title: Pilatus PC-7

text: During 1973, it was decided to restart work on the programme; factors for its revival had included the 1973 oil crisis, the launch of the rival Beechcraft T-34C Turbo-Mentor, and the increasing age of existing trainer aircraft. To support the relaunch, another P-3 was obtained from the Swiss Air Force. After modifications, this aircraft first flew on 12 May 1975. Further extensive modifications followed later in the programme, including the adoption of a new one-piece wing complete with integral fuel tanks, along with an altered tailfin and a bubble canopy. The flight test programme came to a close during Autumn 1977.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: On 12 August 1978, the first production aircraft made its first flight. On 5 December of that year, Switzerland's Federal Office of Civil Aviation (FOCA) issued civil certification for the PC-7; immediately thereafter, initial deliveries of production aircraft commenced to customers Burma and Bolivia. Over time, sales of the PC-7 generated considerable profits, allowing the company to finance the development of further types of aircraft.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: The "PC-7 Mk II" is a development of the PC-9's airframe and avionics, which was powered by the PC-7's smaller turbine engine, which reportedly achieved lower operating and maintenance costs. This variant was developed at the behest of the South African Air Force (SAAF), who later adopted the type. A batch of 60 PC-7 MK IIs were locally assembled in South Africa using kits supplied by Pilatus for the SAAF; due to political considerations, these aircraft were not fitted with the armament hardpoints. Deliveries to the SAAF took place between late 1994 and 1996.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: In addition to Pilatus' own improvement programmes, several third-party companies have independently developed their own upgrades for customer's PC-7. During the late 1990s, Israel I engineering firm Radom began offering a kit of new avionics for the type, which included a new mission computer, a wide-angle head-up display, along with various replacement communications and weapons-delivery systems.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: During July 1998, Pilatus announced that it has come to an agreement with American company Western Aircraft for the latter to act as a distributor for the PC-7 across the North American civil aviation market. At this time, there were already five civil-registered PC-7s in operation in North America; Pilatus believed that the region could be a viable market for both remanufactured and newly built examples of the type, which would be priced between $1 million and $2 million respectively. It was recognised that this market was limited, Western Aircraft expected to sell only a few aircraft per year.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: All export sales of the PC-7 are subject to approval by the Swiss Government, whose authorisation is required prior to any delivery taking place. The sale of combat-capable aircraft has been a controversial matter at times, and political pressure has been applied for PC-7s to be shipped without the fittings for armaments being installed. The Swiss government has occasionally held up or outright refused to issue export licences for some nations, a move which has reportedly lead to the loss of several potential sales, such as to South Korea and Mexico.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: In addition to its adoption by numerous military customers, the PC-7 has also been used by private customers. It has been certified for civil use by both the FOCA and the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) as compliant with regulations pertaining to general aviation operations in both Europe and the United States. Amongst its uses in the civilian sector has been aerobatic displays.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: During the 1990s, the PC-7 Mk II was adopted as the basic trainer of the Royal Brunei Air Force alongside the BAE Systems Hawk jet trainer; the acquisition was seen a key to its expanded operations with fixed-wing aircraft.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: During June 2011, the Indian Air Force (IAF) selected the PC-7 MkII as its new basic trainer, signing a contract for an initial batch of 75 aircraft with an option for buying an additional 38 PC-7 MkIIs; the service had a total requirement of 181 trainers. The fast-tracked decision to procure a foreign aircraft over a domestically developed alternative proposed by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) was a controversial one; retired Air Marshal Anil Chopra argued that HAL had no viable design for the role and that the IAF could not have reasonably afforded the delay involved in the development of such an aircraft. The procurement of an additional 106 trainers under the ‘Make & Buy (Indian) category was repeatedly deferred. In 2017, the maintenance agreement with Pilatus lapsed, resulting in the IAF becoming solely responsible for performing these activities. During 2018, India announced that it had chosen to exercise the option of buying a batch of 38 trainers.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: A number of PC-7s were employed by the Guatemalan Air Force in air strikes and for close air support (CAS) during the Guatemalan civil war, starting in 1982 until the end of the conflict in 1996. The PC-7s were typically deployed from the airfield in La Aurora, being armed with a mixture of gun pods and rocket pods.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: During the lengthy Iran–Iraq War of the 1980s, amid tensions between Iran and the United States, it is alleged that Iranian officials threatened to arm its PC-7 fleet with explosives and use them to launch suicide attacks against United States Navy vessels present in the Persian Gulf. Iran reportedly trained a number of suicide pilots and flew some operational missions, training was performed at Bushehr Air Base in Iran and overseas in North Korea. In early 1984, an Iranian attack helicopter AH-1J Sea Cobra was shot down by an Iraqi PC-7 during Operation Khyber (Iranian pilots Reza Moghadam and Mohammad Yazdi were rescued).


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: In 1994, the Mexican Air Force used several armed PC-7s to attack units of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation during the Chiapas conflict in Mexico. This action was considered illegal by the Swiss government because the airplanes were sold for training purposes only, and as result, Switzerland issued a ban on the sale of additional units to Mexico. At the time, the Mexican Air Force was the largest single export operator of the type and had been seeking to acquire further PC-7s, thus the sales ban was viewed as an economic blow to Pilatus.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: During the mid to late 1990s, Executive Outcomes, a private military contractor (PMC) led by Eeben Barlow, utilised three armed PC-7s (ex-Bophuthatswana Air Force aircraft) to provide close air support (CAS) during its operations in Sierra Leone.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: During the late 2000s, the Chadian Air Force reportedly used its small fleet of PC-7s to bomb rebel positions both in their own territory and in neighbouring Sudan. The Swiss government summoned the Chad's ambassador to request an explanation for these reports, as these actions breached the export agreements previously struck for the sale of the type to Chad.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: The South African Air Force (SAAF) grounded their fleet of PC-7 MkIIs after a crash on 15 January 2008. The aircraft went down shortly after takeoff from Overberg Air Force Base in the Western Cape Province. SAAF Lieutenant-Colonel Chris Meiring, 58, died shortly after the crash. The aircraft was flying to Langebaanweg Air Force Base for maintenance but shortly after takeoff it rolled and flew into the ground. The cause is believed to have been a structural problem.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: In March 2010, a pilot was killed when his Royal Malaysian Air Force (RMAF) aircraft exploded and caught fire in midair during a solo airshow. This is the fifth accident involving Royal Malaysian Air Force PC-7 aircraft.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: In June 2010, two Mexican pilots were killed when their Air Force PC-7 crashed after taking off from Pie de la Cuesta, a district in the resort city of Acapulco, Mexico. The PC-7 crashed into the sea near Acapulco.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: On 20 October 2011, two PC-7s of the Botswana Defence Force were involved in a midair collision over Letlhakeng 100 km west of Gaborone. Two of the four aircrew involved were killed in the accident.


title: Pilatus PC-7

text: On 12 September 2017 a pilot was killed when his Swiss Air Force PC-7 crashed at the Schreckhorn in Canton Bern on its way from Payerne AFB to Locarno AFB.


title: Jeff Wittek

text: Jeffrey R. Wittek (born December 15, 1989) is an American YouTuber, comedian, and podcaster. He runs the series "Jeff's Barbershop" and the podcast, "Jeff FM".


title: Jeff Wittek

text: Wittek was born in Staten Island, New York, where he attended Susan E. Wagner High School. He grew up in a rough neighborhood and as a teenager made money by working at local barbershops and also by selling drugs. He continued selling drugs after relocating to Miami, Florida, and was eventually arrested in 2011 for possession of marijuana, cocaine, and a controlled substance, as well as illegal drug trafficking. The charges were dismissed for lack of a search warrant, after which he moved to Los Angeles, planning to buy marijuana in bulk and mail it back to New York City.


title: Jeff Wittek

text: Jeff made an appearance on "Bad Girls Club" in multiple episodes of Season 5. He was introduced as one of the contestant's crush, Erica. During Season 5, Episode 3, the cast members went to the bar where they met up with Wittek. Catya and Kristen grew frustrated with him after he did not pay for their $32 tab, Wittek stating "Forget it". Erica was told by Catya not to sleep with him, but Erica was mad that Catya told her what to do. Erica continued flirting with him, the show even showing Jeff whispering in her ear while sitting on a pool table. Catya continued to express her frustration at him not picking up the tab even though he allegedly said he would in the limo ride back to their mansion. Jeff is then seen at the mansion talking to Erica, stating his confusion on why Catya would think he would pick up the tab. Things got heated when Catya approached him at the mansion, stating he should leave, spitting on his face with Wittek responding by spitting back at her face.


title: Jeff Wittek

text: Wittek started his YouTube account in 2011, but first became known for the Tumblr account he started in 2012, "Behind the Cuts", where he styled the hair of celebrities like Mac Miller and Pauly D. He also posted hair styling and party pictures on Instagram.


title: Jeff Wittek

text: Wittek's fame increased after his 2014 move to 1600 Vine, a Hollywood apartment building known for housing internet celebrities like Jake Paul and Lele Pons. There he met the Vlog Squad.


title: Jeff Wittek

text: He started filming episodes for his online talk show "Jeff's Barbershop" in 2019, and gained enough popularity to become a brand ambassador for Old Spice.


title: Jeff Wittek

text: In June 2020, Wittek was injured in Utah while filming a stunt with Dobrik and the Vlog Squad. Dobrik was illegally operating an excavator in a shallow lake while Wittek swung from a rope attached to the end of the excavator arm. When Dobrik started spinning the rope too fast, Wittek hit the excavator and fell into the water upside down with his foot stuck in the rope. His skull was fractured in nine places, his left eye socket was fractured, his hip and foot were broken, and ligaments in his leg were torn. Wittek would continue to regularly film his "Jeff’s Barbershop" series without addressing the injuries.


title: Jeff Wittek

text: The docuseries "Don’t Try This at Home" was released in April 2021 after nearly ten months of speculation from the public, and comprised five episodes in which Wittek explained the circumstances surrounding the injury, described life in recovery from a near-fatal accident, and also spoke about how the incident affected his relationship with Dobrik. After releasing the first episode, Wittek pivoted to Patreon because the footage of his injuries was deemed too graphic for YouTube. His Patreon account gained 37,000 followers in the first 10 days, making him one of the most-followed creators on that platform and the highest-paid creator of 18+ content on the platform.


title: Jeff Wittek

text: In March 2022, it was revealed in leaked footage from an upcoming documentary by fellow YouTuber Casey Neistat and in an episode of Dobrik's "Views" podcast that David Dobrik was evidently blaming Jeff Wittek for the accident. Dobrik allegedly stated that the accident involving the excavator was the idea of Wittek and that he should be taking more responsibility, which Wittek quickly denied in a response video on the "JEFF FM" YouTube channel. Within his response, Wittek asserted he refused to appear on an episode of Dobrik's "Views" podcast, claiming that Dobrik would attempt to manipulate his words and editing into blaming Wittek for his physical and emotional trauma, along with a sense of discomfort around the individual that caused such suffering.


title: Jeff Wittek

text: In June 2022, it was revealed that David Dobrik was being sued for $10 million by Jeff Wittek in relation to the 2020 accident. The lawsuit does not detail specifics for the myriad of injuries Wittek experienced, although in his 2021 docuseries, it was heavily mentioned that he faced the possibility of losing his eye, which is included in the suit. This is after claiming in February 2022 that he "almost died" the day of the accident. In response, Dobrik claims Wittek knew how risky the stunt was and can't blame him for his injuries, asking the judge to dismiss the complaint and award nothing to Jeff.


title: Jeff Wittek

text: The YouTube Streamy Awards are an award show presented by Tubefilter which recognizes and honors excellence in online video, including directing, acting, producing, and writing. The formal ceremony at which the awards are presented takes place in Los Angeles, California.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Lázaro Cárdenas del Río (; 21 May 1895 – 19 October 1970) was a Mexican army officer and politician who served as president of Mexico from 1934 to 1940.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Born in Jiquilpan, Michoacán, to a working-class family, Cárdenas joined the Mexican Revolution and became a general in the Constitutionalist Army. Although he was not from the state of Sonora, whose revolutionary generals dominated Mexican politics in the 1920s, Cárdenas was hand-picked by Plutarco Elías Calles, Sonoran general and former president of Mexico, as a presidential candidate and won in the 1934 general election.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: After founding the National Revolutionary Party (PNR) in the wake of the assassination of president-elect Álvaro Obregón, Plutarco Elías Calles had unofficially remained in power during the Maximato (1928–1934) and expected to maintain that role when Cárdenas took office. Cárdenas, however, out-maneuvered him politically and forced Calles into exile. He established the structure of the National Revolutionary Party, eventually renamed the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM), on the sectoral representation of peasant leagues, labor union confederations, and the Mexican Army. Cárdenas's incorporation of the army into the party structure was a deliberate move to diminish the power of the military and prevent their intervention in politics through coups d'état.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: A left-wing economic nationalist, Cárdenas led the expropriation of the Mexican oil industry and the creation of the state-owned oil company Pemex in 1938. He implemented large-scale land reform programs in Mexico, redistributing large estates to smallholders in lands termed "ejidos". He created the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN) and El Colegio de México (Colmex). His foreign policy supported and gave asylum to Republicans during the Spanish Civil War. An achievement of Cárdenas was his complete surrender of power in December 1940 to his successor, Manuel Ávila Camacho, who was a political moderate without a distinguished military record.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas has been praised as "the greatest constructive radical of the Mexican Revolution", for implementing its ideals, but has also been criticized as an "authoritarian populist." He was the first Mexican president to serve for a "sexenio," a practice that continues today. According to numerous opinion polls and analysts, Cárdenas is the most popular Mexican president of the 20th century.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Lázaro Cárdenas del Río was born on 21 May 1895, one of eight children in a lower-middle-class family in the village of Jiquilpan, Michoacán, where his father owned a billiard hall. After the death of his father, from the age of 16, Cárdenas supported his family (including his mother and seven younger siblings). By the time he reached 18, he had worked as a tax collector, a printer's devil, and a jail keeper. Although he left school when he was eleven, he used every opportunity to educate himself and read widely throughout his life, especially works of history.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas set his sights on becoming a teacher but was drawn into the military during the Mexican Revolution after Victoriano Huerta overthrew President Francisco Madero in February 1913, although Michoacán was far from the revolutionary action that had brought Madero to the Mexican presidency. After Huerta's coup and Madero's assassination, Cárdenas joined a group of Zapatistas, but Huerta's forces scattered the group, where Cárdenas had served as captain and paymaster. Given that revolutionary forces were voluntary organizations, his position of leadership points to his skills and his being a paymaster to the perception that he would be honest in financial matters. Both characteristics followed him through his subsequent career. He escaped the Federal forces in Michoacán and moved north, where he served initially with Álvaro Obregón, then Pancho Villa, and after 1915 when Villa was defeated by Obregón to Plutarco Elías Calles, who served Constitutionalist leader Venustiano Carranza. Although Cárdenas was from the southern state of Michoacán, his key experiences in the Revolution were with Constitutionalist northerners, whose faction won. In particular, he served under Calles, who tasked him with military operations against Yaqui Indians and against Zapatistas in Michoacán and Jalisco, during which time he rose to a field command as general. In 1920, after Carranza was overthrown by northern generals, Cárdenas was given the rank of brigadier general at the age of 25. Cárdenas was appointed provisional governor of his home state of Michoacán under the brief presidency of Adolfo de la Huerta.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas was a political protégé of Calles, but his ideological mentor was revolutionary General Francisco J. Múgica, a strongly anticlerical, secular socialist. President Calles appointed Cárdenas Chief of Military Operations in the Huasteca, an oil-producing region on the Gulf Coast. Cárdenas saw first-hand the operations of foreign oil companies. In the Huasteca, U.S. oil companies extracted oil, avoided taxes owed to the Mexican government, and treated the region as “conquered territory.” Múgica also was posted to the Huasteca and he and Cárdenas became close. During their time in the Huasteca, Múgica told Cárdenas that “socialism [is] the appropriate doctrine for resolving conflicts in Mexico.”


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas was appointed governor of his home state of Michoacán in 1928, which was undergoing the political conflict between state and Church, known as the Cristero War. His ideological mentor Múgica had previously served as the state's governor and had attempted to counter the power of the Catholic Church in Mexico through laws. He mobilized groups to support his positions, creating “political shock troops,” consisting of public school teachers and members of a disbanded agrarian league, forming the "Confederación Revolucionaria Michoacana del Trabajo", under the slogan of “Union, Land, Work.” The organization was funded by the state government, although not listed as an official expenditure. It became the single-most powerful organization representing both workers and peasants. Mobilizing worker and peasant support and controlling the organization to which they belonged became the model for Cárdenas when he became president.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: As governor, Cárdenas also prioritized land reform at a time when President Calles was disillusioned by the program. He expropriated haciendas and created "ejidos", collectively held, state-controlled landholdings. Ejiditarios, members of the ejido, worked individual plots of land but did not hold title to it as private property. Opposition to the program came from estate owners ("hacendados"), the clergy, and in some cases, tenant farmers, but Cárdenas continued land reform programs in his state.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: During his four years as governor, Cárdenas initiated a modest re-distribution of land at the state level, encouraged the growth of peasant and labor organizations, and improved education at a time when it was neglected by the federal government. Cárdenas ensured teachers were paid on time, personally inspected schools, and opened one hundred new rural schools. Due to his grassroots style of governing, Cárdenas made important policy decisions based on direct information received from the public rather than on the advice of his confidants.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: During his term as governor, Cárdenas sought to bring peace to the state, unite its population divided by the on-going Cristero War, and make Michoacán, especially the historic town of Pátzcuaro into a tourist destination. Once he was president of Mexico, he continued to devote government funding to the project. Cárdenas built a house in Pátzcuaro when he became governor of the state, naming it "La Quinta Eréndira," after the Purépecha princess, who has been identified as Mexico's first anticolonial heroine for her resistance to the Spanish conquest, and a contrasting figure to Malinche, Cortés's cultural translator. Eréndira became a popular historical figure under Cárdenas. At his estate, he commissioned murals for the house, which are now lost, but it is known from historical sources that they had indigenous themes, particularly the rise and fall of the Purépecha Empire at the time of the Spanish conquest. The murals and the texts "appropriate national historical narratives in order to supplant the national myths and locate Mexico's ideal foundations in Michoacán."


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Calles tapped Cárdenas to be the party's president. Of the revolutionary generals, Cárdenas was considered "honest, able, anti-clerical, and politically astute," He had come from a poor and marginal state of Mexico, but had risen to political prominence by his military skills on the battlefield but importantly he had chosen the correct side of decisive splits since 1913. When he was chosen as the presidential candidate in 1934, no one expected him to be anything other than being loyal to Calles, the "Jefe Máximo", and power behind the presidency since 1929.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: As the PNR's candidate, Cárdenas's election was a foregone conclusion. It was politically impossible for his patron, Calles, to serve as president again, but he continued to dominate Mexico after his presidency (1924–28) through "puppet administrations" in a period known as the Maximato. After two of his hand-picked men held office, the PNR balked in 1932 at supporting his first choice, Manuel Pérez Treviño. Instead, they selected Cárdenas as the presidential candidate. Calles agreed, believing he could control Cárdenas as he had controlled his predecessors. Not only had Cárdenas been associated with Calles for two decades, but he had prospered politically with Calles' patronage. As expected, Cárdenas won handily, officially winning over 98 percent of the vote.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas ran on the Six Year Plan for social and political reform that the party drafted under Calles's direction. Such a multiyear program was patterned after the just-completed Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union. The Six-Year Plan (to span the presidential term 1934–40) was a patchwork of proposals from a variety of participants, but the driving force behind it was Calles, who had given a speech in May 1933, saying that the "Mexican Revolution had failed in most of its important objectives," and that a plan needed to implement its objectives. Interim President Abelardo L. Rodríguez did not get his cabinet's approval for the plan in 1933 so Calles's next move was to present it in draft form to the party convention. "Rather than a blueprint, the Six-Year Plan was a sales prospectus," and a "hopeless jumble" filled with compromises and contradictions, as well as utopian aspirations. But the direction of the plan was toward renewed reform.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Assured of the backing of the powerful Calles and a presidential victory, Cárdenas took the opportunity to actively campaign in many parts of Mexico rather than remaining in Mexico City. His 25,000-kilometer campaign accomplished several things, including making direct contact with regions and constituents who had never seen a presidential candidate before and thus building Cárdenas a personal power base. The campaign also allowed him to refine and articulate for popular consumption what he considered the important elements of the Six Year Plan. On the campaign trail, he acted more like someone already in office than a candidate, settling disputes between groups. He reached out to Mexican workers, as well as peasants, to whom he promised land reform. Cárdenas promised indigenous peoples schools and educational opportunities, and urged them to join with workers against exploitative practices.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas's first action after taking office late in 1934 was to have his presidential salary cut in half. He became the first occupant of the official presidential residence of Los Pinos. He had the previous residence, the ostentatious Chapultepec Castle, turned into the National Museum of History. In a move that struck at the financial interests of his patron Calles's cronies, Cárdenas closed down their gambling casinos and brothels, where "prominent Callistas had invested their profits from bribery and industrial activities." Cárdenas did not use armored cars or bodyguards to protect himself. In the presidential campaign of 1934, he traveled through much of the rural areas by auto and horseback, accompanied only by Rafael M. Pedrajo, a chauffeur and an aide-de-camp. His fearlessness generated widespread respect for Cárdenas, who had demonstrated his bravery and leadership as a revolutionary general.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: when he was first in office included Calles family members, his oldest son Rodolfo at the Secretariat of Communications and Public Works (1934–35); Aarón Sáenz Garza, the brother-in-law of Calles's second son, Plutarco Jr. ("Aco"), was appointed the administrator for Mexico City (1934–35), a cabinet-level position. Others with loyalty to Calles were radical Tomás Garrido Canabal at the Secretariat of Agriculture and Development (1934–35); Marxist Narciso Bassols held the post of Secretary of Finance and Public Credit (1934–35); Emilio Portes Gil, who had been interim president of Mexico following the assassination of Obregón but not chosen as the PNR presidential candidate in 1929, held the position of Foreign Secretary (1934–35). Cárdenas chose his comrade-in-arms and mentor General Francisco José Múgica as Secretary of the National Economy (1934–35). As Cárdenas began to chart his course and outflank Calles politically, he replaced Calles loyalists in 1935 with his own men.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: As a revolutionary general, Cárdenas followed in the tradition of his immediate predecessors in the presidency who had standing as military leaders but sought to curb the power of the military. Obregón and Calles sought to downsize and professionalize the Mexican military and make it subordinate to the civilian government. Cárdenas's election had not triggered revolts by disgruntled military men with ambitions to the presidency, as had happened in 1923, 1928, and 1929. Much of the military remained loyal to Calles, but Cárdenas had supporters among the army leadership as well. Cárdenas sought to serve as president in his own right, not be a puppet of Calles, and to do that he needed to broaden his base of support. Cárdenas sought to arm the peasantry as a counterpoise to the army, a move that disturbed the more conservative generals. Cárdenas cultivated the loyalty of the junior officer corps, providing better housing, pensions, and schooling for their children.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas repealed the Calles Law soon after he became president in 1934. Cárdenas earned respect from Pope Pius XI and had a close friendship with Mexican Archbishop Luis María Martínez, a major figure in Mexico's Catholic Church who successfully persuaded Mexicans to obey the government's laws peacefully. However, he also implemented educational reforms, particularly socialist education and the elimination of religious schooling. Nevertheless, the Cárdenas administration bridged a gap between church and state, developed a working and friendly relationship with the church, and helped subdue the bitter animosity between Catholics and leftists that had lingered since the Mexican Revolution, with the Holy See eventually supporting Cárdenas in comparison to condemning the militant atheism of Calles.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: During Cárdenas' presidency, the government enacted land reform that was "sweeping, rapid, and, in some respects, innovative". He redistributed large commercial haciendas, some 180,000 km of land to peasants. With the powers of Article 27 of the Mexican constitution, he created agrarian collectives, or ejidos, which in early twentieth-century Mexico were an atypical form of landholding. Two high-profile regions of expropriation for Cárdenas's agrarian reform were in the productive cotton-growing region in northern Mexico, known as La Laguna, and in Yucatán, where the economy was dominated by henequen production. Other areas that saw significant land reform were Baja California and Sonora in northern Mexico, his home state of Michoacán and Chiapas in southern Mexico.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: In 1937, Cárdenas invited Andrés Molina Enríquez, intellectual father of Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution, to accompany him to Yucatán to implement the land reform, even though Molina Enríquez was not a big supporter of the collective ejido system. Although he could not go due to ill health, he defended Cárdenas's action against Luis Cabrera, who argued that the Ejidal Bank that Cárdenas established when he embarked on his sweeping redistribution of land was, in fact, making the Mexican state the new hacienda owner. For Molina Enríquez, the Yucatecan henequen plantations were an "evil legacy" and "hellholes" for the Maya. As a lifelong supporter of land reform, Molina Enríquez's support of Cárdenas's "glorious crusade" was important.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas knew that peasant support was important and as a presidential candidate in 1933, he reached out to an autonomous peasant organization, the "Liga Nacional Campesina" (National Peasant League) and promised to integrate it into the party structure. The Liga split over this question, but one element was integrated into the Partido Nacional Revolucionario. Cárdenas expanded the peasant league's base in 1938 into the Confederación Nacional Campesina (CNC). Cárdenas "believed that an organized peasantry would represent a political force capable of confronting the established landholding elite, as well as providing a critical voting block for the new Mexican state." Scholars differ as to Cárdenas's intent for the CNC, with some viewing it as an autonomous organization that would advocate for peasants regarding land tenure, rural projects, and peasant political interests, while others see the CNC as in patron-client relationship with the state, restricting its autonomy. The CNC was created with the idea of "peasant unification" and was controlled by the government. Peasants' rights were acknowledged, but peasants were to be responsible allies of the political regime. The radical Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM) and the Mexican Communist Party (PCM) sought to organize peasants, but Cárdenas asserted the government's right to do that since it was in charge of land reform and warned that their attempting to organize the peasantry would sow dissension.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas further strengthened the government's role by creating rural militias or reserves, which armed some 60,000 peasants by 1940, which were under the control of the army. The armed peasantry helped promote political stability against regional strongmen (caudillos). They could ensure that government land reform was accomplished. Peasant reserves could protect recipients of reform against estate owners and break rural strikes that threatened government control.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Agrarian reform took place in a patchwork fashion with uneven results. Over years, many regions had experienced peasant mobilization in the face of repression and "low intensity agrarian warfare." The peasant movement in Morelos had mobilized before the Mexican Revolution and had success under Emiliano Zapata's leadership extinguished the hacienda system in that state. In Cárdenas's agrarian reform, with the revolutionary regime consolidated and agrarian problems still unresolved, the president courted mobilized agraristas, who now found the state attentive to their issue. Land reform, with some exceptions such as in Yucatán, took place in areas of previous mobilization. Peasants themselves pushed for agrarian reform and to the extent it was accomplished, they were integral agents not merely the recipients of top-down state largesse. However, the peasantry was under the control of the national government with no outlet for independent organization or the formation of alliances with Mexican urban workers.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The other key sector of reform was industrial labor. Article 123 of the 1917 Constitution had empowered workers in an unprecedented way, guaranteeing human rights such as the minimum wage, an eight-hour workday and the right to strike and form trade unions, but in a more comprehensive fashion, Article 123 signaled that the Mexican state was firmly on the side of workers. A labor organization already existed when Cárdenas took office, the CROM union of Luis Morones. Morones was forced out of his cabinet post in Calles's government and the CROM declined in power and influence, with major defections of Mexico City unions, one of which was led by socialist Vicente Lombardo Toledano. Cárdenas promoted Toledano's "purified" Confederation of Mexican Workers, which evolved into the Mexican Confederation of Workers or CTM. The CTM's alliance with Cárdenas was tactical and conditional, seeing their interests being forwarded by Cárdenas, but not controlled by him. As with the agrarian sector with mobilized peasants, mobilized and organized workers had long agitated and fought for their interests. Article 123 of the Constitution was a tangible result of their participation in the Mexican Revolution on the Constitutionalist side. In fact, workers organized by the Casa del Obrero Mundial, a radical labor organization, fought in the Red Battalions against the peasant revolutionaries led by Emiliano Zapata. Lombardo Toledano and the CTM supported Cárdenas's exile of Calles and in the same stroke Cárdenas also exiled CROM's discredited leader, Luis Napoleón Morones.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas nationalized the railway system creating the Ferrocarriles Nacionales de México in 1938 and put under a "workers' administration." His most sweeping nationalization was that of the petroleum industry in 1938.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: During the Calles Maximato, Mexican education policies were directed at curtailing the cultural influence of the Catholic Church by introducing sex education and leftist ideology via socialist education, and generally aiming to create a national civic culture. Cárdenas as a presidential candidate, under the patronage of fierce anticlerical Calles, was in favor of such policies. The opposition to socialist education by the Catholic Church as an institution and rural Catholics in such strongholds as Michoacán, Jalisco, and Durango saw the revival of armed peasant opposition, sometimes known as the Second Cristiada. The extent of the opposition was significant and Cárdenas chose to step back from implementing the radical educational policies, particularly as he became engaged with undermining Calles's power. Cárdenas gained support from the Catholic Church when he distanced himself from anticlerical policies.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: An important addition to higher education in Mexico was when Cárdenas established the "Instituto Politécnico Nacional" (IPN), a technical university in Mexico City, in the wake of the 1938 oil expropriation to train engineers and scientists.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas created the new cabinet-level Department of Indigenous Affairs ("Departamento de Asuntos Indígenas") in 1936, with Graciano Sánchez, an "agrarista" leader in charge. After a controversy at the DAI, Sánchez was replaced by a scholar, Prof. Luis Chávez Orozco. Cárdenas was influenced by an advocate of indigenismo, Moisés Sáenz, who earned a doctorate in education from Columbia University and had held a position in the Calles administration in the Secretariat of Public Education (SEP). Although initially an assimilationist for Mexico's indigenous, he shifted his perspective after a period of residence in a Purépecha village, which he published as "Carapan: Bosquejo de una experiencia". He came to see indigenous culture as having value. Sáenz advocated for educational and economic reforms that would better the indigenous, and this became the aim of the department Cárdenas created.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The official 1940 government report on the Cárdenas administration states that “the indigenous problem is one of the most serious that the revolutionary government has had to confront.” The aim of the department was to study fundamental problems concerning Mexico's indigenous, particularly economic and social conditions, and then propose measures to the executive power for coordinated action to promote and manage measures considered to be in the interests of centers of indigenous populations. Most indigenous people were found in Veracruz, Oaxaca, Chiapas, and Yucatán, according to the 1930 national census. In 1936 and 1937, the department had approximately 100 employees and a budget of $750,000 pesos, but as with other aspects of the Cárdenas regime, 1938 marked a significant increase personnel and budget; 350 employees in 1938 and a budget of $2.77 million pesos and in 1939, the high point in the department's budget, there were 850 employees with a budget of $3.75 million pesos. In 1940, the budget remained robust at $3 million pesos, with 650 employees.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The function of the department was primarily economic and educational. Specifically it was tasked with defending indigenous villages and communities, holders of ejidos ("ejidatarios") and indigenous citizens from persecution and abuse that could be committed by any type of authority. It defended ejido officials ("comisariados ejidales") and agricultural cooperatives. The goals that the department worked toward were primarily economic and education, with cultural actions second. Social measures and public health/sanitation were less important in terms of action for this department.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The department promoted a series of national indigenous congresses, bringing together different indigenous groups to meet as indigenous and discuss common issues. The government's aim in doing this was to have them move in concert toward the “integral liberation” ("liberación integral"), with their rights respected by the primary goal was to incorporate indigenous into the larger, national population on an equal basis. Initially in 1936 and 1937, there was one annual conference. The first one drew approximately 300 pueblos, while the second only 75. In 1938, there were two conferences with 950 pueblos represented. The last two years of the Cárdenas "sexenio" there were two congresses each year, but sparser attendance at around 200 pueblos each. The government attempted to engage the active participation of the indigenous pueblos, seeing that such engagement was the key to success, but the fall-off in the last two years indicates decreased mobilization. The department published 12 edited books with a total publication run of 350 as well as 170 tape recorded materials in indigenous languages.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: In February 1940, the department established a separate medical/sanitary section with 4 clinics in Chihuahua and one in Sonora, but the largest number were in central in southern Mexico.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: In 1940, the first Interamerican Indigenista Congress met in Pátzcuaro, Michoacán, with Cárdenas giving a plenary address to the participants.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas had pushed for women's suffrage in Mexico, responding to the pressure from women activists and from the political climate that emphasized equality of citizens. Mexico was not alone in Latin America in not enfranchising women, but in 1932, both Brazil and Uruguay had extended suffrage to women, and Ecuador had also done so. Women had made a significant contribution to the Mexican Revolution, but had not made gains in the postrevolutionary phase. Women who were members of the National Peasants Confederation ("Confederación Nacional Campesina") or the Confederation of Mexican Workers ("Confederación de Trabajadores Mexicanos") were, by virtue of their membership umbrella organizations, also members of Cárdenas's reorganized party, the Party of the Mexican Revolution or PRM, done in 1938. In practice, however, women were marginalized from power. Women could not stand for national or local governmental elections or vote. The Constitution of 1917 did not explicitly address women's rights and so to enfranchise women required a constitutional amendment. The amendment itself was simple and brief, specifying that "mexicanos" referred to both women and men.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Many PNR congressmen and senators gave supportive speeches for the amendment, but there was opposition. Cárdenas's impending reorganization of the party, which took place in 1938, was a factor in changing some opponents into supporters. In the end, it passed unanimously and was sent to the states to ratify it. Despite the speeches and the ratifications, opponents used a loophole to block the amendment's implementation by refusing to publish notice of the change in the "Diario official". Skeptics of women's suffrage were suspicious that conservative Catholic women would take instructions on voting from priests and so undermine the progressive gains of the Revolution. Conservative Catholic women had mobilized during the church-state conflict of the late 1920s, the Cristero Rebellion, giving material aid to Cristero armies, and even forming a secret society, Feminine Brigades of St. Joan of Arc.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The concern about Mexican women taking advise from priests on voting had some foundation in the example of the leftist Spanish Republic of the 1930s. Many Spanish women indeed supported the position of the Catholic Church which was opposed to the republic's anticlerical policies. The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was for Mexico a cautionary tale, the failure of a leftist regime after a military coup.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas was unable to overcome opposition to women's suffrage although he personally was committed to the cause. Women did not get the vote in Mexico until 1953, when the Mexican government was pursuing economic policies friendlier to business and there was a modus vivendi with the Catholic Church in Mexico.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The Partido de la Revolución Mexicana (PRM) came into being on March 30, 1938 after the party founded in 1929 by Calles, the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), was dissolved. Cárdenas's PRM was reorganized again in 1946 as the Institutional Revolutionary Party. Calles founded the PNR in the wake of President-elect Obregón's assassination in order to create some way for revolutionary leaders to maintain order and power. Calles could not be re-elected as president, but did hold power through the newly created party. Often called the "official party", it "was created as a cartel to control localized political machines and interests."


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: When Cárdenas ran as the candidate of the PNR in 1934, Calles had expected to continue to be the real power in Mexico. Cárdenas might have been one of the short-term, powerless presidents of the years 1929–1934, but instead he built a large and mobilized base of support of industrial workers and peasants and forced Calles into exile in 1935. Cárdenas further consolidated power by dissolving the PNR and creating a new party with a completely different kind of organization.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The PRM was organized in four sectors, industrial labor, peasants, a middle class sector (composed largely of government workers), and the military. This organization was a resurrection of corporatism, essentially organization by estates or interest groups. Each sector of the party had a parallel organization, so that the labor sector was composed of the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM), the peasant sector by the National Confederation of Campesinos, (CNC); and the middle class sector by the Federation of Unions of Workers in Service to the State (FSTSE), created in 1938. The old Federal Army had been destroyed in the Revolution and the post-revolutionary military had increasingly been transformed from a collection of veteran revolutionary fighters into a military organized along more traditional lines of hierarchy and control.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The military had in most of Latin America in the post-independence period viewed itself as the arbiter of power and intervened in politics by force or the threat of force. In the post-revolutionary period, presidents of Mexico, including Cárdenas, were former generals in the revolutionary army. Curbing the power of the military was instigated by Álvaro Obregón and Calles, but the threat of revolt and undermining of the state remained, as the Cristero Rebellion showed in the late 1920s, led by a former revolutionary general, Enrique Gorostieta. Cárdenas aimed to undermine the military's potential to dominate politics by making it a sector of the official party. Although some critics questioned the military's incorporation into the party, Cárdenas saw it as a way to assert civilian control. He is quoted as saying, "We did not put the Army in politics. It was already there. In fact it had been dominating the situation, and we did well to reduce its voice to one in four." Cárdenas had already mobilized workers and peasants into a counterweight to the "military's domination of politics."


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: These groups often had different interests, but rather than creating a pluralist system in which the groups competed, the corporatist model placed the President as the arbiter of interests. Thus, the organization of different interest groups with formal representation in the party gave them access to largesse from the State, but also limited their ability to act autonomously since they were dependents of the new system.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The corporatist model is most often associated with fascism, whose rise in Germany and Italy in the 1930s coincided with Cárdenas's presidency. Cárdenas was emphatically opposed to fascism, but created the PRM and organized the Mexican state on authoritarian lines. That reorganization can be seen as the enduring legacy of the Cárdenas presidency. Although the PRM was reorganized into the Institutional Revolutionary Party in 1946, the basic structure was retained. Cárdenas's calculation that the military's incorporation into the PRM would undermine its power was essentially correct, since it disappeared as a separate sector of the party, but was absorbed into the "popular" sector.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas had had dealings with the oil industry in the Huasteca in his capacity as a military commander. Ongoing issues with the foreign-owned companies and the Mexican petroleum workers' organization became increasingly tense. Early in his presidency, he declared that a previous agreement between companies and the government "was not in harmony with the basic principle of Article 27 of the Constitution." In 1936, the 18,000-member oil workers' union forced oil companies to sign the first-ever collective bargaining agreement. The union demanded 26 million pesos, the companies offered 12 million. Giving more force to Mexican workers' demands, Cárdenas set up the National Oil Administration and the government's Council of Conciliation and Arbitration took jurisdiction over the wage dispute. The Council supported the workers' demands, which the companies refused to pay. To put even more force into the government's position, it cancelled oil concessions dating to the Porfirato. This move was unprecedented in the history of foreign oil in Mexico. Management and high-skilled workers were all foreigners, so the companies thought that nationalization would be a rash move for Mexico. The companies appealed the government's decision to force companies to pay their wages to the Mexican Supreme Court, which ruled against them on 1 March 1938. Cárdenas was ready to act. Cárdenas tasked his old ally, Francisco J. Múgica, with writing the declaration to the nation about expropriation. On 18 March 1938, Cárdenas nationalized Mexico's petroleum reserves and expropriated the equipment of the foreign oil companies in Mexico. The announcement inspired a spontaneous six-hour parade in Mexico City; it was followed by a national fundraising campaign to compensate the private companies.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The legislation for nationalization provided compensation for the expropriated assets, but Cárdenas' action angered the international business community and Western governments, especially the United Kingdom. The Mexican government was more worried about the lack of technical expertise within the nation to run the refineries. Before leaving, the oil companies had ensured they left nothing of value behind, hoping to force Cárdenas to accept their conditions.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Mexico was eventually able to restart the oil fields and refineries, but production did not rise to pre-nationalization levels until 1942, after the entry of the United States into World War II. The US sent technical advisers to Mexico to ensure production could support the overall Allied war effort.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: In 1938, the British severed diplomatic relations with Cárdenas' government, and boycotted Mexican oil and other goods. An international court ruled that Mexico had the authority for nationalization. With the outbreak of World War II, oil became a highly sought-after commodity. The company that Cárdenas founded, Petróleos Mexicanos (or Pemex), later served as a model for other nations seeking greater control over their oil and natural gas resources. In the early 21st century, its revenues continued to be the most important source of income for the country, despite weakening finances. Cárdenas founded the National Polytechnic Institute to ensure the education and training of people to run the oil industry.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas supported the Republican government of Spain against right-wing general Francisco Franco's forces during the Spanish Civil War. Franco was given support by Germany and Italy. Mexico's support of the Republican government was "by selling arms to the Republican army, underwriting arms purchases from third parties, supporting the Republic in the League of Nations, providing food, shelter and education for children orphaned during the Spanish Civil War."


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Although Mexico's efforts in the Spanish Civil War were not enough to save the Spanish Republic, it did provide a place of exile for as many as 20,000-40,000 Spanish refugees. Among those who reached Mexico were distinguished intellectuals who left a lasting imprint on Mexican cultural life. The range of refugees may be seen from an analysis of the 4,559 passengers arriving in Mexico in 1939 on board the ships "Sinaia, Ipanema" and "Mexique"; the largest groups were technicians and qualified workers (32%), farmers and ranchers (20%), along with professionals, technicians, workers, business people students and merchants, who represented 43% of the total. The "Casa de España", founded with Mexican government support in the early 1930s, was an organization to provide a haven for Spanish loyalist intellectuals and artists. It became the Colegio de México in October 1940, an elite institution of higher education in Mexico, with the support of Cárdenas's government.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: In 1936, Cárdenas allowed Russian exile Leon Trotsky to settle in Mexico, reportedly to counter accusations that Cárdenas was a Stalinist. Cárdenas was not as left-wing as Leon Trotsky and other socialists would wish, but Trotsky described his government as the only honest one in the world.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Mexico's most important relations with foreign countries during the Cárdenas presidency was the United States, but Cárdenas attempted to influence fellow Latin American nations viable formal diplomatic efforts in Cuba, Chile, Colombia, and Peru, especially in the cultural sphere. Mexico sent artists, engineers, and athletes as goodwill efforts. No Latin American country emulated Cárdenas's radical policies in the agrarian sector, education, or economic nationalism.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The development bank was founded during his term as president. Although not extensively active during that period, in the post-World War II era of the Mexican Miracle, the bank was an important tool in government industrialization projects.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas became known for his progressive program of building roads and schools and promoting education, gaining Congressional approval to allocate twice as much federal money to rural education as all his predecessors combined.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas ended capital punishment (in Mexico, usually in the form of a firing squad). Capital punishment has been banned in Mexico since that time. The control of the republic by Cárdenas and the PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) predecessor "Partido de la Revolución Mexicana" without widespread bloodshed effectively signaled the end of rebellions that began with the 1910 Mexican Revolution. Despite Cárdenas' policy of socialist education, he also improved relations with the Roman Catholic Church during his administration.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The last military major revolt in Mexico was that of Saturnino Cedillo, a regional caudillo and former revolutionary general whose power base was in the state of San Luis Potosí. Cedillo was a supporter of Calles and had participated in the formation of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario. He was a "paradigmatic figure," acting as a strongman in his region and mediating between the federal government and his local power base. As a powerbroker with demonstrated military and political skills, he had a great deal of autonomy in San Luis Potosí, serving a term as governor (1927–32), but then modeling Calles's Maximato was the power behind the governorship. Cedillo supported Cárdenas in his power struggle with Calles. However, relations between Cedillo and Cárdenas soured, particularly as Cárdenas's new political system was consolidated and undermined the autonomous power of local caciques.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas was ideologically more radical than Cedillo, and Cedillo became a major figure in right-wing opposition to Cárdenas. Groups around him included the fascist “Gold Shirts”, seen as a force capable of ousting Cárdenas. Cedillo rose in revolt in 1938 against Cárdenas, but the federal government had clear military superiority and crushed the uprising. In 1939, Cedillo, members of his family, and a number of supporters were killed, Cedillo himself was betrayed by a follower while he was in hiding. He was “the last of the great military caciques of the Mexican Revolution who maintained his own quasi-private army,” and who constructed “his campesino fiefdom.” Cárdenas's victory over Cedillo showed the power and consolidation of the newly reorganized Mexican state, but also a showdown between two former revolutionary generals in the political sphere.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: There was more organized and ideological opposition to Cárdenas. Right-wing political groups opposed Cárdenas's policies, including the National Synarchist Union (UNS), a popular, pro-Catholic, quasi-fascist movement founded in 1937 that opposed his "atheism" and collectivism. Catholic, pro-business conservatives founded the National Action Party (PAN) in 1939, which became the principal opposition party in later years and won the presidency in 2000.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: In the elections of 1940, Cárdenas, hoping to prevent another uprising or even "an outright counter-revolution throughout the Republic" by those opposed to his leftist policies, endorsed the PRM nominee Manuel Ávila Camacho, a moderate conservative. "Obregonista" Francisco Múgica would have been Cárdenas's ideological heir, and he had played an important role in the Revolution, the leader of the left-wing faction that successfully placed key language in the Constitution of 1917, guaranteeing the rights of labor. Múgica had known Cárdenas personally since 1926 when the two were working in Veracruz. Múgica had served in Cárdenas's cabinet as Secretary of the National Economy and as Secretary of the Ministry of Communications and Public Works. In those positions, Múgica made sure the federal government pursued social goals; Múgica was considered "the social conscience of Cardenismo." Múgica resigned his cabinet post to be a candidate for the 1940 presidential election.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: However, the political system was not one of open competition among candidates, although the PRM's rules required an open convention to select the candidate. Cárdenas established the unwritten rule that the president chose his successor. Cárdenas chose political unknown Manuel Ávila Camacho, far more centrist than Múgica, as the PRM's official candidate. He was "known as a conciliator rather than a leader" and later derided as "the unknown soldier." Múgica withdrew, realizing his personal ambitions would not be satisfied, and went on to hold other posts in the government. Cárdenas may well have hoped Ávila Camacho would salvage some of his progressive policies and be a compromise candidate compared to his conservative opponent, General Juan Andreu Almazán. Cárdenas is said to have secured the support of the CTM and the CNC for Ávila Camacho by personally guaranteeing their interests would be respected.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The campaign and elections were marked by violent incidents; on election-day the opposing parties hijacked numerous polling places and each issued their own "election results". Cárdenas himself was unable to vote on election day because the polling place closed early to prevent supporters of Almazán from voting. Since the government controlled the electoral process, the official results declared Ávila Camacho as winner; Almazán cried fraud and threatened revolt, trying to set up a parallel government and congress. Ávila Camacho crushed Almazán's forces and assumed office in December 1940. His inauguration was attended by US Vice President-elect Henry A. Wallace, who was appointed by the U.S. as a "special representative with the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary" for Mexico, indicating that the U.S. recognized the legitimacy of the election results. Almazán also attended Ávila Camacho's inauguration.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Much to the surprise of Mexicans who expected that Cárdenas might follow the example of Calles and remain the power behind the presidency—particularly since Ávila Camacho did not appear to have major leadership skills at a time that the conflict in Europe and domestic turmoil were in evidence—he set the important precedent of leaving the presidency and its powers to his successor.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: After his presidential term that ended 1 December 1940, Cárdenas served as Mexico's Minister of War 1942–1945, when Mexico was a solid participant in World War II, which reassured Mexican nationalists concerned about a close alliance with the United States.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: It has been said that Cárdenas was the only president associated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) who did not use the office to make himself wealthy. He retired to a modest home by Lake Pátzcuaro, Michoacán, and worked the rest of his life supervising irrigation projects and promoting free medical clinics and education for the nation's poor. He also continued to speak out about international political issues and in favor of greater democracy and human rights in Latin America and elsewhere. For example, he was one of the participants in the Russell Tribunal for investigating war crimes in Vietnam. Although Cárdenas did not play the role that Calles had as the power behind the presidency, Cárdenas did exert influence on the PRI and in Mexican politics. He opposed the candidacy of Miguel Alemán Valdés for president in 1952, opposed the Vietnam War, and opposed the U.S. policy toward Cuba after the 1959 Cuban Revolution.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas was not happy with the rightward shift of Mexican presidents, starting with the presidency of Miguel Alemán (1946-1952). During the presidency of Adolfo López Mateos (1958-1964), Cárdenas emerged from retirement and pressed the president toward leftist stances. With the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in January 1959, Cárdenas among others in Latin America saw the hope of young revolution. Mexico was run by a party that claimed the legacy of the Mexican Revolution but had turned away from revolutionary ideals. Cárdenas went to Cuba in July 1959 and was with Castro at a huge rally where the former guerrilla leader declared himself premier of Cuba. Cárdenas returned to Mexico with the hope that the ideals of the Mexican Revolution could be revived, with land reform, support for agriculture, and an expansion of education and health services to Mexicans. He also directly appealed to López Mateos to free jailed union leaders. López Mateos became increasingly hostile to Cárdenas, who was explicitly and implicitly rebuking him. To Cárdenas he said, "They say the Communists are weaving a dangerous web around you." The pressure on López Mateos had an impact, and he began implementing reforms in land, education, and the creation of social programs that emulated those under Cárdenas. Cárdenas withdrew his public challenge to the PRI's policies and supported López Mateos's designated successor in 1964, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, his Minister of the Interior.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: In 1968, Cárdenas did not anticipate the draconian crackdown by Díaz Ordaz in the run-up to the Mexico City Summer Olympics. That summer saw the emergence of the Mexican Movement of 1968, which mobilized tens of thousands of students and middle class supporters during the summer and early fall 1968. The movement ended in the bloody Tlatelolco Massacre on 2 October 1968. During the troubles that summer, one of Cárdenas's long-time friends, Heberto Castillo Martínez, a professor of mechanical engineering at the National University, actively participated in the movement and was pursued by Díaz Ordaz's secret police. Cárdenas hosted a meeting at his residence in the Polanco section of Mexico City with Castillo and some student leaders. Cárdenas was increasingly concerned about the impact on the movement on the political peace that had been built by the party. Despite the National University being a center of the movement, Cárdenas did not think that the government would violate the university's autonomy and take over the campus. It did, with tanks rolling into campus on 18 September. Castillo had a harrowing escape. In October government troops fired on demonstrators at the Plaza of the Three Cultures in Tlatelolco, someone who had been there made his way to Cárdenas's house to tell him in tears what happened. Cárdenas's wife Amalia reportedly said, "And I believe that the General shed some tears too."


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Cárdenas died of lung cancer in Mexico City on 19 October 1970 at the age of 75. He is buried in the Monument to the Revolution in Mexico City, sharing his final resting place with Venustiano Carranza, Pancho Villa, and Plutarco Elias Calles. Cárdenas's son Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas and his grandson Lázaro Cárdenas Batel have been prominent Mexican politicians.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: In his honor, his name was given to a number of cities, towns, and a municipality in Mexico, including Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán, the municipality of Lázaro Cárdenas, Quintana Roo, Lázaro Cárdenas, Jalisco, and other smaller communities. A major on the Nazas River named for him was inaugurated in 1946. There are also many streets that have been named after him, including the "Eje Central Lázaro Cárdenas" in Mexico City and highways in Guadalajara, Monterrey and Mexicali. "Šetalište Lazaro Kardenasa" ("Lázaro Cárdenas promenade") in Belgrade, Serbia, is also named after him, as is a street in Barcelona, Spain, and a monument in a park in Madrid dedicated to his memory for his role in admitting defeated Spanish Republicans to Mexico after the Civil War in that country.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: In 1955, Lázaro Cárdenas was awarded the Stalin Peace Prize, which was later renamed for Lenin as part of de-Stalinization.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: President Cárdenas and his administration are given credit by socialists for expanding the distribution of land to the peasants, establishing new welfare programs for the poor, and nationalizing the railroad and petroleum industries, including the oil company that Cárdenas founded, Petróleos Mexicanos. Toward the end of his presidency, unhappy landowners and foreign capitalists began to challenge his programs and his power. His choice of his close associate Manuel Ávila Camacho rather than a candidate with a distinguished record as a revolutionary leader was displeasing to many, and occasioned a possible military revolt.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: The party that Cárdenas founded, the Partido de la Revolución Mexicana (PRM), established the basic structure of sectoral representation of important groups, a structure retained by its successor in 1946, the PRI. The PRI continued in power until 2000. This is attributed by some to electoral fraud and coercion. This legacy led his son, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, to form the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) to contest the 1988 presidential election. Since that year, the PRD has become one of the three major parties in Mexico, gaining working class support that was previously enjoyed by the PRI.


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: In his "Political Testament", written the year before his death and published posthumously, he acknowledged that his regime had failed to make the changes in distribution of political power and corruption that were the basis for his presidency and the revolution. He expressed his dismay in the fact that some people and groups were making themselves rich to the detriment of the mainly poor majority. It was said of Cárdenas in a eulogy that "he was the greatest figure produced by the revolution... an authentic revolutionary who aspired to the greatness of his country, not personal aggrandizement."


title: Lázaro Cárdenas

text: Philippine President Ramon Magsaysay patterned his people–oriented government on the principles which he found in a biography of Cárdenas written by William Cameron Townsend.


title: Ichthyosis

text: Ichthyosis is a family of genetic skin disorders characterized by dry, thickened, scaly skin. The more than 20 types of ichthyosis range in severity of symptoms, outward appearance, underlying genetic cause and mode of inheritance (e.g., dominant, recessive, autosomal or X-linked). Ichthyosis comes from the Greek ἰχθύς "ichthys", literally "fish", since dry, scaly skin is the defining feature of all forms of ichthyosis.


title: Ichthyosis

text: The severity of symptoms can vary enormously, from the mildest, most common, types such as ichthyosis vulgaris, which may be mistaken for normal dry skin, up to life-threatening conditions such as harlequin-type ichthyosis. Ichthyosis vulgaris accounts for more than 95% of cases.


title: Ichthyosis

text: Many types of ichthyoses exist, and an exact diagnosis may be difficult. Types of ichthyoses are classified by their appearance, if they are syndromic or not, and by mode of inheritance. For example, non-syndromic ichthyoses that are inherited recessively come under the umbrella term autosomal recessive congenital ichthyosis (ARCI).


title: Ichthyosis

text: Ichthyosis caused by mutations in the same gene can vary considerably in severity and symptoms. Some ichthyoses do not appear to fit exactly into any one type while mutations in different genes can produce ichthyoses with similar symptoms. Of note, X-linked ichthyosis is associated with Kallmann syndrome (close to the "KAL1" gene). The most common or well-known types are:


title: Ichthyosis

text: A physician often can diagnose ichthyosis by looking at the skin. A family history is also useful in determining the mode of inheritance. In some cases, a skin biopsy is done to help to confirm the diagnosis while in others genetic testing may be helpful in making a diagnosis. Diabetes has not been definitively linked to acquired ichthyosis or ichthyosis vulgaris; however, there are case reports associating new onset ichthyosis with diabetes.


title: Ichthyosis

text: Ichthyosis has been found to be more common in Native American, Asian, Mongolian groups. There is no way to prevent ichthyosis.


title: Ichthyosis

text: Ichthyosis is a genetically and phenotypically heterogeneous disease that can be isolated and restricted to the skin manifestations or associated with extracutaneous symptoms. One of which is limb reduction defect known as CHILD syndrome; a rare inborn error of metabolism of cholesterol biosynthesis that is usually restricted to one side of the body. One case with symptoms matching CHILD syndrome has been described as having a likely-different cause.


title: Ichthyosis

text: Treatments for ichthyosis often take the form of topical application of creams and emollient oils, in an attempt to hydrate the skin. Creams containing a high percentage of urea or lactic acid have been shown to work exceptionally well in some cases. Application of propylene glycol is another treatment method. Retinoids are used for some conditions.


title: Ichthyosis

text: Exposure to sunlight may improve or worsen the condition. In some cases, excess dead skin sloughs off much better from wet tanned skin after bathing or a swim, although the dry skin might be preferable to the damaging effects of sun exposure.


title: Ichthyosis

text: There can be ocular manifestations of ichthyosis, such as corneal and ocular surface diseases. Vascularizing keratitis, which is more commonly found in congenital keratitis-ichythosis-deafness (KID), may worsen with isotretinoin therapy.


title: Ichthyosis

text: Ichthyosis or ichthyosis-like disorders exist for several types of animals, including cattle, chickens, llamas, mice, and dogs. Ichthyosis of varying severity is well documented in some popular breeds of domestic dogs. The most common breeds to have ichthyosis are Golden retrievers, American bulldogs, Jack Russell terriers, and Cairn terriers.


title: Basava

text: Basaveshwara, colloquially known as Basavanna, was a 12th-century CE Indian statesman, philosopher, poet, Lingayat social reformer in the Shiva-focussed bhakti movement, and a Hindu Shaivite social reformer during the reign of the Kalyani Chalukya/Kalachuri dynasty. Basava was active during the rule of both dynasties but reached the peak of his influence during the rule of King Bijjala II in Karnataka, India.


title: Basava

text: Basava spread social awareness through his poetry, popularly known as "Vachanaas". He rejected gender or social discrimination, superstitions and rituals but introduced "Ishtalinga" necklace, with an image of the Shiva Liṅga, to every person regardless of their birth, to be a constant reminder of one's bhakti (devotion) to Shiva. A strong promoter of ahimsa, he also condemned human and animal sacrifices. As the chief minister of his kingdom, he introduced new public institutions such as the "Anubhava Mantapa" (or, the "hall of spiritual experience"), which welcomed men and women from all socio-economic backgrounds to discuss spiritual and mundane questions of life, in open.


title: Basava

text: The traditional legends and hagiographic texts state Basava to be the founder of the Lingayats. However, modern scholarship relying on historical evidence such as the Kalachuri inscriptions state that Basava was the poet philosopher who revived, refined and energized an already existing tradition. The "Basavarajadevara Ragale" (13 out of 25 sections are available) by the Kannada poet Harihara () is the earliest available account on the life of the social reformer and is considered important because the author was a near contemporary of his protagonist. A full account of Basava's life and ideas are narrated in a 13th-century sacred Telugu text, the "Basava Purana" by Palkuriki Somanatha.


title: Basava

text: Basava literary works include the Vachana Sahitya in Kannada Language. He is also known as Bhaktibhandari () and Basavanna.


title: Basava

text: Basava was born in 1131 CE in the town of Basavana Bagewadi in the northern part of Karnataka, to Maadarasa and Madalambike, a Kannada Orthodox Brahmin family devoted to Hindu deity Shiva. He was named Basava, a Kannada form of the Sanskrit "Vrishabha" in honor of Nandi bull (carrier of Shiva) and the local Shaivism tradition.


title: Basava

text: Basava grew up in Kudalasangama (northwest Karnataka), near the banks of rivers Krishna and its tributary Malaprabha. Basava spent twelve years studying in the Hindu temple in the town of Kudalasangama, at Sangameshwara then a Shaivite school of learning, probably of the "Lakulisha-Pashupata" tradition.


title: Basava

text: Basava married "Gangambike", a cousin from his mother's side. Her father was the provincial prime minister of "Bijjala", the Kalachuri king. He began working as an accountant to the court of the king. When his maternal uncle died, the king invited him to be the chief minister. The king also married Basava's sister named "Nagamma".


title: Basava

text: As chief minister of the kingdom, Basava used the state treasury to initiate social reforms and religious movement focussed on reviving Shaivism, recognizing and empowering ascetics who were called Jangamas. One of the innovative institutions he launched in the 12th century was the "Anubhava Mantapa", a public assembly and gathering that attracted men and women across various walks of life from distant lands to openly discuss spiritual, economic and social issues of life. He composed poetry in local language, and spread his message to the masses. His teachings and verses such as "Káyakavé Kailása" (Work is the path to "Kailasa" [bliss, heaven], or Work is Worship) became popular.


title: Basava

text: Several works are attributed to Basava, which are revered in the Veerashaiva Lingayat community. These include various "Vachana" such as the "Shat-sthala-vachana" (discourses of the six stages of salvation), "Kala-jnana-vachana" (forecasts of the future), "Mantra-gopya", "Ghatachakra-vachana" and "Raja-yoga-vachana".


title: Basava

text: The "Basava Purana", a Telugu biographical epic poem, first written by Palkuriki Somanatha in 13th-century, and an updated 14th century Kannada version, written by Bhima Kavi in 1369, are sacred texts in Veerashaiva Lingayat.


title: Basava

text: Other hagiographic works include the 15th-century "Mala Basava-raja-charitre" and the 17th-century "Vrishabhendra Vijaya", both in Kannada.


title: Basava

text: Scholars state that the poems and legends about Basava were written down long after his death. This has raised questions about the accuracy and creative interpolation by authors who were not direct witness but derived their work relying on memory, legends, and hearsay of others. Michael states, "All 'Vachana'collections as they exist at present are probably much later than the 15th-century [300 years post-Basava]. Much critical labor needs to be spent in determining the authenticity of portions of these collections".


title: Basava

text: Basava grew up in a Shaivite family. As a leader, he developed and inspired a new devotional movement named "Virashaivas", or "ardent, heroic worshippers of Shiva". This movement shared its roots in the ongoing Tamil Bhakti movement, particularly the Shaiva Nayanars traditions, over the 7th- to 11th-century. However, Basava championed devotional worship that rejected temple worship and rituals led by Brahmins and replaced it with personalized direct worship of Shiva through practices such as individually worn icons and symbols like a small linga. This approach brought Shiva's presence to everyone and at all times, without gender, class or caste discriminationHis Basava's poem, such as Basavanna 703, speak of strong sense of gender equality and community bond, willing to wage war for the right cause, yet being a fellow "devotees' bride" at the time of their need.


title: Basava

text: A recurring contrast in his poems and ideas is of "Sthavara" and "Jangama", that is, of "what is static, standing" and "what is moving, seeking" respectively. Temples, ancient books represented the former, while work and discussion represented the latter.


title: Basava

text: Basava emphasized constant personal spiritual development as the path to profound enlightenment. He championed the use of vernacular language, Kannada, in all spiritual discussions so that translation and interpretation by the elite is unnecessary, and everyone can understand the spiritual ideas. His approach is akin to the protestant movement, states Ramanuja. His philosophy revolves around treating one's own body and soul as a temple; instead of making a temple, he suggests being the temple. His trinity consisted of "guru" (teacher), "linga" (personal symbol of Shiva) and "jangama" (constantly moving and learning).


title: Basava

text: Basava established, in 12th-century, "Anubhava Mantapa", a hall for gathering and discussion of spiritual ideas by any member of the society from both genders, where ardent devotees of Shiva shared their achievements and spiritual poems in the local language. He questioned rituals, dualism, and externalization of god, and stated that the true God is "one with himself, self-born".


title: Basava

text: While Basava rejected rituals, he encouraged icons and symbols such as the wearing of "Istalinga" (necklace with personal linga, symbol of Shiva), of Rudraksha seeds or beads on parts of one body, and apply "Vibhuti" (sacred ash on forehead) as a constant reminder of one's devotion and principles of faith. Another aid to faith, he encouraged was the six-syllable mantra, "Shivaya Namah", or the "shadhakshara mantra" which is "Om Namah Shivaya".


title: Basava

text: The Basava Purana, in Chapter 1, presents a series of impassioned debates between Basava and his father. Both declare Hindu Sruti and Smriti to be sources of valid knowledge, but they disagree on the "marga" (path) to liberated, righteous life. Basava's father favors the tradition of rituals, while Basava favors the path of direct, personal devotion (bhakti).


title: Basava

text: According to Velcheru Rao and Gene Roghair, Basava calls the path of devotion as "beyond six systems of philosophy. Sruti has commended it as the all-seeing. the beginning of the beginning. The form of that divine linga is the true God. The "guru" [teacher] of the creed is an embodiment of kindness and compassion. He places God in your soul, and he also places God in your hand. The six-syllabled mantra, the supreme mantra, is its mantra. The dress – locks of hair, ashes and rudrashaka beads – place a man beyond the cycle of birth and death. It follows the path of liberation. (...) This path offers nothing less than liberation in this lifetime."


title: Basava

text: Sripati, a Virasaiva scholar, explained Basava's philosophy in "Srikara Bhasya", using the Vedanta Sutra, suggesting Basava's Lingayat theology to be a form of qualified nondualism, wherein the individual Atma (soul) is the body of God, and that there is no difference between Shiva and Atma(self, soul), Shiva is one's Atma, one's Atma is Shiva. Sripati's analysis places Basava's views in Vedanta school, in a form closer to the 11th century Vishishtadvaita philosopher Ramanuja, than to Advaita philosopher Adi Shankara. However, Sripati's analysis has been contested by other scholars.


title: Basava

text: Modern scholarship relying on historical evidence such as the Kalachuri inscriptions state that Basava was the 12th-century poet-philosopher who revived and energized an already existing tradition. The community he helped form is also known as the "Sharanas". The community is largely concentrated in Karnataka, but has migrated into other states of India as well as overseas. Towards the end of the 20th century, Michael estimates, one-sixth of the population of the state of Karnataka, or about 10 million people, were Veerashaiva Lingayat or of the tradition champione by Basava.


title: Basava

text: Basava taught that every human being was equal, irrespective of caste, and that all forms of manual labor was equally important. Michael states that it wasn't birth but behavior that determined a true saint and Shaiva bhakta in the view of Basava and the "Sharanas" community. This, writes Michael, was also the position of south Indian man, that it was "behavior, not birth" that determines the true man. One difference between the two was that Sharanas welcomed anyone, whatever occupation he or she might have been born in, to convert and be reborn into the larger family of Shiva devotees and then adopt any occupation he or she wanted. Basava insisted on ahimsa or non-violence and vehemently condemned all forms of sacrifices, human or animal.


title: Basava

text: Basava is credited with uniting diverse spiritual trends during his era. Jan Peter Schouten states that "Virashaivism", the movement championed by Basava, tends towards monotheism with Shiva as the godhead, but with a strong awareness of the unity of the Ultimate Reality. Schouten calls this as a synthesis of Ramanuja's Vishishtadvaita and Shankara's Advaita traditions, naming it "Shakti-Vishishtadvaita", that is monism fused with Shakti beliefs. An individual's spiritual progress is viewed by Basava's tradition as a six-stage "Satsthalasiddhanta", which progressively evolves the individual through phase of the devotee, to phase of the master, then phase of the receiver of grace, thereafter Linga in life-breath (god dwells in their soul), the phase of surrender (awareness of no distinction in god and soul, self), to the last stage of complete union of soul and god (liberation, mukti). Basava's approach is different than Adi Shankara, states Schouten, in that Basava emphasizes the path of devotion, compared to Shankara's emphasis on the path of knowledge – a system of monistic Advaita philosophy widely discussed in Karnataka in the time of Basava.


title: Basava

text: Jessica Frazier et al. state that Basava laid the foundations of a movement that united "Vedic with Tantric practice, and Advaitic monism with effusive Bhakti devotionalism."


title: Basava

text: Basava advocated the wearing of "Ishtalinga", a necklace with pendant that contains a small Shiva linga. He was driven by his realization; in one of his Vachanas he says "Arive Guru", which means one's own awareness is his/her teacher. Many contemporary Vachanakaras (people who have scripted Vachanas) have described him as "Swayankrita Sahaja", which means "self-made".


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: Bowling Green is a home rule-class city and the county seat of Warren County, Kentucky, United States. Founded by pioneers in 1798, Bowling Green was the provisional capital of Confederate Kentucky during the American Civil War. As of the 2020 census, its population of 72,294 made it the third-most-populous city in the state, after Louisville and Lexington; its metropolitan area, which is the fourth largest in the state after Louisville, Lexington, and Northern Kentucky, had an estimated population of 179,240; and the combined statistical area it shares with Glasgow has an estimated population of 233,560.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In the 21st century, it is the location of numerous manufacturers, including General Motors, Spalding, and Fruit of the Loom. The Bowling Green Assembly Plant has been the source of all Chevrolet Corvettes built since 1981. Bowling Green is also home to Western Kentucky University and the National Corvette Museum.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: The first Europeans known to have reached the area carved their names on beech trees near the river around 1775. By 1778, settlers established McFadden's Station on the north bank of the Barren River.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: Present-day Bowling Green developed from homesteads erected by Robert and George Moore and General Elijah Covington, the namesake of the town near Cincinnati. The Moore brothers arrived from Virginia "circa" 1794. In 1798, two years after Warren County had been formed, Robert Moore donated of land to county trustees for the purpose of constructing public buildings. Soon after, he donated an additional surrounding the original plot. The city of Bowling Green was officially incorporated by the Commonwealth of Kentucky on March 6, 1798.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: Some controversy exists over the source of the town's name. The city refers to the first county commissioners' meeting (1798), which named the town "Bolin Green" after the Bowling Green in New York City, where patriots had pulled down a statue of King George III and used the lead to make bullets during the American Revolution. According to the "Encyclopedia of Kentucky", the name was derived from Bowling Green, Virginia, from where early migrants had come, or the personal "ball alley game" of founder Robert Moore. Early records indicate that the city name was also spelled "Bowlingreen".


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: By 1810, Bowling Green had 154 residents. Growth in steamboat commerce and the proximity of the Barren River increased Bowling Green's prominence. Canal locks and dams on the Barren River made it much more navigable. In 1832, the first portage railway connected the river to the location of the current county courthouse. Mules pulled freight and passengers to and from the city on the tracks.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: Despite rapid urbanization of the Bowling Green area in the 1830s, agriculture remained an important part of local life. A visitor to Bowling Green noted the boasting of a tavern proprietor named Benjamin Vance:


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 1859, the Louisville and Nashville Railroad (currently CSX Transportation) laid railroad through Bowling Green that connected the city with northern and southern markets.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: Bowling Green declared itself neutral in an attempt to escape the Civil War. Because of its prime location and resources, however, both the Union and Confederacy sought control of the city. The majority of its residents rejected both the Confederacy and the Lincoln administration. On September 18, 1861, around 1300 Confederate soldiers arrived from Tennessee to occupy the city, placed under command of Kentucky native General Simon Bolivar Buckner. The city's pro-Union feelings surprised the Confederate occupiers. The Confederates fortified surrounding hills to secure possible military approaches to the valuable river and railroad assets. In November 1861, the provisional Confederate government of Kentucky chose Bowling Green as its capital.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: On February 14, 1862, after receiving reports that Fort Henry on the Tennessee River and Fort Donelson on the Cumberland River had both been captured by Union forces under Ulysses S. Grant, the Confederates began to withdraw from Bowling Green. They destroyed bridges across the Barren River, the railroad depot, and other important buildings that could be used by the enemy. The city was subject to disruptions and raids throughout the remainder of the war. During the summer of 1864, Union General Stephen G. Burbridge arrested 22 civilians in and around Bowling Green on a charge of treason. This incident and other harsh treatment by federal authorities led to bitterness toward the Union among Bowling Green residents and increased sympathies with the Confederacy.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: After the Civil War, Bowling Green's business district grew considerably. Previously, agriculture had dominated the city's economy. During the 1870s, many of the historic business structures seen today were erected. One of the most important businesses in Bowling Green of this era was Carie Burnam Taylor's dress-making company. By 1906, Taylor employed more than 200 women.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 1868, the city constructed its first waterworks system. The fourth county courthouse was completed in 1868. The first three were completed in 1798, 1805, and 1813. In 1889, the first mule-drawn street cars appeared in the city. The first electric street cars began to replace them by 1895.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: The Sisters of Charity of Nazareth founded St. Columbia's Academy in 1862, succeeded by St. Joseph's School in 1911. In 1884, the Southern Normal School, which had been founded in 1875, moved to Bowling Green from the town of Glasgow, Kentucky. Pleasant J. Potter founded a women's college in Bowling Green in 1889. It closed in 1909 and its property was sold to the Western Kentucky State Normal School (see below, now known as Western Kentucky University). Other important schools in this era were Methodist Warren College, Ogden College (which also became a part of Western Kentucky University), and Green River Female College, a boarding school.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 1906, Henry Hardin Cherry, the president and owner of Southern Normal School, donated the school to the state as the basis of the Western State Normal School. The school trained teachers for the expanding educational needs of the state. This institution is now known as Western Kentucky University and is the second-largest public university in the state, having recently surpassed the University of Louisville.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 1906, Doctors Lillian H. South, J. N. McCormack, and A.T. McCormack opened St. Joseph Hospital to provide medical and nursing care to the residents and students in the area.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 1925, the third and last Louisville and Nashville Railroad Station was opened. About 27 trains arrived daily at the depot. Intercity bus lines were also a popular form of travel. By the 1960s, railroad travel had dramatically declined in the face of competition from airlines and automobiles. The station has been adapted for use as a museum.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 1940, a Union Underwear factory built in Bowling Green bolstered the city's economy significantly. During the 1960s, the city's population began to surpass that of Ashland, Paducah, and Newport.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: Downtown streets became a bottleneck for traffic. In 1949, the U.S. Route 31W Bypass was opened to alleviate traffic problems, but it also drew off business from downtown. The bypass grew to become a business hotspot in Bowling Green. A 1954 advertisement exclaimed, "Your business can grow in the direction Bowling Green is growing – to the 31-W By-Pass".


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: By the 1960s, the face of shopping was changing completely from the downtown retail square to suburban shopping centers. Between May and November 1967, stores in Bowling Green Mall opened for business. Another advertisement said, "One-stop shopping. Just park [free], step out and shop. You'll find everything close at hand." Between September 1979 and September 1980, stores in the larger Greenwood Mall came on line. The city's limits began to stretch toward Interstate 65.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: By the late 1960s, Interstate 65, which runs just to the east of Bowling Green, was completed. The Green River Parkway (now called the William H. Natcher Parkway), was completed in the 1970s to connect Bowling Green and Owensboro. These vital transportation arteries attracted many industries to Bowling Green.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 1981, General Motors moved its Chevrolet Corvette assembly plant from St. Louis, Missouri, to Bowling Green. In the same year, the National Corvette Homecoming event was created: it is a large, annual gathering of Corvette owners, car parades, and related activities in Bowling Green. In 1994, the National Corvette Museum was constructed near the assembly plant.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 2012, the city undertook a feasibility study on ways to revitalize the downtown Bowling Green area. The Downtown Redevelopment Authority was formed to plan redevelopment. Plans for the project incorporated Bowling Green's waterfront assets, as well as its historic center and streetscape around Fountain Square. It also proposed a new building for the Bowling Green Area Chamber of Commerce, construction of a Riverwalk Park where downtown borders the Barren River, creation of a new public park called Circus Square, and installation of a new retail area, the Fountain Square Market.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: As of spring 2009, the new Chamber of Commerce, Riverwalk Park, and Circus Square have been completed. The Southern Kentucky Performing Arts Center, a facility for arts and education, broke ground in October 2009 and celebrated its opening night on March 10, 2012, with a concert by Vince Gill. Ground was broken for the Fountain Square Market in 2012.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 2005, an effort was made to incorporate a Whitewater Park into the downtown Bowling Green riverfront at Weldon Peete Park. Due to the recession, the project was not funded.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 2011, the Bowling Green Riverfront Foundation expanded its efforts to develop land on the opposite side of Barren River from Mitch McConnell Park (which is located alongside the U.S. 31-W Bypass and the riverbank, between Louisville Road and Old Louisville Road), upriver to Peete Park. The new plans include use of the adjacent river for white-water sports—the stretch of river includes rapids rated on the International Scale of River Difficulty between Class II and Class IV—as well as a mountain biking trail, a bicycle pump track, and a rock climbing area. Some of this facility will be located on a reclaimed landfill, which had served as Bowling Green's garbage dump for many years.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In 2014, "Forbes" magazine listed Bowling Green as one of the Top 25 Best Places to Retire in the United States.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: During the early morning hours of December 11, 2021, two destructive tornadoes struck Bowling Green. The first was an EF 3;tornado that heavily damaged or destroyed several buildings and homes and killed seventeen people. The second tornado caused additional damage on the southern and eastern part of the city and was rated EF2.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: The Bowling Green-Warren County Regional Airport is above sea level. According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of , of which is land and (0.45%) is covered by water.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: Bowling Green has a humid subtropical climate (Köppen climate classification "Cfa"). The monthly daily average temperature ranges from in January to in July. On average, 41 days of + highs occur annually, and 11 days occur each winter when the high fails to rise above freezing. Annual precipitation is 47.51 in, with spring being slightly wetter; snowfall averages per year. Extreme temperatures range from on January 23 and 24, 1963, up to on July 28, 1930.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: As of the census of 2010, 58,067 people and 22,735 households resided in the city. The population density was . The racial makeup of the city was 75.8% White, 13.9% African American, 0.3% Native American, 4.2% Asian, 0.2% Pacific Islander, 2.16% from other races, and 2.7% from two or more races. Hispanics or Latinos of any race were 6.5% of the population.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: Of the 22,735 households, 24.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 33.1% were married couples living together, 14.1% had a female householder with no husband present, and 48.3% were not families. About 35.4% of all households were made up of individuals, and 19.7% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.28, and the average family size was 2.99.


title: Bowling Green, Kentucky

text: In the city, the population was spread out, with 20.1% under the age of 18, 28% from 15 to 24, 25.6% from 25 to 44, 18.8% from 45 to 64, and 10.6% who were 65 or older. The median age was 27.6 years. Females made up 51.7% of the population and males made up 48.3%.