text: According to the Religion Among Scientists in International Context (RASIC) study on 1,581 scientists from the United Kingdom and 1,763 scientists from India, along with 200 interviews: 65% of U.K. scientists identified as nonreligious and only 6% of Indian scientists identify as nonreligious, 12% of scientists in the U.K. attend religious services on a regular basis and 32% of scientists in India do. In terms of the Indian scientists, 73% of scientists responded that there are basic truths in many religions, 27% said they believe in God and 38% expressed belief in a higher power of some kind. In terms of perceptions of conflict between science and religion, less than half of both U.K. scientists (38%) and Indian scientists (18%) perceived conflict between religion and science.


title: Relationship between religion and science

text: Global studies which have pooled data on religion and science from 1981 to 2001, have noted that countries with greater faith in science also often have stronger religious beliefs, while less religious countries have more skepticism of the impact of science and technology. The United States is noted there as distinctive because of greater faith in both God and scientific progress. Other research cites the National Science Foundation's finding that America has more favorable public attitudes towards science than Europe, Russia, and Japan despite differences in levels of religiosity in these cultures.


text: Cross-cultural studies indicate that people tend to use both natural and supernatural explanations for explaining numerous things about the world such as illness, death, and origins. In other words, they do not think of natural and supernatural explanations as antagonistic or dichotomous, but instead see them as coexisting and complementary. The reconciliation of natural and supernatural explanations is normal and pervasive from a psychological standpoint across cultures.


text: A study conducted on adolescents from Christian schools in Northern Ireland, noted a positive relationship between attitudes towards Christianity and science once attitudes towards scientism and creationism were accounted for.


text: A study on people from Sweden concludes that though the Swedes are among the most non-religious, paranormal beliefs are prevalent among both the young and adult populations. This is likely due to a loss of confidence in institutions such as the Church and Science.


text: Concerning specific topics like creationism, it is not an exclusively American phenomenon. A poll on adult Europeans revealed that 40% believed in naturalistic evolution, 21% in theistic evolution, 20% in special creation, and 19% are undecided; with the highest concentrations of young earth creationists in Switzerland (21%), Austria (20%), Germany (18%). Other countries such as Netherlands, Britain, and Australia have experienced growth in such views as well.


text: According to a 2015 Pew Research Center Study on the public perceptions on science, people's perceptions on conflict with science have more to do with their perceptions of other people's beliefs than their own personal beliefs. For instance, the majority of people with a religious affiliation (68%) saw no conflict between their own personal religious beliefs and science while the majority of those without a religious affiliation (76%) perceived science and religion to be in conflict. The study noted that people who are not affiliated with any religion, also known as "religiously unaffiliated", often have supernatural beliefs and spiritual practices despite them not being affiliated with any religion and also that "just one-in-six religiously unaffiliated adults (16%) say their own religious beliefs conflict with science." Furthermore, the study observed, "The share of all adults who perceive a conflict between science and their own religious beliefs has declined somewhat in recent years, from 36% in 2009 to 30% in 2014. Among those who are affiliated with a religion, the share of people who say there is a conflict between science and their personal religious beliefs dropped from 41% to 34% during this period."


text: The 2013 MIT Survey on Science, Religion and Origins examined the views of religious people in America on origins science topics like evolution, the Big Bang, and perceptions of conflicts between science and religion. It found that a large majority of religious people see no conflict between science and religion and only 11% of religious people belong to religions openly rejecting evolution. The fact that the gap between personal and official beliefs of their religions is so large suggests that part of the problem, might be defused by people learning more about their own religious doctrine and the science it endorses, thereby bridging this belief gap. The study concluded that "mainstream religion and mainstream science are neither attacking one another nor perceiving a conflict." Furthermore, they note that this conciliatory view is shared by most leading science organizations such as the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS).


text: A study was made in collaboration with the AAAS collecting data on the general public from 2011 to 2014, with the focus on evangelicals and evangelical scientists. Even though evangelicals make up only 26% of the US population, the study found that nearly 70 percent of all evangelical Christians do not view science and religion as being in conflict with each other (48% saw them as complementary and 21% saw them as independent) while 73% of the general US population saw no conflict either.


text: According to Elaine Ecklund's study, the majority of religious groups see religion and science in collaboration or independent of each other, while the majority of groups without religion see science and religion in conflict.


text: Other lines of research on perceptions of science among the American public conclude that most religious groups see no general epistemological conflict with science and they have no differences with nonreligious groups in the propensity of seeking out scientific knowledge, although there may be subtle epistemic or moral conflicts when scientists make counterclaims to religious tenets. Findings from the Pew Center note similar findings and also note that the majority of Americans (80–90%) show strong support for scientific research, agree that science makes society and individual's lives better, and 8 in 10 Americans would be happy if their children were to become scientists. Even strict creationists tend to have very favorable views on science.


text: According to a 2007 poll by the Pew Forum, "while large majorities of Americans respect science and scientists, they are not always willing to accept scientific findings that squarely contradict their religious beliefs." The Pew Forum states that specific factual disagreements are "not common today", though 40% to 50% of Americans do not accept the evolution of humans and other living things, with the "strongest opposition" coming from evangelical Christians at 65% saying life did not evolve. 51% of the population believes humans and other living things evolved: 26% through natural selection only, 21% somehow guided, 4% don't know. In the U.S., biological evolution is the only concrete example of conflict where a significant portion of the American public denies scientific consensus for religious reasons. In terms of advanced industrialized nations, the United States is the most religious.


text: A 2009 study from the Pew Research Center on Americans perceptions of science, showed a broad consensus that most Americans, including most religious Americans, hold scientific research and scientists themselves in high regard. The study showed that 84% of Americans say they view science as having a mostly positive impact on society. Among those who attend religious services at least once a week, the number is roughly the same at 80%. Furthermore, 70% of U.S. adults think scientists contribute "a lot" to society.


text: A 2011 study on a national sample of US college students examined whether these students viewed the science / religion relationship as reflecting primarily conflict, collaboration, or independence. The study concluded that the majority of undergraduates in both the natural and social sciences do not see conflict between science and religion. Another finding in the study was that it is more likely for students to move away from a conflict perspective to an independence or collaboration perspective than towards a conflict view.


text: In the US, people who had no religious affiliation were no more likely than the religious population to have New Age beliefs and practices.


title: Yakitori

text: As they are designed for convenience and portability, yakitori are typically cooked using step-by-step methods. Traditionally, it was accomplished using portable charcoal grills. That is the method most often employed by yatai, however, restaurants may use stationary grills and, depending on the situation, higher quality binchōtan charcoal.


title: Yakitori

text: At home, appliances known as or are used. Yakitori-ki are small electrical appliances that use a heating element similar to that of a broiler or toaster to cook the food placed on top.


title: Yakitori

text: To facilitate even cooking, the meat is cut into small, roughly uniform shapes and then skewered with "kushi"; after which the yakitori are seasoned and cooked. Charcoal is the preferred method of cooking as it produces high heat and strong flames while giving off little to no water vapor. This allows for the ingredients to cook quickly while imparting a crunchy texture to the skin. While gas and electric heat sources can be used, they do not develop the same aromas or textures as charcoal-cooked yakitori.


title: Yakitori

text: Yakitori seasonings are primarily divided into two types: salty or salty-sweet. The salty type usually uses plain salt as its main seasoning. For the salty-sweet variety, tare, a special sauce consisting of mirin, sake, soy sauce, and sugar is used. Other common spices include powdered cayenne pepper, shichimi, Japanese pepper, black pepper, and wasabi, according to one's tastes.


title: Yakitori

text: are small shops specializing in yakitori. They usually take the form of a compact shop offering take-out services only, but sit-down restaurants and restaurant chains are also popular.


title: Yakitori

text: Yakitori is not limited to speciality shops: It is readily found on the menus of izakaya all across Japan and is sold pre-cooked, as frozen vacuum packs, or even canned. The latter was made popular by Hotei Foods Corporation, the first company that started selling yakitori-in-can in 1970, with nine flavors as of 2016. Their TV commercial song has been iconic to their brand name.


title: Yakitori

text: Due to its ease of preparation and portability, yakitori is a very popular street food, often sold from small carts and stalls known as yatai. Yatai are found, among other places, dotting streets during festivals or on heavily trafficked routes during the evening commute where customers enjoy beer and sake with yakitori.


title: Yakitori

text: Due to a wide diversity in cuts and preparation methods, yakitori takes on many forms. Some popular examples include:


title: Drug nomenclature

text: Drug nomenclature is the systematic naming of drugs, especially pharmaceutical drugs. In the majority of circumstances, drugs have 3 types of names: chemical names, the most important of which is the IUPAC name; generic or nonproprietary names, the most important of which are international nonproprietary names (INNs); and trade names, which are brand names. Under the INN system, generic names for drugs are constructed out of affixes and stems that classify the drugs into useful categories while keeping related names distinguishable. A marketed drug might also have a company code or compound code.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: Drug names are often subject to legal regulation, including approval for new drugs (to avoid confusion with existing drugs) and on packaging to establish clear rules about adulterants and fraudulent or misleading labeling. A national formulary is often designated to define drug names (and purity standards) for regulatory purposes. The legally approved names in various countries include:


title: Drug nomenclature

text: A company or person developing a drug can apply for a generic (nonproprietary) name through their national formulary or directly to the WHO INN Programme. In order to minimize confusion, many of the national naming bodies have policies of maintaining harmony between national nonproprietary names and INNs. The European Union has mandated this harmonization for all member states In the United States, the developer applies to United States Adopted Name (USAN) Council, and a USAN negotiator applies to the INN on the developer's behalf.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: The chemical names are the scientific names, based on the molecular structure of the drug. There are various systems of chemical nomenclature and thus various chemical names for any one substance. The most important is the IUPAC name. Chemical names are typically very long and too complex to be commonly used in referring to a drug in speech or in prose documents. For example, "1-(isopropylamino)-3-(1-naphthyloxy) propan-2-ol" is a chemical name for propranolol. Sometimes, a company that is developing a drug might give the drug a company code, which is used to identify the drug while it is in development. For example, CDP870 was UCB’s company code for certolizumab pegol; UCB later chose "Cimzia" as its trade name. Many of these codes, although not all, have prefixes that correspond to the company name.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: Generic names are used for a variety of reasons. They provide a clear and unique identifier for active chemical substances, appearing on all drug labels, advertising, and other information about the substance. Relatedly, they help maintain clear differentiation between proprietary and nonproprietary aspects of reality, which people trying to sell proprietary things have an incentive to obfuscate; they help people compare apples to apples. They are used in scientific descriptions of the chemical, in discussions of the chemical in the scientific literature and descriptions of clinical trials. Generic names usually indicate via their stems what drug class the drug belongs to. For example, one can tell that aciclovir is an antiviral drug because its name ends in the "-vir" suffix.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: The earliest roots of standardization of generic names for drugs began with city pharmacopoeias, such as the London, Edinburgh, Dublin, Hamburg, and Berlin Pharmacopoeias. The fundamental advances in chemistry during the 19th century made that era the first time in which what we now call chemical nomenclature, a huge profusion of names based on atoms, functional groups, and molecules, was necessary or conceivable. In the second half of the 19th century and the early 20th, city pharmacopoeias were unified into national pharmacopoeias (such as the British Pharmacopoeia, United States Pharmacopeia, Pharmacopoeia Germanica (PhG or PG), Italian Pharmacopeia, and Japanese Pharmacopoeia) and national formularies (such as the British National Formulary, the Australian Pharmaceutical Formulary, and the National Formulary of India). International pharmacopeias, such as the European Pharmacopoeia and the International Pharmacopoeia of the World Health Organization (WHO), have been the next level.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: In 1953 the WHO created the International Nonproprietary Name (INN) system, which issues INNs in various languages, including Latin, English, French, Spanish, Russian, Chinese, and Arabic. Several countries also have national-level systems for creating generic drug names, including the British Approved Name (BAN) system, the Australian Approved Name (AAN) system, the United States Adopted Name (USAN) system (which is mostly the same as the United States Pharmacopeia (USP) system), and the Japanese Accepted Name (JAN) system. At least several of these national-level Approved Name/Adopted Name/Accepted Name systems were not created until the 1960s, after the INN system already existed. In the 21st century, increasing globalization is encouraging maximal rationalization for new generic names for drugs, and there is an increasing expectation that new USANs, BANs, and JANs will not differ from new INNs without special justification.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: During the first half of the 20th century, generic names for drugs were often coined by contracting the chemical names into fewer syllables. Such contraction was partially, informally, locally standardized, but it was not universally consistent. In the second half of the 20th century, the nomenclatural systems moved away from such contraction toward the present system of stems and affixes that show chemical relationships.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: Biopharmaceuticals have posed a challenge in nonproprietary naming because unlike smaller molecules made with total synthesis or semisynthesis, there is less assurance of complete fungibility between products from different manufacturers. Just as wine may vary by strain of yeast and year of grape harvest, so each product can be subtly different because living organisms are an integral part of production. The WHO MedNet community continually works to augment its system for biopharmaceuticals to ensure continued fulfillment of the goals served by having nonproprietary names. In recent years the development of the Biological Qualifier system has been an example.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: The prefixes and infixes have no pharmacological significance and are used to separate the drug from others in the same class. Suffixes or stems may be found in the middle or more often the end of the drug name, and normally suggest the action of the drug. Generic names often have suffixes that define what class the drug is.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: More comprehensive lists can be found at the National Library of Medicine's Drug Information Portal or in Appendix VII of the USP Dictionary.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: If the name of the drug solanezumab were to be broken down, it would be divided into two parts like this: solane-zumab. -Zumab is the suffix for humanized monoclonal antibody. Monoclonal antibodies by definition contain only a single antibody clone and have binding specificity for one particular epitope. In the case of solanezumab, the antibody is designed to bond to the amyloid-β peptides which make up protein plaques on the neurons of people with Alzheimer's disease.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: For combination drug products—those with two or more drugs combined into a single dosage form—single nonproprietary names beginning with "co-" exist in both British Approved Name (BAN) form and in a formerly maintained USP name called the pharmacy equivalent name (PEN). Otherwise the two names are simply both given, joined by hyphens or slashes. For example, suspensions combining trimethoprim and sulfamethoxazole are called either trimethoprim/sulfamethoxazole or co-trimoxazole. Similarly, co-codamol is codeine-paracetamol (acetaminophen), and co-triamterzide is triamterene-hydrochlorothiazide. The USP ceased maintaining PENs, but the similar "co"-prefixed BANs are still current.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: Most commonly, a nonproprietary drug name has one widely agreed pronunciation in each language. For example, "doxorubicin" is consistently in English. Trade names almost always have one accepted pronunciation, because the sponsoring company who coined the name has an intended pronunciation for it.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: However, it is also common for a nonproprietary drug name to have two pronunciation variants, or sometimes three. For example, for paracetamol, both and are common, and one medical dictionary gives .


title: Drug nomenclature

text: Some of the variation comes from the fact that some stems and affixes have pronunciation variants. For example, the aforementioned third (and least common) pronunciation for "paracetamol" reflects the treatment of the "acet" affix as rather than (both are accepted for "acetyl").


title: Drug nomenclature

text: The World Health Organization does not give suggested pronunciations for its INNs, but familiarity with the typical sounds and spellings of the stems and affixes often points to the widely accepted pronunciation of any given INN. For example, "abciximab" is predictably , because for INNs ending in "-ciximab", the sound is familiar. The United States Pharmacopeia gives suggested pronunciations for most USANs in its "USP Dictionary", which is published in annual editions. Medical dictionaries give pronunciations of many drugs that are both commonly used and have been commercially available for a decade or more, although many newer drugs or less common drugs are not entered. Pharmacists also have access to pronunciations from various clinical decision support systems such as Lexi-comp.


title: Drug nomenclature

text: For drugs that make it all the way through development, testing, and regulatory acceptance, the pharmaceutical company then gives the drug a trade name, which is a standard term in the pharmaceutical industry for a brand name or trademark name. For example, Lipitor is Pfizer's trade name for atorvastatin, a cholesterol-lowering medication. Many drugs have multiple trade names, reflecting marketing in different countries, manufacture by different companies, or both. Thus the trade names for atorvastatin include not only Lipitor (in the U.S.) but also Atocor (in India).


title: Drug nomenclature

text: In the scientific literature, there is a set of strong conventions for drug nomenclature regarding the letter case and placement of nonproprietary and proprietary names, as follows:


title: Drug nomenclature

text: For example, the 2015 American Society of Hematology (ASH) publication policies say, "Non-proprietary (generic/scientific) names should be used and should be lowercase." ... "[T]he first letter of the name of a proprietary drug should be capitalized." ... "If necessary, you may include a proprietary name in parentheses directly following the generic name after its first mention."


title: Drug nomenclature

text: Valid exceptions to the general pattern occur when a nonproprietary name starts a sentence (and thus takes a capital), when a proprietary name has intercapping (for example, GoLYTELY, MiraLAX), or when tall-man letters are used within nonproprietary names to prevent confusion of similar names (for example, predniSONE versus predniSOLONE).


title: Christina piercing

text: A Christina piercing, also known as a Venus piercing, is a genital piercing. It is located where the outer labia meet, below the pubic mound. The Christina piercing is anatomy dependent; it has a high rejection rate, and is not possible for all women due to anatomical variation. The piercing does not facilitate sexual stimulation and can be found uncomfortable when pressure is applied. It is usually pierced with either a custom-made curved barbell or surface bar to reduce the risk of rejection.


title: Parboiled rice

text: Parboiled rice (also called converted rice and easy-cook rice) is rice that has been partially boiled in the husk. The three basic steps of parboiling are soaking, steaming and drying. These steps make the rice easier to process by hand, while also boosting its nutritional profile, changing its texture, and making it more resistant to weevils. The treatment is practiced in many parts of the world.


title: Parboiled rice

text: Parboiling drives nutrients, especially thiamin, from the bran to the endosperm, hence parboiled white rice is mostly nutritionally similar to brown rice.


title: Parboiled rice

text: The starches in parboiled rice become gelatinized, then retrograded after cooling. Through gelatinization, amylose molecules leach out of the starch granule network and diffuse into the surrounding aqueous medium outside the granules which, when fully hydrated are at maximum viscosity. The parboiled rice kernels should be translucent when wholly gelatinized. Cooling brings retrogradation whereby amylose molecules re-associate with each other and form a tightly packed structure. This increases the formation of type-3, resistant starch which can act as a prebiotic and benefit good health in humans. However, this also makes the kernels harder and glassier. Parboiled rice takes less time to cook and is firmer and less sticky. In North America parboiled rice is often partially or fully precooked before sale. Minerals such as zinc or iron are added, increasing their potential bio-availability in the diet.


title: Parboiled rice

text: In older methods, clean paddy rice was soaked in cold water for 36–38 hours to give it a moisture content of 30–35%, after which the rice was put in parboiling equipment with fresh cold water and boiled until it began to split. The rice was then dried on woven mats, cooled and milled.


title: Parboiled rice

text: In the 1910s German-British scientist Erich Gustav Huzenlaub (1888–1964) and the British scientist and chemist Francis Heron Rogers invented a form of parboiling which held more of the nutrients in rice, now known as the Huzenlaub Process. The whole grain is vacuum-dried, then steamed, followed by another vacuum drying and husking. This also makes the rice more resistant to weevils and lessens cooking time.


title: Parboiled rice

text: In even later methods the rice is soaked in hot water, then steamed for boiling which only takes three hours rather than the twenty hours of traditional methods. These methods also yield a yellowish color in the rice, which undergoes less breakage when milled.


title: Parboiled rice

text: Other variations on parboiling include high-pressure steaming and various ways of drying (dry-heat, vacuum, etc.)


title: Parboiled rice

text: Compared to brown rice, parboiling of rice incurs losses of thiamin, niacin, biotin, and pantothenic acid by approximately 70%, 28%, 49% and 25%, respectively. Compared to normal milling, which causes a near 65% loss of all these micronutrients, parboiling preserves more of them. The specific loss depends on the process used by individual manufacturers: for the USDA #20042 sample, much less loss in these nutrients is observed. Fortification is common for parboiled rice in the United States. Depending upon the method used, levels of arsenic can increase or decrease significantly.


title: Parboiled rice

text: In 2020, scientists assessed multiple preparation procedures of rice for their capacity to reduce arsenic content and preserve nutrients, recommending a procedure involving parboiling and water absorption.


title: After.Life

text: After.Life is a 2009 American psychological horror-thriller film directed by Agnieszka Wójtowicz-Vosloo from her original screenplay. It stars Liam Neeson, Christina Ricci, and Justin Long.


title: After.Life

text: Eliot Deacon (Liam Neeson) owns a funeral home and talks softly to the corpses he prepares for burial. Middle school teacher Anna Taylor (Christina Ricci) attends the funeral of her piano teacher where she meets Eliot. That night Anna argues with her boyfriend Paul (Justin Long) at a restaurant. She drives off in a state of distress, and has a traffic accident. She awakens on an embalming table in the funeral home to find the funeral director, Eliot, cutting off her clothes and telling her she has died. He tells Anna he has a gift and that he can hear the dead. Eliot has a collection of photographs of corpses whom he has helped "make the transition". Eliot injects Anna regularly with a fictional drug called hydronium bromide to "relax the muscles and keep rigor mortis from setting in."


title: After.Life

text: Paul asks to see Anna's body but Eliot does not allow it on the grounds he is not family. Anna unsuccessfully attempts to escape several times. Eliot tells her she must let go of life as she had not really been living anyway. Eventually, Anna escapes and finds a room with a phone where she reaches Paul, who hangs up thinking it's a prank. Anna comes to believe she has actually died when Eliot lets her see her corpse-like self in a mirror. One of Anna's students sees her and alerts Paul, who begins to suspect she is still alive.


title: After.Life

text: Anna's student Jack (Chandler Canterbury) visits the funeral home and Eliot tells him that they share a gift, the same as Jesus, who raised Lazarus, and he offers to teach the boy more. The boy accepts and is later seen burying a living chick in a box.


title: After.Life

text: During the final preparation for the funeral, Anna asks to see herself one last time. Eliot holds up a small mirror, and while she stares at herself she notices her breath condensing on the glass and accuses Eliot of having lied to her about her being dead. Eliot injects her one last time and she slips into unconsciousness. At the funeral, Paul places the engagement ring he intended to give her the night of the crash on her finger.


title: After.Life

text: After the funeral, Paul drinks heavily and behaves aggressively with Eliot, who seems to taunt him and encourage him to see for himself that Anna is really dead, telling him there is not much time. Meanwhile, Anna is shown awakening to the sound of earth being shoveled onto her casket. She cries out and desperately scratches the satin lining of the lid. Driving under the influence of alcohol, Paul rushes to the cemetery. They are shown embracing and Anna tells Paul she has always loved him. Paul asks what the odd sound is that he hears, and Anna explains it is the sound of Eliot's gloves and scissors on the table as he prepares Paul's body. A moment later, he finds himself in the funeral home prep room with Eliot standing over him preparing his body as he did Anna's. Eliot tells him that he never made it to the cemetery due to a car accident which killed him. Paul protests that he is alive until the moment Eliot inserts an embalming trocar deep into his torso.


title: After.Life

text: "After.Life" completed filming in New York at the end of December 2008 with Bill Perkins and Celine Rattray as producers. Galt Niederhoffer and Pam Hirsch are executive producing for Plum Pictures with Edwin Marshall and James Swisher executive producing for Harbor Light. Scenes were filmed in Lynbrook, New York in early December 2008.


title: After.Life

text: "After.Life" premiered at the AFI Film Festival in Los Angeles on November 7, 2009. Anchor Bay Entertainment, a division of Overture Films, has acquired theatrical rights for the U.S. and the U.K. The film received an R-rating for the multiple nude scenes with Christina Ricci and was released on 9 April 2010 in a limited release. Anchor Bay released the DVD and Blu-ray on 3 August 2010.


title: After.Life

text: "After.Life" was not well-received by critics. Review aggregate Rotten Tomatoes reports that 25% of 56 critics have given the film a positive review, holding an average score of 4.5/10. According to the website, the film's critical consensus is, "It has an interesting premise and admirable ambitions, but "After.Life" fails to deliver enough twists or thrills to sustain its creepy atmosphere." Review aggregate Metacritic has given the film a weighted score of 36/100 based on 21 reviews, indicating "generally unfavorable reviews". DreadCentral rated the film 2.5/5 stars and called it "a competent but disappointing thriller." Bloody Disgusting rated it 3/5 stars and described it as "a plodding reflection on mortality disguised as a psychological thriller". In a negative review for "The New York Times", Manohla Dargis wrote that "the few good ideas are inevitably thwarted by the filmmaking". James Berardinelli rated the film 3/4. Berardinelli wrote that the film "has flaws aplenty" but it is arresting and unsettling.


title: Dan Duryea

text: Dan Duryea ( , January 23, 1907 – June 7, 1968) was an American actor in film, stage, and television. Known for portraying a vast range of character roles as a villain, he nonetheless had a long career in a wide variety of leading and secondary roles.


title: Dan Duryea

text: Duryea was born and raised in White Plains, New York. He graduated from White Plains High School in 1924 and Cornell University in 1928. While at Cornell, Duryea was elected into the prestigious Sphinx Head Society, Cornell's oldest senior honor society. He majored in English with a strong interest in drama, and in his senior year succeeded Franchot Tone as president of the college drama society.


title: Dan Duryea

text: As his parents did not approve of his choice to pursue an acting career, Duryea became an advertising executive. After six stress-filled years, he had a heart attack that sidelined him for a year.


title: Dan Duryea

text: Returning to his earlier love of acting and the stage, Duryea made his name on Broadway in the play "Dead End", followed by "The Little Foxes", in which he portrayed Leo Hubbard. He also appeared on Broadway in "Many Mansions" (1937) and "Missouri Legend" (1938).


title: Dan Duryea

text: In 1940, Duryea moved to Hollywood to appear in the film version of "The Little Foxes". He continued to establish himself with supporting and secondary roles in films such as "The Pride of the Yankees" (1942) and "None But the Lonely Heart" (1944). As the 1940s progressed, he found his niche as the "sniveling, deliberately taunting" antagonist in a number of films noir ("Scarlet Street", "The Woman in the Window", "The Great Flamarion", "Criss Cross", "Too Late for Tears", "Johnny Stool Pigeon"), and Westerns such as "Along Came Jones" and "Black Bart", although he was sometimes cast in more sympathetic roles ("Black Angel", "One Way Street"). In 1946, exhibitors voted him the eighth most promising "star of tomorrow".


title: Dan Duryea

text: Duryea co-starred opposite Gary Cooper three times in the 1940s: "Ball of Fire", "Pride of the Yankees" and "Along Came Jones". In the 1950s, Duryea co-starred with James Stewart in three films, "Winchester '73" (as the dastardly "Waco Johnny" Dean), "Thunder Bay", and "Night Passage". He was featured in several other westerns, including "Silver Lode", "Ride Clear of Diablo", and "The Marauders", and in more film-noir productions like "36 Hours", "Chicago Calling", "Storm Fear", and "The Burglar".


title: Dan Duryea

text: When interviewed by Hedda Hopper in the early 1950s, Duryea spoke of career goals and his preparation for roles:


title: Dan Duryea

text: Well, first of all, let's set the stage or goal I set for myself when I decided to become an actor ... not just 'an actor', but a successful one. I looked in the mirror and knew with my "puss" and 155-pound weakling body, I couldn't pass for a leading man, and I had to be different. And I sure had to be courageous, so I chose to be the meanest s.o.b. in the movies ... strictly against my mild nature, as I'm an ordinary, peace-loving husband and father. Inasmuch, as I admired fine actors like Richard Widmark, Victor Mature, Robert Mitchum, and others who had made their early marks in the dark, sordid, and guilt-ridden world of film noir; here, indeed, was a market for my talents. I thought the meaner I presented myself, the tougher I was with women, slapping them around in well produced films where evil and death seem to lurk in every nightmare alley and behind every venetian blind in every seedy apartment, I could find a market for my screen characters... At first it was very hard as I am a very even-tempered guy, but I used my past life experiences to motivate me as I thought about some of the people I hated in my early as well as later life ... like the school bully who used to try and beat the hell out of me at least once a week ... a sadistic family doctor that believed feeling pain when he treated you was the birthright of every man inasmuch as women suffered giving birth ... little incidents with trade-people who enjoyed acting superior because they owned their business, overcharging you. Then the one I used when I had to slap a woman around was easy! I was slapping the over-bearing teacher who would fail you in their 'holier-than-thou' class and enjoy it! And especially the experiences I had dealing with the unbelievable pompous 'know-it-all-experts' that I dealt with during my advertising agency days ... almost going 'nuts' trying to please these 'corporate heads' until I finally got out of that racket!"


title: Dan Duryea

text: In his last years, Duryea reteamed with Stewart for the adventure film "The Flight of the Phoenix", about men stranded in the Sahara desert by a downed airplane, appearing as a mild-mannered accountant, closer to his real-life persona. He worked in overseas film productions including the British neo-noir thriller "Do You Know This Voice?" (1964), the Italian Western "The Hills Run Red", aka "Un Fiume di dollari", (1966) and the spy thriller "Five Golden Dragons" (1967) in West Germany, while continuing to find roles on American television. He also appeared twice on the big screen with his son, character actor Peter Duryea, in the low-budget Westerns "Taggart" (1964) and "The Bounty Killer" (1965).


title: Dan Duryea

text: Duryea starred as the lead character China Smith in the television series "China Smith" from 1952 to 1953 and "The New Adventures of China Smith" from 1954 to 1956.


title: Dan Duryea

text: He later guest-starred as Roy Budinger, the self-educated mastermind of a criminal ring dealing in silver bullion, in the episode "Terror Town" on October 18, 1958 of NBC's western series "Cimarron City". On season 1, episode 15 of "Wagon Train", he guest-starred as the title character in "The Cliff Grundy Story" (December 1957).


title: Dan Duryea

text: In 1959, Duryea appeared as an alcoholic gunfighter in third episode of "The Twilight Zone", "Mr. Denton on Doomsday". He guest starred on NBC's anthology series "The Barbara Stanwyck Show" and appeared in an episode of "Rawhide" in 1959, "Incident Of The Executioner." On September 15, 1959, Duryea guest-starred as the outlaw Bud Carlin in the episode "Stage Stop", the premiere of NBC's "Laramie" western series. Duryea appeared again as Luke Gregg on "Laramie" on October 25, 1960, in the episode "The Long Riders". Duryea also put in a great comic performance in "The Alfred Hitchcock Hour" in an episode called "Three Wives Too Many" (1964).


title: Dan Duryea

text: Three weeks later, on November 16, 1960, Duryea played a mentally unstable pioneer obsessed by demons and superstitions in "The Bleymier Story" of NBC's "Wagon Train". Elen Willard played his daughter; James Drury, his daughter's suitor. Duryea was cast twice in 1960 as Captain Brad Turner in consecutive episodes of the NBC western series "Riverboat". He spoofed his tough-guy image in a comedy sketch about a robbery on the Dec. 4, 1960 episode of "The Jack Benny Program". Dan also guest starred in a 1962 episode of "Tales of Wells Fargo" TV western series as Marshal Blake opposite Dale Robertson.


title: Dan Duryea

text: In 1963, Duryea portrayed Dr. Ben Lorrigan on NBC's medical drama, "The Eleventh Hour". In 1967, a television version of "Winchester '73" was released in which Duryea played the part of Bart McAdam, an uncle to Lin and Dakin McAdam. A notable co-star in the film was John Saxon (Dakin McAdam). From 1967 to 1968, he appeared in a recurring role as Eddie Jacks on the soap opera "Peyton Place".


title: Dan Duryea

text: Duryea was different from the unsavoury characters he often portrayed. He was married for 35 years to his wife, Helen, until her death in January 1967. The couple had two sons: Peter (who worked for a time as an actor), and Richard, a talent agent. At home, Duryea lived a quiet life at his house in the San Fernando Valley, devoting himself to gardening, boating, and community activities including, at various times, active membership in the local parent-teacher association and Scout Master of a Boy Scout troop.


title: Dan Duryea

text: On June 7, 1968, Duryea died of cancer at the age of 61. "The New York Times" tellingly noted the passing of a "heel with sex appeal." His remains are interred in Forest Lawn - Hollywood Hills Cemetery in Los Angeles. His headstone reads: "DAN DURYEA 1907-1968 OUR POP A MAN EVERYBODY LOVED."


title: Salo (food)

text: Salo (, , Belarusian: сала, Hungarian: szalonna, Polish: słonina, , Czech: špek, Slovak: slanina, Carpatho-Rusyn: солонина/solonyna, Bosnian: slanina/сланина, , Bulgarian: сланина, Serbian: slanina/сланина) is a traditional, predominantly Slavic food consisting of cured slabs of fatback (rarely pork belly), with or without skin (especially famous in Ukraine). The food is commonly eaten and known under different names in countries across the region. It is usually dry salt or brine cured. The East Slavic variety is sometimes treated with paprika or other seasonings, while the South Slavic version is often smoked.


title: Salo (food)

text: The Slavic word "salo" or "salanina" as applied to this type of food (it has other meanings as well) is often translated to English as "bacon" or "lard". Unlike lard, salo is not rendered. Unlike bacon, salo has little or no lean meat. It is similar to Italian "lardo", the main differences being the thickness of the cut ("lardo" is often sliced very thinly) and seasoning. East Slavic salo uses salt, garlic, black pepper and sometimes coriander in the curing process, while "lardo" is generally seasoned with rosemary and other herbs.


title: Salo (food)

text: For preservation, salo is salted and sometimes also smoked and aged in a dark and cold place, where it will last for a year or more. The slabs of fat are first cut into manageable pieces, typically 15×20 cm. Then layers of fat slabs (skin side down) topped with one-centimetre layers of salt go into a wooden box or barrel for curing. For added flavouring and better preservation, the salo may be covered with a thick layer of paprika (usually in the more Western lands; in Russian salo with paprika is called "Hungarian"), minced garlic, or sometimes black pepper.


title: Salo (food)

text: When salo has been aged too long or exposed to light, the fat may oxidize on the surface and become rancid, yellow and bitter-tasting. Though no longer fit for culinary use, the spoiled fat can be used as a water-repellent treatment for leather boots or bait for mouse traps, or it can simply be turned into homemade soap.


title: Salo (food)

text: Salo is consumed both raw and cooked. It is often fried or finely chopped with garlic as a condiment for borscht (beet soup). Small pieces of salo are added to some types of sausage. Thinly sliced salo on rye bread rubbed with garlic is a traditional snack to accompany vodka in Russia and horilka in Ukraine, where it is a particular favorite.


title: Salo (food)

text: Salo is often chopped into small pieces and fried to render fat for cooking, while the remaining cracklings ( in Ukrainian, in Russian, in Lithuanian, in Polish, in Czech, (o) in Slovak, in Romanian, in Estonian, töpörtyű in Hungarian, пръжки or джумерки in Bulgarian) are used as condiments for fried potatoes or varenyky or spread on bread as a snack.


title: Salo (food)

text: The thick pork skin that remains after the fat has been consumed is often used to make stock for soup or borscht. After boiling, the rind is often discarded. If soft enough, however, it is sometimes chopped or ground with salo, herbs, and spices and then spread on bread.


title: Salo (food)

text: The expression "chocolate-coated salo" (, "salo v shokoladi"), originating in an ethnic joke about Ukrainians, has become cliché among Eastern Slavs, referring to an eclectic mix of tastes or desires, such as bacon ice cream.


title: Salo (food)

text: In the 2000s, Odesa Confectionery Factory started production of candies . The chocolate candies were invented as an April Fool's Day joke. They are not actually "salo"; they contain a regular caramel filling with a small amount of rendered fat added as a salty flavouring.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Second-language acquisition (SLA), sometimes called second-language learning — otherwise referred to as L2 (language 2) acquisition, is the process by which people learn a second language. Second-language acquisition is also the scientific discipline devoted to studying that process. The field of second-language acquisition is regarded by some but not everybody as a sub-discipline of applied linguistics but also receives research attention from a variety of other disciplines, such as psychology and education.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: A central theme in SLA research is that of "interlanguage:" the idea that the language that learners use is not simply the result of differences between the languages that they already know and the language that they are learning, but a complete language system in its own right, with its own systematic rules. This interlanguage gradually develops as learners are exposed to the targeted language. The order in which learners acquire features of their new language stays remarkably constant, even for learners with different native languages and regardless of whether they have had language instruction. However, languages that learners already know can have a significant influence on the process of learning a new one. This influence is known as "language transfer".


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The primary factor driving SLA appears to be the language input that learners receive. Learners become more advanced the longer they are immersed in the language they are learning and the more time they spend voluntarily reading. The input hypothesis developed by linguist Stephen Krashen theorizes that comprehensible input alone is necessary for second language acquisition. Krashen makes a distinction between language acquisition and language learning (the acquisition–learning distinction), claiming that acquisition is a subconscious process, whereas learning is a conscious one. According to this hypothesis, the acquisition process in L2 (Language 2) is the same as L1 (Language 1) acquisition. Learning, on the other hand, refers to conscious learning and analysis of the language being learned. Krashen argues that consciously learned language rules play a limited role in language use, serving as a monitor that could check second language output for form — assuming the learner has time, sufficient knowledge, and inclination (the monitor hypothesis). Subsequent work, by other researchers, on the interaction hypothesis and the comprehensible output hypothesis, has suggested that opportunities for output and interaction may also be necessary for learners to reach more advanced levels.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Research on how exactly learners acquire a new language spans several different areas. Focus is directed toward providing proof of whether basic linguistic skills are innate (nature), acquired (nurture), or a combination of the two attributes. Cognitive approaches to SLA research deal with the processes in the brain that underpin language acquisition, for example how paying attention to language affects the ability to learn it, or how language acquisition is related to short-term and long-term memory. Sociocultural approaches reject the notion that SLA is a purely psychological phenomenon and attempt to explain it in a social context. Some key social factors that influence SLA are the level of immersion, connection to the L2 community, and gender. Linguistic approaches consider language separately from other kinds of knowledge and attempt to use findings from the wider study of linguistics to explain SLA. There is also a considerable body of research about how SLA can be affected by individual factors such as age and learning strategies. A commonly discussed topic regarding age in SLA is the critical period hypothesis, which suggests that individuals lose the ability to fully learn a language after a particular age in childhood. Another topic of interest in SLA is the differences between adult and child learners. Learning strategies are commonly categorized as learning or communicative strategies and are developed to improve their respective acquisition skills. Affective factors are emotional factors that influence an individual's ability to learn a new language. Common affective factors that influence acquisition are anxiety, personality, social attitudes, and motivation. In the domain of personality, introversion and extroversion in particular can affect learning.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Individuals may also lose a language through a process called second-language attrition. This is often caused by a lack of use or exposure to a language over time. The severity of attrition depends on a variety of factors including level of proficiency, age, social factors, and motivation at the time of acquisition. Finally, classroom research deals with the effect that language instruction has on acquisition.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: "Second language" refers to any language learned in addition to a person's first language; although the concept is named "second"-language acquisition, it can also incorporate the learning of third, fourth, or subsequent languages. Second-language acquisition refers to what learners do; it does not refer to practices in language teaching, although teaching can affect acquisition. The term "acquisition" was originally used to emphasize the non-conscious nature of the learning process, but in recent years "learning" and "acquisition" have become largely synonymous.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: SLA can incorporate heritage language learning, but it does not usually incorporate bilingualism. Most SLA researchers see bilingualism as being the result of learning a language, not the process itself, and see the term as referring to native-like fluency. Writers in fields such as education and psychology, however, often use bilingualism loosely to refer to all forms of multilingualism. SLA is also not to be contrasted with the acquisition of a foreign language; rather, the learning of second languages and the learning of foreign languages involve the same fundamental processes in different situations.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The academic discipline of second-language acquisition is a sub-discipline of applied linguistics. It is broad-based and relatively new. As well as the various branches of linguistics, second-language acquisition is also closely related to psychology and education. To separate the academic discipline from the learning process itself, the terms "second-language acquisition research", "second-language studies", and "second-language acquisition studies" are also used.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: SLA research began as an interdisciplinary field; because of this, it is difficult to identify a precise starting date. However, two papers in particular are seen as instrumental to the development of the modern study of SLA: Pit Corder's 1967 essay "The Significance of Learners' Errors" and Larry Selinker's 1972 article "Interlanguage". The field saw a great deal of development in the following decades. Since the 1980s, SLA has been studied from a variety of disciplinary perspectives, and theoretical perspectives. In the early 2000s, some research suggested an equivalence between the acquisition of human languages and that of computer languages (e.g. Java) by children in the 5 to 11 year age window, though this has not been widely accepted amongst educators. Significant approaches in the field today are systemic functional linguistics, sociocultural theory, cognitive linguistics, Noam Chomsky's universal grammar, skill acquisition theory and connectionism.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: There has been much debate about exactly how language is learned and many issues are still unresolved. There are many theories of second-language acquisition, but none are accepted as a complete explanation by all SLA researchers. Due to the interdisciplinary nature of the field of SLA, this is not expected to happen in the foreseeable future. Although attempts have been made to provide a more unified account that tries to bridge first language acquisition and second language learning research.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Stephen Krashen divides the process of second-language acquisition into five stages: preproduction, early production, speech emergence, intermediate fluency, and advanced fluency. The first stage, preproduction, is also known as the silent period. Learners at this stage have a receptive vocabulary of up to 500 words, but they do not yet speak their second language. Not all learners go through a silent period. Some learners start speaking straight away, although their output may consist of imitation rather than creative language use. Others may be required to speak from the start as part of a language course. For learners that do go through a silent period, it may last around three to six months.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The second of Krashen's stages of acquisition is early production, during which learners can speak in short phrases of one or two words. They can also memorize chunks of language, although they may make mistakes when using them. Learners typically have both an active and receptive vocabulary of around 1000 words. This stage normally lasts for around six months.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The third stage is speech emergence. Learners' vocabularies increase to around 3000 words during this stage, and they can communicate using simple questions and phrases. They may often make grammatical errors.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The fourth stage is intermediate fluency. At this stage, learners have a vocabulary of around 6000 words and can use more complicated sentence structures. They are also able to share their thoughts and opinions. Learners may make frequent errors with more complicated sentence structures.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The final stage is advanced fluency, which is typically reached somewhere between five and ten years of learning the language. Learners at this stage can function at a level close to native speakers.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Krashen has also developed several hypotheses discussing the nature of second language learners' thought processes and the development of self-awareness during second language acquisition. The most prominent of these hypotheses are Monitor Theory and the Affective Filter hypothesis.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: From the early 1980s, a large research project into SLA was carried over at the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, headed by Wolfgang Klein and coordinated by Clive Perdue, which studied "Second Language Acquisition by Adult Immigrants" coming into Europe. The results, published in the early 1990s, proposed that second language acquisition proceeds along three stages: "pre-basic" variety (or "nominal utterance organisation"), basic variety (or "infinite utterance organisation"), and post-basic variety (or "finite utterance organisation").


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The pre-basic stage is usually very short, with a small lexicon of nouns and no verbs. The basic stage sees the introduction of verbs in their basic form not marked for finiteness (like participles). In the third stage functional morphology starts to appear, with the flection of nouns and verbs


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The time taken to reach a high level of proficiency can vary depending on the language learned. In the case of native English speakers, some estimates were provided by the "Foreign Service Institute" (FSI) of the U.S. Department of State — which compiled approximate learning expectations for several languages for their professional staff (native English speakers who generally already know other languages). "Category I Languages" include e.g. Italian and Swedish (24 weeks or 600 class hours) and French (30 weeks or 750 class hours). "Category II Languages" include German, Haitian Creole, Indonesian, Malay, and Swahili (approx. 36 weeks or 900 class hours). "Category III Languages" include a lot of languages like Finnish, Polish, Russian, Tagalog, Vietnamese, and many others (approx. 44 weeks, 1100 class hours).


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Of the 63 languages analyzed, the five most difficult languages to reach proficiency in speaking and reading, requiring 88 weeks (2200 class hours, "Category IV Languages"), are Arabic, Cantonese, Mandarin, Japanese, and Korean. The Foreign Service Institute and the National Virtual Translation Center both note that Japanese is typically more difficult to learn than other languages in this group.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: There are other rankings of language difficulty as the one by "The British Foreign Office Diplomatic Service Language Centre" which lists the difficult languages in Class I


title: Second-language acquisition

text: (Cantonese, Japanese, Korean, Mandarin); the easier languages are in Class V (e.g. Afrikaans, Bislama, Catalan, French, Spanish, Swedish).


title: Second-language acquisition

text: "The bottleneck hypothesis" strives to identify components of grammar that are easier or more difficult to acquire than others. It argues that functional morphology is the bottleneck of language acquisition, meaning that it is more difficult than other linguistic domains such as syntax, semantics, and phonology because it combines syntactic, semantic, and phonological features that affect the meaning of a sentence. For example, knowledge of the formation of the past tense in English requires both phonological patterns such as allomorphs at the end of the verb and irregular verb forms. Article acquisition is also difficult for L1 speakers of languages without articles, such as Korean and Russian. One study compared learner judgments of a syntactic feature, V2, and a morphological property, subject-verb agreement, using an acceptability judgment task. Researchers found that while Norwegian speakers who are intermediate and advanced learners of English could successfully assess the grammaticality of V2, they had significantly more difficulty with subject-verb agreement, which is predicted by the bottleneck hypothesis.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Cognitive and scientific reasons for the importance of this theory aside, the bottleneck hypothesis can also be of practical benefit as educators can maximize their time and focus on difficult problems in SLA classroom settings rather than placing attention on concepts that can be grasped with relative ease.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: This hypothesis claims that second-language acquisition may impose extra difficulties on children with specific language impairment (SLI), whose language delay extends into their school years due to deficits in verbal memory and processing mechanisms in comparison to children with typical development (TD). Existing research on individuals with SLI and bilingualism has been limited and thus there is a need for data showing how to support bilingual development in children with SLI. “Cumulative” refers to the combination of the effects of both internal deficits in language learning and external complications in input and experience caused by bilingualism, which could in turn overwhelm the learner with SLI. The theory predicts that bilingual children with SLI will be disadvantaged, falling behind both their monolingual peers with SLI and bilingual peers with TD. Paradis' longitudinal study examined the acquisition of tense morphology over time in children with SLI who are learning English as a second language. The study found that the acquisition profile for children with SLI is similar to those reported for monolinguals with SLI and TD, showing inconsistencies with CEH. This has provided evidence that SLA will not negatively harm children with SLI and could be beneficial.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Adults who learn a second language differ from children learning their first language in at least three ways: children are still developing their brains whereas adults have mature minds, and adults have at least a first language that orients their thinking and speaking. Although some adult second-language learners reach very high levels of proficiency, pronunciation tends to be non-native. This lack of native pronunciation in adult learners is explained by the critical period hypothesis. When a learner's speech plateaus, it is known as fossilization.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Some errors that second-language learners make in their speech originate in their first language. For example, Spanish speakers learning English may say "Is raining" rather than "It is raining", leaving out the subject of the sentence. This kind of influence of the first language on the second is known as "negative" language transfer. French speakers learning English, however, do not usually make the same mistake of leaving out "it" in "It is raining." This is because pronominal and impersonal sentence subjects can be omitted (or as in this case, are not used in the first place) in Spanish but not in French. The French speaker knowing to use a pronominal sentence subject when speaking English is an example of "positive" language transfer. Not all errors occur in the same ways; even two individuals with the same native language learning the same second language still have the potential to utilize different parts of their native language. Likewise, these same two individuals may develop near-native fluency in different forms of grammar. Another error that can occur is called language convergence. This can occur for children acquiring a second language. The grammar structures or common grammatical patterns of one language may influence another. In a study, Singaporean elementary school students who were learning both English and Mandarin showed signs of language convergence. In this study, these students showed a preference for using grammatical patterns common in Mandarin when speaking English. Language convergence occurs because the children are not only acquiring the grammar of the new language but still developing the grammar of their native language, so the two grammars converge.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Also, when people learn a second language, the way they speak their first language changes in subtle ways. These changes can be with any aspect of language, from pronunciation and syntax to the gestures the learner makes and the language features they tend to notice. For example, French speakers who spoke English as a second language pronounced the /t/ sound in French differently from monolingual French speakers. This kind of change in pronunciation has been found even at the onset of second-language acquisition; for example, English speakers pronounced the English /p t k/ sounds, as well as English vowels, differently after they began to learn Korean. These effects of the second language on the first led Vivian Cook to propose the idea of multi-competence, which sees the different languages a person speaks not as separate systems, but as related systems in their mind.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: "Learner language" is the written or spoken language produced by a learner. It is also the main type of data used in second-language acquisition research. Much research in second-language acquisition is concerned with the internal representation of a language in the mind of the learner, and how those representations change over time. It is not yet possible to inspect these representations directly with brain scans or similar techniques, so SLA researchers are forced to make inferences about these rules from learners' speech or writing.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Originally, attempts to describe learner language were based on comparing different languages and on analyzing learners' errors. However, these approaches were unable to predict all the errors that learners made when in the process of learning a second language. For example, Serbo-Croat speakers learning English may say "What does Pat doing now?", although this is not a valid sentence in either language. Additionally, Yip found that ergative verbs in English are regularly mis-passivized by L2 learners of English whose first language is Mandarin. For instance, even advanced learners may form utterances such as "what was happened?" despite the fact that this construction has no obvious source in either L1 or L2. This could be because L2 speakers interpret ergatives as transitive, as these are the only types of verbs that allow passivization in English.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: To explain this kind of systematic error, the idea of the "interlanguage" was developed. An interlanguage is an emerging language system in the mind of a second-language learner. A learner's interlanguage is not a deficient version of the language being learned filled with random errors, nor is it a language purely based on errors introduced from the learner's first language. Rather, it is a language in its own right, with its own systematic rules. It is possible to view most aspects of language from an interlanguage perspective, including grammar, phonology, lexicon, and pragmatics.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The concept of interlanguage has become very widespread in SLA research and is often a basic assumption made by researchers.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: In the 1970s, several studies investigated the order in which learners acquired different grammatical structures. These studies showed that there was little change in this order among learners with different first languages. Furthermore, it showed that the order was the same for adults and children and that it did not even change if the learner had language lessons. This supported the idea that there were factors other than language transfer involved in learning second languages and was a strong confirmation of the concept of interlanguage.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: However, the studies did not find that the orders were the same. Although there were remarkable similarities in the order in which all learners learned second-language grammar, there were still some differences between individuals and learners with different first languages. It is also difficult to tell when exactly a grammatical structure has been learned, as learners may use structures correctly in some situations but not in others. Thus it is more accurate to speak of "sequences" of acquisition, in which specific grammatical features in a language are acquired before or after certain others but the overall order of acquisition is less rigid. For example, if neither feature B nor feature D can be acquired until feature A has been acquired (feature B and D depend on A) and feature C depends on B, but D does not depend on B (or, therefore, on C), then acquisition orders (A, B, C, D) and (A, D, B, C) are possible, as they are both valid topological orderings.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Learnability has emerged as a theory explaining developmental sequences that crucially depend on learning principles, which are viewed as fundamental mechanisms of language acquisition within learnability theory. Some examples of learning principles include the uniqueness principle and the subset principle. The uniqueness principle refers to learners' preference for a one-to-one mapping between form and meaning, while the subset principle posits that learners are conservative in that they begin with the narrowest hypothesis space that is compatible with available data. Both of these principles have been used to explain children's ability to evaluate grammaticality despite the lack of explicit negative evidence. They have also been used to explain errors in SLA, as the creation of supersets could signal over-generalization, causing acceptance or production of ungrammatical sentences.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Pienemann's teachability hypothesis is based on the idea that there is a hierarchy of stages of acquisition and instruction in SLA should be compatible with learners' current acquisitional status. Recognizing learners' developmental stages is important as it enables teachers to predict and classify learning errors. This hypothesis predicts that L2 acquisition can only be promoted when learners are ready to acquire given items in a natural context. One goal of learnability theory is to figure out which linguistic phenomena are susceptible to fossilization, wherein some L2 learners continue to make errors despite the presence of relevant input.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Although second-language acquisition proceeds in discrete sequences, it does not progress from one step of a sequence to the next in an orderly fashion. There can be considerable variability in features of learners' interlanguage while progressing from one stage to the next. For example, in one study by Rod Ellis, a learner used both "No look my card" and "Don't look my card" while playing a game of bingo. A small fraction of variation in interlanguage is "free variation", when the learner uses two forms interchangeably. However, most variation is "systemic variation", a variation that depends on the context of utterances the learner makes. Forms can vary depending on the linguistic context, such as whether the subject of a sentence is a pronoun or a noun; they can vary depending on social contexts, such as using formal expressions with superiors and informal expressions with friends; and also, they can vary depending on the psycholinguistic context, or in other words, on whether learners have the chance to plan what they are going to say. The causes of variability are a matter of great debate among SLA researchers.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: One important difference between first-language acquisition and second-language acquisition is that the process of second-language acquisition is influenced by languages that the learner already knows. This influence is known as "language transfer". Language transfer is a complex phenomenon resulting from the interaction between learners’ prior linguistic knowledge, the target-language input they encounter, and their cognitive processes. Language transfer is not always from the learner’s native language; it can also be from a second language or a third. Neither is it limited to any particular domain of language; language transfer can occur in grammar, pronunciation, vocabulary, discourse, and reading.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Language transfer often occurs when learners sense a similarity between a feature of a language they already know and a feature of the interlanguage they have developed. If this happens, the acquisition of more complicated language forms may be delayed in favor of simpler language forms that resemble those of the language the learner is familiar with. Learners may also decline to use some language forms at all if they are perceived as being too distant from their first language.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Language transfer has been the subject of several studies, and many aspects of it remain unexplained. Various hypotheses have been proposed to explain language transfer, but there is no single widely accepted explanation of why it occurs.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Some linguists prefer to use cross-linguistic influence to describe this phenomenon. Studies on bilingual children find bidirectional cross-linguistic influence; for example, Nicoladis (2012) reported that bilingual children aged three to four produce French-like periphrastic constructions e.g. "the hat of the dog" and ungrammatical English-like reversed possessive structures e.g. "" (dog hat) significantly more than their monolingual peers. Though periphrastic constructions are expected as they are grammatical in both English and French, reversed possessives in French are ungrammatical and thus unexpected.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: In a study exploring cross-linguistic influence in word order by comparing Dutch-English bilingual and English monolingual children, Unsworth found that bilingual children were more likely to accept incorrect V2 word orders in English than monolinguals with both auxiliary and main verbs. Dominance was a predictor of this phenomenon; Dutch-dominant children showed less sensitivity to word order than English-dominant ones, though this effect was small and there was individual variation.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The term language dominance can be defined in terms of differences in frequency of use and differences in proficiency in bilinguals. How basic or advanced a speaker's L2 level will be is determined by a complex range of environmental, individual and other factors. Language dominance may change over time through the process of language attrition, in which some L2 skills begin to match or even overtake those of L1. Research suggests a correlation between amount of language exposure and cross-linguistic influence; language dominance is considered to have an impact on the direction of transfer. One study found that transfer is asymmetrical and predicted by dominance, as Cantonese dominant children showed clear syntactic transfer in many areas of grammar from Cantonese to English but not vice versa. MLU, mean length of utterance, is a common measurement of linguistic productivity and language dominance in children.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The primary factor affecting language acquisition appears to be the input that the learner receives. Stephen Krashen took a very strong position on the importance of input, asserting that comprehensible input is all that is necessary for second-language acquisition. Krashen pointed to studies showing that the length of time a person stays in a foreign country is closely linked with their level of language acquisition. Further evidence for input comes from studies on reading: large amounts of free voluntary reading have a significant positive effect on learners' vocabulary, grammar, and writing. Input is also the mechanism by which people learn languages according to the universal grammar model.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The type of input may also be important. One tenet of Krashen's theory is that input should not be grammatically sequenced. He claims that such sequencing, as found in language classrooms where lessons involve practicing a "structure of the day", is not necessary, and may even be harmful.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: While input is of vital importance, Krashen's assertion that "only" input matters in second-language acquisition has been contradicted by more recent research. For example, students enrolled in French-language immersion programs in Canada still produced non-native-like grammar when they spoke, even though they had years of meaning-focused lessons and their listening skills were statistically native-level. Output appears to play an important role, and among other things, can help provide learners with feedback, make them concentrate on the form of what they are saying, and help them to automatize their language knowledge. These processes have been codified in the theory of comprehensible output.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Researchers have also pointed to interaction in the second language as being important for acquisition. According to Long's interaction hypothesis the conditions for acquisition are especially good when interacting in the second language; specifically, conditions are good when a communication breakdown occurs and learners must negotiate for meaning. The modifications to speech arising from interactions like this help make input more comprehensible, provide feedback to the learner, and push learners to modify their speech.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Much modern research in second-language acquisition has taken a cognitive approach. Cognitive research is concerned with the mental processes involved in language acquisition, and how they can explain the nature of learners' language knowledge. This area of research is based in the more general area of cognitive science and uses many concepts and models used in more general cognitive theories of learning. As such, cognitive theories view second-language acquisition as a special case of more general learning mechanisms in the brain. This puts them in direct contrast with linguistic theories, which posit that language acquisition uses a unique process different from other types of learning.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The dominant model in cognitive approaches to second-language acquisition, and indeed in all second-language acquisition research, is the computational model. The computational model involves three stages. In the first stage, learners retain certain features of the language input in short-term memory. (This retained input is known as "intake".) Then, learners convert some of this intake into second-language knowledge, which is stored in long-term memory. Finally, learners use this second-language knowledge to produce spoken output. Cognitive theories attempt to codify both the nature of the mental representations of intake and language knowledge and the mental processes that underlie these stages.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: In the early days of second-language acquisition research on interlanguage was seen as the basic representation of second-language knowledge; however, more recent research has taken several different approaches in characterizing the mental representation of language knowledge. Some theories hypothesize that learner language is inherently variable, and there is the functionalist perspective that sees the acquisition of language as intimately tied to the function it provides. Some researchers make the distinction between "implicit" and "explicit" language knowledge, and some between "declarative" and "procedural" language knowledge. There have also been approaches that argue for a "dual-mode system" in which some language knowledge is stored as rules and other language knowledge as items.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The mental processes that underlie second-language acquisition can be broken down into micro-processes and macro-processes. Micro-processes include attention; working memory; integration and restructuring. Restructuring is the process by which learners change their interlanguage systems; and "monitoring" is the conscious attending of learners to their own language output. Macro-processes include the distinction between intentional learning and incidental learning; and also the distinction between explicit and implicit learning. Some of the notable cognitive theories of second-language acquisition include the nativization model, the multidimensional model and processability theory, emergentist models, the competition model, and skill-acquisition theories.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Other cognitive approaches have looked at learners' speech production, particularly learners' speech planning and communication strategies. Speech planning can affect learners' spoken output, and research in this area has focused on how planning affects three aspects of speech: complexity, accuracy, and fluency. Of these three, planning effects on fluency have had the most research attention. Communication strategies are conscious strategies that learners employ to get around any instances of communication breakdown they may experience. Their effect on second-language acquisition is unclear, with some researchers claiming they help it, and others claiming the opposite.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: An important idea in recent cognitive approaches is the way that learning itself changes over development. For example, connectionist models that explain L1 language phenomena in different languages (e.g., Japanese, English ) can also be used to develop L2 models by first training on the L1 (e.g., Korean) and then training on the L2 (e.g. English). By using different learning rates for syntax and lexical learning that change over development, the model can explain sensitive period effects and differences in the effect of language exposure on different types of learners.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: From the early days of the discipline, researchers have also acknowledged that social aspects play an important role. There have been many different approaches to the sociolinguistic study of second-language acquisition, and indeed, according to Rod Ellis, this plurality has meant that "sociolinguistic SLA is replete with a bewildering set of terms referring to the social aspects of L2 acquisition". Common to each of these approaches, however, is a rejection of language as a purely psychological phenomenon; instead, sociolinguistic research views the social context in which language is learned as essential for a proper understanding of the acquisition process.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Ellis identifies three types of social structures that affect the acquisition of second languages: sociolinguistic setting, specific social factors, and situational factors. Sociolinguistic setting refers to the role of the second language in society, such as whether it is spoken by a majority or a minority of the population, whether its use is widespread or restricted to a few functional roles, or whether the society is predominantly bilingual or monolingual. Ellis also includes the distinction of whether the second language is learned in a natural or an educational setting. Specific social factors that can affect second-language acquisition include age, gender, social class, and ethnic identity, with ethnic identity being the one that has received most research attention. Situational factors are those that vary between each social interaction. For example, a learner may use more polite language when talking to someone of higher social status, but more informal language when talking with friends.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Immersion programs provide a sociolinguistic setting that facilitates second-language acquisition. Immersion programs are educational programs where children are instructed in an L2 language. Although the language of instruction is the L2 language, the curriculum parallels that of non-immersion programs and clear support exists in the L1 language, as the teachers are all bilingual. The goal of these programs is to develop a high level of proficiency in both the L1 and L2 languages. Students in immersion programs have been shown to have greater levels of proficiency in their second language than students who receive second language education only as a subject in school. This is especially true in terms of their receptive skills. Also, students who join immersion programs earlier generally have greater second-language proficiency than their peers who join later. However, students who join later have been shown to gain native-like proficiency. Although immersion students' receptive skills are especially strong, their productive skills may suffer if they spend the majority of their time listening to instruction only. Grammatical skills and the ability to have precise vocabulary are particular areas of struggle. It is argued that immersion is necessary, but not sufficient for the development of native-like proficiency in a second language. Opportunities to engage in sustained conversation, and assignments that encourage syntactical, as well as semantic development help develop the productive skills necessary for bilingual proficiency.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: A learner's sense of connection to their in-group, as well as to the community of the target language emphasizes the influence of the sociolinguistic setting, as well as social factors within the second-language acquisition process. Social Identity Theory argues that an important factor for second language acquisition is the learner's perceived identity to the community of the language being learned, as well as how the community of the target language perceives the learner. Whether or not a learner feels a sense of connection to the community or culture of the target language helps determine their social distance from the target culture. A smaller social distance is likely to encourage learners to acquire the second language, as their investment in the learning process is greater. Conversely, a greater social distance discourages attempts to acquire the target language. However, negative views not only come from the learner, but the community of the target language might feel greater social distance from the learner, limiting the learner's ability to learn the language. Whether or not bilingualism is valued by the culture or community of the learner is an important indicator of the motivation to learn a language.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Gender, as a social factor, also influences SLA. Females have been found to have higher motivation and more positive attitudes than males for second-language acquisition. However, females are also more likely to present higher levels of anxiety, which may inhibit their ability to efficiently learn a new language.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: There have been several models developed to explain social effects on language acquisition. Schumann's Acculturation Model proposes that learners' rate of development and ultimate level of language achievement is a function of the "social distance" and the "psychological distance" between learners and the second-language community. In Schumann's model, the social factors are most important, but the degree to which learners are comfortable with learning the second language also plays a role. Another sociolinguistic model is Gardner's socio-educational model, which was designed to explain classroom language acquisition. Gardner's model focuses on the emotional aspects of SLA, arguing that positive motivation contributes to an individual's willingness to learn L2; furthermore, the goal of an individual to learn an L2 is based on the idea that the individual has a desire to be part of a culture, in other words, part of a (the targeted language) mono-linguistic community. Factors, such as "integrativeness" and "attitudes towards the learning situation" drive motivation. The outcome of positive motivation is not only linguistic but non-linguistic, such that the learner has met the desired goal. Although there are many critics of Gardner's model, nonetheless many of these critics have been influenced by the merits that his model holds. The inter-group model proposes "ethnolinguistic vitality" as a key construct for second-language acquisition. Language socialization is an approach with the premise that "linguistic and cultural knowledge are "constructed" through each other", and saw increased attention after the year 2000. Finally, Norton's theory of social identity is an attempt to codify the relationship between power, identity, and language acquisition.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: A unique approach to SLA is Sociocultural theory. It was originally developed by Lev Vygotsky and his followers. Central to Vygotsky's theory is the concept of a zone of proximal development (ZPD). The ZPD notion states that social interaction with more advanced target language users allows one to learn a language at a higher level than if they were to learn a language independently. Sociocultural theory has a fundamentally different set of assumptions to approaches to second-language acquisition based on the computational model. Furthermore, although it is closely affiliated with other social approaches, it is a theory of mind and not of general social explanation of language acquisition. According to Ellis, "It is important to recognize... that this paradigm, despite the label 'sociocultural' does not seek to explain how learners acquire the cultural values of the L2 but rather how knowledge of an L2 is internalized through experiences of a sociocultural nature."


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Linguistic approaches to explaining second-language acquisition spring from the wider study of linguistics. They differ from cognitive approaches and sociocultural approaches in that they consider linguistic knowledge to be unique and distinct from any other type of knowledge. The linguistic research tradition in second-language acquisition has developed in relative isolation from the cognitive and sociocultural research traditions, and as of 2010 the influence from the wider field of linguistics was still strong. Two main strands of research can be identified in the linguistic tradition: generative approaches informed by universal grammar, and typological approaches.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Typological universals are principles that hold for all the world's languages. They are found empirically, by surveying different languages and deducing which aspects of them could be universal; these aspects are then checked against other languages to verify the findings. The interlanguages of second-language learners have been shown to obey typological universals, and some researchers have suggested that typological universals may constrain interlanguage development.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The theory of universal grammar was proposed by Noam Chomsky in the 1950s and has enjoyed considerable popularity in the field of linguistics. It focuses on describing the linguistic competence of an individual. He believed that children not only acquire language by learning descriptive rules of grammar; he claimed that children "creatively" play and form words as they learn language, creating meaning of these words, as opposed to the mechanism of memorizing language. It consists of a set of "principles", which are universal and constant, and a set of "parameters", which can be set differently for different languages. The "universals" in universal grammar differ from typological universals in that they are a mental construct derived by researchers, whereas typological universals are readily verifiable by data from world languages. It is widely accepted among researchers in the universal grammar framework that all first-language learners have access to universal grammar; this is not the case for second-language learners, however, and much research in the context of second-language acquisition has focused on what level of access learners may have. there is an ongoing debate among generative linguists surrounding whether L2 users have full or partial access to universal grammar. This can be seen through acceptability judgment tests. For example, one study found that during a comprehension task, while English L1 speakers learning Spanish may accept the imperfect aspect in appropriate conditions, even at higher levels of proficiency, they do not reject the use of the Preterite tense in continuous and habitual contexts.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Universal grammar theory can account for some of the observations of SLA research. For example, L2 users often display knowledge about their L2 that they have not been exposed to. L2 users are often aware of ambiguous or ungrammatical L2 units that they have not learned from any external source, nor their pre-existing L1 knowledge. This unsourced knowledge suggests the existence of a universal grammar. Another piece of evidence that generative linguists tend to use is the poverty of the stimulus, which states that children acquiring language lack sufficient data to fully acquire all facets of grammar in their language, causing a mismatch between input and output. The fact that children are only exposed to positive evidence yet have intuition about which word strings are ungrammatical may also be indicative of universal grammar. However, L2 learners have access to negative evidence as they are explicitly taught about ungrammaticality through corrections or grammar teaching.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: There is considerable variation in the rate at which people learn second languages, and in the language level that they ultimately reach. Some learners learn quickly and reach a near-native level of competence, but others learn slowly and get stuck at relatively early stages of acquisition, despite living in the country where the language is spoken for several years. The reason for this disparity was first addressed with the study of language learning aptitude in the 1950s, and later with the "good language learner studies" in the 1970s. More recently research has focused on several different factors that affect individuals' language learning, in particular strategy use, social and societal influences, personality, motivation, and anxiety. The relationship between age and the ability to learn languages has also been a subject of long-standing debate.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: The issue of age was first addressed with the critical period hypothesis. The strict version of this hypothesis states that there is a cut-off age at about 12, after which learners lose the ability to fully learn a language. However, the exact age marking the end of the critical period is debated, and ranges from age 6 to 13, with many arguing that it is around the onset of puberty. This strict version has since been rejected for second-language acquisition, as some adult and adolescent learners have been observed who reach native-like levels of pronunciation and general fluency faster than young children. However, in general, adolescent and adult learners of a second language rarely achieve the native-like fluency that children who acquire both languages from birth display, despite often progressing faster in the initial stages. This has led to speculation that age is indirectly related to other, more central factors that affect language learning.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Children who acquire two languages from birth are called simultaneous bilinguals. In these cases, both languages are spoken to the children by their parents or caregivers and they grow up knowing the two languages. These children generally reach linguistic milestones at the same time as their monolingual peers. Children who do not learn two languages from infancy, but learn one language from birth, and another at some point during childhood, are referred to as sequential bilinguals. People often assume that a sequential bilingual's first language is their most proficient language, but this is not always the case. Over time and experience, a child's second language may become his or her strongest. This is especially likely to happen if a child's first language is a minority language spoken at home, and the child's second language is the majority language learned at school or in the community before the age of five. Proficiency for both simultaneous and sequential bilinguals is dependent upon the child's opportunities to engage in meaningful conversations in a variety of contexts.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Often simultaneous bilinguals are more proficient in their languages than sequential bilinguals. One argument for this is that simultaneous bilinguals develop more distinct representations of their languages, especially with regards to phonological and semantic levels of processing. This would cause learners to have more differentiation between the languages, leading them to be able to recognize the subtle differences between the languages that less proficient learners would struggle to recognize. Learning a language earlier in life would help develop these distinct representations of language, as the learner's first language would be less established. Conversely, learning a language later in life would lead to more similar semantic representations.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Although child learners more often acquire native-like proficiency, older child and adult learners often progress faster in the initial stages of learning. Older child and adult learners are quicker at acquiring the initial grammar knowledge than child learners, however, with enough time and exposure to the language, children surpass their older peers. Once surpassed, older learners often display clear language deficiencies compared to child learners. This has been attributed to having a solid grasp of the first language or mother tongue they were first immersed into. Having this cognitive ability already developed can aid the process of learning a second language since there is a better understanding of how language works. For this same reason interaction with family and further development of the first language is encouraged along with positive reinforcement. The exact language deficiencies that occur past a certain age are not unanimously agreed upon. Some believe that only pronunciation is affected, while others believe other abilities are affected as well. However, some differences that are generally agreed upon include older learners having a noticeable accent, a smaller vocabulary, and making several linguistic errors.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: One explanation for this difference in proficiency between older learners and younger learners involves Universal Grammar. Universal Grammar is a debated theory that suggests that people have an innate knowledge of universal linguistic principles that is present from birth. These principles guide children as they learn a language, but its parameters vary from language to language. The theory assumes that, while Universal Grammar remains into adulthood, the ability to reset the parameters set for each language is lost, making it more difficult to learn a new language proficiently. Since older learners would already have an established native language, the language acquisition process is very different for them, than for young learners. The rules and principles that guide the use of the learners' native language play a role in the way the second language is developed.


title: Second-language acquisition

text: Some nonbiological explanations for second-language acquisition age differences include variations in social and psychological factors, such as motivation; the learner's linguistic environment; and the level of exposure. Even with less advantageous nonbiological influences, many young children attain a greater level of proficiency in their second language than older learners with more advantageous nonbiological influences.