60 non-consecutive weeks in the top 10 and for a total of 107 weeks on the chart. Through its massive success across Europe, it topped the European Top 100 Albums chart for 15 non-consecutive weeks.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: In the UK, the album was certified 7× platinum by the British Phonographic Industry (BPI) on January 1, 1994, and has sold 2,255,000 copies, landing at number sixty on the list of UK's 100 best-selling albums of all time. In Japan, it was certified 2× million by the Recording Industry Association of Japan (RIAJ) in 1994, the first time a foreign artist achieved that feat in Japanese music history, and eventually became the best-selling foreign album with 2.8 million copies sold. The record was later broken by Mariah Carey's "#1's", certified 3× million in 1998. In Germany, the album has sold more than 1.7 million, earning 3× platinum awards by the Bundesverband Musikindustrie (BVMI). In addition, it was awarded Diamond for the sales of over 1 million in both France and Canada. It was certified 3× platinum in Brazil, becoming one of the best-selling international album by a female artist and set a record for the best-selling foreign album with the sales of 1.2 million over in South Korea. In Australia, it became the best selling album of 1993. In Mexico, the soundtrack sold more than 500,000 copies, making it the best-selling English-language record in 1994. To date, the album has sold 45 million copies worldwide, making it the best-selling soundtrack of all time.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: "I Wish You Love: More from the Bodyguard" is the 25th anniversary reissue of the album, released by Legacy Recordings on November 17, 2017. The album was released to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the movie, "The Bodyguard", which marked Houston's film debut. It includes the film versions of her six "Bodyguard" contributions – "I Will Always Love You", "I Have Nothing", "I'm Every Woman", "Run to You", "Queen of the Night" and "Jesus Loves Me" – as well as remixes and live performances of the songs from subsequent tours.


title: The Bodyguard (soundtrack)

text: The album's release coincided with a tribute to Houston and the music of "The Bodyguard" at the American Music Awards on Nov. 19 on ABC as performed by Christina Aguilera. Ahead of the performance, Aguilera wrote on Instagram, “I am excited, honored and humbled to perform a tribute to one of my idols.”


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Bornean orangutan (Pongo pygmaeus) is a species of orangutan endemic to the island of Borneo. Together with the Sumatran orangutan ("Pongo abelii") and Tapanuli orangutan ("Pongo tapanuliensis"), it belongs to the only genus of great apes native to Asia. Like the other great apes, orangutans are highly intelligent, displaying tool use and distinct cultural patterns in the wild. Orangutans share approximately 97% of their DNA with humans. Also called mias by the local population, the Bornean orangutan is a critically endangered species, with deforestation, palm oil plantations, and hunting posing a serious threat to its continued existence.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Bornean orangutan and the Sumatran orangutan diverged about 400,000 years ago, with a continued low level of gene flow between them since then. The two orangutan species were considered merely subspecies until 1996; they were elevated to species following sequencing of their mitochondrial DNA.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: There is some uncertainty about this, however. The population currently listed as "P. p. wurmbii" may be closer to the Sumatran orangutan ("P. abelii") than to the Bornean orangutan. If this is confirmed, "P. abelii" would be a subspecies of "P. wurmbii" (Tiedeman, 1808). In addition, the type locality of "P. pygmaeus" has not been established beyond doubt; it may be from the population currently listed as "P. wurmbii" (in which case "P. wurmbii" would be a junior synonym of "P. pygmaeus", while one of the names currently considered a junior synonym of "P. pygmaeus" would take precedence for the taxon in Sarawak and northern West Kalimantan). Bradon-Jones "et al." considered "P. morio" to be a synonym of "P. pygmaeus", and the population found in East Kalimantan and Sabah to be a potentially unnamed separate taxon.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: In early October 2014, researchers from domestic and foreign countries found about 50 orangutans in several groups in South Kalimantan Province, although previously there is no record that the province has orangutans.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: As a member of the family Hominidae, Bornean orangutans are one of the closest extant relatives to "Homo sapiens".


title: Bornean orangutan

text: This species was originally discovered by native Malaysians. There are several mentions of orangutans in Malaysian folklore. However, this species was originally named and described by the notable zoologist Carl Linnaeus in 1799. Its original name was "Simia satyrus", meaning "satyr monkey", but was changed when scientists discovered that not all orangutans are one species. The holotype of this organism is located in the British Museum in London.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The current species name "P. pygmaeus" is not Latin unlike most other Linnean classifications. The genus name "Pongo" is derived from the Bantu word "" used to indicate a large primate. It was originally used to describe chimpanzees in Western African dialects. The species name "pygmaeus" is derived from the Greek word "pygmy" meaning dwarf.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Bornean orangutan is the third-largest ape after the western gorilla, and the largest truly arboreal (or tree-dwelling) extant ape. Body weights broadly overlap with the considerably taller "Homo sapiens", but the latter is considerably more variable in size. By comparison, the Sumatran orangutan is similar in size but, on average, is marginally lighter in weight. A survey of wild orangutans found that males weigh on average , ranging from , and long; females average , ranging from , and long. While in captivity, orangutans can grow considerably overweight, up to more than . The heaviest known male orangutan in captivity was an obese male named "Andy", who weighed in 1959 when he was 13 years old.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Bornean orangutan has a distinctive body shape with very long arms that may reach up to 1.5 metres in length. It has grey skin, a coarse, shaggy, reddish coat and prehensile, grasping hands and feet. Its coat does not cover its face unlike most mammals, although Bornean orangutans do have some hair on their faces including a beard and mustache. It also has large, fatty cheek pads known as flanges as well as a pendulous throat sac.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: Bornean orangutans are highly sexually dimorphic and have several features that differ between males and females. Males have much larger cheek pads, or flanges, that are composed of muscle and large amounts of fat. In females, the flanges are mostly composed of muscle. Males have relatively larger canines and premolars. Males have a more pronounced beard and mustache. The throat sac in males is also considerably larger. There are two body types for sexually mature males: smaller or larger. Larger males are more dominant but smaller males still breed successfully. There is little sexual dimorphism at birth.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Bornean orangutan lives in tropical and subtropical moist broadleaf forest in the Bornean lowlands, as well as mountainous areas up to above sea level. This species lives throughout the canopy of primary and secondary forest, and moves large distances to find trees bearing fruit.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: It is found in the two Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak, and four of the five Indonesian Provinces of Kalimantan. Due to habitat destruction, the species distribution is now highly patchy throughout the island, the species has become rare in the southeast of the island, as well as in the forest between the Rajang River in central Sarawak and the Padas River in western Sabah. Its presence in Brunei is uncertain and unconfirmed.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The first complete orangutan skeleton that was discovered was in the Hoa Binh province in Vietnam and thought to be from the late Pleistocene epoch. It differed from modern orangutans only in that its body was proportionately smaller compared to its head. This fossil and others confirm that orangutans once inhabited continental Southeast Asia even though currently, Bornean orangutans are only found in Malaysia and Indonesia.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: In history, orangutans ranged throughout Southeast Asia and into southern China, as well as on the island of Java and in southern Sumatra. They primarily inhabit peat swamp forest, tropical heath forest, and mixed dipterocarp forest.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: Bornean orangutan are more solitary than their Sumatran relatives. Two or three orangutans with overlapping territories may interact, but only for short periods of time. Although orangutans are not territorial, adult males will display threatening behaviors upon meeting other males, and only socialize with females to mate. Males are considered the most solitary of the orangutans. The Bornean orangutan has a lifespan of 35–45 years in the wild; in captivity it can live to be about 60.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: Despite being arboreal, the Bornean orangutan travels on the ground more than its Sumatran counterpart. This may be in part because no large terrestrial predators could threaten an orangutan in Borneo. In Sumatra, orangutans must face predation by the fierce Sumatran tiger.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Bornean orangutan exhibits nest-building behavior. Nests are built for use at night or during the day. Young orangutans learn by observing their mother's nest-building behaviour. This skill is practiced by juvenile orangutans. Nests may be elaborate and involve a foundation and mattress made by intertwining leaves and branches and adding broken leafy branches. Additional features such as shade, waterproof roof, "pillow", and "blanket", all of which are made from branches, twigs and leaves, may also be added. Nest-building in primates is considered as an example of tool use and not animal architecture.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Bornean orangutan diet is composed of over 400 types of food, including wild figs, durians ("Durio zibethinus" and "D. graveolens"), leaves, seeds, bird eggs, flowers, sap, vines, honey, fungi, spider webs, insects, and, to a lesser extent than the Sumatran orangutan, bark. They have also been known to consume the inner shoots of plants and vines. They will also occasionally eat nutrient rich soil. They get the necessary quantities of water from both fruit and from tree holes.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: Bornean orangutans have been sighted using spears to attempt (unsuccessfully) to catch fish. The species has been observed using tools such as leaves to wipe off faeces, a pad of leaves for holding spiny durian fruit, a leafy branch for a bee swatter, a bunch of leafy branches held together as an "umbrella" while traveling in the rain, a single stick as backscratcher, and a branch or tree trunk as a missile. In some regions, orangutans occasionally eat soil to get minerals that may neutralize the toxins and acids they consume in their primarily vegetarian diets. On rare occasions, orangutans will prey upon other, smaller primates, such as slow lorises.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: Males and females generally come together only to mate. Subadult males (unflanged) will try to mate with any female and will be successful around half the time. Dominant flanged males will call and advertise their position to receptive females, who prefer mating with flanged males. Adult males will often target females with weaned infants as mating partners because the female is likely to be fertile.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: Females reach sexual maturity and experience their first ovulatory cycle between about six and 11 years of age, although females with more body fat may experience this at an earlier age. The estrous cycle lasts between 22 and 30 days and menopause has been reported in captive orangutans at about age 48. Females tend to give birth at about 14–15 years of age. Newborn orangutans nurse every three to four hours, and begin to take soft food from their mothers' lips by four months. During the first year of its life, the young clings to its mother's abdomen by entwining its fingers in and gripping her hair. Offspring are weaned at about four years, but this could be much longer, and soon after they start their adolescent stage of exploring, but always within sight of their mother. During this period, they will also actively seek other young orangutans to play with and travel with. On average, juveniles do not become completely independent until they are about seven years of age. The birth rate for orangutans has been decreasing largely due to a lack of sufficient nutrients as a result of habitat loss.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: A 2011 study on female orangutans in free-ranging rehabilitation programs found that individuals that were supplemented with food resources had shorter interbirth intervals, as well as a reduced age, at first birth.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Bornean orangutan is more common than the Sumatran, with about 104,700 individuals in the wild, whereas just under 14,000 Sumatran orangutans are left in the wild. Orangutans are becoming increasingly endangered due to habitat destruction and the bushmeat trade, and young orangutans are captured to be sold as pets, usually entailing the killing of their mothers.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Bornean orangutan is critically endangered according to the IUCN Red List of mammals, and is listed on Appendix I of CITES. The total number of Bornean orangutans is estimated to be less than 14% of what it was in the recent past (from around 10,000 years ago until the middle of the 20th century), and this sharp decline has occurred mostly over the past few decades due to human activities and development. Species distribution is now highly patchy throughout Borneo; it is apparently absent or uncommon in the southeast of the island, as well as in the forest between the Rajang River in central Sarawak and the Padas River in western Sabah (including the Sultanate of Brunei). A population of around 6,900 is found in Sabangau National Park, but this environment is at risk.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: This view is also supported by the United Nations Environment Programme, which stated in its 2007 report that, due to illegal logging, fire and the extensive development of palm oil plantations, orangutans are critically endangered, and if the current trend continues, they will become extinct. When forest is burned down to clear room for palm oil plantations, not only does the Bornean orangutan suffer from habitat loss, but several individuals have been burned and killed in fires. Palm oil accounts for over one tenth of Indonesia's export earnings. It is in high demand because it is used in several packaged foods, deodorants, shampoos, soaps, candies, and baked goods.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: Climate change is another threat to Bornean orangutan conservation. The effects that human activity have had on Indonesian rainfall have made food less abundant and so Bornean orangutans are less likely to receive full nutrients so that they can be sufficiently healthy to breed.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: A November 2011 survey, based on interviews with 6,983 respondents in 687 villages across Kalimantan in 2008 to 2009, gave estimated orangutan killing rates of between 750 and 1800 in the year leading up to April 2008. These killing rates were higher than previously thought and confirm that the continued existence of the orangutan in Kalimantan is under serious threat. The survey did not quantify the additional threat to the species due to habitat loss from deforestation and expanding palm-oil plantations. The survey found that 73% of respondents knew orangutans were protected by Indonesian law.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: However, the Indonesian government rarely prosecutes or punishes perpetrators. In a rare prosecution in November 2011, two men were arrested for killing at least 20 orangutans and a number of long-nosed proboscis monkeys. They were ordered to conduct the killings by the supervisor of a palm oil plantation, to protect the crop, with a payment of $100 for a dead orangutan and $22 for a monkey.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Borneo Orangutan Survival Foundation (BOS) founded by Dr Willie Smits has rescue and rehabilitation centres at Wanariset and Samboja Lestari in East Kalimantan and Nyaru Menteng, in Central Kalimantan founded and managed by Lone Drøscher Nielsen. BOS also works to conserve and recreate the fast-disappearing rainforest habitat of the orangutan, at Samboja Lestari and Mawas.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: Orangutan Foundation International, founded by Dr Birutė Galdikas, rescues and rehabilitates orangutans, preparing them for release back into protected areas of the Indonesian rain forest. In addition, it promotes the preservation of the rain forest for them.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Sepilok Orangutan Rehabilitation Centre near Sandakan in the state of Sabah in Malaysian Borneo opened in 1964 as the first official orangutan rehabilitation project.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: Orangutan Foundation, founded by Ashley Leiman, operates programmes in Central Kalimantan, Indonesian Borneo. The Foundation rescues orphaned orangutans and enters them into their soft-release programme, allowing them to develop the skills necessary to survive in the wild. When old enough, orangutans are released into the protected Lamandau Wildlife Reserve. Orangutan Foundation works to protect orangutans by focusing on habitat protection and capacity building, especially in local communities.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: A seven-year longitudinal study published in 2011 looked at whether the lifespan of zoo-housed orangutans was related to a subjective assessment of well-being, with the intent of applying such measures to assess the welfare of orangutans in captivity. Of the subjects, 100 were Sumatran ("Pongo abelii"), 54 Bornean ("Pongo pygmaeus") and 30 were hybrid orangutans. 113 zoo employees, who were highly familiar with the typical behavior of the orangutans, used a four-item questionnaire to assess their subjective well-being. The results indicated that orangutans in higher subjective well-being were less likely to die during the follow-up period. The study concluded that happiness was related to longer life in orangutans.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: In late 2014, Nyaru Menteng veterinarians failed to rescue the life of a female orangutan. An operation was performed in which 40 air-rifle pellets were removed from her body. The orangutan was found at a palm oil plantation in Indonesian Borneo.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: Orangutans and humans diverged lineages approximately 14-18 million years ago. About 17,000 years ago, there was a migration of the Bornean orangutans as they eventually went to Sumatra, effectively trading places with the Sumatra orangutans that were there at the time. These two species of orangutans have been closely related throughout their evolutionary history due to the fact that they were so close in physical proximity. Therefore, their genomes and demographic history are similar. The two species themselves are estimated to have split about 3.5 million years ago. Although these two species have officially diverged, it is speculated that the reason as to why they are genetically similar is because the males of each respective species tend to migrate between the two islands and breed with the females from their sister species. As a result, both the Bornean orangutans and the Sumatran orangutans have been studied closely as a pair, and thus much genome findings attribute evolutionary changes to this relationship. In addition, the Bornean orangutans, as compared to the Sumatran orangutans, have lower autosomal gene diversity. This is attributed to the fact that they have a much smaller population size. Also, the Bornean orangutans have lower nucleotide diversity.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: As the Bornean orangutans and Sumatra orangutans both exist within the same species, they exhibit similar cultural behaviors that have been found to exist amongst most orangutan populations. The fact that orangutans tend to showcase similar cultural traditions is due to the fact that they typically live in similar environments and are adept at learning from one another from their early stages of life.


title: Bornean orangutan

text: The Bornean orangutan has been linked to the fact that it has gone through a deep divergence in relation to its relatives and ancestors. During the Middle Pleistocene, there were low levels of gene flow, which was determined through the analysis of Y-chromosomal data. One reason as to why this may have occurred is because of the Sunda shelf, which is where the island of Borneo is located. During this time, this event's dry climate during the Late Pleistocene attributed to a more abundant genetic exchange. As a result, there were many early divergences of gene pools between the Bornean orangutans, as well as the Sumatran orangutans. Relating back to the Middle Pleistocene, the Bornean orangutan lineage went through a dramatic population decline. This is likely attributed to the fact that they had been isolated from their ancestral populations. Therefore, natural geographic barriers are attributed to be the reason as to why the Bornean orangutans were eventually isolated and ended up colonizing other regions. In addition, this geographic isolation also indicates that the Bornean orangutans did not undergo a severe genetic bottleneck. With the Borneo orangutan, selection was found to have been found through physiological adaptations – most of which has to do with being able to adapt to the ever-changing climate on the Borneo island.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The 1995 Quebec referendum was the second referendum to ask voters in the predominantly French-speaking Canadian province of Quebec whether Quebec should proclaim sovereignty and become an independent country, with the condition precedent of offering a political and economic agreement to Canada.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The culmination of multiple years of debate and planning after the failure of the Meech Lake and Charlottetown constitutional accords, the referendum was launched by the provincial Parti Québécois government of Jacques Parizeau. Despite initial predictions of a heavy sovereignist defeat, an eventful and complex campaign followed, with the "Yes" side flourishing after being taken over by Bloc Québécois leader Lucien Bouchard.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Voting took place on 30 October 1995, and featured the largest voter turnout in Quebec's history (93.52%). The "No" option carried by a margin of 54,288 votes, receiving 50.58% of the votes cast. Parizeau, who announced his pending resignation as Quebec premier the following day, later stated that he would have quickly proceeded with a unilateral declaration of independence had the result been affirmative and negotiations failed or been refused, the latter of which was later revealed as the federal position in the event of a "Yes" victory.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Controversies over both the provincial vote counting and direct federal financial involvement in the final days of the campaign reverberated in Canadian politics for over a decade after the referendum took place. In the aftermath of the close result, the federal government, after unilaterally recognizing Quebec as a distinct society and amending the federal constitutional veto procedure, referred the issue to the Supreme Court of Canada, which stated that the unilateral secession contemplated in the referendum was illegal.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Quebec, a province in Canada since its foundation in 1867, has always been the sole majority French-speaking province. Long ruled by forces (such as the Union Nationale) that focused on affirmation of the province's Francophone and Catholic identity within Canada, the Quiet Revolution of the early 1960s prompted a surge in civic and economic nationalism, as well as voices calling for the independence of the province and the establishment of a nation state. Among these was René Lévesque, who founded the Parti Québécois with like-minded groups seeking independence from Canada. After winning power in 1976, the PQ government held a referendum in 1980 seeking a mandate to negotiate "sovereignty-association" with Canada, which was decisively defeated.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: In response to the referendum result, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau said that he would seek to "patriate" the Canadian Constitution and institute what would eventually become the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. During tense negotiations in November 1981, an agreement was reached between Trudeau and nine of the ten provincial premiers by Trudeau, but not Lévesque. The Constitution Act of 1982 was enacted without the Quebec National Assembly's approval, after the Supreme Court of Canada ruled against the Quebec government that its consent was not necessary for constitutional change.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: New Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and Quebec Liberal premier Robert Bourassa sought a series of constitutional amendments designed to address Quebec's concerns. In the Meech Lake Accord, the federal government and all provincial premiers agreed to a series of amendments that decentralized some powers and recognized Quebec as a distinct society. The Accord, after fierce debate in English Canada, fell apart in dramatic fashion in the summer of 1990, as two provinces failed to ratify it within the three-year time limit required by the constitution. This prompted outrage among Quebec nationalists and a surge in support for sovereignty. While the Accord was collapsing, Lucien Bouchard, a cabinet minister in Mulroney's government, led a coalition of six Progressive Conservative members of parliament and one Liberal MP from Quebec to form a new federal party devoted to Quebec sovereignty, the Bloc Québécois.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Following these events, Bourassa said that a referendum would be held in 1992, with either sovereignty or a new constitutional agreement as the subject. This prompted a national referendum on the Charlottetown Accord of 1992, a series of constitutional amendments that included the proposals of the Meech Lake Accord as well as other matters. The Accord was rejected by a majority of voters both in Quebec and English Canada.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: In the 1993 federal election, the Liberals returned to power with a majority government under Jean Chrétien, who had been Minister of Justice during the 1980–81 constitutional discussions and the Bloc Québécois won 54 seats with 49.3% of Quebec's vote. The result made the Bloc the second largest party in the House of Commons, giving it the role of Official Opposition and allowing Bouchard to confront Chrétien in Question Period on a daily basis.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: In Quebec, the 1994 provincial election brought the Parti Québécois back to power, led by Jacques Parizeau. The party's platform promised to hold a referendum on sovereignty during the first year of its term in office. The PQ won a majority government with 44.75% of the popular vote, just ahead of the Liberals' 44.4%.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: In preparation for the referendum, every household in Quebec was sent a draft of the "Act Respecting the Future of Quebec" (also referred to as the "Sovereignty Bill"), with the announcement of the National Commission on the Future of Quebec to commence in February 1995. The commission was boycotted by the Liberal Party of Quebec, the Liberal Party of Canada, and the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The primary issue of debate within the sovereignty movement became on what terms sovereignty would be put before the electorate. Parizeau, long identified with the "independantiste" wing of the party, was opposed to the PQ's general historical preference for an economic relationship with the rest of Canada to be offered alongside sovereignty, as he thought this would encourage the Federal government to simply refuse to negotiate and cast the project as doomed, as had happened in 1980. As a practical matter, Parizeau believed that given the emotional circumstances of separation a special partnership was unlikely, and that given free trade agreements and other multilateral institutions it was unnecessary.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Parizeau's stance created opposition in the sovereignty movement, which coalesced around Bloc Québécois leader Lucien Bouchard. A popular and charismatic figure, Bouchard had come close to death from necrotizing fasciitis and lost his left leg. His recovery, and subsequent public appearances on crutches, provided a rallying point for sovereigntists and the public at large. Bouchard thought a proposal lacking a partnership would doom the project among soft nationalists (such as himself) who worried about the economic consequences of separation.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: As polls showed Parizeau's approach as highly unlikely to even exceed 40% support in a referendum, leaders of the movement engaged in a heated public debate. After Parizeau moved the planned referendum date to the fall, Deputy Premier Bernard Landry aroused ire by stating he would not want to be involved in a "charge of the light brigade." During the Bloc's April conference, after a speech demanding a change in direction, Bouchard expressed ambivalence to a radio show about participating if a partnership proposal was not included. Mario Dumont, leader of the new Action démocratique du Québec, also stated that he would only consider participation in the referendum if a partnership was made part of the question.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The final findings of the National Commission, issued April 19, included a statement that the public generally desired an economic partnership with Canada. Fearing Bouchard and Dumont would further dilute their position as the referendum wore on, Parizeau agreed to negotiate a broader approach, and would agree to a statement that included partnership with Dumont and Bouchard on June 12, 1995. The Agreement contained details of the partnership negotiation process, and a general plan of seeking "sovereignty" while requiring an economic and social partnership offer be negotiated and presented to the rest of Canada. Most importantly for Parizeau, the agreement also allowed the government to declare immediate independence if negotiations were not successful or heard after a successful referendum.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The looming referendum prompted a number of actions in the Quebec Superior Court, which were consolidated under the application of prominent lawyer Guy Bertrand. Bertrand asked for interim and permanent injunctions against the holding of the referendum. The Federal Attorney General declined to intervene, and after failing in a motion to strike the application, the Quebec Attorney General unilaterally withdrew from the hearing. The Quebec government moved the September sitting of the National Assembly two days forward to be sure that parliamentary immunity would prevent MNAs from being summoned to testify.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Justice Lesage of the Court found that secession could only legally be performed by constitutional amendment pursuant to Section V of the "Constitution Act, 1982", and that a unilateral declaration of independence would be "manifestly illegal." Lesage refused to issue an injunction to stop the referendum, as he believed that to do so could paralyze the workings of government and cause more disorder than the referendum being held. The Court opted for declaratory relief, declaring that the "Sovereignty Bill" and the referendum constituted a serious threat to Bertrand's Charter rights.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Parizeau denounced the decision as undemocratic, stated that the "Constitution Act, 1982" did not apply to Quebec, and refused to move the referendum timetable. Quebec Attorney General Paul Bégin stated that he believed an extra-constitutional referendum was legal pursuant to international law. Daniel Johnson announced the following day that the ruling would not change the strategy of the "No" campaign. Some Federal officials questioned if their level of government could be involved after the declaration, but ultimately the Federal government decided to participate.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: In a dramatic reading at the Grand Théâtre de Québec on September 6, the final version of the "Sovereignty Bill" was unveiled. The bill would be tabled in the National Assembly awaiting the result of the referendum.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The question in the 1980 referendum, in an attempt to build a broad coalition, had sought only the authority to negotiate sovereignty with the Canadian government, and promised a second referendum to ratify the results of any negotiation. Parizeau believed a second referendum was unnecessary and would only encourage the remainder of Canada to use delaying tactics. The draft initial "Act" featured a question only asking for the authority to declare Quebec sovereign.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Pursuant to the partnership agreement with Bouchard and Dumont, the referendum question was changed to incorporate the partnership agreement. It was presented on September 7, 1995, to be voted on October 30, 1995. In English, the question on the ballot asked:


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The question came under immediate fire from federalists, who had no input in the drafting. Quebec Liberal leader Daniel Johnson stated it was confusing and at the very least should have contained the word "country." Prominent federalists argued that the referendum question should not have mentioned "partnership" proposals, because no Canadian political leaders outside Quebec had shown any interest in negotiating a possible partnership agreement with an independent Quebec, and arguably no entity capable of undertaking such negotiations actually existed.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Other federalists argued that the question erroneously implied an agreement had been reached between Canada and Quebec regarding a partnership on June 12, 1995. Parizeau would later express regret that the agreement had to be cited in the question, but noted that the June 12, 1995 agreement had been sent to every registered voter in the province.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Pursuant to Quebec's "Referendum Act" (enacted by the National Assembly prior to the referendum of 1980), the campaign would be conducted as a provincially governed election campaign, and all campaign spending had to be authorized and accounted for under "Yes" (Le Comité national du OUI) or "No" (Comité des Québécoises et des Québécois pour le NON) umbrella committees. Each committee had an authorized budget of $5 million. Campaign spending by any person or group other than the official committees would be illegal after the official beginning of the referendum campaign.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: After the agreement of June 12, the "Yes" campaign would be headed by Jacques Parizeau. The official "No" campaign would be chaired by Liberal leader Daniel Johnson Jr.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Making matters more complex, especially for the "No" camp, was the federal nature of Canada. The governing Liberal Party of Canada and its leader, Prime Minister Jean Chrétien were not strongly represented in the province outside of Montreal. Chrétien's involvement in the 1982 negotiations and his stance against the Meech Lake Accord made him unpopular with moderate francophone federalists and sovereignists, who would be the swing voters in the referendum. Lucienne Robillard, a nationalist former Bourassa-era cabinet minister, would serve as the federal Liberal representative on the "No" committee. Jean Charest, leader of the Federal Progressive Conservative Party, would be prominently featured, as he and the PCs had closely and productively cooperated with the Quebec Liberals in the Meech Lake negotiations.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Fearing missteps by politicians not used to Quebec that had occurred during the Meech Lake and Charlottetown debates, Johnson and the campaign heavily controlled appearances by Federal politicians, including Chrétien. Johnson bluntly banned any appearance by the Reform Party or its leader, Preston Manning. This would go unchallenged by Ottawa for the majority of the campaign, but created much frustration within the governing Liberals in Ottawa. Prominent Chrétien adviser Eddie Goldenberg believed that the "No" campaign at some points was more focused on the future election position of the Quebec Liberals rather than the referendum itself.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The campaign officially began on October 2, 1995, with a televised address by both leaders. Parizeau emphasized that he believed this might be the last opportunity for sovereignty for the foreseeable future, while Johnson chose to forecast the uncertainty that a "Yes" vote could provoke.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Johnson's campaign focused on the practical problems created by the sovereignty process, emphasizing that an independent Quebec would be in an uncertain position regarding the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and not be able to control the Canadian dollar. Prominent business figures such as Power Corporation president Paul Desmarais and Bombardier Inc. head Laurent Beaudoin spoke that they believed a "Yes" victory could spell doom for their Quebec business interests.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The initial campaign for the "Yes" was led by Parizeau, with Dumont campaigning separately in rural areas. In addition to the traditional themes of the movement's appeal to Quebec nationalism, the "Yes" campaign attempted to highlight the slim possibility of any future reform to Canada's federal system. Parizeau bitterly attacked business leaders for intervening in the referendum, calling it a betrayal of their Quebec customers and workers. While Parizeau's responses were highly popular with "Yes" stalwarts, it was generally seen that speeches against business leaders were only highlighting the economic uncertainty that worried swing voters.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Polls in the first week were highly disappointing for the "Yes" camp, as they showed them behind by 5–7 percentage points among decided voters, with an even larger gap if "undecided" voters were weighed toward the "No" side as would generally be expected. Parizeau, a general fixture in Quebec politics for decades whose strong views of sovereignty were well known among the populace, was under pressure to create a spark.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: In an unannounced ceremony on October 7 at the Université de Montréal, Parizeau made a surprise announcement: He appointed Bouchard as "chief negotiator" for the partnership talks following a "Yes" vote. The move came as a dramatic surprise to the campaign, promoting the popular Bouchard to the fore and simultaneously emphasizing the "partnership" aspect of the question.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Bouchard, already popular, became a sensation: in addition to his medical struggles and charisma, his more moderate approach and prominent involvement in the Meech Lake Accord while in Ottawa reminded undecided nationalist voters of federal missteps from years past. Politicians on both sides described his appeal as messianic and almost impossible to personally attack, in contrast to the well-worn figures on both sides of the referendum. "No" advisor John Parisella noted that at focus groups, when presented with statements Bouchard had made that they did not like, participants would refuse to believe he meant them. New polls eventually showed a majority of Quebecers intending to vote "Yes".


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: "No" forces, including Johnson, were shocked by the development, which required wholesale changes in strategy three weeks before the vote. Unwilling to believe Parizeau had given up his leadership role voluntarily, most in the "No" camp and Ottawa had assumed a coup had taken place, though the manoeuvre had been planned and voluntary. The dramatic events prompted many federal politicians to lobby for similarly dramatic intervention from Ottawa and the federal government, which were refused by the "No" committee, who believed that with Bouchard's introduction the margin for error was dramatically reduced. The "No" campaign continued to focus on the economic benefits of federation.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Bouchard's speeches asked Quebecers to vote "Yes" to give a clear mandate for change, and that only the clarity of a "Yes" vote would provide a final solution to Canada's long-standing constitutional issues and a new partnership with English Canada for the betterment of both. Bouchard's popularity was such that his remarks that the Québécois were the "white race" with the lowest rate of reproduction, which threatened to cast the project as focused on ethnic nationalism, were traversed with ease. Bloc Québécois MP Suzanne Tremblay was less successful in this regard, and apologized after answering journalist Joyce Napier's question of how minority francophones outside of Quebec would be helped by independence by stating that Napier's last name and lack of a Québécois accent made her ignorant of the subject.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Pursuant to the "Referendum Act", both committees were required to contribute to a brochure sent to every voter describing their positions. The official "No" brochure, written by the Quebec Liberals, stated that Quebec was a distinct society, and that Quebec should enjoy full autonomy in areas of provincial jurisdiction. Parizeau, while speaking in Hull, challenged Chrétien to tell voters that, if "No" won, Ottawa would withdraw from all provincial jurisdictions, prompting a vague response from the "No" campaign.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: On October 21 in Longueuil, Johnson, hoping to defuse the issue, ad libbed a challenge to Chrétien to declare his position on distinct society recognition. When presented with the request Chrétien, in New York for a United Nations meeting, responded, "No. We're not talking about the Constitution, we're talking about the separation of Quebec from the rest of Canada." The remarks in direct contradiction to Johnson were portrayed in the press as a blunt refusal.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Chrétien's position was far more difficult than Johnson's: part of the 1993 Liberal election platform had been moving the country away from large scale constitutional debates. Provincial governments were also far more hostile to the constitutional process than they had been in the decade prior, with even the federal government's typical ally, Ontario, being firmly against any pursuit of constitutional accommodation.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: French President Jacques Chirac, while answering a call from a viewer in Montreal on CNN's "Larry King Live", declared that, if the "Yes" side were successful, the fact that the referendum had succeeded would be recognized by France.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: At a federalist rally of about 12,500 people which was held at the Verdun Auditorium on October 24, Chrétien introduced a focus on Quebec's emotional attachment to Canada, promised reforms to give Quebec more power, and in a more startling announcement, declared that he would support enshrinement of Quebec as a distinct society and that he would support reforms to the Canadian constitution. The sudden reversal of Chrétien's long-standing position on the issue, along with Chrétien's wan complexion and atypically nervous appearance, sparked considerable comment. Charest further emphasized his commitment to constitutional reform if a "No" victory was achieved.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: In response to the referendum, aboriginal peoples in Quebec strongly affirmed their own right to self-determination. First Nations chiefs said that forcing their peoples to join an independent Quebec without their consent would violate international law, violating their rights to self-determination. Aboriginal groups also demanded to be full participants in any new constitutional negotiations resulting from the referendum.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: First Nations communities contributed significantly to the tense debate on a hypothetical partition of Quebec.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The Grand Council of the Crees in Northern Quebec was particularly vocal and prominent in its resistance to the idea of being included in an independent Quebec. Grand Chief Matthew Coon Come issued a legal paper, titled "Sovereign Injustice", which sought to affirm the Cree right to self-determination in keeping their territories in Canada. On October 24, 1995, the Cree organized their own referendum, asking the question: "Do you consent, as a people, that the Government of Quebec separate the James Bay Crees and Cree traditional territory from Canada in the event of a Yes vote in the Quebec referendum?" 96.3% of the 77% of Crees who cast ballots voted to stay in Canada.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The Inuit of Nunavik held a similar local vote, asking voters, "Do you agree that Quebec should become sovereign?", with 96% voting No.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Five days before the vote, United States President Bill Clinton, while recognizing the referendum as an internal issue of Canada, gave a minute-long statement extolling the virtues of a united Canada, ending with "Canada has been a great model for the rest of the world, and has been a great partner of the United States, and I hope that can continue." While the statement provided relief in sovereignist circles for not being a stronger endorsement of the "No" position, the implication of Clinton, who was popular in Quebec and the leader of the province's most important trading partner, endorsing Canadian unity had strong reverberations in the electorate.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The same night, Prime Minister Jean Chrétien gave a televised address to the nation in English and French. Broadly similar in both languages, Chrétien promoted the virtues of Canadian federalism to Quebec, touched on the shared values of the country, warned that Parizeau would use the referendum result as a mandate to declare independence from Canada (while explicitly not stating the result would be accepted), and announced that Quebec would be recognized as a distinct society and that any future constitutional reform that impacted Quebec would be made with the province's consent.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The "Yes" side was provided airtime for a rebuttal in English and French. Lucien Bouchard was given the task in both languages, with the "Yes" campaign stating that a federal politician should give the response. Bouchard's French address recounted the previous animosities of the constitutional debate, specifically targeting Chrétien's career and actions, including showing a newspaper headline from the aftermath of the 1982 Constitution that featured Trudeau and Chrétien laughing. Bouchard then focused on the details of the partnership aspect of the proposal. He used his English address to ask Canadians to understand the "Yes" side and to announce an intention to negotiate in good faith.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The next day, Montreal radio station CKOI broadcast a prank call by radio announcer Pierre Brassard, impersonating Chrétien, to Queen Elizabeth II asking her to make a televised address imploring Quebecers to vote "no", in an apparent satirical reference to the Chirac and Clinton interventions and the TV addresses of the night before. The Queen appeared to reluctantly agree to the request and talked to Brassard for 17 minutes before her staff identified the hoax (after a delay due to a Chrétien aide wrongly speculating to Buckingham Palace staff that it could be a genuine call).


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Fisheries Minister Brian Tobin, expressing anxiety to his staff about the referendum the week before, was told about a small rally planned in Place du Canada in Montreal for businesspersons on October 27. Asked by Federal advisor John Rae, Pierre Claude Nolin agreed to allow Tobin to invite Canadians outside Quebec to the rally, provided Quebec's referendum laws were adhered to. Tobin then encouraged fellow caucus members to send as many people as possible.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: After gaining permission from the Prime Minister (over the objections of Quebec members of Cabinet), Tobin then appeared on the national English-language Canada AM, and while disavowing any connection with the "No" organization, announced that the "No" side would be holding a rally in Montreal on October 27, and implored Canadians from around the country to attend the rally to support the "crusade for Canada." Tobin noted that committees were being formed in Ottawa and Toronto, charter aircraft were being ordered, and that Canadian Airlines had a 90% off "unity" sale. Tobin proceeded to call the chairman of Air Canada in his capacity as a private citizen and suggest planes be made available at the same rate, a request that was granted.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Tobin's Canada AM appearance resulted in calls flooding MP's offices in English Canada, and bus companies volunteered hundreds of vehicles to take Canadians from outside of Quebec to Montreal. The rally at Place du Canada was estimated to have between 50,000 and 125,000 attendees, with estimates varying wildly as the crowd grew and shrank throughout the day. Jean Chrétien, Jean Charest and Daniel Johnson spoke to the crowd for the occasion, which would become known as the "Unity Rally". Images of the large crowd with an oversized Canadian flag became iconic. Charest felt the rally helped to keep momentum for the "No" campaign moving.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The federal government's intervention in the rally attracted strident protests from the "Yes" side, who felt the discounts and coordination were an illegal intervention in the referendum. Bouchard publicly contrasted the rally with what he believed was the inattention of English Canada to the collapse of the Meech Lake Accord. Nolin regretted granting permission for the "No" committee once the scale became known, and Johnson felt the rally only exacerbated tensions with regard to English Canada. Opinions on whether the rally had an impact were divided and unable to be gauged, as the rally happened while the final polls for the Monday referendum were being produced.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: During the campaign, polls were reported by all pollsters and press outlets with a general guideline of having undecided voters split unevenly in favour of the "No" side: This ranged from 2/3 to 3/4 of the undecided vote.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: 93.52% of the 5,087,009 registered Quebecers voted in the referendum, a higher turnout than any provincial or federal election in Canada's history. The proposal of June 12, 1995 was rejected by voters, with 50.58% voting "No" and 49.42% voting "Yes". The margin was significantly smaller than the 1980 referendum. The "Yes" side was the choice of French speakers by an estimated majority of about 60%. Anglophones and allophones (those who do not have English or French as a first language) voted "No" by a margin of 95%.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: There was a majority "Yes" vote in 80 out of 125 National Assembly ridings. The "Yes" side was strongest in Saguenay–Lac-Saint-Jean, the Gaspé, the Centre-du-Québec, and generally the suburbs of Quebec City and Montreal. While there was disappointment in the results of Montreal and the Beauce, Quebec City's soft support for "Yes" was the greatest surprise for the "Yes" side. This prompted speculation that provincial civil servants did not want the uncertainty a "Yes" would bring, especially after Parizeau had promised to integrate displaced Federal civil servants in a sovereign Quebec.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The largest support for the "No" vote was found in Montreal, the province's largest city; ridings in the West Island, home to a large anglophone population, voted "No" by margins eclipsing 80%, with some polling stations recording no "Yes" votes at all. The far North, the Outaouais, the Beauce, and the Eastern Townships also generally voted "No".


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The riding with the highest "Yes" result was Saguenay along the northern shore with 73.3% voting yes; The riding with the highest "No" result was D'Arcy-McGee in western Montreal with 96.38% voting "No"; The riding with the closest result was Vimont in Laval, which the "Yes" won by 6 votes and the highest turnout was in Marguerite-D'Youville (96.52%).


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: "No" supporters gathered at Métropolis in Montreal, where Johnson expressed hope for reconciliation in Quebec and stated he expected the federal government to pursue constitutional changes. Prime Minister Chrétien echoed similar sentiments to Johnson, and stated that he "extended his hand" to Quebec's premier and government.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: "Yes" supporters met at the Palais des congrès de Montréal on referendum night. After the result became known, Dumont and Bouchard made speeches accepting the result as part of the movement's democratic convictions and expressing hope that a subsequent referendum would bring a "Yes" victory.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Jacques Parizeau, who had not prepared a concession speech, rejected one prepared by Jean-François Lisée and spoke without notes. Noting that 60% of French-speakers had voted yes, he stated that he would address French-speaking Québécois as ("we"), and that they had spoken clearly in favour of the "Yes." He then stated that the only thing that had stopped the "Yes" side was "money and the ethnic vote" and that the next referendum would be successful with only a few more percentage points of French speakers onside. The remarks, widely lambasted in the Canadian and international press as ethnocentric, sparked surprise and anger in the "Yes" camp, as the movement had gone to great lengths to disown ethnic nationalism.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Bernard Landry confronted Parizeau at a Cabinet meeting the next morning about the remarks, stating that the movement "had to hide its head in shame." Parizeau, after canvassing opinions, then told his Cabinet that he would resign as premier and leader of the Parti Québécois. It was later revealed that he had declared he would retire anyway if the "Yes" side lost, in an embargoed interview with TVA taped days before the referendum.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Six days after the referendum, André Dallaire, a "Yes" supporter with schizophrenia, upset at the result, broke into Chrétien's Ottawa residence armed with a knife. Dallaire attempted to find Chrétien and kill the prime minister in his bed before being discovered by Aline Chrétien, who barricaded the bedroom door. Chrétien was unharmed, and Dallaire would eventually be found not criminally responsible by reason of mental defect.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Sovereignists believed that a "Yes" vote of 50% plus one vote was a binding result pursuant to the "Referendum Act" and the "Sovereignty Bill", as well as the general international law principle of self-determination. In the event of a "Yes" victory, Parizeau had said he intended to return to the National Assembly of Quebec within two days of the result and seek support for a motion recognizing the result of the referendum. In a speech he had prepared in the event of a "Yes" victory, he said a sovereign Quebec's first move would be to "extend a hand to its Canadian neighbour" in partnership pursuant to the wording of the referendum.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Parizeau's immediate plans after the referendum relied upon what he felt would be general pressure from economic markets and the business community in English Canada to stabilize the situation as quickly as possible, which he believed would mitigate any catastrophic initial events (such as blockades) and prepare for negotiations.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Despite the prominent placement of Bouchard in the referendum campaign, Parizeau planned to retain all authority with regard to negotiations, and to appoint most members of the negotiation team if they were to occur. Parizeau also believed federalist Quebecers such as Chrétien and Charest would be quickly disregarded and replaced at negotiations by representatives from the other nine provinces. If the Federal government refused to negotiate, or if negotiations were to exceed October 30, 1996, Parizeau stated that he would proceed with a unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) for an independent Quebec pursuant to Section 26 of the "Sovereignty Bill".


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Parizeau's hopes for international recognition, a practical requirement of statehood, rested with France and the Francophonie. He believed that if Quebec declared independence in these circumstances, President of the French National Assembly Philippe Séguin, a powerful Gaullist power broker who was sympathetic to the sovereignty movement, would pressure President Chirac to recognize the declaration. He counted on a French recognition to spread quickly to the Francophonie and bring the issue to a head. Benoit Bouchard, Canada's ambassador at the time, believed that the plan was irrational as he doubted Séguin, who was supposed to be a neutral figure in his role, could bring sufficient pressure in the country's semi-presidential system.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: In interviews conducted in 2014, Bouchard and Dumont both believed that negotiations would have resulted had the "Yes" side won and that Quebec would have remained in Canada with a more autonomous status. Bouchard, while approving of Parizeau's intention to unilaterally declare independence should negotiations be refused, implied that he and Dumont would have been able to control negotiations and offer a subsequent referendum on a new agreement. Dumont noted that international recognition would have been difficult had two of the three leaders of the "Yes" campaign been against a UDI, and that he and Bouchard were willing to slow the process down if necessary. For his part, Bernard Landry believed that nothing short of a seat at the United Nations would have been accomplished had the "Yes" won.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: As the referendum was only of force and effect pursuant to a provincial law, neither the provincially sanctioned "No" committee nor the Federal government had any input on the question of the referendum. Federalists strongly differed on how or if a "Yes" referendum result would be recognized. "No" campaign head Daniel Johnson disputed the "Yes" side's position that a simple majority was sufficient to declare independence, as he believed the question was too vague and gave negotiators too broad a mandate given the enormity of the issue and the uncertainty of negotiations.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Jean Chrétien refused to publicly comment or consider contingencies regarding a possible "Yes" victory, and at no point stated the referendum bound the Federal government to negotiations or permitted a unilateral declaration of independence. His wording of speeches during the referendum noted that Parizeau would interpret a "Yes" vote as a mandate to separate Quebec from Canada, but never offered recognition that this was legal or recognizable. A speech drafted for Chrétien in the event of a "Yes" vote stated that the question was too ambiguous to be binding and that only dissatisfaction with the status quo had been stated.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Reform party leader Preston Manning, a prominent proponent of direct democracy, would have recognized any result, with critics suspecting he preferred a "Yes" vote for electoral gain. Jean Charest recognized the referendum's legitimacy, although a draft post-referendum speech had him interpreting a "Yes" vote as a call for drastic reform of Canadian federation instead of separation. The New Democratic Party's official position was that the result had to be recognized.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Little planning was made for the possibility of a "Yes" vote by the Canadian federal government, with the general consensus being that the referendum would be easily won and that planning would spark panic or give the referendum undeserved legitimacy. Some members of the federal cabinet met to discuss several possible scenarios, including referring the issue of Quebec's independence to the Supreme Court. Senior civil servants met to consider the impact of a vote for secession on issues such as territorial boundaries and the federal debt. A dispute arose as to whether Jean Chrétien and many prominent members of Cabinet who had been elected in Quebec ridings could represent Canada at a hypothetical partnership negotiation.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Manning intended to immediately call for Chrétien's resignation and for a general election if the referendum were successful, even though the Liberals, independently of their Quebec seats, had a sizable majority in the House of Commons. There was also some doubt that Chrétien would be able to assure the governor general that he retained enough support within his party to remain the prime minister. Chrétien's intention was, whatever the result, to stay in office. New Brunswick Premier Frank McKenna later confirmed that he had been invited into a hypothetical "national unity" cabinet if the "Yes" side was victorious, with a general understanding that former Ontario Premier Bob Rae was to be included as well.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Premier of Saskatchewan Roy Romanow secretly formed a committee to study consequences if Quebec successfully seceded, including strengthening Saskatchewan's relationships with other western provinces, also seceding from Canada, or joining the United States.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: When the counting was completed, approximately 86,000 ballots were rejected by Deputy Returning Officers, alleging that they had not been marked properly by the voter. Each polling station featured a Deputy Returning Officer (appointed by the "Yes") who counted the ballots while a Poll Clerk (appointed by the "No") recorded the result of the count.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Controversy arose over whether the Deputy Returning Officers of the Chomedey, Marguerite-Bourgeois and Laurier-Dorion ridings had improperly rejected ballots. In these ridings the "No" vote was dominant, and the proportion of rejected ballots was 12%, 5.5% and 3.6%. Thomas Mulcair, member of the Quebec National Assembly for Chomedey, told reporters that there was "an orchestrated attempt to steal the vote" in his riding. A study released months after the referendum by McGill University concluded that ridings with a greater number of "No" votes had a higher percentage of rejected ballots. Directeur général des élections du Québec (DGEQ), Pierre F. Cote, launched an inquiry into the alleged irregularities, supervised by the Chief Justice of the Quebec Superior Court, Alan B. Gold. All ballots of the three ridings plus a sample of ballots from other ridings were examined. The inquiry concluded that some ballots had been rejected without valid reasons, but the incidents were isolated. The majority of the rejected ballots were "No" votes, in proportion to the majority of the valid votes in those districts.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Two Deputy Returning Officers were charged by the DGEQ with violating elections laws, but in 1996 were found not guilty (a decision upheld by the Quebec Court of Appeal), after it was found that the ballots were not rejected in a fraudulent or irregular manner, and that there was no proof of conspiracy. A Quebec Court judge acquitted a Deputy Returning Officer charged with illegally rejecting 53% of the ballots cast at his Chomedey polling district.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: In 2000, the Quebec Superior Court denied an application by Alliance Quebec that attempted to force the DGEQ to give access to all 5 million ballots, ruling that the only authority that could do so expired in 1996. The referendum ballots were shredded and recycled in 2008 after appeals were exhausted. In May 2005, former PQ Cabinet minister Richard Le Hir said that the PQ coordinated the ballot rejections, which PQ officials denied.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Citizenship Court judges from across Canada were sent into the province to ensure as many qualified immigrants living in Quebec as possible had Canadian citizenship before the referendum, and thus were able to vote. The goal was to have 10,000 to 20,000 outstanding citizenship applications processed for residents of Quebec by mid-October. 43,855 new Quebecers obtained their Canadian citizenship during 1995, with about one quarter of these (11,429) being granted during the month of October. When confronted about the issue by a Bloc Québécois MP who suggested shortcuts were being taken to hurry citizenship applications for immigrants who would most likely vote "No", Minister of Citizenship and Immigration Sergio Marchi responded that this was common before provincial election campaigns in other provinces.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The Canadian Unity Council incorporated a Montreal-based lobbying group called Option Canada with the mandate to promote federalism in Quebec. Option Canada received $1.6 million in funding from the Canadian Heritage Department in 1994, $3.35 million in 1995 and $1.1 million in 1996. The Montreal Gazette reported in March 1997 that the group also had other funds from undeclared sources. A Committee to Register Voters Outside Quebec was created to help citizens who had left Quebec before the 1995 vote register on the electoral list. The Committee handed out pamphlets during the referendum, including a form to be added to the list of voters. The pamphlet gave out a toll-free number as contact information, which was the same number as the one used by the Canadian Unity Council.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: After the referendum, the DSEQ filed 20 criminal charges of illegal expenditures by Option Canada and others on behalf of the "No" side, which were dropped after the Supreme Court of Canada in "Libman vs. Quebec-Attorney General" ruled sections of the "Referendum Act" restricting third-party expenditures were unconstitutionally restrictive under the "Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms".


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Aurèle Gervais, communications director for the Liberal Party of Canada, as well as the students' association at Ottawa's Algonquin College, were charged with infractions of Quebec's Election Act after the referendum for illegally hiring buses to bring supporters to Montreal for the rally. Environment Minister Sergio Marchi told reporters that Gervais should wear <nowiki>[the charges against him]</nowiki> like a badge of honour." Two years later, the Quebec Superior Court dismissed the charges, stating that the actions took place outside of Quebec and so the Quebec Election Act did not apply.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: The DSEQ asked retired Quebec court judge Bernard Grenier in 2006 to investigate Option Canada after the publication of Normand Lester and Robin Philpot's "The Secrets of Option Canada", which alleged over $5,000,000 had been spent helping the "No" campaign. Grenier determined that was illegally spent by the "No" side during the referendum, although he drew no conclusions over the "Unity Rally." Grenier said there was no evidence of wrongdoing by Jean Charest or that the rally was part of a plan to sabotage the sovereigntist movement. Grenier urged Quebecers in his report to move on. The Bloc Québécois called for a federal inquiry, which did not occur.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: After the referendum, the ballot for Quebec elections was redesigned to reduce the size of the space where voters could indicate their choice and the rules on allowable markings were relaxed, so that Deputy Returning Officers would have fewer grounds for rejecting ballots. The Quebec government also changed the Electoral Act so that voters would need to show a Canadian passport, Quebec driver's licence or Quebec provincial health care card at the polling station for identification purposes in future elections.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Parizeau's resignation led to Bouchard becoming the leader of the PQ and premier unopposed. While Bouchard maintained a third referendum was forthcoming provided "winning conditions" occurred, his government's chief priority became reform of the Quebec economy. Daniel Johnson would resign as leader of the Liberal Party of Quebec, and after significant pressure in English Canada, Charest resigned as national PC leader and was acclaimed as leader of the Quebec Liberals.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Observers expected Bouchard to announce another sovereignty referendum if his party won the 1998 Quebec general election. While he defeated Charest, Bouchard continued his government's focus on Quebec's economy. Bouchard retired in 2001 and was replaced by Bernard Landry who, despite promising a more robust stance on the sovereignty issue, was ousted in the 2003 Quebec general election by Charest, who would become premier.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: After the referendum, Chrétien attempted to pursue constitutional recognition of distinct society, but was stopped by the blunt refusal of Ontario Premier Mike Harris to discuss any constitutional matters due to his perception they had dominated the country's debates for too long. Given the impossibility of any meaningful change without Ontario's approval, Chrétien opted to pursue unilateral federal changes to fulfill his government's referendum commitments. This included legislation which required permission from the provinces of Quebec, Ontario and British Columbia for federal approval to be granted to any constitutional amendment, granting Quebec a "de facto" veto. The Federal parliament also officially recognized Quebec as a distinct society. Both changes, not being constitutional amendments, are theoretically reversible by future parliaments.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Chrétien also pursued what he called "Plan B" in hopes of convincing Quebec voters that economic and legal obstacles would follow if Quebec were to declare itself sovereign; its public face would become professor Stéphane Dion. This included a reference to the Supreme Court of Canada, which followed Federal intervention post-referendum into the "Bertrand" case: The 1998 "Reference Re Secession of Quebec" stated that unilateral secession was illegal, would require a constitutional amendment, and that only a clear majority on a clear question could bring about any sort of obligation on the federal and provincial governments to negotiate secession.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: After the decision, the Liberal government passed the Clarity Act, which stated that any future referendum would have to be on a "clear question" and that it would have to represent a "clear majority" for the federal Parliament to recognize its validity. Section 1(4) of the "Act" stated that questions that provided for only a mandate for negotiation or envisioned other partnerships with Canada would be considered unclear, and thus not recognized. The National Assembly of Quebec passed Bill 99, proclaiming the right of self-determination and the right of the National Assembly to set referendum questions pursuant to the "Referendum Act" and to declare the winning majority in a referendum as a simple majority of 50% plus 1 vote. Bill 99's constitutionality was litigated for 25 years, until the Quebec Court of Appeal ruled in 2021 that the law, given its general wording, was constitutional when applied within provincial jurisdiction.


title: 1995 Quebec referendum

text: Following the narrow victory, the Chrétien government established a Federal government funded advertising campaign to promote national symbols and sponsor hunting, fishing and other recreational events to promote Canada within Quebec. The campaign to promote use of the Canadian flag generally prompted apathy and annoyance with the electorate, while it was revealed in an Auditor General's report of November 2003 that the sponsorship program saw a large sum of money mismanaged and sent to politically connected firms for little or no work. This eventually led to the Gomery Commission's investigation of the Sponsorship Scandal.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: Doncaster Rovers Football Club is a professional association football club based in Doncaster, South Yorkshire, England. The team compete in League Two, the fourth tier of the English football league system. The club play their home games at The Keepmoat Stadium, having moved from Belle Vue in 2007. Their home strip consists of red and white hoops, which has been the main design of the club's home shirt since 2001 through different variations. Rovers often sport a third kit each season promoting mental health charity Campaign Against Living Miserably (CALM), with proceeds of the particular home games being donated to said charity.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: The club was founded in 1879 and turned professional six years later, moving to the Intake Ground. They entered the Midland League in 1891 and were elected into the Football League in 1901. The club lost re-election votes in 1903 and 1905 and so returned to the Midland League. They were admitted into the Football League for a third and final time in 1923 and went on to win the Third Division North in 1934–35. The club won two further Third Division North titles in 1946–47 and 1949–50, having been relegated from the Second Division in 1937 and 1948. Doncaster found themselves in the Fourth Division after suffering successive relegations in 1958 and 1959, though would win the Fourth Division title in 1965–66 and 1968–69. The club continued to move between the third and fourth tiers, winning promotions in 1980–81 and 1983–84 and relegations in 1983 and 1988, before suffering relegation into non-League football in 1998.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: Doncaster regained their Football League status after winning the 2003 Conference play-offs and then went on to win the Third Division title in 2003–04. They won the Football League Trophy in 2007 and the next year won the League One play-offs to secure a place in the second tier for the first time. They spent four of the next five seasons in the Championship, winning the League One title in 2012–13, though were relegated out of the Championship in 2012 and 2014. Relegated into League Two in 2016, they won an immediate promotion in 2016–17 and remained in League One until their relegation in 2022.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: The club was formed in 1879 by Albert Jenkins, a fitter at Doncaster's Great Northern Railway works. He gathered together some friends to play a match against the Yorkshire Institute for the Deaf and Dumb in September 1879. The institute side took a 4–0 lead but the game ended as a 4–4 draw. On walking back from the game, the team took a rest at the Hall Cross, and had a discussion in which they decided to play more and called themselves Doncaster Rovers.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: The first match under the name was on 3 October 1879, a draw away against Rawmarsh. The club turned professional in 1885. Gradually, they became the main team in the town, and appear to have had their first professional players in 1887–88.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: Rovers first entered the FA Cup in 1888–89, losing 9–1 to Rotherham Town at home. Season 1890–91 was to be a significant move forward. The club were a founder member of the Midland Alliance League and came second. The following season, saw them enter the Sheffield and Hallamshire FA Challenge Cup, beating Sheffield United 2–1 at Bramall Lane to win the final. That same season, they also moved up to the Midland League, becoming Champions in 1896–97 and 1898–99.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: They were first elected to the Football League in 1901, as a replacement for New Brighton Tower. Their first season in the League was in fact the one when Doncaster achieved their highest position ever (7th in the Football League Second Division). They only lasted two seasons in the league before being voted out in favour of local rivals Bradford City, having finished the 1902 season in the bottom three.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: They spent the following season in the Midland League, only managing 11th place out of 18 but were elected back to Division 2. This time, in 1904–05, Doncaster finished bottom with W3 D2 L29, adrift by 12 points, gaining only 8 points – an unfortunate still standing record. They were voted out once again. The following several seasons saw them finish lower midtable of the Midland League, till between 1910 and 1913 they had greater success. The last few years before the war mediocrity returned, and in August 1914 debts run up over the years led to voluntary liquidation. However, a new club was formed in time for the 1914–15 season and was accepted into the Midland League to continue where the old club had left off. The outbreak of the First World War meant the club closed down, and the army took over its ground using it as a depot.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: The Club reformed as a limited company after the war in 1919, rejoining the Midland League a year later playing at their new temporary Bennetthorpe Ground. The first two seasons Rovers finished lower-mid table. The third season they moved to Belle Vue, finished runners up and were accepted into the Football League Division 3 North for 1923–24 to replace Stalybridge Celtic.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: The first match back in the Football League was a 0–0 draw against Wigan Borough at Belle Vue on 25 August 1923, with Rovers playing in red tops with white shorts. One of the players in that first match was Rovers legend Tom Keetley who went on to become the Club's highest scorer with 186 goals in 241 appearances. Doncaster ended the season in 9th place. The next few seasons saw them rise towards the top of the table, then decline towards the bottom, before in the early 1930s finishing consistently near the top and finally becoming Champions in 1934–35.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: Rovers spent two seasons in Division 2, relegated in 1936–37. However, they did well in the following two seasons before the outbreak of war, being runners up in Division 3 North, with only the champions being promoted at that time.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: Doncaster Rovers were involved in the longest ever competitive football match, against Stockport County at Edgeley Park on 30 March 1946, in a Division Three (North) cup tie. The match was deadlocked at 2–2 at 90 minutes, and after two 10-minute periods of extra time there was no further score. The rule at that time was that the game would carry on until one team scored. However, after 203 minutes, and with darkness closing in, the game was finally stopped. Fans were said to have left the game, gone home for their tea, and come back to watch the end of the game. The replay, at Doncaster, was won by Rovers 4–0, goals coming from Steven Bain, Billy Mortimer and a late double from Graeme Dunne.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: In 1946–47 Doncaster set a record for the most games won in a league season (33), when they won the Third Division North title. The following season saw them relegated from the Second Division, but two years later with Peter Doherty as player-manager, they won the Third Division North again. This time they stayed in the Second Division for eight seasons, their most successful period to date.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: During this time, several high class players were with Doncaster including Harry Gregg who kept goal, and was sold to Manchester United in December 1957 for £23,500. At the time, he was the most expensive goalkeeper in the world. He went on to help save lives in the Munich air disaster and was a regular goalkeeper for Northern Ireland. Another player, lesser known outside Doncaster, was Alick Jeffrey. Matt Busby, manager of Manchester United, had lined him up to be bought, however in October 1956 Jeffrey badly broke his leg playing for England under-23s. This ended his move and any chance of what was seen to be an almost certain glittering international career to come.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: Billy Bremner, who achieved fame for his playing career with Leeds United and Scotland, managed Doncaster twice, his final spell ending in November 1991 – six years before his death.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: During the early 1990s, Ken Richardson, who was later described by detectives as "the type that would trample a two-year-old child to pick up a 2p bit", took over as the majority shareholder of the club. He ploughed a lot of money into Doncaster Rovers with one thing on his mind, a new stadium. When he was refused a new stadium by the council he soon lost interest. Richardson hired three men to torch Belle Vue and planned to sell the ground to developers. The attempt put Richardson in jail for four years, ruined Belle Vue and Rovers were edging closer to relegation. In 1998 Rovers dropped out of the league with a −83 goal difference. He withdrew his financial backing and as a result the club was subject to an administration order. The better players left to ease some of the financial burden but unfortunately, the players who were left at Rovers were just not up to the task. The fans blamed Richardson for effectively destroying Rovers and even a funeral was held at Belle Vue on the last game of the 1997/98 season complete with coffin along Carr House Road. Just weeks after Rovers were relegated, Richardson was found guilty of trying to set fire to the Rovers ground, apparently hoping to pay off the club's debts with the insurance money.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: The Westferry Consortium took over the Club just before the beginning of the 1998–99 season with a commitment to invest heavily in the club. The details of this season are collected in Ian McMahon's book "The Only Way Is Up". They also brought in John Ryan as a non-executive chairman and he took over at the end of this season. Having aspirations of returning it to the second tier where he had seen them when he was a boy, he stated he would build a new stadium within ten years, both of which he went on to achieve within the ten years. Doncaster found their best form in 50 years in the 2000s.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: After five seasons in the Conference League, under the helm of manager Dave Penney the club returned to the fourth tier (known at the time as Division Three) after winning the 2003 Conference Play-Off final, in the only sudden death goal (also known as a "Golden Goal" and officially known as "Promotion Goal" in this game) in history of English football promotion play-offs. In 2003–04, the first season they were back in the Football League, Rovers achieved promotion to the third tier as Champions. Doncaster were the first team to win the Fourth Division/Third Division (fourth level) Championship three times, 1966, 1969, and 2004. Football League rules state that any team who wins a trophy three times can keep it. When Rovers tried to retain ownership of the actual Third Division trophy, the Football League claimed that Rovers could not keep the trophy because the league names had changed from "Fourth" to "Third" Division, and so they had not won that particular league three times. Doncaster were the last team to win Division Three before it was renamed League Two.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: In 2005–06, Doncaster beat two Premiership teams in the League Cup – Manchester City and Aston Villa. They reached the quarter finals of the competition where they met Arsenal. They went ahead in normal time and Arsenal equalised, and in extra time Rovers went up for a second time but Gilberto Silva equalised in injury time and the North London side went on to win on penalties.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: Penney left in August 2006 feeling he had taken the club as far as he could and was swiftly replaced with former AFC Bournemouth manager Sean O'Driscoll, with Richard O'Kelly as assistant manager.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: A new stadium was completed in December 2006. Doncaster's first game at the new Keepmoat Stadium was against Huddersfield Town on New Year's Day, 2007 and the first goal scored at the Stadium was by Mark McCammon.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: On 1 April 2007, Doncaster Rovers travelled with their new manager to the Millennium Stadium, Cardiff to play Bristol Rovers in the Football League Trophy final. Playing in front of over 59,000 people, this was Rovers' first major cup final in the club's history. They got off to the perfect start when a tap in from Jonathan Forte and a brilliant finish from Paul Heffernan put Rovers 2–0 up within the first 5 minutes. However, after a brave fight back from Bristol Rovers, the game finished 2–2, so it went to extra time. In the second half of extra time a Sean Thornton corner was headed home by skipper Graeme Lee who had come forward from his central defensive position. Doncaster held on to claim their first major trophy.


title: Doncaster Rovers F.C.

text: 2007–08 proved to be one of the most exciting seasons in Doncaster's history. After a slow start they were in serious contention for a top-six finish for much of the second half of the season. Defeat away at Cheltenham Town on the final day of the season cost them automatic promotion and they finished third, with Nottingham Forest taking 2nd place. After a 0–0 draw away to Southend United in the playoff semifinals first leg, Rovers beat their opponents 5–1 at home in the second leg including a James Coppinger hat-trick to advance to the League One play-off final at Wembley on Sunday 25 May 2008 where they beat Leeds United 1–0 to move into Football League Championship after a half century absence. A James Hayter headed goal in the 47th minute was enough to secure victory in front of over 75,000 fans at Wembley.