title: Jōmon people

text: Although it was known that many virus carriers existed in Japan, it was not found at all in neighboring countries of East Asia. Meanwhile, it has been found in many Africans, Native Americans, Tibetans, Siberians, Burmese people, Indigenous people of New Guinea, Polynesians, etc. Looking at distribution in Japan, it is seen particularly frequently in southern Kyushu, Nagasaki Prefecture, Okinawa and among the Ainu. And it is seen at medium frequency in the southern part of Shikoku, southern part of the Kii Peninsula, the Pacific side of the Tōhoku region (Sanriku) and Oki Islands. Overall, carriers of the ATL retrovirus were found to be more common in remote areas and remote islands. When examining the well-developed areas of ATL in each region of Kyushu, Shikoku, and Tōhoku in detail, carriers are preserved at high rates in small settlements that were isolated from the surroundings and inconvenient for traffic.


title: Jōmon people

text: The path of natural infection of this virus is limited to vertical infection between women and children (most often through breastfeeding) and horizontal infection between males and females (most often from males to females through sexual intercourse).


title: Jōmon people

text: Based on the above, Hinuma concluded that the high frequency area of this virus indicates the high density remain of Jōmon people.


title: Jōmon people

text: A partial genome analysis by McColl et al. in 2018 about the prehistoric peopling of Southeast Asia analysed 26 ancient samples from Southeast Asia spanning from the late Neolithic to the Iron Age. They analysed an Ikawazu Jōmon (named IK002) sample from southeast Honshu, and a draft sequence of the Jōmon genome was determined from IK002. This Jōmon individual was found to share some ancestry with prehistoric Hoabinhians, who also share some ancestry with Onge and Jehai (Peninsular Malaysia) in mainland Southeast Asia, which may represent gene flow from that group into the Jōmon period population. The Ikawazu Jōmon sample could be modeled as possible admixture of Southeast Asian Hoabinhian and East Asian Amis people. Her mitochondrial mtDNA is Haplogroup N9b which is typical of Northeast Siberian populations, this haplogroups in present-day Japaneses people (< 2.0%), but typically found in previous studies of Jomon mtDNA N9b 4% in Okinawans, 6.9% in modern Ulchi 8% in Modern Ainu, 32.3% in the Udegey, People of the Amur-Ussuri where the region carry high frequencies of N9b.


title: Jōmon people

text: A more recent genetic analysis of the Ikawazu Jōmon sample (IK002), by Gakuhari et al. 2020, next to two additional Jōmon samples from northern Honshu and Hokkaido, found contradicting results. The Jōmon people descended predominantly from an Basal-East Asian population and does not share ancestry with Hoabhinians or Onge as suggested by McColl in 2018. The authors note that there is no genetic evidence for admixture or that the ancestral Jōmon lineage is closer to Hoabinhians, rejecting the conclusion by McColl. They concluded that there is also no evidence that Jōmon formed from admixture of Onge/Hoabhinians and Ami-related groups but that the Jōmon are mostly the direct descendants of the East Asian-related Upper Paleolithic population which arrived in Japan about 35,000 years ago from Mainland Southeast Asia or the Himalayan region. The Jōmon samples (including IK002), were found to be part of the "basal-East Asian cluster" (bEE), an ancient population that had no divergence among the ancestors of East Asians, Northeast Asians/East Siberian, and Native Americans. The Jōmon are genetically basal to modern East and Northeast Asians as well as Native Americans, suggesting that they share closer affinity towards the Ancient Northeast Asian/Eastern Siberian and Native American cluster (NA-ES-NA) rather than the Southern East Asian component. However, IK002 shows some affinity to the Amis people (one of the many Taiwanese indigenous peoples), which may support a later coastal migration into Japan outgoing from Taiwan.


title: Jōmon people

text: Additionally the authors note the possible link between the microblade culture around Lake Baikal of Paleolithic Siberia and Jōmon period Hokkaido. The microblade culture is suggested to have arrived in Japan about ~25,000 years ago with an migration associated with the Ancient North Eurasians, an ancient population distantly related to modern Europeans and Middle Easterners, and which contributed about 30% ancestry into Native Americans and some other Paleo-Siberian ethnic groups. They further conclude that their results support the "dual structure model" for the origin of modern Japanese.


title: Jōmon people

text: A full genome analysis, using high-confidence SNPs and functional SNP assessments to assign possible phenotypic characteristics as well as Y-chromosome polymorphisms, analysed a male and a female Jomon sample (termed as "F23"). The Funadomari archaeological site is located on a sandbar separating Lake Kushu from Funadomari Bay on the north coast of Rebun Island, a small island off the northwestern tip of Hokkaidō. The study results suggest that the Hokkaido Jōmon are their own distinct population and not closely related to other populations. The Jōmon generally are closer to East-Eurasian populations and form a cluster near the “Basal East Asians”.


title: Jōmon people

text: Modern Japanese share about 9% to 13% of their genome with the used Jōmon sample. Jōmon specific genome is also found in minor percentage in populations of Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia, suggesting gene-flow from Jōmon-related groups or more ancient shared source population. Additionally, the Hokkaido Jōmon share specific gene alleles with populations in the Arctic regions of Eurasia and northern America, absent from other East Asians. An analysis of phylogenetic relationship modeled the Funadomari Jōmon samples of Hokkaido with ~86% East Asian-related ancestry and ~14% deeply European-related ancestry.


title: Jōmon people

text: Another full genome analysis of a 3,800 year old Jōmon woman shows that this sample shared gene variants which are found only in Arctic populations of Eurasia, but are absent elsewhere. According to the authors this provides evidence that the Jomon fished and hunted fatty sea and land animals. The sample also showed a higher alcohol tolerance than other East-Eurasian populations. Further analysis suggest that the Jōmon sample was at high risk of developing liver spots if she spent to much time in the sun. The Jōmon sample had wet earwax, which is rare among modern East Asian populations. Despite the strong differences, the Rebun Jōmon sample is relative closest to modern Japanese. Additionally the Rebun Jōmon sample is also relative closer to coastal groups such as Ulchi in Russia and some aboriginal Taiwanese.


title: Jōmon people

text: A facial reconstruction in 2018 based on genome information of a 3,800 year old Jomon women from Rebun Island in Hokkaido showed that the color of the woman's skin was slightly darker than that of modern Japanese, her hair was thin and fine, and that the color of her eyes was light brown. Additionally, analysis revealed that the woman had blood type A+.


title: Jōmon people

text: A full genome analysis published in 2020, analysed for the first time the complete genome of several Jōmon samples. The study rejected previous arguments by McColl 2018 and Chuan-Chao Wang et al., who suggested a shared ancestry with Hoabhinians and Andamanese Onge.


title: Jōmon people

text: In contrary, evidence for geneflow from an Basal East Asian-related group into the Hoabhinians and the Andamanese Onge was detected. The Jōmon themselves share relatively most genome with East Asians and less with Paleolithic Siberians, as well as with modern people in Japan and various groups around the Sea of Okhotsk.


title: Jōmon people

text: In another analysis in 2020 of modern and ancient East-Eurasian samples from Southeast Asia, East Asia and Siberia researchers found that the Jōmon people (named "Jōmon_HG" for Jomon period hunter gatherers) could be modeled from two distinct components: one "East Asian-related" component and one "currently unsamplified" component (or multiple components), probably from Paleolithic Siberia. They also could not reproduce the special affinity between Jōmon and Hoabhinians and Andamanese as suggested in a 2018 study by McColl, but found contrary evidence that an ancient population related to the Tibetan lineage (including the Chokhopani sample), contributed to both the Jōmon hunter gatherers and less to ancient Southeast Asian hunter gatherers.


title: Jōmon people

text: A study in 2021 by Adachi et al. analyzed a Jōmon sample (~5,000 BC) from the Higashimyo cave near Saga on the island of Kyushu, which adds further evidence to the regional differences among the Jōmon period populations. The Higashimyo Jōmon sample was found to be genetically relative closest to other Jōmon samples and to various East Asian groups, such as Taiwanese indigenous peoples (Ami and Atayal), Kankanaey and Ilocano of northern Philippines, as well as Koreans and Japanese people. However, since only 6.9% of the nuclear genome was readable in the Higashimyo individual, no reliable conclusion could be made. According to the authors, the main ancestry component of the Jōmon period population of Japan shares ancestry with contemporary East Asians but split about 22,000 years ago, close to the split between East Asians and ancestral Native Americans. However, non-East Asian geneflow into the Jōmon period population resulted in their unique position and internal diversity, which got strengthened by later isolation, migration, and genetic drift. Unlike Hokkaido Jomon samples, the Higashimyo individual belonged to mitochondrial DNA haplogroup M7a1, rather than N9b. Like previous studies, a distinction between Northern and Southern Jōmon was detected, with the Southern Jōmon (represented by the Higashimyo sample) likely being the source of Jōmon ancestry among modern Japanese, rather than Northern Jōmon. The authors note that more studies are needed to better understand the internal diversity of the Jōmon people and their historical formation.


title: Jōmon people

text: In 2021, Yusuke Watanabe et al. published the to date most comprehensive genetic analysis of Jōmon samples and modern Japanese, using the newly developed technic "ancestry-marker-index" (AMI), which is an advanced form of full genome and SNP data analysis. They analyzed several Jōmon period samples and 10,842 modern Japanese individuals recruited from all 47 prefectures of Japan. Additionally they tested the genetic relation between Jōmon and other populations as well as the possible migration routes of the Jōmon period people and their SNP data regarding phenotypes.


title: Jōmon people

text: As previous morphological studies, such as Kondo et al. 2017, the genetic data confirmed that the Jōmon period people were heterogeneous and differed from each other depending on the region. A North-to-South cline was detected, with the southern Jōmon of Kyushu, Shikoku and southwestern Honshu being close to contemporary East Asian people, while the northern Jōmon of Hokkaido and Tohoku being more distant from East Asians. SNP data revealed that southern Jōmon samples had largely SNP haplotypes associated with continental East Asians and East Asian phenotypes, while northern Jōmon had partially distinct SNP haplotypes, including alleles for facial features absent in East Asians and southern Jōmon. Hokkaido Jōmon samples were found to have 47,6% alleles of ABCC11 gene and 68,9% alleles of EDAR gene, common in continental East Asians and southern Jōmon. The study results confirmed the "dual-structure theory" regarding the origin of modern Japanese, but found that noteworthy amount of East Asian associated alleles were already present within the Jōmon period people prior to the migration of continental East Asians during the Yayoi period. The authors stated that this is the first comprehensive genetic evidence for heterogeneity among the Jōmon period population of Japan.


title: Jōmon people

text: The comparison of Jōmon samples and other populations revealed that Ryukyuans are closest to southern Jōmon while Ainu are closest to northern Jōmon of Hokkaido. The genetic differences between Ryukyuans and Ainu were quite noteworthy. Mainland Japanese (Yamato) were more distant from Jōmon samples, but like Ryukyuans closer to southern Jōmon samples. Japanese from different regions had different amounts of Jōmon-derived SNP alleles, ranging from 17,3% to 24% samplified by southern Jōmon, and 3,8% to 14,9% samplified by northern Jōmon. Jōmon-derived SNP alleles associated with phenotype were found to be rare at 2,4%. Kinki- and Shikoku-Japanese were found to have the highest amount of Yayoi-derived ancestry rather than Kyushu-Japanese, which may be explained by a lower population number of Jōmon period Shikoku compared to Jōmon period Kyushu.


title: Jōmon people

text: The genetic relationship between Jōmon samples and other Asian populations revealed further heterogeneity among the Jōmon samples. In contrast to a previous study, which suggested partially shared ancestry between Ikawazu Jōmon sample (IK002) and Andamanese Onge, the new results did not find strong evidence for a partially shared ancestry, but rather geneflow from an East Asian-related population, basal to East and Northeast Asians, into both the Jōmon period people and the Andamanese Onge respectively. Additionally, the results do not find evidence for a noteworthy relation between coastal East Asians and Jōmon, or a hypothetical coastal migration route. Contrary, the majority of Jōmon samples appear closer to Inland and East Asian Highlanders, such as Tibetans, Tujia and Miao people. The genetic evidence suggests that an East Asian source population near the Himalayan mountain range, basal to East and Northeast Asians, contributed high amounts of ancestry to the Jōmon period people, and less to ancient Southeast Asians. The authors concluded that this points to an inland migration through southern or central China towards Japan, rather than a coastal route. Another ancestry component seem to have arrived from Siberia towards Japan and was more common in the northern Jōmon of Hokkaido and Tohoku. The seven Jōmon samples were generally closer to modern East and Northeast Asians as well as Central Asians (Xibo) and rather distant from ancient and modern Southeast Asians (Fig.5).


title: Jōmon people

text: A study in 2021 by Cooke et al., reevaluated the phylogenetic relationship of various Jōmon samples with other populations, and estimated that the Jōmon lineage split from modern East Asians between 15,000BC and 20,000BC, but after the divergence of Ancestral Native Americans in ~25,000BC. The authors than analyzed whether the Jōmon population had any contact with other continental Upper Paleolithic people after the divergence of their lineage, but before they became isolated in the Japanese archipelago. The analysis showed that the Jōmon people had received some geneflow from a population related to the Upper-Paleolithic Yana RHS sample from Northern Siberia, a deeply European-related population, also known as Ancient North Eurasians, and once widespreaded in Northern Eurasia before the Last Glacial Maximum. The inferred Jōmon ancestry among modern Japanese people is estimated at a mean average of 9.31%.


title: Jōmon people

text: Recent studies note that the Jōmon people consisted of several ethnic groups that arrived in Japan at different times and later converged into the pre-Yayoi population of Japan. However, the studies used to theorise the modern-day descendents of the originally-mixed ethnic group used modelled ancestry by comparing various Jōmon period samples with modern populations, and they may not be indicative of actual shared ancestry.


title: Jōmon people

text: A recent genetic study (Gakuhari et al. 2020) suggests about 79.3% of the ancestry of the Ainu comes from the Hokkaido Jōmon. A study by Kanazawa-Kiriyama et al. (2019) suggests about 66% Hokkaido Jōmon ancestry in the Ainu people.


title: Jōmon people

text: The Emishi, a former non-Yamato group in central Honshu, are often linked to the Ainu people, but several historians suggest that they either their own Jōmon group and did not share close cultural connections to the Ainu, or they consisted of several different tribes.


title: Jōmon people

text: The Satsumon culture of northern Honshu, one of the cultures that merged to later form Ainu culture, is often speculated to be related to the Emishi culture.


title: Jōmon people

text: Other historians suggest that the Emishi were in fact largely Japanese people who spoke the Izumo dialect of the Japonic languages, and resisted the imperial rule of the Yamato Dynasty.


title: Jōmon people

text: The Yamato Japanese are mostly descended from the Yayoi/Kofun period people but also have admixture from the Jōmon period population. It is estimated that the Jōmon ancestry found in the Yamato Japanese is less than 20%. Another study estimates the Jōmon ancestry in people from Tokyo at approximately 12%. One study estimates about 10% of Jōmon ancestry in modern Yamato people.


title: Jōmon people

text: Another study on autosomal DNA by Kanazawa-Kiriyama et al. (2019) finds about 9-13% Jōmon ancestry in the modern Japanese (with the remainder being from the Yayoi).


title: Jōmon people

text: According to several studies, the Ryukyuan people share more alleles with the Jōmon period (16,000–3,000 years ago) hunter-gatherers and Ainu people than do the Yamato Japanese and have smaller genetic contributions from Asian continental populations.


title: Jōmon people

text: Within the Japanese population, the Ryukyuans form a separate genome-wide cluster as one of two along the main island of Honshu. The local Jōmon ancestry is estimated at approximately 28% or 50-60%, depending on various studies. The admixture event which formed the admixed Ryukyuans was estimated to be at least 1100–1075 years ago, which corresponds to the Gusuku period, and is considered to be related to the arrival of migrants from Japan. Thus, the Ryukyuans appear to be genetically closest to the Ainu from the Ainu viewpoint, whereas it is exactly the opposite from the Ryukyuans' viewpoint, who are closest to the Yamato Japanese.


title: Jōmon people

text: According to recent genome studies, Ryukyuans and especially Okinawans are the closest to other East Asians but are also relatively homogenous on a genetic level. The study did not find much evidence for a strong Jōmon influence on Ryukyuans. On average, the Okinawans were found to share 80.8% admixture with the Japanese and 19.2% admixture with the Chinese. Individual admixture estimates were quite variable and ranged from 5.84% to 57.82% Chinese admixture, which likely coincides with historical migrations of Chinese people to Okinawa.


title: Jōmon people

text: A study by Kanazawa-Kiriyama et al. (2019) suggests that Ryukyuans inherit about 27% of their ancestry from the local Jōmon, with rest being from the Yayoi people.


title: Jōmon people

text: Aspects of the Jōmon culture and pottery were used in the video game "". Nintendo's art director Takizawa Satoru said that the Jōmon culture was the inspiration for the "Sheikah slates, shrines and other ancient objects" in the game.


title: Jōmon people

text: A recreated Jōmon village in the form of an experience park (Sarashina no Sato), which offers different activities, can be visited in Chikuma, Nagano.


title: Potlatch

text: A potlatch is a gift-giving feast practiced by Indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast of Canada and the United States, among whom it is traditionally the primary governmental institution, legislative body, and economic system. This includes the Heiltsuk, Haida, Nuxalk, Tlingit, Makah, Tsimshian, Nuu-chah-nulth, Kwakwaka'wakw, and Coast Salish cultures. Potlatches are also a common feature of the peoples of the Interior and of the Subarctic adjoining the Northwest Coast, although mostly without the elaborate ritual and gift-giving economy of the coastal peoples (see Athabaskan potlatch).


title: Potlatch

text: A potlatch involves giving away or destroying wealth or valuable items in order to demonstrate a leader's wealth and power. Potlatches are also focused on the reaffirmation of family, clan, and international connections, and the human connection with the supernatural world. Potlatch also serves as a strict resource management regime, where coastal peoples discuss, negotiate, and affirm rights to and uses of specific territories and resources. Potlatches often involve music, dancing, singing, storytelling, making speeches, and often joking and games. The honouring of the supernatural and the recitation of oral histories are a central part of many potlatches.


title: Potlatch

text: From 1885 to 1951, the Government of Canada criminalized potlatches. However, the practice persisted underground despite the risk of government reprisals including mandatory jail sentences of at least two months; the practice has also been studied by many anthropologists. Since the practice was decriminalized in 1951, the potlatch has re-emerged in some communities. In many it is still the bedrock of Indigenous governance, as in the Haida Nation, which has rooted its democracy in potlatch law.


title: Potlatch

text: The word comes from the Chinook Jargon, meaning "to give away" or "a gift"; originally from the Nuu-chah-nulth word "paɬaˑč", to make a ceremonial gift in a potlatch.


title: Potlatch

text: A potlatch was held on the occasion of births, deaths, adoptions, weddings, and other major events. Typically the potlatch was practiced more in the winter seasons as historically the warmer months were for procuring wealth for the family, clan, or village, then coming home and sharing that with neighbors and friends. The event was hosted by a "numaym", or 'House', in Kwakwaka'wakw culture. A "numaym" was a complex cognatic kin group usually headed by aristocrats, but including commoners and occasional slaves. It had about one hundred members and several would be grouped together into a nation. The House drew its identity from its ancestral founder, usually a mythical animal who descended to earth and removed his animal mask, thus becoming human. The mask became a family heirloom passed from father to son along with the name of the ancestor himself. This made him the leader of the "numaym", considered the living incarnation of the founder.


title: Potlatch

text: Only rich people could host a potlatch. Tribal slaves were not allowed to attend a potlatch as a host or a guest. In some instances, it was possible to have multiple hosts at one potlatch ceremony (although when this occurred the hosts generally tended to be from the same family). If a member of a nation had suffered an injury or indignity, hosting a potlatch could help to heal their tarnished reputation (or "cover his shame", as anthropologist H. G. Barnett worded it). The potlatch was the occasion on which titles associated with masks and other objects were "fastened on" to a new office holder. Two kinds of titles were transferred on these occasions. Firstly, each "numaym" had a number of named positions of ranked "seats" (which gave them a seat at potlatches) transferred within itself. These ranked titles granted rights to hunting, fishing and berrying territories. Secondly, there were a number of titles that would be passed between numayma, usually to in-laws, which included feast names that gave one a role in the Winter Ceremonial. Aristocrats felt safe giving these titles to their out-marrying daughter's children because this daughter and her children would later be rejoined with her natal numaym and the titles returned with them. Any one individual might have several "seats" which allowed them to sit, in rank order, according to their title, as the host displayed and distributed wealth and made speeches. Besides the transfer of titles at a potlatch, the event was given "weight" by the distribution of other less important objects such as Chilkat blankets, animal skins (later Hudson Bay blankets) and ornamental "coppers". It is the distribution of large numbers of Hudson Bay blankets, and the destruction of valued coppers that first drew government attention (and censure) to the potlatch. On occasion, preserved food was also given as a gift during a potlatch ceremony. Gifts known as "sta-bigs" consisted of preserved food that was wrapped in a mat or contained in a storage basket.


title: Potlatch

text: Dorothy Johansen describes the dynamic: "In the "potlatch", the host in effect challenged a guest chieftain to exceed him in his 'power' to give away or to destroy goods. If the guest did not return 100 percent on the gifts received and destroy even more wealth in a bigger and better bonfire, he and his people lost face and so his 'power' was diminished." Hierarchical relations within and between clans, villages, and nations, were observed and reinforced through the distribution or sometimes destruction of wealth, dance performances, and other ceremonies. The status of any given family is raised not by who has the most resources, but by who distributes the most resources. The hosts demonstrate their wealth and prominence through giving away goods.


title: Potlatch

text: Potlatch ceremonies were also used as coming-of-age rituals. When children were born, they would be given their first name at the time of their birth (which was usually associated with the location of their birthplace). About a year later, the child's family would hold a potlatch and give gifts to the guests in attendance on behalf of the child. During this potlatch, the family would give the child their second name. Once the child reached about 12 years of age, they were expected to hold a potlatch of their own by giving out small gifts that they had collected to their family and people, at which point they would be able to receive their third name.


title: Potlatch

text: For some cultures, such as Kwakwaka'wakw, elaborate and theatrical dances are performed reflecting the hosts' genealogy and cultural wealth. Many of these dances are also sacred ceremonies of secret societies like the hamatsa, or display of family origin from supernatural creatures such as the dzunukwa.


title: Potlatch

text: Chief O'wax̱a̱laga̱lis of the Kwagu'ł describes the potlatch in his famous speech to anthropologist Franz Boas,


title: Potlatch

text: Among the various First Nations groups which inhabited the region along the coast, a variety of differences existed in regards to practises relating to the potlatch ceremony. Each nation, community, and sometimes clan maintained its own way of practicing the potlatch with diverse presentation and meaning. The Tlingit and Kwakiutl nations of the Pacific Northwest, for example, held potlatch ceremonies for different occasions. The Tlingit potlatches occurred for succession (the granting of tribal titles or land) and funerals. The Kwakiutl potlatches, on the other hand, occurred for marriages and incorporating new people into the nation (i.e., the birth of a new member of the nation.) The potlatch, as an overarching term, is quite general, since some cultures have many words in their language for various specific types of gatherings. It is important to keep this variation in mind as most of our detailed knowledge of the potlatch was acquired from the Kwakwaka'wakw around Fort Rupert on Vancouver Island in the period 1849 to 1925, a period of great social transition in which many aspects of the potlatch became exacerbated in reaction to efforts by the Canadian government to culturally assimilate First Nations communities into the dominant white culture.


title: Potlatch

text: Prior to European colonization, gifts included storable food (oolichan, or candlefish, oil or dried food), canoes, slaves, and ornamental "coppers" among aristocrats, but not resource-generating assets such as hunting, fishing and berrying territories. Coppers were sheets of beaten copper, shield-like in appearance; they were about two feet long, wider on top, cruciform frame and schematic face on the top half. None of the copper used was ever of Indigenous metal. A copper was considered the equivalent of a slave. They were only ever owned by individual aristocrats, and never by numaym, hence could circulate between groups. Coppers began to be produced in large numbers after the colonization of Vancouver Island in 1849 when war and slavery were ended.


title: Potlatch

text: The arrival of Europeans resulted in the introduction of numerous diseases against which Indigenous peoples had no immunity, resulting in a massive population decline. Competition for the fixed number of potlatch titles grew as commoners began to seek titles from which they had previously been excluded by making their own remote or dubious claims validated by a potlatch. Aristocrats increased the size of their gifts in order to retain their titles and maintain social hierarchy. This resulted in massive inflation in gifting made possible by the introduction of mass-produced trade goods in the late 18th and earlier 19th centuries. Archaeological evidence for the potlatching ceremony is suggested from the ~1,000 year-old Pickupsticks site in interior Alaska.


title: Potlatch

text: Potlatching was made illegal in Canada in 1884 in an amendment to the "Indian Act", largely at the urging of missionaries and government agents who considered it "a worse than useless custom" that was seen as wasteful, unproductive, and contrary to 'civilized values' of accumulation. The potlatch was seen as a key target in assimilation policies and agendas. Missionary William Duncan wrote in 1875 that the potlatch was "by far the most formidable of all obstacles in the way of Indians becoming Christians, or even civilized". Thus in 1884, the "Indian Act" was revised to include clauses banning the Potlatch and making it illegal to practice. Section 3 of the Act read,


title: Potlatch

text: Eventually the potlatch law, as it became known, was amended to be more inclusive and address technicalities that had led to dismissals of prosecutions by the court. Legislation included guests who participated in the ceremony. The Indigenous people were too large to police and the law too difficult to enforce. Duncan Campbell Scott convinced Parliament to change the offence from criminal to summary, which meant "the agents, as justice of the peace, could try a case, convict, and sentence". Even so, except in a few small areas, the law was generally perceived as harsh and untenable. Even the Indian agents employed to enforce the legislation considered it unnecessary to prosecute, convinced instead that the potlatch would diminish as younger, educated, and more "advanced" Indians took over from the older Indians, who clung tenaciously to the custom.


title: Potlatch

text: The potlatch ban was repealed in 1951. Sustaining the customs and culture of their ancestors, Indigenous people now openly hold potlatches to commit to the restoring of their ancestors' ways. Potlatches now occur frequently and increasingly more over the years as families reclaim their birthright. Anthropologist Sergei Kan was invited by the Tlingit nation to attend several potlatch ceremonies between 1980 and 1987 and observed several similarities and differences between traditional and contemporary potlatch ceremonies. Kan notes that there was a language gap during the ceremonies between the older members of the nation and the younger members of the nation (age fifty and younger) due to the fact that most of the younger members of the nation do not speak the Tlingit language. Kan also notes that unlike traditional potlatches, contemporary Tlingit potlatches are no longer obligatory, resulting in only about 30% of the adult tribal members opting to participate in the ceremonies that Kan attended between 1980 and 1987. Despite these differences, Kan stated that he believed that many of the essential elements and spirit of the traditional potlatch were still present in the contemporary Tlingit ceremonies.


title: Potlatch

text: In his book "The Gift", the French ethnologist Marcel Mauss used the term potlatch to refer to a whole set of exchange practices in tribal societies characterized by "total prestations", i.e., a system of gift giving with political, religious, kinship and economic implications. These societies' economies are marked by the competitive exchange of gifts, in which gift-givers seek to out-give their competitors so as to capture important political, kinship and religious roles. Other examples of this "potlatch type" of gift economy include the Kula ring found in the Trobriand Islands.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Tesla Energy is the clean energy subsidiary of Tesla, Inc. that develops, manufactures, sells and installs photovoltaic solar energy generation systems, battery energy storage products, as well as other related products and services to residential, commercial and industrial customers.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The subsidiary was founded on April 30, 2015, when Tesla CEO Elon Musk announced that the company would apply the battery technology it developed for electric cars to a home energy storage system called the Powerwall. In November 2016, Tesla acquired SolarCity, in a US$2.6 billion deal, and added solar energy generation to Tesla Energy's business. This deal would prove to be controversial; at the time of the acquisition, SolarCity was facing liquidity issues.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The company's current power generation products include solar panels (manufactured by other companies for Tesla), the Tesla Solar Roof (a solar shingle system), and the Tesla Solar Inverter. In addition to the Powerwall, the company also makes large-scale energy storage systems called the Powerpack and Megapack. Tesla has developed a software ecosystem to support its hardware products.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In 2021, the company deployed solar energy systems capable of generating 345 megawatts (MW), an increase of 68% over 2020, and deployed 3.99 gigawatt-hours (GWh) of battery energy storage products, an increase of 32% over 2020.


title: Tesla Energy

text: As Tesla, Inc. developed batteries for its electric car business, the company also started experimenting with using batteries for energy storage. Starting in 2012, Tesla installed prototype battery packs (to later be called the Powerpack) at the locations of a few industrial customers. In November 2013, Tesla announced that it would build Giga Nevada, a factory to produce lithium-ion batteries.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The Tesla Energy brand was introduced on April 30, 2015, as CEO Elon Musk announced that the company would apply its battery technology to a home energy storage system called the Powerwall. Five hundred pilot units were built and installed during 2015, each being built at the Tesla Fremont Factory. The Giga Nevada factory started limited production of Powerwalls and Powerpacks in the first quarter of 2016 using battery cells produced elsewhere, and began mass production of cells in January 2017.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Brothers Peter and Lyndon Rive, the cousins of Tesla CEO Elon Musk, founded SolarCity in 2006 to sell and install solar energy generation systems as well as other related products and services to residential, commercial and industrial customers. Musk is reported to have suggested the solar company idea to the Rive brothers and he later served as the chairman of SolarCity.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In June 2014, SolarCity committed to building a second factory, later called Giga New York, in Buffalo, New York, that would build photovoltaic cells and would be triple the size of the next largest photovoltaic manufacturing plant in the United States.


title: Tesla Energy

text: By 2016, SolarCity had installed solar energy systems for over 325,000 customers and was one of the largest solar installation companies in the United States.


title: Tesla Energy

text: On August 1, 2016, Tesla announced that it would be acquiring SolarCity in an all-stock $2.6 billion acquisition. Tesla's mission since its inception has been "to accelerate the world's transition to sustainable energy". Musk said the purchase would advance Tesla's plan to help the world move from a mine-and-burn hydrocarbon economy towards a solar electric economy. The announcement cited (as benefits of the acquisition) operational and cost synergies, as well as allowing for integrated sales of products from Tesla's existing battery energy storage products division. The announcement of the deal resulted in a more than 10% drop in Tesla's stock price.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The proposal for acquisition was approved by antitrust regulators in August 2016. More than 85% of of Tesla and SolarCity voted to approve the acquisition on November 17, allowing the deal to close on November 21, 2016.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Some investors criticized the deal, calling it "a misguided effort to rescue two companies that depend on investors and the government for operating cash." Consequently, multiple shareholder groups filed a lawsuit against Musk and Tesla's directors in 2018, claiming that the purchase of SolarCity was done solely to benefit Musk and came at the expense of Tesla and its shareholders. The members of the board settled in 2020, leaving Musk as the only defendant. A Delaware court ruled in favor of defendant Elon Musk in a shareholder lawsuit over Tesla's $2.6 billion acquisition of SolarCity. “[The] Tesla Board meaningfully vetted the Acquisition, and Elon did not stand in its way,” read the opinion by Vice Chancellor Joseph Slights. “Equally if not more important, the preponderance of the evidence reveals that Tesla paid a fair price — SolarCity was, at a minimum, worth what Tesla paid for it,” Slights added.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Shortly after the acquisition announcement, Tesla announced that it would be building a new version of its Powerwall battery energy storage device and introduced the Tesla Solar Roof, a solar shingle product. Elon Musk presented the products using the homes on Colonial Street set on the Universal Studios backlot. The presentation was intended to gain investor support for the acquisition. It would later be reported that these roof tiles were not "fully working." Members of the anti-Tesla group TSLAQ have cited Musk's solar roof tile reveal as a major point of contention and an impetus for organizing.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The Solar Roof was to be made at the Giga New York factory, which opened in late August 2017 and would be operated as a joint venture with Panasonic. The factory was not able to start producing the shingles in volume until March 2020 and Panasonic left the joint venture in early 2020, before it exited the solar business entirely in January 2021.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In mid-2017, several of the former SolarCity executives left the company. Chief policy officer John Wellinghoff departed in April 2017, co-founder Lyndon Rive left in June 2017, followed by his brother Peter shortly thereafter.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Tesla Energy shifted its business model compared to SolarCity, with Tesla saying that it was focusing on projects with higher margins, such as those that include a Powerwall.


title: Tesla Energy

text: SolarCity heavily focused on door-to-door sales of leased systems, where customers would pay no upfront costs, but agree to purchase the power generated by those panels from the company for 20 years. Leases became the most popular solar business model in the US and made SolarCity the largest residential installer, but left the company over $1.5 billion in debt by 2016. SolarCity's leases were also criticized by consumer advocates and government regulators.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Tesla Energy's business model is based around making their systems "the lowest-cost solar in the United States." , the company sells systems at $2 per watt for solar panels before federal tax credits. Tesla says the business model was enabled by a decision to eliminate door-to-door sales, advertising, and some complex financing instruments (like leases). The shift in business model has been blamed for diminished customer support. Customers said they waited weeks for replies to emails and experienced long delays for administrative steps to be completed.


title: Tesla Energy

text: As a result of the shift in business model, total solar installations declined after the Tesla acquisition. In the second quarter of 2019, Tesla quarterly installations fell to a low of 29 megawatts, compared to SolarCity's installation of 253 megawatts in the fourth quarter of 2015 (before Tesla acquired it), and compared to 2,013 megawatts the residential leader Sunrun installed. Analysts believe that SolarCity was "a big source of the cash-flow deficit" for Tesla in 2019.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In May 2021, Tesla announced that it would only sell its popular Powerwall to customers who also purchased a Solar Roof or solar panels, and later that year announced that all Solar Roof or solar panel customers would be required to purchase at least one Powerwall.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In 2021, the company deployed solar energy systems capable of generating 345 MW, an increase of 68% over 2020, and deployed 3.99 GWh of battery energy storage products, an increase of 32% over 2020.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Tesla Energy develops, builds, installs and sells solar energy generation systems, battery energy storage products, as well as other related products and services to residential, commercial and industrial customers.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Tesla Energy sells and installs traditional solar panels on existing roofs, which the company calls "retrofit solar systems." Unlike the company's other products, Tesla Energy does not build its own solar panels. , the company uses Tesla-branded solar panels built under contract by Hanwha Q Cells. Previously Tesla used panels from Panasonic as part of a larger partnership between the companies. Panasonic exited the solar business in January 2021.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The company focuses primarily on residential customers who purchase the system with cash or financing. Additionally, Tesla Energy also offers systems to commercial customers in California.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Tesla Energy does not have a lease program like SolarCity, but between August 2019 and May 2021, it offered "subscription" systems to customers in Arizona, California, Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Jersey and New Mexico, in a plan to boost residential solar deployments. Compared to a lease, customers do not need to sign a long-term agreement and may ask Tesla to deactivate the system at anytime with no penalty; however Tesla does charge a flat fee to remove the system.


title: Tesla Energy

text: As of 2022, Tesla Energy offers four standard solar sizes: a small system with 12 panels rated at 4.8 kW, a medium system with 24 panels rated at 9.6 kW, a large system with 36 panels rated at 14.4 kW and an extra large system with 48 panels rated at 19.2 kW. The company says that by offering standardized system sizes, it can lower prices by streamlining designs, permitting and logistics. The standard system sizes also match up with the capabilities of the Tesla Solar Inverter.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Tesla uses proprietary mounting hardware on rooftops that eliminates the need for mounting rails and utilizes skirts that hide the hardware and make the panels appear to be flush with the roof. SolarCity acquired the mounting technology when it purchased Zep Solar in 2013. The "railless" system allows installers to install solar panels on the roof more quickly than other installation approaches. Traditionally, solar panel installation requires workers to first outfit roofs with mounting rails and then attach solar panels to those rails.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Tesla Energy manufactures, installs and sells a solar shingle product it calls the Tesla Solar Roof. Solar shingles are small solar panel tiles that can make up an entire roof surface. The company claims that a Solar Roof costs less than installing a new roof with solar panels and that the tempered glass that the tiles are made of are more durable than standard roofing tiles. The product was first unveiled in August 2016, but Tesla was only able to start producing the Solar Roof in volume in March 2020.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In January 2021, the company introduced its own solar inverter. The company says the Tesla Solar Inverter builds on the technology it developed for the Powerwall and electric car inverters. Like the Powerwall and Tesla's cars, the solar inverter is capable of receiving over-the-air updates from built-in cellular connectivity. The product has been noted for using older string inverter technology (many systems now use micro-inverters), but that it has the potential to drive the cost of Tesla's solar systems even lower. EnergySage, a solar buyers guide website, gave the Tesla Solar Inverter a ranking of "very good," generally praising the device but noting that its 97.5% efficiency and 12.5 year warranty lags behind industry leaders.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The inverter comes in two sizes: 3.8 kW and 7.6 kW of AC power output. The 3.8 kW model is sized to meet the needs of Tesla's smallest solar panel system size and has two maximum power point trackers. The 7.6 kW model is sized to meet the needs of Tesla's medium solar panel system size and has four maximum power point trackers. Installations using Tesla's large system size use a 3.8 kW and a 7.6 kW inverter, while Tesla's extra large systems use two 7.6 kW inverters.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The Tesla Powerwall is a rechargeable lithium-ion battery energy storage device intended to be used for home energy storage. The current generation Powerwall 2 is capable of storing 13.5 kilowatt-hours for solar self-consumption, time of use load shifting, and backup power.


title: Tesla Energy

text: A Powerwall system can be composed of up to 10 Powerwalls, including a combination of Powerwall+ and traditional Powerwalls. In areas where building codes allow, up to three of these devices may be "stacked" front to back to take up less space.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The Powerwall+ combines the functions of a Powerwall 2, the Tesla Solar Inverter and a Backup Gateway (a system controller and transfer switch). The combination simplifies installation and allows for even greater power delivery during periods of full sun.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Tesla no longer sells Powerwalls directly to consumers. They must be purchased alongside solar panel or Solar Roof systems from Tesla or from a certified installer. Additionally, starting in late May 2021, Tesla Energy requires all new solar panel and Solar Roof customers to purchase at least one Powerwall with their system.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The Tesla Powerpack and Tesla Megapack are large-scale rechargeable lithium-ion battery energy storage devices intended for use by a business or an electric utility company.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The Powerpack is capable of storing 232 kilowatt-hours and is intended for use by businesses or for smaller utility company projects and can be used for peak shaving, load shifting, backup power, demand response, microgrids, renewable power integration, frequency regulation, and voltage control.


title: Tesla Energy

text: The Megapack is capable of storing up to 3 megawatt-hours and is built as a containerized product intended for use by utility companies, typically as part of a battery storage power station, and can be used for renewable energy supply smoothing, voltage support, capacity support, microgrids, frequency regulation, and voltage control.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Tesla has developed a software ecosystem to support its energy hardware products. Autobidder, Powerhub, Opticaster, Microgrid Controller and Virtual Machine Mode are the products that Tesla offers.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In July 2021, Tesla rolled out a beta "Virtual Power Plant" program which allows enrolled California residential Powerwall customers to send excess power back to the grid during periods of peak energy usage (such as summer heatwaves). This will help stabilize the grid and may reduce the need for new fossil-fuel power generating plants. Although initially there will be no compensation to enrolled customers, California may pay $1 per kilowatt-hour during emergency events.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In June 2022, the program was officially launched with California Pacific Gas and Electric, and offered to pay customers $2 per kilowatt-hour.


title: Tesla Energy

text: Multiple shareholder groups filed a lawsuit against Musk and Tesla's directors, claiming that the purchase of SolarCity was done solely to benefit Musk and came at the expense of Tesla and its shareholders. Tesla directors settled the lawsuit in January 2020, leaving Musk the sole remaining defendant. A Delaware court ruled in favor of defendant Elon Musk in a shareholder lawsuit over Tesla's $2.6 billion acquisition of SolarCity. “[The] Tesla Board meaningfully vetted the Acquisition, and Elon did not stand in its way,” read the opinion by Vice Chancellor Joseph Slights. “Equally if not more important, the preponderance of the evidence reveals that Tesla paid a fair price — SolarCity was, at a minimum, worth what Tesla paid for it,” Slights added.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In July 2018, three former employees filed a lawsuit against SolarCity, alleging that the corporation had approved the creation of "fake sales accounts", which resulted in an "unreasonably high valuation of SolarCity" for investors. After allegedly informing management, including CEO Elon Musk, of these incidents, the employees were fired, which they argue contravenes California's whistleblower protection laws. Tesla denied the allegations of contravening whistleblower protections and, in June 2020, the case was dismissed with prejudice.


title: Tesla Energy

text: SolarCity installed and managed solar panels on the roofs of more than 240 Walmart stores. After fires on the roofs of seven of those stores, Walmart filed a lawsuit against Tesla on August 21, 2019, claiming that the fires were caused by negligent installation and maintenance that relied on "untrained and unsupervised personnel".


title: Tesla Energy

text: At around the start of the lawsuit, it was revealed that Tesla had initiated a secretive program, "Project Titan", to replace solar panel parts that could cause fires. Former employees said that Project Titan involved replacing two parts believed to be causing the fires: the connectors between the panels made by Amphenol and the power optimizers built by SolarEdge. Tesla said that it believed Project Titan was successful in addressing issues with the connectors and their higher rate of failure.


title: Tesla Energy

text: On November 9, 2019, it was announced that Walmart and Tesla had settled their lawsuit. A joint statement provided by Tesla stated the companies were "pleased to have resolved the issues raised by Walmart" concerning the installations, and looked forward to "a safe re-energization of our sustainable energy systems." The terms of the settlement were not disclosed.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In July 2021, a fire ignited within a Tesla Megapack in Victoria during testing at Australia's Big Battery site, one of the largest fixed batteries in the world. The Australian County Fire Authority issued a statement to nearby suburban areas regarding possible toxic smoke. The cause of the fire was a coolant leak, and "the Megapack that started the fire had been manually disconnected from a number of monitoring, control, and data collection systems because it was undergoing testing at the time of the incident".


title: Tesla Energy

text: Musk introduced the Tesla Solar Roof, a solar shingle product in an August 2016 presentation. It was later revealed that the shingles were fake, which would become a major point of contention with skeptics of Tesla.


title: Tesla Energy

text: In August 2017, limited production of tiles for the Solar Roof began at the company's Giga New York factory in Buffalo, New York. After testing on employees' roofs, Tesla announced in January 2018 that it would begin installing the product "within the next few months," but by July 2019, the company had only completed about a dozen roofs. In October 2019 it was reported that Tesla was "still tinkering with the product three years after announcing the concept, having done trial installations with two different iterations so far." The second version turned out to be too expensive for Tesla to manufacture in volume. Tesla was only able to start producing the Solar Roof in volume in March 2020.


title: Tesla Energy

text: On April 11, 2021, Tesla sent out a message to many customers who had pre-ordered their roofs (including customers who had signed contracts well over a year prior) informing them of a cost increase of about 30% for all projects, including some that already had an agreed-upon start date. Tesla said that it would "be prioritizing customers based on the order in which they accept their updated agreements," potentially adding time for customers who had waiting for months or a year for their new roof. The process of asking customers to pay a deposit, sign a contract for the estimated price, and later replacing the contract with an inflated price, violates roofing contract requirements in some states.


title: Tesla Energy

text: On April 26, 2021, Elon Musk admitted that the company made "significant mistakes" in their solar roof tile project, including that they did not anticipate the trouble of "assessing the difficulty of certain roofs [as the] complexity of roofs varies".


title: Tesla Energy

text: Facing a class-action lawsuit filed by Solar Roof customers, Tesla revealed that it planned to let some customers who had signed contracts before the April 2021 price changes revert to their original price.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Sant Dnyaneshwar (Marathi pronunciation: ]), also referred to as Jnaneshwar, Jnanadeva, Dnyandev or Mauli or Dnyaneshwar Vitthal Kulkarni (1275–1296), was a 13th-century Indian Marathi saint, poet, philosopher and yogi of the Nath Shaiva and Varkari tradition. In his short life of 21 years, he authored "Dnyaneshwari" (a commentary on the "Bhagavad Gita") and "Amrutanubhav". These are the oldest surviving literary works in the Marathi language, and considered to be milestones in Marathi literature. Sant Dnyaneshwar's ideas reflect the non-dualistic Advaita Vedanta philosophy and an emphasis on Yoga and bhakti towards Vithoba, an incarnation of Lord Vishnu. His legacy inspired saint-poets such as Eknath and Tukaram, and he is one of the founders of the Varkari (Vithoba-Krishna) Bhakti movement tradition of Hinduism in Maharashtra. Dnyaneshwar undertook samadhi at Alandi in 1296 by entombing himself in an underground chamber.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Dnyaneshwar was born in 1275 (on the auspicious day of Krishna Janmashtami) in a Marathi-speaking Deshastha Brahmin family in Apegaon village on the banks of Godavari river near Paithan in Maharashtra during the reign of the Yadava king Ramadevarava. The kingdom with its capital Devagiri enjoyed relative peace and stability, and the king was a patron of literature and arts.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Biographical details of Sant Dnyaneshwar's life are preserved in the writings of his disciples, Satyamalanath and Sachchidanand. The various traditions give conflicting accounts of details of Dnyaneshwar's life. The date of composition of his work "Dnyaneshwari" (1290 CE), however is undisputed. According to the more accepted tradition on Dnyaneshwar's life, he was born in 1275 CE and he attained samadhi in 1296 CE. Other sources state he was born in 1271 CE.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: The biographical details of Dnyaneshwar's short life of about 21 years are contested and its authenticity is in doubt. The available accounts are filled with hagiographic legends and miracles he performed, such as his ability to make a buffalo sing the Vedas and humble a yogi by riding a moving wall.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: According to the accounts that have survived, Dnyaneshwar's father Vitthalapant was the kulkarni (hereditary accountant, usually Brahmin, who maintained land and tax records in villages) of a village called Apegaon on the banks of the Godavari River in Maharashtra, a profession he had inherited from his ancestors. He married Rakhumabai, the daughter of the Kulkarni of Alandi. Even as a householder, Vitthalapant longed for spiritual learning. His disillusionment with life grew as a result of the death of his father and because he had no children from his marriage. Eventually, with his wife's consent, he renounced worldly life and left for Kashi to become a sannyasin (renunciate). According to another version of these events Dnyaneshwar's father Vitthalapant came from a long line of teachers of the Nath yogi sect and being deeply religious, he went on a pilgrimage to Varanasi. There he met a "guru" (spiritual teacher), decided to renounce without his wife's consent.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Vitthalapant was initiated as a sannyasin by his spiritual teacher, Rama Sharma, who is also called Ramananda, Nrisimhashrama, Ramadvaya and Shripad in various sources. (He was not Ramananda, the founder of the Ramanandi Sampradaya.) When Ramashrama discovered that Vitthalapant had left his family behind to become a monk, he instructed Vitthalapant to go back to his wife and perform his duties as a householder. After Vitthalapant returned to his wife and settled down in Alandi, Rakhumabai gave birth to four children—Nivruttinath (1273 CE), Dnyaneshwar (1275 CE), Sopan (1277 CE) and Muktabai (1279 CE).


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Orthodox Brahmins of the day saw a renunciate returning to his life as a householder as heresy. Dnyaneshwar and his brothers were denied the right to have the sacred thread ceremony for the full admission to the Brahmin caste. According to Pawar, this meant excommunication from the Brahmin caste.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Vitthalapant eventually left the town for Nashik with his family. One day while performing his daily rituals, Vitthalapant came face to face with a tiger. Vitthalapant and three of his four children escaped, but Nivruttinath became separated from the family and hid in a cave. While hiding in the cave he met Gahaninath, who initiated Nivruttinath into the wisdom of the Nath yogis. Later, Vitthalapant returned to Alandi and asked the Brahmins to suggest a means of atonement for his sins; they suggested giving up his life as penance. Vitthalapant and his wife gave up their lives, within a year of each other by jumping into the Indrayani river in the hope their children might be able to lead lives free of persecution. Other sources and local folk tradition claim that the parents committed suicide by jumping in the Indrayani River. Another version of the legend states that Vitthalapant, the father threw himself into Ganges River to expiate his sin.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Dnyaneshwar and his siblings were accepted by and initiated into the Nath Hindu live tradition to which their parents already belonged, where the three brothers and the sister Muktabai all became celebrated yogis and Bhakti poets.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: After Dnyaneshwar had written Amrutanubhav, the siblings visited Pandharpur where they met Namdev, who became a close friend of Dnyaneshwar. Dnyaneshwar and Namadev embarked on a pilgrimage to various holy centers across India where they initiated many people into the Varkari sect; Dnyaneshwar's devotional compositions called Abhangas are believed to have been formulated during this period. On their return to Pandharpur, Dnyaneshwar and Namadev were honored with a feast in which, according to Bahirat, many contemporary saints such as "Goroba the potter, Sanvata the gardener, Chokhoba the untouchable and Parisa Bhagwat the Brahmin" participated. Some scholars accept the traditional view that Namdev and Dnyaneshwar were contemporaries; however, others such as W. B. Patwardhan, R. G. Bhandarkar and R. Bharadvaj disagree with this view and date Namdev to the late 14th century instead.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: After the feast, Dnyaneshwar desired to go into "sanjeevan samadhi", a practice to voluntarily leave one's mortal body after entering into a deep meditative state, as practiced in Ashtanga Yoga of ancient India. Preparations for the Sanjeevan Samadhi were made by Namdev's sons. Regarding Sanjeevan Samadhi, Dnyaneshwar himself had emphatically talked about the relationship between higher awareness and light or pure energy in the form of electromagnetic radiation. On the 13th day of the dark half of the Kartik month of the Hindu Calendar, in Alandi, Dnyaneshwar, then was twenty one year old entered into "Sanjeevan samadhi". His "samadhi" lies in the Siddhesvara Temple complex in Alandi. Namdev and other bystanders grieved his passing. According to tradition, Dnyaneshwar was brought back to life to meet Namdev when the latter prayed to Vithoba for his return. Dallmayr writes that this testifies to "the immortality of genuine friendship and companionship of noble and loving hearts". Many Varkari devotees believe that Dnyaneshwar is still alive.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Many miracles came to be associated with Dnyaneshwar's life, one of which was the revival of his disciple Sachchidanand's corpse. Fred Dallmyr summarizes one of these legends as follows from the hagiography by Mahipati: At age 12, Dnyaneshwar with his impoverished and outcaste siblings, went to Paithan to plead mercy from Paithan priests. There, they were insulted and ridiculed. As the children were suffering the bullying, on a nearby road was a man who was violently lashing an old buffalo, and the injured animal collapsed in tears. Dnyaneshwar asked the buffalo owner to stop out of concern for the animal. The priests ridiculed him for being more concerned about a beast and unconcerned about the teachings of the Vedas. Dnyaneshwar retorted that the Vedas themselves held all life to be sacred and a manifestation of the "Brahman". The outraged priests pointed out that his logic implied that beasts should be able to learn the Vedas as well. An undeterred Dnyaneshwar then placed his hand on the buffalo's forehead and it started reciting a Vedic verse in a deep voice. According to Fred Dallmayr, one may not be concerned whether this story accurately reflects Dnyaneshwar's biography, the story does have symbolic significance in the same manner as the story about Jesus in Jerusalem in Matthew 3:9.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: In another miracle, Dnyaneshwar was challenged by Changdev, an accomplished yogi who rode on a tiger with his magical powers, to replicate this feat. Dnyaneshwar humbled Changdev by riding on a moving wall. Dnyaneshwar's advice to Changdev was given in 65 verses called the "Changdev Pasasthi". Changdev became a disciple of Dnyaneshwar's sister Muktabai.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: According to B. P. Bahirat, Dnyaneshwar was the first known philosopher who wrote in the Marathi language. At about age 16, he composed Dnyaneshwari in the year 1290, a commentary on Bhagavad Gita which later became a fundamental text of the Varkari sect. His words were recorded by Sacchidananda, who agreed to become Dnyaneshwar's amanuensis. "Dnyaneshwari" was written using the "Ovi"; a metre, which was first used to compose women's songs in Maharashtra, of four lines where the first three or the first and third lines rhyme and the fourth line has a sharp and short ending. According to W. B. Patwardhan, a scholar on Dnyaneshwar, with Dnyaneshwar the "ovi" "trips, it gallops, it dances, it whirls, it ambles, it trots, it runs, it takes long leaps or short jumps, it halts or sweeps along, it evolves a hundred and one graces at the master's command".


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: In Dnyaneshwari, at last he wrote "Pasaayadana" in which he prayed everything for others and all humanity and nothing for himself. Saint Dnyaneshwar himself believed that "The whole world has one soul- या विश्वाचा आत्मा एक आहे" . He wrote Dnyaneshwari so that common people can understand philosophical aspects of life which were then understood only by those who knew Sanskrit i.e. High priestly class language and lower caste people were not allowed to learn Sanskrit language. So, this was a significant work in Indian history which simplified philosophy to common man.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: His first text "Dnyanesvari" was in the vernacular Marathi language, as opposed to the classical Sanskrit language. According to Bhagwat, like other Bhakti poets, Dnyaneshwar choice of the vernacular language was an important departure from the prevailing cultural hegemony of Sanskrit and high–caste Hinduism, a trend which continued with later "bhakti" poets across India. Dnyaneshwar is to the Marathi literature what Dante is to the Italian, states Bhagwat.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: According to tradition, Nivruttinath was not satisfied with the commentary and asked Dnyaneshwar to write an independent philosophical work. This work later came to be known as "Amrutanubhava". Scholars differ on the chronology of the "Dnyaneshwari" and Amrutanubhav. Patwardhan has argued that "Amrutanubhav" is an earlier text than "Dnyaneshwari" because the latter is richer in use of metaphors and imagery, and displays greater familiarity with many different philosophical systems, such as Samkhya and Yoga. However, both Bahirat and Ranade disagree with this view pointing out that in "Amrutanubhava", author displays familiarity with involved philosophical concepts such as "Mayavada" and "Shunyavada", and while the text has simpler language, it reveals Dnyaneshwar's "philosophical depth".


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Dnyaneshwar's devotional compositions called Abhangas are believed to have been formulated during his pilgrimage to Pandharpur and other holy places when he got initiated into the Varkari tradition.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: The Mahanubhava sect and the Nath Yogi tradition were two prominent movements during Dnyaneshwar's time that influenced his works. Mahanubhavas were devotees of Krishna who disregarded the caste system, the Vedas and the worship of the deity Vitthala. Dnyaneshwar differed significantly from Mahanubhava's religious precepts. His thought was founded on the philosophy of the later Vedic texts such as the Upanishads and the "Bhagavad Gita", and devotion to Vitthala formed the cornerstone of the egalitarian Varkari sect founded by Dnyaneshwar. However, the literary style adopted by Mahanubhava writers influenced Dnyaneshwar's works. According to R. D. Ranade, Dnyaneshwar "stands to Mahanubhavas just in the same relation which Shakespeare stood to Elizabethan writers".


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Dnyaneshwar was initiated into the Nath Yogi tradition by his brother Nivruttinath, sometime after the death of their parents; Sopana and Muktabai were initiated into the tradition by Dnyaneshwar himself. Founded by Gorakshanath, the Nath Yogi sect had introduced the system of "Hatha Yoga", which emphasised on yogic poses and physical fitness. Gahaninath, a disciple of Gorakshanath, had initiated Nivruttinath into the Nath Yogi tradition. Dnyaneshwar's non-dualistic philosophy, usage of a vernacular language in his writing and an emphasis on yoga and oneness of Vishnu and Shiva were his inheritances from the Nath Yogi tradition.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: The values of Universal brotherhood and compassion espoused in his works came from his interactions with the devotional Vitthala sect, a tradition which was already in existence during Dnyaneshwar's time. J. N. Farquhar also notes the influence of "Bhagavata Purana" on Dnyaneshwar's poetry.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Dnyaneshwar takes up the examination of being or brahman in "Amrutanubhava". He considers being to be the substratum of thought which enables thought and cognition. Since being is prior to thought and concepts, it is distinct from Kantian categories, and methods of thought such as epistemological analysis cannot be applied to it. Dnyaneshwar believes that reality is self–evident and does not require any proof. It antedates dualistic divisions into knower and known, existence and nonexistence, subject and object, knowledge and ignorance.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Dnyaneshwar highlights the limitations of the traditional epistemological methods ("pramanas") used in Indian philosophy. He points out that any perception is validated only by another deeper understanding, while in establishing the rationality of reason, reason itself is transcended. Dnyaneshwar even cautions against reliance on scriptural testimony, which is accepted as a valid source of knowledge by philosophers of Vedanta and Mīmāṃsā schools of philosophy. Scriptural validity, to him, stems from its congruence with experiential truth and not vice versa.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Dnyaneshwar's moral philosophy comes out in his exposition of the 13th of "Bhagavad Gita", in his commentary on the book "Dnyaneshwari". He considers humility; non–injury in action, thought and words; forbearance in the face of adversity; dispassion towards sensory pleasures; purity of heart and mind; love of solitude and devotion towards one's Guru and God as virtues; and their corresponding moral opposites as vices. A pessimistic view of one's life is considered as a necessary condition for spiritual growth in "Dnyaneshwari". Dnyaneshwar writes that saints do not perceive distinctions and are humble because they identify all objects, animate or inanimate, with their own Self.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Devotion to Guru occupies an important place throughout the commentary. Many of its chapters begin with an invocation to his Guru Nivruttinath, who is eulogized by Dnyaneshwar as the person who helped him "cross the ocean of existence". The discussion on virtue and vices continues in his elucidation of the 16th chapter of "Bhagavad Gita", where virtues and vices are called divine heritages and demonic heritages respectively. Divine heritage comprises fearlessness, which comes from a belief in unity of all objects; charity; sacrifice, which comes from performing one's duties and compassion in addition to virtues already enumerated; while demonic heritage consists of six vices— ignorance, anger, arrogance, hypocrisy, harshness and pride.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: The doctrine of Karma Yoga in the Bhagavad Gita is resurrected in "Dnyaneshwari" and its utility as a means of achieving actionlessness through action and in establishing harmony between the two is examined. In the fourth chapter, the ideal "karma yogi"s actions are compared to the apparent movement of the Sun, which while appearing to rise and set is actually stationary; similarly, a "karma yogi", though appears to act, doesn't really act. Performance of one's duties, acting without egoism, renunciation of the fruits of one's actions and offering one's actions to God are four ways which, according to Dnyaneshwar, result in actionlessness and Self–realisation. Dnyaneshwar's metaphysical conclusion that the world is a manifestation of the divine, and not an illusion, also creates an ethical framework which rejects renunciation and recommends performing one's duties and actions in the spirit of worship.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Traditional Indian scriptures see "Ṛta", a Hindu theological term similar to "dharma", as a natural law that governs both the cosmos and human society. Performance of one's duties to uphold social institutions, such as marriage and family, thus becomes imperative, and duty overrides individual freedom. Dnyaneshwar is in agreement with tradition; he believes that divine order and moral order are one and the same and are inherent in the universe itself. He, therefore, recommends that all social institutions be protected and preserved in their totality. However, when it comes to the institution of caste, his approach becomes more humanitarian and he advocates spiritual egalitarianism.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Elements of Dnyaneshwar's life and writings, such as his criticism of parochialism of the priestly elite, a celebration of the family life and spiritual egalitarianism, would shape the culture of the Varkari movement. According to Dallmayr, Dnyaneshwar's life and writings have "developed into primary exemplars of genuine religiosity for the Varkari movement, as well as crucial sources and focal points of "bhakti" devotion".


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Devotees of the Varkari sect in the Hindu Shaka month of Ashadh join an annual pilgrimage called the Wari with symbolic Sandals (called Paduka in Marathi) of Dynaneshwar carried in a palkhi from Dnyaneshwar's shrine in Alandi to the Vitthala temple in Pandharpur . The "Padukas" (sandals) of Dnyaneshwar are carried in a "Palkhi" (palanquin) for the Dnyaneshwar inspired works of later poet-saints of the Varkari movement.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: His philosophy of "chidvilas" was adapted by Varkari writers, such as Namdev and Eknath, to their own works. "Amrutanubhava"s influence is visible in Eknath's "Hastamalak" and "Swatmsukha". Tukaram's works imbibe and explain Dnyaneshwar's philosophical concepts such as the refutation of "Mayavada".


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: A 1940 Marathi film, Sant Dnyaneshwar, directed by Vishnupant Govind Damle and Sheikh Fattelal, was a biopic on Sant Dnyaneshwar’s life.


title: Dnyaneshwar

text: Since 2021, a Marathi language TV serial named ‘Dnyaneshwar Mauli’ is airing on the Sony Marathi channel.


title: Sweater Weather

text: "Sweater Weather" is a song by American alternative band the Neighbourhood. The song was written by group members Jesse Rutherford, Zach Abels and Jeremy Freedman, and was produced by Justyn Pilbrow. It serves as the lead single from their debut studio album, "I Love You" (2013). "Sweater Weather" reached number one on the "Billboard" Alternative Songs chart in June 2013, logging eleven non-consecutive weeks at the summit of the chart. Pentatonix covered the song for their 2018 album "Christmas Is Here!" with an accompanying music video. In mid-to-late 2020, the song experienced a resurgence in popularity due to it being used on the social media platform TikTok. The song gained over 5 million on-demand streams on Spotify within the month of November 2020. As of January 5, 2022, the song is ranked in the top 100 of the most streamed songs on Spotify.


title: Sweater Weather

text: Zach Abels recalled to Radio.com: "One day Jesse was at my house and I was playing guitar. And he said, 'Hey that's pretty cool, let me record that.' And it just so happened to be "Sweater Weather." When we got done writing the song, when it was all said and done we were like 'Okay this is pretty good we should keep writing songs.'"


title: Sweater Weather

text: "I think 'Sweater Weather' might've been the best song we'd ever written," Rutherford added, "but I didn't think it was going to be the best song we'd ever write. It was kind of like getting a Platinum record, like a little tap on the butt."


title: Sweater Weather

text: There are two music videos for "Sweater Weather". The original video was released on March 28, 2012, but was later set as unlisted. The second music video for "Sweater Weather" was directed by Zack Sekuler and Daniel Iglesias Jr., shot in grayscale to go with their black-and-white theme, released on March 5, 2013.


title: Sweater Weather

text: Social media platforms regularly use the song's title or listening to the song as a shorthand for bisexuality, also citing it as a "bisexual anthem". Unpublished Zine says that the song is made a bisexual anthem due to its intimacy, the lyric's relative gender neutrality, the narrator's wearing of "bisexual" clothes, and the melodic similarity of the song to other songs popular on Tumblr when it came out—a time, reportedly, when many users were starting to express their bisexuality.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: Silver Lake is a residential and commercial neighborhood in the east-central region of Los Angeles, California. Originally home to a small community called Ivanhoe in honor of Sir Walter Scott. In 1907, the Los Angeles Water Department built the Silver Lake Reservoir, named for LA Water Commissioner Herman Silver, giving the neighborhood its name. The area is now known for its architecturally significant homes, independently owned businesses, diverse restaurants, painted staircases, and a creative environment. The neighborhood is also home to several highly rated public and private schools.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: Silver Lake is flanked on the northeast by Atwater Village and Elysian Valley, on the southeast by Echo Park, on the southwest by Westlake, on the west by East Hollywood and on the northwest by Los Feliz.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: Street and other boundaries are: the Los Angeles River between Glendale Boulevard and Fletcher Drive and Riverside Drive on the northeast, the Glendale Freeway on the east, Effie Street, Coronado Street, Berkeley Avenue and Fletcher Drive on the southeast, the Hollywood Freeway on the south, Virgil Avenue on the west and Fountain Avenue and Hyperion Avenue on the northwest.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The prime real estate around the Silver Lake Reservoir is known as Moreno Highlands. It was originally developed in the 1920s and 1930s by Daisy Canfield, wife of silent film star Antonio Moreno. Much of the Silver Lake Residential Historic District is associated with this tract.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The area known as Ivanhoe to the north of the current reservoir was originally developed by Byram & Poindexter as early as 1887, named for Sir Walter Scott's book of the same name with many streets in that area referencing other works and characters such as Herkimer, Rowena, Kenilworth, Ben Lomond, Hawick, and St. George.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: William Mulholland identified the area as an ideal location to place emergency reservoirs for the rapidly growing city, building the upper Ivanhoe Reservoir in 1906 and the eponymous Silver Lake reservoir in 1907. The reservoir was named for influential former LA City Councilman and then City Water Commissioner Herman Silver, who was instrumental in gaining the approvals to purchase the of land and the funding for the construction of the reservoir.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The hills of Ivanhoe and the neighboring Edendale had always attracted bohemians seeking safe haven from the prying eyes of polite society, and the further development of Silver Lake as a lush parkland only increase its appeal. The 1930s and 1940s saw artists, writers, actors and musicians join other progressives such as union organizers, civic activists, and communists flock to the area, and with them, its modern aesthetics as architects such as Gregory Ain, Craig Ellwood, John Lautner, Rudolph Schindler, Walter Dorwin Teague, and Raphael Soriano designed their houses and businesses, creating what local realtors now point out as having more architecturally significant homes per square mile in Silver Lake than in other part of Los Angeles.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: William Selig set up what may have been the first permanent film studio in Los Angeles in the Edendale neighborhood to the east of Ivanhoe valley in 1909, soon followed by Mack Sennett in 1912. Walt Disney's first studio was at the corner of Griffith Park Boulevard and Hyperion Avenue, currently the site of Gelson's Market. As a consequence, the name "Hyperion" is used by The Walt Disney Company and its subsidiaries, with company entities past and present carrying the name, such as Hyperion Books and the Hyperion Theater at Disney California Adventure Park. The fictional Seattle neighborhood of Hyperion Heights in the final season of the Disney-owned ABC series "Once Upon a Time" also traces its name to the same origin.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: William Fox would buy Selig's former Edendale lot on Glendale Boulevard in the 1917, building a 12-acre (4.9 ha) backlot called Mixville for Western film star Tom Mix. The location is now known as the Mixville Shopping Center and occupied by a Whole Foods Market. It is rumored that Mix buried his steed "Old Blue" on the property.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The neighborhood is crisscrossed by numerous municipal staircases that provide pedestrian access up and down the neighborhood's signature hills. Among these are the Descanso Stairs, Redcliffe Stairs and the Music Box Stairs. The famous flight of stairs in Laurel and Hardy's film "The Music Box" are located between lower Descanso Drive and Vendome Street, as it winds up and around the hill.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The 1940s, Chinese-American architect Eugene Kinn Choy sought to build a house for his family in Silver Lake, but due to racial covenants still in effect prohibiting the sale of property to "any person not of the Caucasian race," he was prevented from doing so. He went door to door to seek the approval of every house in the neighborhood before he was given approval to build in 1949.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: Choy's groundbreaking efforts opened the door to the Asian American and Latino communities in the 1950s and 1960s. Beginning in the 1970s, the neighborhood became the nexus of Los Angeles' gay leather subculture, similar to the SoMA neighborhood in San Francisco. Since the late 1990s, gentrification has changed the area by pushing out public sex and "gay cruising", and by facilitating the opening of many independent upscale boutiques, coffee shops, fitness studios, and restaurants.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The community continues to evolve, incorporating its bohemian roots with its racial and sexual diversity of the mid 20th century as architects such as Barbara Bestor and Gustavo Gubel, artists such as cache and Eric Junker, and musicians like Moby and Flea continue to define Silver Lake’s environment as a cultural and creative enclave.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: In the 1930s Silver Lake and Echo Park still comprised Edendale and acted as a space where members of the LGBT community were able to express their identities. Prominent female impersonator Julian Eltinge built his house in Silver Lake and performed until the city passed laws criminalizing cross-dressing, after which he continued to recount his drag performances to audiences.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: Silver Lake was also home to Harry Hay, credited with founding the first gay organization, the Mattachine Society, which began as Bachelors' Anonymous. Hay lived and had meetings in Silver Lake at the time the group began in 1950. Kevin Roderick wrote in his eulogy for Hay in "Los Angeles" that many consider the house located near Silver Lake to be the birthplace of the gay-rights movement.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The Black Cat Tavern, a fairly popular bar that has now become a historic-cultural monument, was the site of a police raid in 1967 that spread to adjacent bars, becoming a full-blown riot, which resulted in more than a dozen arrests. The protests in response to the raid predated the Stonewall riots by two years.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: Los Globos is another popular bar that has become the site of Banjee Balls where the LGBT youth come together. Voguing is a large part of the balls and brings a "Paris Is Burning" vibe into Los Angeles night life. The building was originally one of the earliest American Legion halls. Circus of Books was a bookstore and gay pornography shop that was notable as a gay cruising spot of the late 20th Century.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: As the AIDS epidemic gripped the US in the 1980s tensions between gay men and the LAPD escalated. Several LGBT activists in Silver Lake claimed they felt unsafe reporting hate crimes against them to the police, whom they felt harbored anti-LGBT sentiments. Their complaints grew to the point that then-City Council member Michael Woo advocated to establish a hotline to relay information to police indirectly and compile statistics on the frequency of gay-bashings. Some bath houses, which acted as social spaces for gay men, were shut down by the city government in an effort to curb the spread of the virus. The ensuing controversy reflected a nationwide debate about whether this type of action constituted public health policy or perpetuation of discrimination against the LGBT community.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: In 1992 about 85 activists protested gay-bashing and violent acts against homosexuals in the area, carrying banners emblazoned with “Stop the Violence” along Sunset Boulevard.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The neighborhood was named for Water Board Commissioner Herman Silver, who was instrumental in the creation of the Silver Lake Reservoir in the neighborhood, one of the water storage reservoirs established as part of the controversial Los Angeles Aqueduct project in the early 1900s. This is one of ten that still remain in Los Angeles.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: In the community of Silver Lake lies the namesake reservoir composed of two basins, with the lower named Silver Lake and the upper named Ivanhoe. The lower body of water was named in 1906 for Herman Silver; the upper body received its name from the 1819 Sir Walter Scott novel "Ivanhoe".


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The reservoirs are owned and maintained by the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power (DWP), and provided water to 600,000 homes in downtown and South Los Angeles until 2013 when federal water quality regulations mandating reservoirs be covered; however, only the smaller of the two, Ivanhoe, remains online. At capacity, they hold 795 million gallons of water. The Silver Lake Reservoir's water resources was replaced by the Headworks Reservoir, an underground reservoir north of Griffith Park, slated for completion by December 2017.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: Also within the grounds of the reservoir are several popular recreational facilities: the Silver Lake Recreation Center, which includes an adjacent city park; the Silver Lake Walking Path, which circumnavigates the reservoirs; two enclosed dog parks, and the Silver Lake Meadow, modeled after NYC's Central Park Sheep Meadow. On the northeast corner of the property is the Neighborhood Nursery School, which since 1976 has been at the corner of Tesla Avenue and Silver Lake Boulevard. It is a parent-participation cooperative preschool, affiliated with the California Council of Parent Participation Nursery Schools.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: As of 2020, Silver Lake is represented by Los Angeles City Council Members Mitch O'Farrell and Nithya Raman and the Silver Lake Neighborhood Council. The Silver Lake Neighborhood Council (SLNC) was formed in the early 2000s and certified as part of the City of Los Angeles Neighborhood Council system in February 2003. Its 21-member governing board is elected for two-year terms in September. Recent projects have included "Street Medallions" created by artist Cheri Gaulke, "ArtCans", the "Electrical Art Box Project", and the second annual "Make Music LA" created by several different artists, groups, and the SLNC Arts & Culture Committee, whose current co-chairs are Renee Dawson and Dulce Stein.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The Silver Lake Residents Association, the Silver Lake Improvement Association, the Silver Lake Reservoirs Conservancy, and the Silver Lake Chamber of Commerce are all active in the area.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The 2000 U.S. census counted 30,972 residents in the neighborhood—an average of 11,266 people per square mile, about the same population density as in the rest of the city but among the highest in the county. In 2008 the city estimated that the population had increased to 32,890. The median age for residents was 35, about average for Los Angeles, but the percentages of residents aged 19 to 49 were among the county's highest.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The neighborhood was highly diverse ethnically. The breakdown was Latinos, 41.8%; whites, 34%; Asians and Asian Americans, 18%; blacks, 3.2%; and others, 3.1%. Mexico (26.6%) and the Philippines (15.7%) were the most common places of birth for the 41% of the residents who were born abroad, about the same rate as the city at large.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The median yearly household income in 2008 dollars was $54,339, about the same as the rest of Los Angeles, but a high rate of households earned $20,000 or less per year. The average household size of 2.3 people was low for the city. Renters occupied 64.3% of the housing stock, and house or apartment owners the rest.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The percentages of never-married men (52.6%) and women (38.6%) were among the county's highest. Both statistics could be due in part to the large numbers of LGBT members in the community.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: Thirty-six percent of neighborhood residents aged 25 and older had earned a four-year college degree by 2000, an average figure for the city.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: The Silver Lake District is also served by the Silver Lake Branch of the Los Angeles Public Library. It is located at 2411 Glendale Boulevard, in northeastern Silver Lake between the reservoir and the I-5 freeway.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: Silver Lake, known as one of "the city's hippest neighborhoods", has many bars, nightclubs and restaurants. Since the 1990s, the neighborhood has become the center of the alternative and indie rock scene in Los Angeles. It was home to two major yearly street festivals: the Silver Lake Jubilee, held in May and the Sunset Junction Street Fair, held in August. The last Sunset Junction festival was held in 2010 and abruptly cancelled in 2011 just days before it was supposed to take place, after years of neighborhood controversy. The Silver Lake Jubilee, the more recent addition, featured live music by local musicians, local artists and community businesses. It moved to the Arts District and changed its name to the Jubilee Music and Arts Festival in 2013.


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: A comparison has been drawn between New York City's Williamsburg district and Silver Lake, which has been called the "Williamsburg of the West".


title: Silver Lake, Los Angeles

text: In addition to being the site of early Western films' star Tom Mix's studio on Glendale Boulevard, Silver Lake has been used as the film location for several films and television shows.


title: King penguin

text: The king penguin (Aptenodytes patagonicus) is the second largest species of penguin, smaller, but somewhat similar in appearance to the emperor penguin. There are two subspecies: "A. p. patagonicus" and "A. p. halli"; "patagonicus" is found in the South Atlantic and "halli" in the South Indian Ocean (at the Kerguelen Islands, Crozet Island, Prince Edward Islands and Heard Island and McDonald Islands) and at Macquarie Island.


title: King penguin

text: King penguins mainly eat lanternfish, squid and krill. On foraging trips, king penguins repeatedly dive to over , and have been recorded at depths greater than . Predators of the king penguin include giant petrels, skuas, the snowy sheathbill, the leopard seal and the orca.


title: King penguin

text: King penguins breed on the Subantarctic islands at the northern reaches of Antarctica, South Georgia, and other temperate islands of the region. King penguins also live on Macquarie Island in the Southern Ocean.


title: King penguin

text: At one time, these birds were exploited commercially for their blubber, oil, meat, and feathers. Today, they are fully protected.


title: King penguin

text: The king penguin stands at tall and weighs from . Although female and male king penguins are monomorphic they can be separated by their calls. Males are also slightly larger than females. The mean body mass of adults from Marion Island was for 70 males and for 71 females. Another study from Marion Island found that the mean mass of 33 adults feeding chicks was . The king penguin is approximately 25% shorter and weighs around a third less than the emperor penguin.


title: King penguin

text: At first glance, the king penguin appears very similar to the larger, closely related emperor penguin, with a broad cheek patch contrasting with surrounding dark feathers and yellow-orange plumage at the top of the chest. However, the cheek patch of the adult king penguin is a solid bright orange whereas that of the emperor penguin is yellow and white, and the upper chest tends to be more orange and less yellowish in the king species. Both have colourful markings along the side of their lower mandible, but these tend towards pink in emperor penguin and orange in king penguin. Emperor and king penguins typically do not inhabit the same areas in the wild, with the possible exception of vagrants at sea, but the two can be distinguished from one another by the king's longer, straighter bill, larger flippers and noticeably sleeker body. The juvenile king penguin with its long bill and heavy dark brown down is completely different in appearance from the mostly grey emperor chick with its black and white mask. Once molted of its brown juvenile plumage, the king chick resembles the adult, but is somewhat less colourful.


title: King penguin

text: King penguins often breed on the same large, circumpolar islands as at least half of all living penguins, but it is easily distinguished from other species by its much larger size and taller frame, colorful markings and grizzled sooty-greyish rather than blackish back.


title: King penguin

text: King penguins breed on subantarctic islands between 45 and 55°S, at the northern reaches of Antarctica, as well as Tierra del Fuego, the Falkland Islands, and other temperate islands of the region. The total population is estimated to be 2.23 million pairs and is increasing. The largest breeding populations are on the Crozet Islands, with around 455,000 pairs, 228,000 pairs on the Prince Edward Islands, 240,000–280,000 on the Kerguelen Islands and over 100,000 in the South Georgia archipelago. By the early 1920s, the King penguin population on South Georgia and the Falklands was nearly wiped out by whalers on these islands. The Falklands and South Georgia had no trees to use for firewood, so the whalers burned millions of oily, blubber rich penguins as fuel for the constant fires needed to boil whale blubber to extract the oil; the whalers also used penguin oil for lamps, heating and cooking, in addition to eating the birds and their eggs. Macquarie Island currently has around 70,000 pairs. The non-breeding range is unknown due to many vagrant birds having been seen on the Antarctic peninsula as well as in South Africa, Australia and New Zealand.


title: King penguin

text: One of the largest known King penguin colonies, on Île aux Cochons in the Crozet Islands, is thought to have experienced a massive drop in its population over the last few decades, from about half a million breeding pairs in the 1980s to about 60,000 breeding pairs in 2017. The cause of this decline may be due to changes in the ecosystem related to climate change as their primary source of food is moving farther away from places where the penguins can breed. This may result in population declines and shifts in the locations of the King penguin breeding grounds.


title: King penguin

text: The Nature Protection Society released several king penguins in Gjesvær in Finnmark, and Røst in Lofoten in northern Norway in August, 1936. Penguins were seen in the area several times during the 1940s; though none have been officially recorded since 1949, there were a few unconfirmed sightings of penguins in the area during the early 1950s.


title: King penguin

text: American zoologist Gerry Kooyman revolutionized the study of penguin foraging behaviour in 1971 when he published his results from attaching automatic dive-recording devices to emperor penguins, and recording a dive of by a king penguin in 1982. The current maximum dive recorded is 343 metres in the Falkland Islands region, and a maximum time submerged of 552 seconds recorded at the Crozet Islands. The king penguin dives to depths of 100–300 meters (350–1000 feet), spending around five minutes submerged, during daylight hours, and less than at night.


title: King penguin

text: The majority (around 88% in one study) of dives undertaken by king penguins are flat-bottomed; that is, the penguin dives to a certain depth and remains there for a period of time hunting (roughly 50% of total dive time) before returning to the surface. They have been described as U-shaped or W-shaped, relating to the course of the dive. The remaining 12% of dives have a V-shaped or "spike" pattern, in which the bird dives at an angle through the water column, reaches a certain depth, and then returns to the surface. In contrast, other penguins dive in this latter foraging pattern. Observations at Crozet Islands revealed most king penguins were seen within of the colony. Using the average swimming speed, Kooyman estimated the distance travelled to foraging areas at .


title: King penguin

text: The king penguin's average swimming speed is 6.5–10 km/h (4–6 mph). On shallower dives under , it averages descending and ascending, while on deeper dives over deep, it averages in both directions. King penguins also "porpoise", a swimming technique used to breathe while maintaining speed. On land, the king penguin alternates between walking with a wobbling gait and tobogganing—sliding over the ice on its belly, propelled by its feet and wing-like flippers. Like all penguins, it is flightless.


title: King penguin

text: King penguins eat various species of small fish, squid, and krill. Fish constitute roughly 80% of their diet, except in winter months of July and August, when they make up only around 30%. Lanternfish are the main fish taken, principally the species "Electrona carlsbergi" and "Krefftichthys anderssoni", as well as "Protomyctophum tenisoni". Slender escolar ("Paradiplospinus gracilis") of the Gempylidae, and "Champsocephalus gunneri", is also consumed. Cephalopods consumed include those of the genus "Moroteuthis", the hooked squid or "Kondakovia longimana", the sevenstar flying squid ("Martialia hyadesii"), young "Gonatus antarcticus" and "Onychoteuthis" species.