title: Panhard AML

text: Following the July 17 Revolution, the Ba'ath Party assumed power in Iraq and turned to the Soviet Union as its principal supplier of arms. Between 1968 and 1970 the Iraqi Army underwent a second major rearmament programme with Soviet assistance. However, the Soviet government used this relationship to exert political pressure on the Ba'athist regime. Iraqi officials also believed the Soviets were withholding their most sophisticated weapons from export and therefore embarked on a diversification effort to find secondary suppliers of arms, preferably in the West. In 1972 the Ba'ath Party repaid France for not opposing its nationalisation of Iraqi oil by placing an order for some AML-90s. Estimates of the number initially sold and delivered to Iraq vary from 8 to 38; however, it is clear that this largely symbolic purchase was instrumental in re-igniting defence ties with France. In 1974 the Iraqis placed a second order for another 20 AML-60s and 42 AML-90s, and subsequently for 2 AML-60s and 25 AML-90s. Most of the orders were small and timed to coincide with Iraqi requests for access to far more advanced French defence technology, but they rapidly accumulated; Panhard recorded the sale of 131 AML-60s and 101 AML-90s to Iraq between 1972 and 1980.


title: Panhard AML

text: In Iraqi service, AML platoons were typically attached at the brigade or battalion level and utilised for their traditional role of reconnaissance. A single Iraqi armoured reconnaissance platoon may have consisted of up to 8 AMLs. Each Iraqi Army corps and infantry division also had its own reconnaissance battalion with 46 AMLs and BRDM-2 scout cars divided into two companies. Most conventional reconnaissance duties were carried out by the AML-90s, which were valued for the size and range of their armament, while the AML-60s were relegated to secondary battlefield tasks.


title: Panhard AML

text: Iraqi AMLs first saw action in Khuzestan Province during the 1980 invasion of Iran. Lacking adequate air cover, a number were destroyed by Iranian Bell AH-1 Cobra attack helicopters on September 28 near Bostan. In 1991, AML-90s were deployed again, somewhat ineffectually, against United States Marine Corps and Saudi National Guard troops during the Battle of Khafji. Their appearance at Khafji may have led to some initial confusion, since the armoured cars were also operated by the Saudis. Many Iraqi crews failed to take advantage of their vehicles' mobility and engaged the coalition forces from static positions until they were wiped out by artillery. During the Liberation of Kuwait and the subsequent coalition counter-offensive, air superiority was the deciding factor in most reconnaissance operations. The US made use of scout helicopters armed with BGM-71 TOW missiles, which frequently obliterated Iraqi AMLs at long range before they could observe or harass allied ground forces. Others were destroyed on the ground during the first day of the coalition thrust into Kuwait, namely by US M1 Abrams tanks.


title: Panhard AML

text: The US estimated that the Iraqi Army was operating 300 AMLs in 1990. Iraq lost about half its armoured reconnaissance vehicles during the Gulf War. A small number of AML-90s and AML-60s remained in service, although they were increasingly threatened by erratic maintenance and lack of spare parts. When a US-led coalition invaded Iraq in 2003, Iraqi AMLs clashed with a contingent of American tanks attached to 3rd Battalion, 4th Marines as they advanced on Nasiriyah.


title: Panhard AML

text: Egypt first encountered Israeli AML-90s in the Sinai Peninsula during the Six-Day War, where at least one platoon was deployed against Egyptian T-54 tanks on several occasions. Some were captured by the defending Egyptian forces during the Israeli campaign, with individual examples being pressed into service. Their performance sufficiently impressed the Egyptian Army that it later issued its own requirement for an armoured car with a turret-mounted 90 mm gun, preferably firing discarding sabot projectiles for improved anti-tank purposes. Bids were accepted from six European contractors (including Panhard), for the programme, although it is unclear what vehicle was adopted.


title: Panhard AML

text: In the Falklands War, the Argentines deployed 12 AML-90s from "Escuadron de Exploracion Caballeria Blindada 181" (181st Armoured Cavalry Reconnaissance Squadron) and an unknown additional number from "Escuadron de Exploracion Caballeria Blindada 10" near Port Stanley. During the Battle of Wireless Ridge the only armour "versus" armour engagement of the war was fought when these units encountered FV101 Scorpions and FV107 Scimitars of the Blues and Royals. The armoured cars were abandoned in Stanley after the conflict ended.


title: Panhard AML

text: In the Salvadoran Civil War, at least one AML-90 was destroyed by FMLN insurgents with rifle grenades and an M67 recoilless rifle.


title: Panhard AML

text: In 1987, during the Toyota War, FANT's use of swift wheeled vehicles, including AML-90s, allowed Chadian forces to break through combined arms formations and cause severe damage before the slower Libyan tanks could track or engage their targets. The Panhards, deployed in concert with MILAN missile teams at strategic hill junctures, frequently ambushed T-55s at a range of under three hundred metres.


title: Panhard AML

text: In mid-December 2010, AMLs manned by Laurent Gbagbo's supporters were used to intimidate Ivorian civilians in Abidjan and the western countryside.


title: Panhard AML

text: The "Ecole de Formation et d'Application des Troupes Blindées", at Mbanza-Ngungu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, was originally established by French Military Cooperation Mission to instruct African AML crews. Today, the academy can host 70 trainees; ten African armies are currently participating in the program.


title: Panhard AML

text: Known more formally as the "AML HE 60-7", or by its manufacturer's code "AML-245B", the AML-60 was Panhard's initial production model and included a rounded turret with twin 7.62mm machine guns on the left and a breech-loaded 60 mm (2.36 in.) mortar on the right, with 3,800 stored rounds of 7.62mm ammunition and 43 to 53 mortar projectiles, respectively. The mortar can still be muzzle loaded from outside the vehicle, but is unique in its opening breech locked by a falling block much like direct fire artillery. It has an elevation of +80° and a depression of −15°. Two types of mortars are available: a Hotckiss-Brandt CM60A1 or, in later production models, a Cloche Spéciale (CS) 60 designed by the French government's "Direction technique des armements terrestres" (DTAT), which was distinguished by its ribbed barrel. The ergonomic dimensions of the CS 60's ammunition allow ten more mortar bombs to carried for a total of 53, as opposed to the CM60A1's 43. Both can be fired on a flat trajectory and are effective at no more than in the direct role, or in the indirect role. Separate combat and command variants of the AML HE 60-7 turrets were manufactured, the latter being fitted with additional radio equipment and therefore possessing comparatively limited stowage. The number of stored ammunition is reduced to 32 mortar bombs and 3,200 7.62mm rounds, respectively.


title: Panhard AML

text: An AML-60's crew commander acquires targets, directs the gunner, and makes a series of ranging and ordnance calculations to ascertain firing angles. Sighting is optical, and carried out through an M112/3 combined monocular telescope and binocular periscope. Elevation aiming control is linked to the mortar but provision made for manual scanning. In late production models, the micrometre markings on the sights could be illuminated for night firing.


title: Panhard AML

text: Known as the "AML HE 60-20", the AML 60-20 replaced both co-axial 7.62mm machine guns with an M621 20 mm autocannon with 500 stored rounds. The 20 mm autocannon was based on the MG 151 and has an elevation of +50° and a depression of −8°, allowing it to engage low-flying aircraft as necessary. It fires both armour-piercing and high-explosive rounds with a muzzle velocity of . An optional 7.62mm pintle-mounted machine gun can be mounted on the turret roof as necessary, although only 1,000 rounds of ammunition may be stored.


title: Panhard AML

text: The AML-60-20 Serval mated an AML-60 chassis to the much larger and more sophisticated "Serval" turret designed by Hispano-Suiza CNMP, with considerable improvements to the firepower, sights, and ammunition stowage of the original AML 60-20 concept. Two types of 20 mm autocannon were offered: the M693, or the Oerlikon KAD B-16 (Hispano-Suiza HS.820). The original CS DTAT or CM60A1 mortars were replaced by the long-barelled Brandt 60 mm LR gun-mortar, which more than doubled the range of the main armament. The Brandt LR also fired a unique armour-piercing projectile. Due to interior space taken up by the larger mortar, the autocannon and a 7.62mm machine gun were shifted to a new position at the rear of the turret.


title: Panhard AML

text: AML 60-20 Servals were the first AML-60 variants to be fitted with an electrical fire-control system developed specifically for gun-mortars. The apparatus consisted of two separate control units, one for the gunner and commander, and a new rangefinder. It also included an inclinometer and was designed to allow the main armament to be fired while the AML was parked on sloping ground, without compromising accuracy. A gunner could make the appropriate corrections to bearing aim, based on the altitude according to the horizontal.


title: Panhard AML

text: Known as the "AML HE 60-12", the AML 60-12 was identical in every manner to the AML 60-20 but replaced the 20 mm autocannon with a single 12.7mm heavy machine gun. Its turret had an ammunition capacity of 1,300 rounds of 12.7mm and 3,800 rounds of 7.62mm.


title: Panhard AML

text: Formally known as the "AML H-90", or by its manufacturer's code "AML-245C", the AML-90 was designed for carrying out rearguard duties and substituting for the heavier tanks and armoured fighting vehicles deployed in a more linear fashion at the front. Its major feature was its DEFA low-pressure 90 mm rifled gun, which permitted the anti-tank and reconnaissance elements of French territorial units to be combined into a new component capable of knocking out the heaviest vehicle likely to be ranged against it, the Soviet ASU-57 and ASU-85. This was a direct response to Soviet airborne doctrine—Moscow's tacticians then attached great significance to the deployment of paratroopers, with their own artillery and armour, deep behind enemy lines.


title: Panhard AML

text: The DEFA D921 was the first 90 mm low-pressure gun to be mass-produced in France. It was specifically designed for vehicles weighing under ten tonnes in mind, and the successful mating of such a large calibre weapon on the five tonne AML chassis was then considered a major engineering achievement. This made an AML-90 exceptionally well-armed in proportion to its weight, and offered the advantage of easier recoil loads over conventional tank cannon. The weapon was developed by the "Etablissement d'Etudes et de Fabrications d'Armement de Bourges" (EFAB) in the 1950s and partly modelled after the Mecar series of lightweight 90 mm KEnerga guns from Belgium. Unlike the Belgian guns however, the DEFA D921 lacked a smoothbore barrel, instead utilising shallow rifling with a rather slow twist to impart a low rate of spin to the discharging projectile. Its ammunition was also fin-stabilised, but improved on the Mecar ammunition by incorporating the fins as a direct extension of the individual shell, making it much shorter.


title: Panhard AML

text: As mounted on the AML-90, the D921 has an elevation of +15° and a depression of −8°. It is provided with a co-axial 7.62mm machine gun to the left of the main armament. The turret is traversed by rotating the gunner's handwheels, which are not power assisted. Cranking the turret through a full 360° takes approximately twenty-five seconds. A total of 20 90 mm shells and 2,400 rounds of machine gun ammunition are carried. The 90 mm high-explosive anti-tank round possesses a muzzle velocity of and will penetrate of armour at an incidence of 0°, or of armour at 60°. The high-explosive round has a muzzle velocity of . These rather low velocity performances, although suitable for close combat, make hit probability poor at extended ranges and proved to be a serious handicap when fighting tanks. Combat experience during the South African Border War and the Six-Day War proved that the AML was decisively outranged by both the T-34/85 and the M48 Patton, respectively. Its rather austere fire control, with optical ranging based on the crew commander's estimates, was also problematic. The vehicle is unable to fire on the move, since its transmission cannot absorb the recoil of such a large gun while in forward motion and suffers excessive wear as a result. Nevertheless, during at least three conflicts the AML proved capable of knocking out main battle tanks, often by attacking from the flank or rear. The heaviest armour destroyed by an AML-90 was likely a Libyan T-62 during the Toyota War, in March 1988.


title: Panhard AML

text: The D921 recoils approximately 58 cm and is then returned to the firing position by a hydropneumatic recuperator. It is fitted with a double-baffle muzzle brake which reduces the magnitude of the firing impulses and consequently, the average recoil forces. However, the deflection of propellant gases rearward and the resulting overpressure may cause whiplash to the crew. During runout the breech is opened and an empty shell casing ejected; the breech then remains open for reloading.


title: Panhard AML

text: Also known as the "AML D-90 Lynx", the AML-90 Lynx was a heavily upgraded and modernised AML-90 fitted with a sophisticated turret and ranging system. Like the H-90, the D-90 Lynx turret mounted the same D921 90 mm gun on the right and a co-axial 7.62mm machine gun on the left. The main armament now had an improved elevation gear and could be elevated from −8° to +35°. Other modifications included the replacement of the unlit optical sights with TJN2-90 combined day/night sights. The new sights were designed around a light intensifier tube with automatic gain control to enable sighting in the darkness without the need for artificial illumination, and had a range of nearly . They could be fitted with additional features such as slope compensation or tachometry facilities. A menagerie of other sights and sighting equipment were also offered with the AML-90 Lynx for export customers, including the same CANASTA night sights package and electronics suite as fitted to the AMX-10RC. The CANASTA system included a low-light television camera and display units for the AML's gunner and commander, along with a moving electronic reticle with sight angle corrections. This somewhat compensated for low hit probability from the first 90 mm round at long range, allowing for the automatic engagement of moving targets.


title: Panhard AML

text: One of the defining characteristics of the AML-90 Lynx was the large searchlight mounted co-axially with its 90 mm gun, a domed commander's cupola with vision blocks reminiscent of the Eland Mk7, and a boxlike laser rangefinder on the gun mantlet. Two types of French laser rangefinders were available as standard, although several foreign designs such as the Avimo LV3 could also be fitted: the TCV 107 and the TCV 29. Both rangefinders automatically calculate the range to target and feed this information to the crew commander, eliminating the need for rough estimation as before.


title: Panhard AML

text: AML-90 Lynxes were offered with a variety of new power plants, namely a Peugeot XD 3T diesel engine developing 71 kW (95 hp) for an extended range of . In 1979, one AML-90 Lynx prototype was showcased with a Mercedes-Benz OM617 developing 86 kW (115 hp) but it remains unclear if this model entered production. The armament as fitted to the D-90 Lynx turret could be also configured greatly, including the modification of the D921 gun to fire APFSDS ammunition with a muzzle velocity of , or its replacement with the considerably more powerful Cockerill Mk. III medium pressure 90 mm gun as mounted on the EE-9 Cascavel. Many of these turrets were equipped with hydraulic traverse, eliminating the necessity for manual operation. Traversing a powered Lynx turret through a full 360° takes less than fifteen seconds.


title: Panhard AML

text: The first export sales of the AML-90 Lynx were to Burundi, which ordered 12 in 1982. Morocco purchased 20 in 1988, and another 23 were accepted by the Chadian National Armed Forces (FANT) as military aid during the final stage of the Chadian–Libyan conflict. Small quantities were also donated by the French government to Senegal, Togo, and Guinea. An undisclosed number of Lebanese and Kenyan AML-90s have been upgraded with Lynx turrets as well.


title: Panhard AML

text: Designed as a self-propelled anti-aircraft weapon, the AML S530 was developed solely for export and is operated by the Venezuelan Army. It carries twin M621 20 mm autocannon, with 600 stored rounds. The autocannons have an elevation of +70° and a depression of −10°. Ranging is optical and carried out by a roof-mounted periscopic sight very similar to that installed on the AML HE 60-7. The sight has been modified for anti-aircraft purposes and has a vertical field of view of 20°. It has a sun filter, a collimator with an adjustable illumination feature for night firing, an adjustable display lead for tracking fast or slow moving targets and aircraft either flying horizontally or diving, and automatic fire range estimation effective up to . More specialised anti-aircraft sights, as well as sights designed solely for engaging ground targets, could also be installed when necessary. Both 20 mm guns are equipped with an ammunition feed mechanism storing 260 rounds each. They can fired either on semi-automatic, fully automatic, or in short bursts, with a cyclic rate of fire of 750 rounds per minute per barrel. One barrel may also be selected at a time. The ammunition feed is housed in the turret's elevating module, and fed from an ammunition bin in the turret basket. The 20 mm armour-piercing round possesses a muzzle velocity of 1,000 m/s and will penetrate 23 mm of armour at an incidence of 0°. The high explosive and incendiary rounds have a muzzle velocity of .


title: Panhard AML

text: An AML S530 prototype was first showcased at Satory in 1971 and twelve were immediately ordered by Venezuela. They were produced and delivered by 1973, but no further export sales followed. A smaller, more rounded variant of the same S530 turret with improved sights was later mounted on an ERC 90 Sagaie chassis for a Gabonese military requirement.


title: Panhard AML

text: The "AML H-20" had a turret with full power traverse and elevation and was armed with a single 20 mm M693 F2 autocannon; a 7.62mm machine gun was also mounted co-axially with the main armament and a similar weapon could be fitted to the turret roof for anti-aircraft defence. The M693 could be elevated from −8° to +50°. Unlike the M621 mounted on the AML 60-20 and AML S530, this weapon employed cartridges with mechanical priming and was paired to a dual-feed ammunition supply system, allowing more than one type of ammunition to be loaded at once, with gunners being able to switch between the two. It can fire all Hispano-Suiza HS.820 20 mm rounds as well as a specially developed French Type 693 sub-calibre armour-piercing round. The armour-piercing ammunition will kill any other light armoured car at ranges of up to , and also damage the sides of an older main battle tank. Like the M621 single shots, limited bursts, or continuous bursts can be fired.


title: Panhard AML

text: Two separate turrets were offered for the AML-20: the French TL-120 SO by the "Societe d'Applications des Machines Motrices" (SAMM), and the South African LCT-20 by Denel Land Systems, which was originally designed for the Ratel-20 infantry fighting vehicle. The TL-120 SO turret was open-topped and 1,000 rounds of 20 mm ammunition were carried. It was one of the most well-protected turrets fitted to the AML chassis to date, with a maximum armour plate thickness of 20 mm. This turret was also hydraulically powered and could be rotated through a full 360° in ten seconds or less. The gunner's optical sights were adopted from the AML S530 and a secondary periscope optimised specifically for anti-aircraft purposes also fitted. No sights were provided for the crew commander, leaving the gunner responsible for acquiring targets.


title: Panhard AML

text: The LCT-20 turret was considerably more sophisticated, incorporating a range of night vision equipment and a laser rangefinder. About 300 rounds of 20 mm and 1,000 rounds of ready use 7.62mm ammunition were carried. The LCT-20 was not open-topped, although for observation purposes there was a domed cupola with four direct observation windows. Denel sights provided for both the gunner and commander were effective up to .


title: Panhard AML

text: A prototype trialled during early 1970s, the "AML H-30" mated an AML-90 chassis and turret to a single 30 mm Hispano-Suiza HS.831 anti-aircraft gun and was the first AML to be offered with powered turret controls. The 30 mm cannon could be fired on semiautomatic, in bursts, or fully automatic. A co-axial 7.62mm machine gun could be mounted to the left of the main armament. Stored ammunition was 200 30 mm rounds, and 2,200 7.62mm rounds for the machine gun.


title: Panhard AML

text: Due to the increasing obsolescence of low pressure, direct fire weapons in the anti-tank role, Panhard manufactured at least one dedicated anti-tank guided missile carrier variant of the AML-90—the same chassis with its turret removed and replaced by a launching system for four SS.11 or two SS.12/AS.12 missiles. Two 7.62mm machine guns were mounted to the centre of the new system for self-defence.


title: Panhard AML

text: Over a dozen variants of the Panhard AML were developed to meet a wide range of mission requirements, including border patrol, airfield security, light raiding duties, and liaison purposes. At some point Panhard developed four other vehicles for these roles based on the AML chassis but designated them "EPF", "EPA", "ERA", and "EPR", respectively. The liaison model, the EPR, was turretless and carried only a ring-mounted 12.7mm heavy machine gun. The ERA marketed for the role of raiding and harassing larger armoured or mechanised forces was similar to the AML-20, but could also carry a mount for six MILAN missiles in place of the 20 mm autocannon. The EPF and EPA carried up to three 7.62mm general-purpose machine guns apiece. Yet another variant, the AML "Eclairage", was identical to the AML-20 and ERA.


title: Panhard AML

text: The AML-30 and AML-90 spawned amphibious models, which bore propellers and form-fitting, watertight boxes over their hulls. These were then inflated with polyurethane, allowing the armoured car to float. The polyurethane lining had the advantage of being self-extinguishing if ignited by flame, and of providing a detonation point for a hollow charge shell before it could reach the armour plate. Amphibious AMLs were propelled through the water at and were steered by their front wheels. The amphibious box increased the weight of the chassis by about ten percent.


title: Panhard AML

text: Individual armies have also retrofitted existing AMLs with new armament adopted from other armoured vehicles, such as the complete turret and 30 mm RARDEN autocannon of the FV107 Scimitar light tank.


title: Panhard AML

text: The Eland Mk7 is an AML derivative built under licence in South Africa with a number of major modifications. Although the vehicle fulfills a similar role to its Panhard counterpart, it differs both in design and construction. The engine at the rear of the Eland is water-cooled whilst the French vehicle's engine is air-cooled, necessitating a different rear hull. An Eland's hull is also somewhat longer.


title: Panhard AML

text: Several companies currently offer upgrades or comprehensive rebuild packages for AMLs, particularly with regards to the elderly Panhard Model 4 HD engine, for which spare parts are difficult and expensive to source. Saymar, an Israeli firm, has proposed replacing it with a two-litre Toyota diesel engine developing 76 kW (102 hp). Another extensive AML modernisation programme is being marketed by a subsidiary of the Saudi Military Industries Corporation. Overhauled Saudi AML engines are supported on a horizontal sliding frame, allowing them to be replaced by a trained maintenance team in twenty minutes.


title: Panhard AML

text: The Panhard AML has made some major film appearances, most notably in the 1987 British film "The Living Daylights", when two Moroccan Army AML-90s were mocked up as Soviet reconnaissance vehicles pursuing Afghan Mujahadeen. These examples included mounted RPK machine guns and communications not dissimilar to those in the BRDM-2.


title: Panhard AML

text: AMLs were first portrayed in the 1973 French thriller "The Day of the Jackal", and 1974 Italian war film "While There's War There's Hope", which featured an AML-90 of the Portuguese Armed Forces during the Guinea-Bissau War of Independence.


title: Panhard AML

text: Two AML-90s erroneously presented as German scout cars serving with the Afrika Korps appear in the 1984 French war film "Les Morfalous".


title: Panhard AML

text: A Moroccan Army AML-90 briefly appears in the 2018 political thriller film "Beirut", mocked up as a Lebanese militia armored car passing by outside the main entrance of the Beirut International Airport Passenger Terminal.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: Emiliano Buendía Stati (born 25 December 1996) is an Argentine professional footballer who plays as a winger for club Aston Villa and the Argentina national team.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: Buendía's senior career began at Getafe with whom he spent four years, including a short spell with Spanish side Cultural Leonesa, before he moved to England, joining Norwich City in 2018 and Aston Villa in 2021.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: Born in Mar del Plata, Argentina, Buendía finished his formation with Getafe CF. On 30 March 2014, still a junior, he made his senior debuts, starting for the reserves in a 2–1 away win against CD Puerta Bonita in the Segunda División B championship. On 13 April he scored his first goal, the first of a 2–0 win at Peña Sport FC.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: Buendía started the 2014–15 season still with the B-team and in the third level, notably scoring twice in a 3–0 home success against CF Fuenlabrada. On 5 December 2014 he played his first match as a professional, replacing Ángel Lafita in a 3–0 Copa del Rey win against SD Eibar at the "Coliseum Alfonso Pérez".


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: Buendía made his La Liga debut on 1 February 2015, coming on as a late substitute in a 0–1 away loss against UD Almería. He scored his first goal in the category on 27 September, netting the second in a 3–0 home win against Levante UD.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: On 5 July 2016, despite suffering team relegation, Buendía signed a new five-year deal with the Madrid outskirts side. On 27 July of the following year, he was loaned to fellow second tier club Cultural y Deportiva Leonesa, for one year.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: He scored his first goal for Norwich in a 1–0 win over Brentford on 27 October 2018, and played an integral role as one of the main creative attacking players in the team - scoring 7 further league goals as the club swept to promotion to the Premier League and the Championship title. Fans subsequently voted him into third place in the annual Player of the Season awards.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: During December 2019, Buendía created 29 chances for his teammates. This is the most chances created by a player in a single month in the Premier League since the stat began to be recorded in 2003–04.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: On 7 July 2020, Buendía scored his first-ever goal in the Premier League, coming in a 1–2 defeat to Watford at Vicarage Road. Norwich would lose their next match to West Ham, a result which confirmed their relegation back to the Championship after only a single season in the top flight.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: On 6 April 2021, Buendía scored once and provided three assists in an emphatic 7–0 victory over Huddersfield Town.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: On 17 April, Norwich secured automatic promotion back into the Premier League, and won the division on 1 May with a 4–1 defeat of Reading.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: On 29 April, following a season in which Buendía scored 15 league goals and added a further 16 assists, he won the EFL Championship Player of the Season award. He was also named as Norwich's Player of the Season, becoming only the fourth player from outside the British Isles to win the award.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: On 7 June 2021, it was announced that an agreement had been reached for Buendía to be transferred to fellow Premier League club Aston Villa once he had returned from international duty with Argentina. The deal was completed on 10 June. The transfer fee was believed to be worth around £33million, rising to £38 million with potential bonuses, and was confirmed to be both Aston Villa's record signing, and Norwich City's record sale.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: Buendía made his debut for Aston Villa on 14 August 2021, in a 3–2 loss to Watford on the opening day of the season. He scored his first goal for Aston Villa on 28 August 2021, in a 1–1 draw against Brentford in the Premier League.


title: Emiliano Buendía

text: On 16 September 2014, Buendía was called up to the Spain under-19s. On 29 April of the following year, he was called up by Argentina under-20s for 2015 FIFA U-20 World Cup, and joined the latter's training camp on 5 May 2015. In May 2021, Buendía was called up to the Argentina senior squad for the first time. On 1 February 2022, he made his debut in a 1–0 home victory over Colombia.


title: Resentment

text: Resentment (also called ranklement or bitterness) is a complex, multilayered emotion that has been described as a mixture of disappointment, disgust and anger. Other psychologists consider it a mood or as a secondary emotion (including cognitive elements) that can be elicited in the face of insult and/or injury.


title: Resentment

text: Inherent in resentment is a perception of unfairness (i.e. from trivial to very serious), and a generalized defense against unfair situations (e.g. relationships or unfavourable circumstances).


title: Resentment

text: The word originates from French ""ressentir"", re-, intensive prefix, and "sentir" "to feel"; from the Latin ""sentire"". The English word has become synonymous with anger, spite, and holding a grudge.


title: Resentment

text: Resentment can result from a variety of situations involving a perceived wrongdoing from an individual, which are often sparked by expressions of injustice or humiliation. Common sources of resentment include publicly humiliating incidents such as accepting negative treatment without voicing any protest; feeling like an object of regular discrimination or prejudice; envy/jealousy; feeling used or taken advantage of by others; and having achievements go unrecognized, while others succeed without working as hard. Resentment can also be generated by dyadic interactions, such as emotional rejection or denial by another person, deliberate embarrassment or belittling by another person, or ignorance, putting down, or scorn by another person.


title: Resentment

text: Resentment can also develop, and be maintained by: focusing on past grievances (i.e. disturbing memories of hurtful experiences) continuously, or by trying to justify the emotion (i.e. with additional thoughts/feelings). Thus, resentment can occur as a result of the grief process and can be sustained by ruminating.


title: Resentment

text: Alice MacLachlan writes "What we resent reveals what it is we value, and what we have come to expect (or hope) from others; it may also reveal to what we see ourselves as "entitled" {to}: that is, how our expectations of our surroundings are organized and measured." Indeed, she goes on to further write that only an amoral person (a person who didn't have values or concern for the well-being of self or others) could not experience resentment.


title: Resentment

text: Resentment can also function to warn against further, future, harmful and unfair situations from occurring again (its focus is on the future). Resentment, used as a form of distrust, has a strong component of self-punishment: "the false appeal of self-punishment is that it "seems" to keep us safe from future hurt and disappointment", when in reality it is hurting the resenter more (i.e. how we mistreat or distrust others unrelated to the offense, ourselves, etc.).


title: Resentment

text: Resentment has also been conceptualized as a form of "protest": "More specifically, resentment protests a past action, that persists as a present threat". The 'present threat' being that the past harmful action(s), makes a claim: that you can be treated this way, or that such treatment is acceptable; It poses a threat, and in resenting it, you challenge that claim (i.e. protest). "Resentment affirms what the {offenders'} act denies"- its harmfulness and the victim's worth. It is worth noting that Pamela Hieronymi claims the object of protest is the past event, rather than the offender of the event: claiming that resentment need not develop into malice or a desire for retribution (if resentment is focused on the past harmful situation or event, rather than the person who caused it).


title: Resentment

text: Resentment, when it is unhealthy, can come in the form of: hostile anger with a retaliation motive (i.e. fantasizing about putting someone down, devaluing, or paying someone back for a perceived injury), time duration (which can go on for days, weeks, or even years), or when too many resentments are held; Thus, draining resources, creating stress, and draining positive emotions.


title: Resentment

text: Unlike many emotions, resentment does not have physical tags exclusively related to it that telegraph when a person is feeling this emotion. However, physical expressions associated with related emotions such as anger and envy may be exhibited, such as furrowed brows or bared teeth.


title: Resentment

text: Resentment can be self-diagnosed by looking for signs such as the need for emotion regulation, faking happiness while with a person to cover true feelings toward them, or speaking in a sarcastic or demeaning way to or about the person. It can also be diagnosed through the appearance of agitation- or dejection-related emotions, such as feeling inexplicably depressed or despondent, becoming angry for no apparent reason, or having nightmares or disturbing daydreams about a person.


title: Resentment

text: Resentment is most powerful when it is felt toward someone whom the individual is close to or intimate with. To have an injury resulting in resentful feelings inflicted by a friend or loved one leaves the individual feeling betrayed as well as resentful, and these feelings can have deep effects.


title: Resentment

text: Resentment can have a variety of negative results on the person experiencing it, including touchiness or edginess when thinking of the person resented, denial of anger or hatred against this person, and provocation or anger arousal when this person is recognized positively. It can also have more long-term effects, such as the development of a hostile, cynical, sarcastic attitude that may become a barrier against other healthy relationships; lack of personal and emotional growth; difficulty in self-disclosure; trouble trusting others; loss of self-confidence; and overcompensation.


title: Resentment

text: Chronic resentment (i.e. too many) can also lead to unhealthy symptoms, such as the constriction of nerve endings in your muscles (causing chronic, low-grade muscle and back-pain).


title: Resentment

text: Long-lasting (i.e. too long) resentment can cause destruction of T cells (lowering the immune system), hypertension (which increases the threat of stroke and heart attack), cancer, (drug) addictions, depression, and shortened life span.


title: Resentment

text: To further compound these negative effects, resentment often functions in a downward spiral. Resentful feelings cut off communication between the resentful person and the person he or she feels committed the wrong, and can result in future miscommunications and the development of further resentful feelings. Because of the consequences they carry, resentful feelings are dangerous to live with and need to be dealt with. Resentment is an obstacle to the restoration of equal moral relations among persons.


title: Resentment

text: Resentment and spite also share a connection of self-harm, yet differ primarily in the way they are expressed. Resentment is unique in that it is almost exclusively internalized, where it can do further emotional and psychological damage but does not strongly impact the person resented. By contrast, spite is exclusively externalized, involving vindictive actions against a (perceived or actual) source of wrong. Spiteful actions can stem from resentful feelings, however.


title: Resentment

text: Psychologist James J. Messina recommends five steps to facing and resolving resentful feelings: (1) Identify the source of the resentful feelings and what it is the person did to evoke these feelings; (2) develop a new way of looking at past, present and future life, including how resentment has affected life and how letting go of resentment can improve the future; (3) write a letter to the source of the resentment, listing offenses and explaining the circumstances, then forgive and let go of the offenses (but do not send the letter); (4) visualize a future without the negative impact of resentment; and (5) if resentful feelings still linger, return to Step 1 and begin again.


title: Resentment

text: Robert C. Solomon, a professor of philosophy at the University of Texas at Austin, places resentment on the same continuum as anger and contempt, and he argues that the differences between the three are that resentment is anger directed toward a higher-status individual; anger is directed toward an equal-status individual; and contempt is anger directed toward a lower-status individual.


title: Resentment

text: Steven Stosny makes an analogy, distinguishing the functions of anger and resentment, as: anger being a fire-extinguisher meant to 'put-out' and prevent immediately harmful situations, from becoming more harmful, while resentment is more like a smoke-alarm: something that is always 'on' (and requires energy and emotions to sustain this alarm-system), and is meant to protect us if, just in case, someone or something harmful from past experience shows up. Resentment and anger differ primarily in the way they are externally expressed. Anger results in aggressive behavior, used to avert or deal with a threat, while resentment occurs once the injury has been dealt and is not expressed as aggressively or as openly.


title: Resentment

text: Another differentiation between anger and resentment, is as follows: anger is about the immediate situation (to back off or submit), whereas resentment is a defensive way to "mentally" punish (or in the more extreme case, to devalue) yourself, or the "remembered" offender. Another differentiation is that


title: Resentment

text: resentment is rarely (if ever) about a single specific stimulus: even after behavioural changes have been made (i.e. accountability has been addressed) or the stimulus is no longer present (i.e. situation is no longer encountered) resentment can still be present. Whereas anger is triggered by a specific stimulus, and usually reduces in intensity as the stimulus attenuates (or is no longer present).


title: Resentment

text: An important feature of "acting" on resentment is that it is "against" something (i.e. unfairness, injustice, abuse, situations that threaten values or well-being). Whereas, acting on conviction is "for" something (i.e. justice, well-being of self or others, or any other values held by an individual as important). The distinction is important, when acted upon, because while acting "for" one's deeper values creates actions consistent with one's values, acting "against" things (or people) one does not value does not necessarily lead to actions that are consistent with one's deeper values (i.e. retribution, murder). Self-reflection can help determine which of the two that one is acting on, by stating why the behavior is consistent with one's deeper values: if one's answer represents conviction, it will reflect one's deeper values; if it is resentful it will devalue someone or something.


title: Resentment

text: Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) cites resentment as the number one offender, and one of the greatest threats to an alcoholic. The Twelve Steps of AA involve identifying and dealing with resentment as part of the path toward recovery, including acknowledging one's own role in resentment and praying for the resentment to be taken away. The inventory that AA suggests for processing resentments is to first inventory the resentment by identifying what person, institution, or principle one is angry at, then to identify why one is angry, what instincts of self are affected by the resentment. Finally, disregarding the other person involved entirely, the alcoholic looks for their own mistakes, where they are to blame and where they have been at fault: where has the alcoholic been selfish, self-seeking, dishonest, or frightened? After writing and sharing an inventory, unselfish, constructive action is taken.


title: Resentment

text: Resentment can also play a role in racial and ethnic conflicts. Resentment is cited as having infected the structure of social value, and is thus a regular catalyst in conflicts sparked by inequality. It can also be one of the emotions experienced during class conflict, particularly by the oppressed social class.


title: Great Divergence

text: The Great Divergence or European miracle is the socioeconomic shift in which the Western world (i.e. Western Europe and the parts of the New World where its people became the dominant populations) overcame pre-modern growth constraints and emerged during the 19th century as the most powerful and wealthy world civilization, eclipsing the Ottoman Empire, Mughal India, Qing China, Tokugawa Japan, and Joseon Korea.


title: Great Divergence

text: Scholars have proposed a wide variety of theories to explain why the Great Divergence happened, including geography, culture, institutions, colonialism, resources and just pure chance. There is disagreement over the nomenclature of the "great" divergence, as a clear point of beginning of a divergence is traditionally held to be the 16th or even the 15th century, with the commercial revolution and the origins of mercantilism and capitalism during the Renaissance and the Age of Discovery, the rise of the European colonial empires, proto-globalization, the Scientific Revolution, or the Age of Enlightenment. Yet the largest jump in the divergence happened in the late 18th and 19th centuries with the Industrial Revolution and Technological Revolution. For this reason, the "California school" considers only this to be the "great" divergence.


title: Great Divergence

text: Technological advances, in areas such as transportation, mining, and agriculture, were embraced to a higher degree in the West than the East during the Great Divergence. Technology led to increased industrialization and economic complexity in the areas of agriculture, trade, fuel and resources, further separating the East and the West. Western Europe's use of coal as an energy substitute for wood in the mid-19th century gave it a major head start in modern energy production. In the twentieth century, the Great Divergence peaked before the First World War and continued until the early 1970s; then, after two decades of indeterminate fluctuations, in the late 1980s it was replaced by the Great Convergence as the majority of Third World countries reached economic growth rates significantly higher than those in most First World countries.


title: Great Divergence

text: The term "Great Divergence" was coined by Samuel P. Huntington in 1996 and used by Kenneth Pomeranz in his book "The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy" (2000). The same phenomenon was discussed by Eric Jones, whose 1981 book "" popularized the alternate term "European Miracle". Broadly, both terms signify a socioeconomic shift in which European countries advanced ahead of others during the modern period.


title: Great Divergence

text: The timing of the Great Divergence is in dispute among historians. The traditional dating is as early as the 16th (or even 15th) century, with scholars arguing that Europe had been on a trajectory of higher growth since that date. Pomeranz and others of the California school argue that the period of most rapid divergence was during the 19th century. Citing nutrition data and chronic European trade deficits as evidence, these scholars argue that before that date the most developed parts of Asia had comparable economic development to Europe, especially Qing China in the Yangzi Delta and South Asia in the Bengal Subah. Some argue that the cultural factors behind the divergence can be traced to earlier periods and institutions such as the Renaissance and the Chinese imperial examination system. Broadberry asserts that even the richest areas of Asia were behind Western Europe as early as the 16th century. He cites statistics comparing England to the Yangzi Delta (the most developed part of China by a good margin) showing that by 1600 the former had three times the latter's average wages when measured in silver, 15% greater wages when measured in wheat equivalent (the latter being used as a proxy for buying power of basic subsistence goods and the former as a proxy for buying power of craft goods, especially traded ones), and higher urbanization. England's silver wages were also five times higher than those of India in the late 16th century, with relatively higher grain wages reflecting an abundance of grain, and low silver wages reflecting low levels of overall development. Grain wages started to diverge more sharply from the early 18th century, with English wages being two and a half times higher than India or China's in wheat equivalent while remaining about five times higher in silver at that time.


title: Great Divergence

text: Unlike modern industrial economies, pre-modern economies were constrained by conditions which greatly limited economic growth. Although core regions in Eurasia had achieved a relatively high standard of living by the 18th century, shortages of land, soil degradation, deforestation, lack of dependable energy sources, and other ecological constraints limited growth in per capita incomes. Rapid rates of depreciation on capital meant that a great part of savings in pre-modern economies were spent on replacing depleted capital, hampering capital accumulation. Massive windfalls of fuel, land, food and other resources were necessary for continued growth and capital accumulation, leading to colonialism.


title: Great Divergence

text: The Industrial Revolution overcame these restraints, allowing rapid, sustained growth in per capita incomes for the first time in human history.


title: Great Divergence

text: After the Viking, Muslim, and Magyar invasions waned in the 10th century, Europe entered a period of prosperity, population growth and territorial expansion known as the High Middle Ages. Trade and commerce revived, with increased specialization between areas and between the countryside and artisans in towns. By the 13th century the best land had been occupied and agricultural income began to fall, though trade and commerce continued to expand, especially in Venice and other northern Italian cities. The 14th century brought a series of calamities: famines, wars, the Black Death and other epidemics. The resulting drop in the population led to falling rents and rising wages, undermining the feudal and manorial relationships that had characterized Medieval Europe.


title: Great Divergence

text: According to a 2014 study, "there was a 'little divergence' within Europe between 1300 and 1800: real wages in the North Sea Region more or less stabilized at the level attained after the Black Death, and remained relatively high (above subsistence) throughout the early modern period (and into the nineteenth century), whereas real wages in the 'periphery' (in Germany, Italy, and Spain) began to fall after the fifteenth century and returned to some kind of subsistence minimum during the 1500–1800 period. This 'little divergence' in real wages mirrors a similar divergence in GDP per capita: in the 'periphery' of Europe there was almost no per capita growth (or even a decline) between 1500 and 1800, whereas in Holland and England real income continued to rise and more or less doubled in this period".


title: Great Divergence

text: Commerce expanded, together with innovations such as joint stock companies and various financial institutions. New military technologies favored larger units, leading to a concentration of power in states whose finances relied on trade. The Dutch Republic was controlled by merchants, while Parliament gained control of the Kingdom of England after a long struggle culminating in the Glorious Revolution. These arrangements proved more hospitable to economic development. At the end of the 16th century, London and Antwerp began pulling away from other European cities, as illustrated in the following graph of real wages in several European cities:


title: Great Divergence

text: According to a 2021 review of existing evidence by Jack Goldstone, the Great Divergence only arose after 1750 (or even 1800) in northwestern Europe. Prior to that, economic growth rates in northwestern Europe were neither sustained nor remarkable, and income per capita was similar to "peak levels achieved hundreds of years earlier in the most developed regions of Italy and China."


title: Great Divergence

text: The West had a series of unique advantages compared to Asia, such as the proximity of coal mines; the discovery of the New World, which alleviated ecological restraints on economic growth (land shortages etc.); and the profits from colonization.


title: Great Divergence

text: During the Song dynasty (960–1279), the country experienced a revolution in agriculture, water transport, finance, urbanization, science and technology, which made the Chinese economy the most advanced in the world from about 1100. Mastery of wet-field rice cultivation opened up the hitherto underdeveloped south of the country, while later northern China was devastated by Jurchen and Mongol invasions, floods and epidemics. The result was a dramatic shift in the center of population and industry from the home of Chinese civilization around the Yellow River to the south of the country, a trend only partially reversed by the re-population of the north from the 15th century. By 1300, China as a whole had fallen behind Italy in living standards and by 1400, England had also caught up with it but its wealthiest regions, especially the Yangzi Delta, may have remained on par with those of Europe until the early 18th century.


title: Great Divergence

text: In the late imperial period (1368–1911), comprising the Ming and Qing dynasties, taxation was low, and the economy and population grew significantly, though without substantial increases in productivity.


title: Great Divergence

text: Chinese goods such as silk, tea and ceramics were in great demand in Europe, leading to an inflow of silver, expanding the money supply and facilitating the growth of competitive and stable markets. By the end of the 18th century, population density levels exceeded those in Europe. China had more large cities but far fewer small ones than in contemporary Europe. Kenneth Pomeranz originally claimed that Great Divergence did not begin until the 19th century. Later he revisited his position and now sees the date between 1700 and 1750.


title: Great Divergence

text: According to a 2020 study and dataset, the Great Divergence between northern India (from Gujarat to Bengal) and Britain began in the late 17th century. It widened after the 1720s and exploded after the 1800s. The study found that it was "primarily England's spurt and India's stagnation in the first half of the nineteenth century that brought about most serious differences in the standard of living."


title: Great Divergence

text: By the 1500s, India, especially the Bengal Sultanate, a major trading nation in the world, benefited from extensive external and internal trade. Its agriculture was highly efficient as well as its industry. Unlike China, Japan and western and central Europe, India did not experience extensive deforestation until the 19th and 20th centuries. It thus had no pressure to move to coal as a source of energy. From the 17th century, cotton textiles from Mughal India became popular in Europe, with some governments banning them to protect their wool industries. Mughal Bengal, the most developed region, in particular, was globally prominent in industries such as textile manufacturing and shipbuilding.


title: Great Divergence

text: In early modern Europe, there was significant demand for products from Mughal India, particularly cotton textiles, as well as goods such as spices, peppers, indigo, silks, and saltpeter (for use in munitions). European fashion, for example, became increasingly dependent on Indian textiles and silks. In the 17th and 18th centuries, India accounted for 95% of British imports from Asia, and the Bengal Subah alone accounted for 40% of Dutch imports from Asia. Amiya Kumar Bagchi estimates 10.3% of Bihar's populace were involved in hand spinning thread, 2.3% weaving, and 9% in other manufacturing trades, in 1809–13, to satisfy this demand. In contrast, there was very little demand for European goods in India, which was largely self-sufficient, thus Europeans had very little to offer, except for some woolen textiles, unprocessed metals and a few luxury items. The trade imbalance caused Europeans to export large quantities of gold and silver to India in order to pay for Indian imports.


title: Great Divergence

text: The Middle East was more advanced than Western Europe in 1000, on par by the middle of the 16th century, but by 1750, leading Middle Eastern states had fallen behind the leading Western European states of Britain and the Netherlands.


title: Great Divergence

text: An example of a Middle Eastern country that had an advanced economy in the early 19th century was Ottoman Egypt, which had a highly productive industrial manufacturing sector, and per-capita income that was comparable to leading Western European countries such as France and higher than that of Japan and Eastern Europe. Other parts of the Ottoman Empire, particularly Syria and southeastern Anatolia, also had a highly productive manufacturing sector that was evolving in the 19th century. In 1819, Egypt under Muhammad Ali began programs of state-sponsored industrialization, which included setting up factories for weapons production, an iron foundry, large-scale cotton cultivation, mills for ginning, spinning and weaving of cotton, and enterprises for agricultural processing. By the early 1830s, Egypt had 30 cotton mills, employing about 30,000 workers. In the early 19th century, Egypt had the world's fifth most productive cotton industry, in terms of the number of spindles per capita. The industry was initially driven by machinery that relied on traditional energy sources, such as animal power, water wheels, and windmills, which were also the principle energy sources in Western Europe up until around 1870. While steam power had been experimented with in Ottoman Egypt by engineer Taqi ad-Din Muhammad ibn Ma'ruf in 1551, when he invented a steam jack driven by a rudimentary steam turbine, it was under Muhammad Ali of Egypt in the early 19th century that steam engines were introduced to Egyptian industrial manufacturing. Boilers were manufactured and installed in Egyptian industries such as ironworks, textile manufacturing, paper mills, and hulling mills. Compared to Western Europe, Egypt also had superior agriculture and an efficient transport network through the Nile. Economic historian Jean Batou argues that the necessary economic conditions for rapid industrialization existed in Egypt during the 1820s–1830s.


title: Great Divergence

text: After the death of Muhammad Ali in 1849, his industrialization programs fell into decline, after which, according to historian Zachary Lockman, "Egypt was well on its way to full integration into a European-dominated world market as supplier of a single raw material, cotton." Lockman argues that, had Egypt succeeded in its industrialization programs, "it might have shared with Japan [or the United States] the distinction of achieving autonomous capitalist development and preserving its independence."


title: Great Divergence

text: Japanese society was governed by the Tokugawa Shogunate, which divided Japanese society into a strict hierarchy and intervened considerably in the economy through state monopolies and restrictions on foreign trade; however, in practice, the Shogunate's rule was often circumvented. From 725 to 1974, Japan experienced GDP per capita growth at an annual rate of 0.04%, with major periods of positive per capita GDP growth occurring during 1150–1280, 1450–1600 and after 1730. There were no significant periods of sustained growth reversals. Relative to the United Kingdom, GDP per capita was at roughly similar levels until the middle of the 17th century. By 1850, per capita incomes in Japan were approximately a quarter of the British level. However, 18th-century Japan had a higher life expectancy, 41.1 years for adult males, compared with 31.6 to 34 for England, between 27.5 and 30 for France, and 24.7 for Prussia.


title: Great Divergence

text: In its earlier days, Korea had healthy international trading relationships, receiving merchants from as far as the Middle East. Yet because of its strategic value to its neighboring countries, Korea had been invaded several times during its Goryeo and Joseon eras, starting with the Mongol invasion in the 13th century. Though repelled due to its strong navy and aid from China, the Japanese invasions in the late 16th century were particularly devastating to the peninsula and it never truly recovered until the modern era. Due to relatively frequent invasions, increased Western colonization of Asia, and the arrival of Christian missionaries, Korea began a long period of isolationism, maintaining diplomatic relationships primarily with China only. For the rest of the Joseon period, the country was marred by economic hardships, peasant revolts, and political factionalism until it was annexed by Japan in the early 20th century.


title: Great Divergence

text: Pre-colonial sub-Saharan Africa was politically fragmented, just as early modern Europe was. Africa was home to numerous wealthy empires which grew around coastal areas or large rivers that served as part of important trade routes. Africa was however far more sparsely populated than Europe. According to University of Michigan political scientist Mark Dincecco, "the high land/ labor ratio may have made it less likely that historical institutional centralization at the "national level" would occur in sub-Saharan Africa, thwarting further state development." The transatlantic slave trade may have further weakened state power in Africa.


title: Great Divergence

text: A series of states developed in the Sahel on the southern edge of the Sahara which made immense profits from trading across the Sahara, trading heavily in gold and slaves for the Trans-Saharan slave trade. Kingdoms in the heavily forested regions of West Africa were also part of trade networks. The growth of trade in this area was driven by the Yoruba civilization, which was supported by cities surrounded by farmed land and made wealthy by extensive trade development.


title: Great Divergence

text: For most of the first millennium AD, the Axumite Kingdom in East Africa had a powerful navy and trading links reaching as far as the Byzantine Empire and India. Between the 14th and 17th centuries, the Ajuran Sultanate in modern-day Somalia practiced hydraulic engineering and developed new systems for agriculture and taxation, which continued to be used in parts of the Horn of Africa as late as the 19th century.


title: Great Divergence

text: On the east coast of Africa, Swahili kingdoms had a prosperous trading empire. Swahili cities were important trading ports along the Indian Ocean, engaging in trade with the Middle East and Far East. Kingdoms in southeast Africa also developed extensive trade links with other civilizations as far away as China and India. The institutional framework for long-distance trade across political and cultural boundaries had long been strengthened by the adoption of Islam as a cultural and moral foundation for trust among and with traders.


title: Great Divergence

text: In metallurgy and steam engines the Industrial Revolution made extensive use of coal and coke – as cheaper, more plentiful and more efficient than wood and charcoal.


title: Great Divergence

text: Coal-fired steam engines also operated in the railways and in shipping, revolutionizing transport in the early 19th century.


title: Great Divergence

text: Kenneth Pomeranz drew attention to differences in the availability of coal between West and East. Due to regional climate, European coal mines were wetter, and deep mines did not become practical until the introduction of the Newcomen steam engine to pump out groundwater. In mines in the arid northwest of China, ventilation to prevent explosions was much more difficult.


title: Great Divergence

text: Another difference involved geographic distance; although China and Europe had comparable mining technologies, the distances between the economically developed regions and coal deposits differed vastly. The largest coal deposits in China are located in the northwest, within reach of the Chinese industrial core during the Northern Song (960–1127). During the 11th century China developed sophisticated technologies to extract and use coal for energy, leading to soaring iron production. The southward population shift between the 12th and 14th centuries resulted in new centers of Chinese industry far from the major coal deposits. Some small coal deposits were available locally, though their use was sometimes hampered by government regulations. In contrast, Britain contained some of the largest coal deposits in Europe – all within a relatively compact island.


title: Great Divergence

text: The centrality of coal to Industrial revolution was criticized by Gregory Clark and David Jacks, who show that coal could be substituted without much loss of national income. Similarly Deirdre N. McCloskey says that coal could easily have been imported to Britain from other countries. Moreover, the Chinese could move their industries closer to coal reserves.


title: Great Divergence

text: A variety of theories posit Europe's unique relationship with the New World as a major cause of the Great Divergence. The high profits earned from the colonies and the slave trade constituted 7 percent a year, a relatively high rate of return considering the high rate of depreciation on pre-industrial capital stocks, which limited the amount of savings and capital accumulation. Early European colonization was sustained by profits through selling New World goods to Asia, especially silver to China. According to Pomeranz, the most important advantage for Europe was the vast amount of fertile, uncultivated land in the Americas which could be used to grow large quantities of farm products required to sustain European economic growth and allowed labor and land to be freed up in Europe for industrialization. New World exports of wood, cotton, and wool are estimated to have saved England the need for 23 to of cultivated land (by comparison, the total amount of cultivated land in England was just 17 million acres), freeing up immense amounts of resources. The New World also served as a market for European manufactures.


title: Great Divergence

text: Chen (2012) also suggested that the New World as a necessary factor for industrialization, and trade as a supporting factor causing less developed areas to concentrate on agriculture supporting industrialized regions in Europe.


title: Great Divergence

text: Jared Diamond and Peter Watson argue that a notable feature of Europe's geography was that it encouraged political balkanization, such as having several large peninsulas and natural barriers such as mountains and straits that provided defensible borders. By contrast, China's geography encouraged political unity, with a much smoother coastline and a heartland dominated by two river valleys (Yellow and Yangtze).


title: Great Divergence

text: In his book "Guns, Germs, and Steel", Diamond argues that advanced cultures outside Europe had developed in areas whose geography was conducive to large, monolithic, isolated empires. In these conditions policies of technological and social stagnation could persist. He gives the example of China in 1432, when the Xuande Emperor outlawed the building of ocean-going ships, in which China was the world leader at the time. On the other hand, Christopher Columbus obtained sponsorship from Queen Isabella I of Castile for his expedition even though three other European rulers turned it down. As a result, governments that suppressed economic and technological progress soon corrected their mistakes or were out-competed relatively quickly. He argues that these factors created the conditions for more rapid internal superpower change (Spain succeeded by France and then by the United Kingdom) than was possible elsewhere in Eurasia.


title: Great Divergence

text: Justin Yifu Lin argued that China's large population size proved beneficial in technological advancements prior to the 14th century, but that the large population size was not an important factor in the kind of technological advancements that resulted in the Industrial Revolution. Early technological advancements depended on "learning by doing" (where population size was an important factor, as advances could spread over a large political unit), whereas the Industrial Revolution was the result of experimentation and theory (where population size is less important).


title: Great Divergence

text: Economic historian Joel Mokyr has argued that political fragmentation (the presence of a large number of European states) made it possible for heterodox ideas to thrive, as entrepreneurs, innovators, ideologues and heretics could easily flee to a neighboring state in the event that the one state would try to suppress their ideas and activities. This is what set Europe apart from the technologically advanced, large unitary empires such as China. China had both a printing press and movable type, yet the industrial revolution would occur in Europe. In Europe, political fragmentation was coupled with an "integrated market for ideas" where Europe's intellectuals used the lingua franca of Latin, had a shared intellectual basis in Europe's classical heritage and the pan-European institution of the Republic of Letters. The historian Niall Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".


title: Great Divergence

text: Economic historian Tuan-Hwee Sng has argued that the large size of the Chinese state contributed to its relative decline in the 19th century:


title: Great Divergence

text: The vast size of the Chinese empire created a severe principal–agent problem and constrained how the country was governed. In particular, taxes had to be kept low due to the emperor's weak oversight of his agents and the need to keep corruption in check. The Chinese state's fiscal weaknesses were long masked by its huge tax base. However, economic and demographic expansion in the eighteenth century exacerbated the problems of administrative control. This put a further squeeze on the nation's finances and left China ill-prepared for the challenges of the nineteenth century.


title: Great Divergence

text: One reason why Japan was able to modernize and adopt the technologies of the West was due to its much smaller size relative to China.


title: Great Divergence

text: that Europe's political fragmentation interacted with her institutional innovations to foster substantial areas of "economic liberty," where European merchants could organize production freer of central regulation, faced fewer central restrictions on their shipping and pricing decisions, and paid lower tariffs and tolls than their counterparts elsewhere in Eurasia. When fragmentation afforded merchants multiple politically independent routes on which to ship their goods, European rulers refrained from imposing onerous regulations and levying arbitrary tolls, lest they lose mercantile traffic to competing realms. Fragmented control of trade routes magnified the spillover effects of political reforms. If parliament curbed arbitrary regulations and tolls in one realm, then neighboring rulers might have to respond in kind, even if they themselves remained without a parliament. Greater economic liberty, fostered by the interaction of fragmentation and reform, unleashed faster and more inter-connected urban growth.


title: Great Divergence

text: Fernand Braudel of the Annales school of historians argued that the Mediterranean Sea was poor for fishing due to its depth, therefore encouraging long-distance trade. Furthermore, the Alps and other parts of the Alpide belt supplied the coastal regions with fresh migrants from the uplands. This helped the spread of ideas, as did the east–west axis of the Mediterranean which lined up with the prevailing winds and its many archipelagos which together aided navigation, as was also done by the great rivers which brought inland access, all of which further increased immigration. The peninsulas of the Mediterranean also promoted political nationalism which brought international competition.


title: Great Divergence

text: Testing theories related to geographic endowments economists William Easterly and Ross Levine find evidence that tropics, germs, and crops affect development through institutions. They find no evidence that tropics, germs, and crops affect country incomes directly other than through institutions, nor did they find any effect of policies on development once controls for institutions were implemented.


title: Great Divergence

text: Beginning in the early 19th century, economic prosperity rose greatly in the West due to improvements in technological efficiency, as evidenced by the advent of new conveniences including the railroad, steamboat, steam engine, and the use of coal as a fuel source. These innovations contributed to the Great Divergence, elevating Europe and the United States to high economic standing relative to the East.


title: Great Divergence

text: It has been argued the attitude of the East towards innovation is one of the other factors that might have played a big role in the West's advancements over the East. According to David Landes, after a few centuries of innovations and inventions, it seemed like the East stopped trying to innovate and began to sustain what they had. They kept nurturing their pre-modern inventions and did not move forward with the modern times. China decided to continue a self-sustaining process of scientific and technological advancement on the basis of their indigenous traditions and achievements. The East's attitude towards innovation showed that they focused more on experience, while the West focused on experimentation. The East did not see the need to improve on their inventions and thus from experience, focused on their past successes. While they did this, the West was focused more on experimentation and trial by error, which led them to come up with new and different ways to improve on existing innovations and create new ones.


title: Great Divergence

text: A common argument is that Europe had more free and efficient markets than other civilizations, which has been cited as a reason for the Great Divergence. In Europe, market efficiency was disrupted by the prevalence of feudalism and mercantilism. Practices such as entail, which restricted land ownership, hampered the free flow of labor and buying and selling of land. These feudal restrictions on land ownership were especially strong in continental Europe. China had a relatively more liberal land market, hampered only by weak customary traditions. Bound labor, such as serfdom and slavery were more prevalent in Europe than in China, even during the Manchu conquest. Urban industry in the West was more restrained by guilds and state-enforced monopolies than in China, where in the 18th century the principal monopolies governed salt and foreign trade through Guangzhou. Pomeranz rejects the view that market institutions were the cause of the Great Divergence, and concludes that China was closer to the ideal of a market economy than Europe.


title: Great Divergence

text: Economic historian Paul Bairoch presents a contrary argument, that Western countries such as the United States, Britain and Spain did not initially have free trade, but had protectionist policies in the early 19th century, as did China and Japan. In contrast, he cites the Ottoman Empire as an example of a state that did have free trade, which he argues had a negative economic impact and contributed to its deindustrialization. The Ottoman Empire had a liberal trade policy, open to foreign imports, which has origins in capitulations of the Ottoman Empire, dating back to the first commercial treaties signed with France in 1536 and taken further with capitulations in 1673 and 1740, which lowered duties to only 3% for imports and exports. The liberal Ottoman policies were praised by British economists advocating free trade, such as J. R. McCulloch in his "Dictionary of Commerce" (1834), but later criticized by British politicians opposing free trade, such as prime minister Benjamin Disraeli, who cited the Ottoman Empire as "an instance of the injury done by unrestrained competition" in the 1846 Corn Laws debate:


title: Great Divergence

text: Classical economists, beginning with Adam Smith and Thomas Malthus, argued that high wages in the West stimulated labor-saving technological advancements.


title: Great Divergence

text: Revisionist studies in the mid to late 20th century have depicted living standards in 18th century China and pre-Industrial Revolution Europe as comparable. According to Pomeranz life expectancy in China and Japan was comparable to the advanced parts of Europe. Similarly Chinese consumption per capita in calories intake is comparable to England. According to Pomeranz and others, there was modest per capita growth in both regions, the Chinese economy was not stagnant, and in many areas, especially agriculture, was ahead of Western Europe. Chinese cities were also ahead in public health. Economic historian Paul Bairoch estimated that China's GNP per capita in 1800 was $228 in 1960 US dollars ($ in 1990 dollars), higher than Western Europe's $213 ($ in 1990 dollars) at the time.


title: Great Divergence

text: Similarly for Ottoman Egypt, its per-capita income in 1800 was comparable to that of leading Western European countries such as France, and higher than the overall average income of Europe and Japan. Economic historian Jean Barou estimated that, in terms of 1960 dollars, Egypt in 1800 had a per-capita income of $232 ($ in 1990 dollars). In comparison, per-capita income in terms of 1960 dollars for France in 1800 was $240 ($ in 1990 dollars), for Eastern Europe in 1800 was $177 ($ in 1990 dollars), and for Japan in 1800 was $180 ($ in 1990 dollars).


title: Great Divergence

text: According to Paul Bairoch, in the mid-18th century, "the average standard of living in Europe was a little bit lower than that of the rest of the world." He estimated that, in 1750, the average GNP per capita in the Eastern world (particularly China, India and the Middle East) was $188 in 1960 dollars ($ in 1990 dollars), higher than the West's $182 ($ in 1990 dollars). He argues that it was after 1800 that Western European per-capita income pulled ahead. However, the average incomes of China and Egypt were still higher than the overall average income of Europe.


title: Great Divergence

text: According to Jan Luiten van Zanden, the relationship between GDP per capita with wages and standards of living is very complex. He gives Netherlands economic history as an example. Real wages in Netherlands declined during the early modern period between 1450 and 1800. The decline was fastest between 1450/75 and the middle of the sixteenth century, after which real wages stabilized, meaning that even during the Dutch Golden Age purchasing power did not grow. The stability remained until the middle of 18th century, after which wages declined again. Similarly citing studies of the average height of Dutch men, van Zaden shows that it declined from the Late Middle Ages. During 17th and 18th centuries, at the height of Dutch Golden Age, the average height was 166 centimeters, about 4 centimeters lower than in 14th and early 15th century. This most likely indicates consumption declines during the early modern period, and average height would not equal medieval heights until the 20th century. Meanwhile, GDP per capita increased by 35 to 55% between 1510/1514 and the 1820s. Hence it is possible that standards of living in advanced parts of Asia were comparable with Western Europe in the late 18th century, while Asian GDP per capita was about 70% lower.


title: Great Divergence

text: Şevket Pamuk and Jan-Luiten van Zanden also show that during the Industrial Revolution, living standards in Western Europe increased little before the 1870s, as the increase in nominal wages was undermined by rising food prices. The substantial rise in living standards only started after 1870, with the arrival of cheap food from the Americas. Western European GDP grew rapidly after 1820, but real wages and the standard of living lagged behind.


title: Great Divergence

text: According to Robert Allen, at the end of the Middle Ages, real wages were similar across Europe and at a very high level. In the 16th and 17th century wages collapsed everywhere, except in the Low Countries and London. These were the most dynamic regions of the early modern economy, and their living standards returned to the high level of the late fifteenth century. The dynamism of London spread to the rest of England in 18th century. Although there was fluctuation in real wages in England between 1500 and 1850, there was no long term rise until the last third of 19th century. And it was only after 1870 that real wages begin to rise in other cities of Europe, and only then they finally surpassed the level of late 15th century. Hence while the Industrial Revolution raised GDP per capita, it was only a century later before a substantial raise in standard of living.


title: Great Divergence

text: However, responding to the work of Bairoch, Pomeranz, Parthasarathi and others, more subsequent research has found that parts of 18th century Western Europe did have higher wages and levels of per capita income than in much of India, Ottoman Turkey, Japan and China. However, the views of Adam Smith were found to have overgeneralized Chinese poverty. Between 1725 and 1825 laborers in Beijing and Delhi were only able to purchase a basket of goods at a subsistence level, while laborers in London and Amsterdam were able to purchase goods at between 4 and 6 times a subsistence level. As early as 1600 Indian GDP per capita was about 60% the British level. A real decline in per capita income did occur in both China and India, but in India began during the Mughal period, before British colonialism. Outside of Europe much of this decline and stagnation has been attributed to population growth in rural areas outstripping growth in cultivated land as well as internal political turmoil. Free colonials in British North America were considered by historians and economists in a survey of academics to be amongst the most well off people in the world on the eve of the American Revolution. The earliest evidence of a major health transition leading to increased life expectancy began in Europe in the 1770s, approximately one century before Asia's. Robert Allen argues that the relatively high wages in eighteenth century Britain both encouraged the adoption of labour-saving technology and worker training and education, leading to industrialisation.


title: Great Divergence

text: Luxury consumption is regarded by many scholars to have stimulated the development of capitalism and thus contributed to the Great Divergence. Proponents of this view argue that workshops, which manufactured luxury articles for the wealthy, gradually amassed capital to expand their production and then emerged as large firms producing for a mass market; they believe that Western Europe's unique tastes for luxury stimulated this development further than other cultures. However, others counter that luxury workshops were not unique to Europe; large cities in China and Japan also possessed many luxury workshops for the wealthy, and that luxury workshops do not necessarily stimulate the development of "capitalistic firms".


title: Great Divergence

text: Differences in property rights have been cited as a possible cause of the Great Divergence. This view states that Asian merchants could not develop and accumulate capital because of the risk of state expropriation and claims from fellow kinsmen, which made property rights very insecure compared to those of Europe. However, others counter that many European merchants were de facto expropriated through defaults on government debt, and that the threat of expropriation by Asian states was not much greater than in Europe, except in Japan.


title: Great Divergence

text: Government and policies are seen as an integral part of modern societies and have played a major role in how different economies have been formed. The Eastern societies had governments which were controlled by the ruling dynasties and thus, were not a separate entity. Their governments at the time lacked policies that fostered innovation and thus resulted in slow advancements. As explained by Cohen, the east had a restrictive system of trade that went against the free world market theory; there was no political liberty or policies that encouraged the capitalist market (Cohen, 1993). This was in contrast to the western society that developed commercial laws and property rights which allowed for the protection and liberty of the marketplace. Their capitalist ideals and market structures encouraged innovation.


title: Great Divergence

text: Pomeranz (2000) argues that much of the land market in China was free, with many supposedly hereditary tenants and landlords being frequently removed or forced to sell their land. Although Chinese customary law specified that people within the village were to be offered the land first, Pomeranz states that most of the time the land was offered to more capable outsiders, and argues that China actually had a freer land market than Europe.


title: Great Divergence

text: However, Robert Brenner and Chris Isett emphasize differences in land tenancy rights. They argue that in the lower Yangtze, most farmers either owned land or held secure tenancy at fixed rates of rent, so that neither farmers nor landlords were exposed to competition. In 15th century England, lords had lost their serfs, but were able to assert control over almost all of the land, creating a rental market for tenant farmers. This created competitive pressures against subdividing plots, and the fact that plots could not be directly passed on to sons forced them to delay marriage until they had accumulated their own possessions. Thus in England both agricultural productivity and population growth were subject to market pressures throughout the early modern period.


title: Great Divergence

text: A 2017 study found that the presence of secure property rights in Europe and their absence in large parts of the Middle-East contributed to the increase of expensive labour-saving capital goods, such as water-mills, windmills, and cranes, in medieval Europe and their decrease in the Middle-East.


title: Great Divergence

text: The high-level equilibrium trap theory argues that China did not undergo an indigenous industrial revolution since its economy was in a stable equilibrium, where supply and demand for labor were equal, disincentivizing the development of labor-saving capital.


title: Great Divergence

text: A number of economic historians have argued that European colonialism played a major role in the deindustrialization of non-Western societies. Paul Bairoch, for example, cites British colonialism in India as a primary example, but also argues that European colonialism played a major role in the deindustrialization of other countries in Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America, and contributed to a sharp economic decline in Africa. Other modern economic historians have blamed British colonial rule for India's deindustrialization in particular. The colonization of India is seen as a major factor behind both India's deindustrialization and Britain's Industrial Revolution.


title: Great Divergence

text: The historian Jeffrey G. Williamson has argued that India went through a period of deindustrialization in the latter half of the 18th century as an indirect outcome of the collapse of the Mughal Empire, with British rule later causing further deindustrialization. According to Williamson, the decline of the Mughal Empire led to a decline in agricultural productivity, which drove up food prices, then nominal wages, and then textile prices, which led to India losing a share of the world textile market to Britain even before it had superior factory technology, though Indian textiles still maintained a competitive advantage over British textiles up until the 19th century. Economic historian Prasannan Parthasarathi, however, has argued that there wasn't any such economic decline for several post-Mughal states, notably Bengal Subah and the Kingdom of Mysore, which were comparable to Britain in the late 18th century, until British colonial policies caused deindustrialization.


title: Great Divergence

text: Up until the 19th century, India was the world's leading cotton textile manufacturer, with Bengal and Mysore the centers of cotton production. In order to compete with Indian imports, Britons invested in labour-saving textile manufacturing technologies during their Industrial Revolution. Following political pressure from the new industrial manufacturers, in 1813, Parliament abolished the two-centuries-old, protectionist East India Company monopoly on trade with Asia and introduced import tariffs on Indian textiles. Until then, the monopoly had restricted exports of British manufactured goods to India. Exposing the Proto-industrial hand spinners and weavers in the territories the British East India Company administered in India to competition from machine spun threads, and woven fabrics, resulting in De-Proto-Industrialization, with the decline of native manufacturing opening up new markets for British goods. British colonization forced open the large Indian market to British goods while restricting Indian imports to Britain, and raw cotton was imported from India without taxes or tariffs to British factories which manufactured textiles from Indian cotton and sold them back to the Indian market. India thus served as both an important supplier of raw goods such as cotton to British factories and a large captive market for British manufactured goods. In addition, the capital amassed from Bengal following its conquest after the Battle of Plassey in 1757 was used to invest in British industries such as textile manufacturing and greatly increase British wealth. Britain eventually surpassed India as the world's leading cotton textile manufacturer in the 19th century. British colonial rule has been blamed for the subsequently dismal state of British India's economy, with investment in Indian industries limited since it was a colony.


title: Great Divergence

text: Economic decline in India has been traced to before British colonial rule and was largely a result of increased output in other parts of the world and Mughal disintegration. India's share of world output (24.9%) was largely a function of its share of the world population around 1600. Between 1880 and 1930 total Indian cotton textile production increased from 1200 million yards to 3700 million yards. The introduction of railways into India have been a source of controversy regarding their overall impact, but evidence points to a number of positive outcomes such as higher incomes, economic integration, and famine relief. Per capita GDP decreased from $550 (in 1990 dollars) per person in 1700 under Mughal rule to $533 (in 1990 dollars) in 1820 under British rule, then increased to $618 (in 1990 dollars) in 1947 upon independence. Coal production increased in Bengal, largely to satisfy the demand of the railroads. Life expectancy increased by about 10 years between 1870 and independence.


title: Great Divergence

text: Recent research on colonialism has been more favorable regarding its long-term impacts on growth and development. A 2001 paper by Daren Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson found that nations with temperate climates and low levels of mortality were more popular with settlers and were subjected to greater degrees of colonial rule. Those nations benefited from Europeans creating more inclusive institutions that lead to higher rates of long term growth. Subsequent research has confirmed that both how long a nation was a colony or how many Europeans settlers migrated there are positively correlated with economic development and institutional quality, although the relationships becomes stronger after 1700 and vary depending on the colonial power, with British colonies typically faring best. Acemoglu et al. also suggest that colonial profits were too small a percentage of GNP to account for the divergence directly but could account for it indirectly due to the effects it had on institutions by reducing the power of absolutist monarchies and securing property rights.


title: Great Divergence

text: Rosenberg and Birdzell claim that the so-called eastern culture of respect and unquestionable devotion to the ruling dynasty was as a result of a culture where the control of the dynasty led to a silent society that "did not ask questions or experiment without the approval or order from the ruling class". On the other hand, they claimed that the West of the late medieval era did not have a central authority or absolute state, which allowed for a free flow of ideas (Rosenberg, Birdzell, 1986). This eastern culture also supposedly showed a dismissal of change due to their "fear of failure" and disregard for the imitation of outside inventions and science; this was different from the "western culture" which they claimed to be willing to experiment and imitate others to benefit their society. They claimed that this was a culture where change was encouraged, and sense of anxiety and disregard for comfort led them to be more innovative. Max Weber argued in "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism" that capitalism in northern Europe evolved when the Protestant work ethic (particularly Calvinist) influenced large numbers of people to engage in work in the secular world, developing their own enterprises and engaging in trade and the accumulation of wealth for investment. In his book "" he blames Chinese culture for the non-emergence of capitalism in China. Chen (2012) similarly claims that cultural differences were the most fundamental cause for the divergence, arguing that the Humanism of the Renaissance followed by the Enlightenment (including revolutionary changes in attitude towards religion) enabled a mercantile, innovative, individualistic, and capitalistic spirit. For Ming Dynasty China, he claims there existed repressive measures which stifled dissenting opinions and nonconformity. He claimed that Confucianism taught that disobedience to one's superiors was supposedly tantamount to "sin". In addition Chen claimed that merchants and artificers had less prestige than they did in Western Europe. Justin Yifu Lin has argued for the role of the imperial examination system in removing the incentives for Chinese intellectuals to learn mathematics or to conduct experimentation.


title: Great Divergence

text: However, many scholars who have studied Confucian teachings have criticized the claim that the philosophy promoted unquestionable loyalty to one's superiors and the state. The core of Confucian philosophy itself was already humanist and rationalist; it "[does] not share a belief in divine law and [does] not exalt faithfulness to a higher law as a manifestation of divine will."


title: Great Divergence

text: One of the central teachings of Confucianism is that one should remonstrate with authority. Many Confucians throughout history disputed their superiors in order to not only prevent the superiors and the rulers from wrongdoing, but also to maintain the independent spirits of the Confucians.


title: Great Divergence

text: Furthermore, the merchant class of China throughout all of Chinese history were usually wealthy and held considerable influence above their supposed social standing. Historians like Yu Yingshi and Billy So have shown that as Chinese society became increasingly commercialized from the Song dynasty onward, Confucianism had gradually begun to accept and even support business and trade as legitimate and viable professions, as long as merchants stayed away from unethical actions. Merchants in the meantime had also benefited from and utilized Confucian ethics in their business practices. By the Song period, the Scholar-officials themselves were using intermediary agents to participate in trading.


title: Great Divergence

text: This is true especially in the Ming-Qing dynasties, when the social status of merchants had risen to such significance that by the late Ming period, many scholar-officials were unabashed to declare publicly in their official family histories that they had family members who were merchants. Consequently, while Confucianism did not actively promote profit seeking, it did not hinder China's commercial development either.


title: Great Divergence

text: Of the developed cores of the Old world, India was distinguished by its caste system of bound labor, which hampered economic and population growth and resulted in relative underdevelopment compared to other core regions. Compared with other developed regions, India still possessed large amounts of unused resources. India's caste system gave an incentive to elites to drive their unfree laborers harder when faced with increased demand, rather than invest in new capital projects and technology. The Indian economy was characterized by vassal-lord relationships, which weakened the motive of financial profit and the development of markets; a talented artisan or merchant could not hope to gain much personal reward. Pomeranz argues that India was not a very likely site for an industrial breakthrough, despite its sophisticated commerce and technologies.


title: Great Divergence

text: Aspects of Islamic law have been proposed as an argument for the divergence for the Muslim world. Economist Timur Kuran argues that Islamic institutions which had at earlier stages promoted development later started preventing more advanced development by hampering formation of corporations, capital accumulation, mass production, and impersonal transactions. Other similar arguments proposed include the gradual prohibition of independent religious judgements (Ijtihad) and a strong communalism which limited contacts with outside groups and the development of institutions dealing with more temporary interactions of various kinds, according to Kuran. According to historian Donald Quataert, however, the Ottoman Middle East's manufacturing sector was highly productive and evolving in the 19th century. Quataert criticizes arguments rooted in Orientalism, such as "now-discredited stereotypes concerning the inferiority of Islam", economic institutions having stopped evolving after the Islamic Golden Age, and decline of Ijtihad in religion negatively affecting economic evolution. Economic historian Paul Bairoch noted that Ottoman law promoted liberal free trade earlier than Britain and the United States, arguing that free trade had a negative economic impact on the Ottoman Empire and contributed to its deindustrialization, in contrast to the more protectionist policies of Britain and the United States in the early 19th century.


title: Great Divergence

text: A number of economists have argued that representative government was a factor in the Great Divergence. They argue that absolutist governments, where rulers are not broadly accountable, are prone to corruption and rent-seeking while hurting property rights and innovation. Representative governments however were accountable to broader segments of the population and thus had to protect property rights and not rule in arbitrary ways, which caused economic prosperity.


title: Great Divergence

text: A 2017 study in the "American Economic Review" found that "globalization was the major driver of the economic divergence between the rich and the poor portions of the world in the years 1850–1900." The states that benefited from globalization were "characterised by strong constraints on executive power, a distinct feature of the institutional environment that has been demonstrated to favour private investment."


title: Great Divergence

text: A number of economic historians have posited that the Industrial Revolution may have partly occurred where and when it did due to luck and chance.