title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Telluride's most famous historic mines are the Tomboy, Pandora, Smuggler-Union, Nellie, and Sheridan mines. Beginning in 1939, the hard-rock mining operations in the Red Mountain and Telluride mining districts began a lengthy consolidation under the Idarado Mining Company (Idarado), now a division of Newmont Mining. The consolidation ended in 1953 with Idarado's acquisition of the Telluride Mines. Idarado kept the underground workings and mill operations open at Telluride's Pandora hard-rock mine until 1978. When the mine officially closed, the snow which tormented Telluride's miners became the town's new source of income, in the form of skiing and tourism. The documentary video "the YX factor" chronicles the transition from mining to skiing and the influx of "hippies" in the late 1960s and early 1970s in the words of local residents and commentators such as Peter Yarrow and Tom Hayden.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Mining was Telluride's only industry until 1972, when the first ski lift was installed by Telluride Ski Resort founder Joseph T. Zoline and his Telluride Ski Corporation (Telco). Zoline bought the land for the future resort in 1969 and began to craft the slopes. Along with his mountain manager, Telluride native Bill "Sr." Mahoney, they slowly and thoughtfully put together a plan for sustained development of Telluride and the region. As mining phased out and a new service industry phased in, the local population changed sharply. Mining families fled Telluride to settle in places like Moab, Utah, where uranium mining offered hope of continued employment. Mining families were replaced by what locals referred to as "hippies", young people with a 1960s worldview that often clashed with the values of Telluride's old-timers. These newcomers were characterized as idle "trustfunders" drawn to the town for a casual lifestyle and outdoor excitements such as hang gliding, mountain climbing, and kayaking.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: The new population opposed town growth and economic expansion, including growth due to tourism and skiing. At one point, a serious effort was made to ban cars from the city limits and force visitors to use horse-drawn carts. The 1970s had fluctuating snowfalls and economic recession, but the town's music and film festivals flourished. They exposed hundreds of thousands to the grandeur of the valley for the first time and created iconic associations with elite entertainers. Meanwhile, ski area founder Joe Zoline worked to develop one of the best mountains in North America for expert skiers, and created infrastructure for tourism that respected Telluride's need to stay small.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: As the final ore carts were rolling out of the Pandora mine, tourists began to discover Telluride's views, skiing, and autumn color changes. After the brutal snow drought of 1976 nearly wiped out the embryonic ski and lodging industry, the town started to rebound economically. In 1978, Ron Allred and his partner Jim Wells bought a stake of the ski area to form the Telluride Company. They expanded the infrastructure by adding a gondola connecting Telluride with the Mountain Village.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: In 1971 the Telluride Council for the Arts and Humanities (TCAH) was founded and organized by Scott Brown, Chris Gertz and Burk Thompson and fellow local arts and crafts people following a sidewalk arts show on Main Street. TCAH also founded over the years a number of festivals which include: The Telluride Film Festival; Telluride Bluegrass Festival; Telluride Mountainfilm Festival; Telluride Tech Festival; Telluride Jazz Festival; Telluride Chamber Music Festival and the Countdown to New Years held in front of the San Miguel County Courthouse to welcome in the New Year at Midnight on Main Street.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: The Grateful Dead played Telluride on August 16 and 17, 1987, riding the recent success of "In the Dark".


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: During the 1980s, Telluride developed a reputation as "Colorado's best-kept secret", which paradoxically made it one of the better-known resort communities. Wealthy skiers flocked to the mountain all winter, and sightseers kept hotel rooms full all summer. Telluride also became notorious in the drug counterculture as a drop point for Mexican smugglers and a favorite place for wealthy importers to enjoy downtime. The town was even featured in the hit song by Glenn Frey from "Miami Vice", "Smugglers Blues". Telluride was living up to its Wild West history. This type of attention helped differentiate it from Aspen. The festivals and Telluride's bad-boy image attracted celebrities like Tom Cruise, Oprah Winfrey, and Oliver Stone. By the mid-1990s, Telluride had shed both its mining personality and drug image to establish itself as a premier resort town balancing modern culture with fascinating western history. In 2003, Prospect Bowl, an extension to the ski area opened, providing the resort with many new trails and runs. In 2007–08, the ski area opened some of the most extreme, in-bound, hike-to terrain in the country. Most lifts in the area are high-speed quad chairs capable of holding four passengers. The highest lift on the mountain reaches .


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Telluride has an elevation of in an isolated spot in Southwest Colorado. From the west, Colorado Route 145 is the most common way into Telluride; two other passes enter the town, Imogene Pass and Black Bear Pass.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: On the eastern side of town, there are two waterfalls: Ingram Falls, which is visible from town, and Bridal Veil Falls and the Bridal Veil Hydroelectric plant, which are just out of sight from town to the right of Ingram. The power plant house was leased for a period of time by Eric Jacobson, who restored the house and the generator inside. The hydroelectric plant was built in 1895 to power the Smuggler-Union Mine.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: The town is served by air transportation via Telluride Regional Airport (TEX), once the highest elevation commercial airport in the United States at 9,070 feet. The airport is considered challenging by pilots because of frequent adverse weather conditions, high elevation, and the extremely rugged mountain terrain surrounding the airport on nearly all sides. Major airline service is provided seasonally into Montrose (MTJ), approximately north by road.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Telluride has a humid continental climate (Dfb). The coldest month is January, averaging , and the hottest July, which averages . Precipitation peaks as snow in winter and as thunderstorms in summer with a dry period in late spring. Telluride gets moderate precipitation all year due to its altitude, averaging of water equivalent precipitation, including inches of snow, each year.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: As of the census of 2000, there were 2,221 people, 1,013 households, and 357 families residing in the town. The population density was 3,143.3 people per square mile (1,207.8/km). There were 1,938 housing units at an average density of 2,742.8 per square mile (1,053.9/km). The racial makeup of the town was 92.57% White, 0.81% Native American, 0.72% Asian, 0.41% African American, 4.14% from other races, and 1.35% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 7.20% of the population.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: There were 1,013 households, out of which 19.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 25.2% were married couples living together, 6.1% had a female householder with no husband present, and 64.7% were non-families. 31.9% of all households were made up of individuals, and 1.6% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.19 and the average family size was 2.79.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: In the town, the population was spread out, with 14.3% under the age of 18, 12.2% from 18 to 24, 50.9% from 25 to 44, 20.8% from 45 to 64, and 1.9% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 31 years. For every 100 females, there were 122.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 127.4 males.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: The median income for a household in the town was $51,938, and the median income for a family was $66,136. Males had a median income of $35,329 versus $30,096 for females. The per capita income for the town was $38,832. About 8.5% of families and 11.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.2% of those under age 18 and 6.9% of those age 65 or over.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Beyond the ski lifts, Telluride is now widely recognized as an all-season resort. Telluride Ski Resort is the main attraction in the winter. But when summer comes around, Telluride transforms into an outdoor recreation hot spot, with tourists visiting to enjoy mountain biking, hiking, river rafting, sightseeing and more. The Telluride Tourism Board promotes tourism in the region.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Telluride features over 30 hiking trails ranging in difficulty level. Some of the hiking routes include Ajax Peak, Bear Creek Falls, Hope Lake, and Bridal Veil Falls. Hiking season begins in May and lasts until early October, with waterfalls gushing in June and wildflowers at their peak in early July. The trails range from quick and easy runs to multi-day hiking trips that reach an elevation of . Nearly all the trails feature waterfalls, wildflowers, and high alpine lakes.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Telluride is also home to many endurance events. The Imogene Pass Run from Ouray to Telluride, the Hardrock 100, held in July, has a major aid station in the town park. The Fall Tilt, a 12-hour downhill mountain biking event, is held in Mountain Village each September. And the Telluride Mountain Run loops the town in a wide swath that includes some of the most difficult and scenic trails in the area.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Telluride is served by Telluride Regional Airport. Scheduled flight options are limited, due to the airport's somewhat short runway and frequent closures under bad weather, so most passengers going to Telluride use Montrose Regional Airport, to the north.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Free public transportation is provided in Telluride. The bus system, called "Galloping Goose", makes a complete loop around the town and the "Gondola" links Telluride with Mountain Village. The Galloping Goose loops around every 20 minutes from 7 a.m. to 9 p.m. It stops at major locations such as the Gondola, the Post Office, and the Courthouse.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Telluride's free Gondola is the only one of its kind in North America. It stops at three stations, namely Telluride, San Sophia, and Mountain Village and was the first leg of a transportation agreement for the Telluride Region that was stipulated as part of the Mountain Village zoning expansion that would provide free gondola service from the Town of Telluride and the Mountain Village to the Aldasoro Development, the West Meadows Development, the Valley Floor Development and the West Meadows Development to virtually eliminate the use or need for a car in the Telluride Region of San Miguel County. It is a 13-minute ride and reaches an elevation of at the San Sophia station. The gondola cabins feature bike and ski racks for recreational use. There are also pet-friendly and handicap accessible cabins available. The Gondola is open from 6:30 a.m. to midnight during summer and winter season. It closes for six weeks during the off-season.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Telluride is part of Colorado's Bustang intercity bus service network. It is on the Durango-Grand Junction Outrider line.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: There are two alternate passes to enter the town, namely Imogene Pass and Black Bear Pass. Both require high clearance or four-wheel-drive vehicles.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: The production of "The Hateful Eight" directed by Quentin Tarantino began filming near Telluride in January 2015.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: In Justin Cronin's 2010 novel The Passage, Telluride is the site of a secret military compound used to test a purported "longevity drug" on death row inmates.


title: Telluride, Colorado

text: Kate Wolf's song "Telluride" imagines a woman reminiscing over her life working and living in Telluride and her childhood friend who left the region.


title: Malaal (film)

text: Malaal () is a 2019 Indian Hindi-language romantic drama film written and directed by Mangesh Hadawale in his Hindi directorial debut and produced by Sanjay Leela Bhansali, Bhushan Kumar, Mahaveer Jain and Krishan Kumar. A remake of the 2004 Tamil-Telugu bilingual film "7G Rainbow Colony" by writer-director Selvaraghavan, it follows a contemporary love story between Astha Tripathi and Shiva More, played by debutants Sharmin Segal and Meezaan Jafri, who are from contrasting backgrounds and live in a Mumbai chawl.


title: Malaal (film)

text: Shiva More is an unemployed Marathi youth who is unable to get a job and is a final year B.A. student living in a chawl in Mumbai. During a local cricket match, Sawant, the Marathi fanatic politician in town, notices Shiva and recruits him into his party, so he and his friends are given the task of prohibiting migration from North India in order to protect Maharashtrian interests. Some days later, Astha Tripathi, a young woman who has relocated from her palatial bungalow moves into the chawl with her family, comprising her mother Rajni, father Umashankar and brother Deepu. Umashankar lost a lot of money in faulty investments and hence the family's fortunes fell. Shiva and his friends have constant altercations with Astha and her family in the initial days, but one night when Astha confronts him alone and advises him to prove his worth, Shiva makes an impressive response, and they start talking to each other. Even as she is set to marry her childhood friend Aditya, who hates him, Astha is drawn to Shiva and befriends him after Shiva fights off some goons in Aditya's employ. All this while, Shiva has constantly been earning the ire of his parents, who want him to do something. Astha begins tutoring Shiva's sister, and the radically opposite duo get attracted to each other, more so during the Ganesh Chaturthi celebrations.


title: Malaal (film)

text: Shiva falls head over heels in love with Astha and tries confessing his feelings to her quite a few times. He gets roughed up by the public when he is mistakenly accused of trying to molest her, when the bus they were traveling on suddenly brakes and he is hurled towards her. Astha's stance towards Shiva softens when she observes his restraint and realizes his intentions were honest. Later on, Shiva leaves Sawant's side and Astha relents and spends an entire day with him. He takes her to the Siddhivinayak Temple when Rajni and Umashankar are out of town, but the two return earlier, only to find Astha with Shiva. Angered, they try to separate Shiva from Astha, but he remains firm in his decision to wait for Astha, who promises to him that she will try talking to her parents if he tops his exams. However, on the day of the exam, he is framed for cheating, and ends up unwittingly slapping the invigilator in trying to prove his innocence. The action gets him arrested and his father and Astha bail him out. As Astha's parents force her to go out on a dinner date with Aditya on the same night this happens, Shiva feels disheartened seeing them together. However, Astha confesses to her diary that she loves Shiva the way he is and has a lot of expectations from him. She confronts Shiva the next evening as he is drinking with his friend and advises him to move on from the unfortunate episode in the exam hall. She then introduces him to a successful stock broker who agrees to employ Shiva in his firm. Initially Shiva is reluctant because he has to work his way up from the bottom but Astha persuades him and when the stock broker informs him of Astha's concern for him, he accepts. He quickly gets his way through, and settles well in his job, reconciling with his parents after giving them his first pay cheque.


title: Malaal (film)

text: Astha expects Shiva to open his bank account, but when he finds out that she is now engaged to Aditya, Shiva storms out in anger, while Astha moves out of the chawl. Several days later, he is able to track down Astha to her house, and convinces her. When they next meet, Astha takes Shiva to her friend's house, where they end up making love, and Astha tells him about her impending marriage, to which Shiva reacts by breaking down and promising to her that he will always be there for her, and she could have prevented all this fiasco in the first place.


title: Malaal (film)

text: While they are walking away, Astha realizes she forgot the keys to her friend's house, and starts walking back as she tells Shiva to wait, when she is suddenly hit by a truck. He tries to save her, but is hit by a car. News reaches both families, and Shiva survives, but upon recovery, he is shocked beyond words to find Astha dead, and his guilt of not having to spend the last moments peacefully with her gets the better of him and makes him mentally unstable. Meanwhile, Rajni visits Shiva's house and leaves him Astha's diary, in which she wrote about the love she had for him. Emotionally shattered, Shiva closes the diary, and the scene shifts to present day, where he has just finished reading the diary again, having become a successful trader, and imagines Astha standing by his side, even as he imagines talking to her, being mentally unstable till date.


title: Malaal (film)

text: The principal photography began in September 2018 in Mumbai. The second schedule of the filming was planned in foreign locations. The film was wrapped in mid March 2019.


title: Malaal (film)

text: The film was scheduled for release on 28 June, but it was pushed back and released theatrically on 5 July 2019.


title: Malaal (film)

text: Sreeparna Sengupta of "The Times of India" gave the film 3.5/5 stars, praising the performance of debutants Meezaan and Sharmin Segal and their onscreen chemistry, termed it as a 'simmering love story' with 'romantic and intense moments'. Sengupta feels the background music 'addictive' and cinematography 'top notch'. Concluding, Sengupta wrote, ""Malaal" is reminiscent of sweet romances when handwritten notes were actually a thing and it’s tender moments like these that sets the film apart. This one is for those who want to soak themselves into a full-blown love story." Priyanka Sinha Jha of News18, terms the debut duo of Meezaan and Sharmin Segal 'charming in parts', but 'rough around the edges' and rates the film with 2.5/5 stars. Agreeing with Sengupta, she praises the music but feels that Mangesh Hadawale’s direction 'lacks the finesse'. Concluding, she writes, ""Malaal" lacks the pathos it needed to soar to greater heights than the Tamil original (which is the source material for the film) to make Hindi cinema audiences sit up and take notice." Writing for "NDTV", Saibal Chatterjee praised cinematographer Ragul Dharuman for 'depth of view', production designer Akriti Piplani for carving out spaces, Meezaan for screen presence and Sharmin Segal for meeting the 'demands of the character'. He opined that the debut duo cannot be 'just dismissed as two more beneficiaries of a nepotistic movie industry'. He felt that the retro soundscape put the life in the film whenever it languished, and it would have been better if the film had the courage to stress upon the 'power of love to surmount divisive forces'. He concluded the review as, "["Malaal"] abandons the topical concern and settles for a construct that drifts towards a tame, sanitized finish." He rated it with 2.5/5 stars. Devesh Sharma reviewing for "Filmfare" rates the film with 3.5/5 stars. He praises Meezaan and Sharmin and opines that the industry has found two performers in them. Agreeing with Sengupta, he feels that it is a simmering love story, not like the stories commonly seen these days. He recommends, "Watch the film for its old-fashioned love story and realistic performances..."


title: Malaal (film)

text: The music of the film is composed by Sanjay Leela Bhansali, Shreyas Puranik and Shail Hada and lyrics written by Prashant Ingole, Vimal Kashyap and A. M. Turaz.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Compulsory heterosexuality (often shortened to comphet) is the theory that heterosexuality is assumed and enforced upon people by a patriarchal and heteronormative society. The term was popularized by Adrienne Rich in her 1980 essay titled "Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence". According to Rich's theory, women in every culture are believed to have an innate preference for relationships with men and this leads women to devalue and minimize the importance of their relationships with other women; she suggests that women are socialized to identify with males and to cast their "social, political, and


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Adrienne Rich argued that heterosexuality is a political institution that supports the patriarchal domination of men over women in society, and feminist literature still functions under a heterosexual paradigm. She believes that feminist authors do not adequately acknowledge that institutions such as marriage are merely socializations that have been internalized and reproduced in society. This institution defines the standards for sexual and romantic relationships and alienates those outside of the standards.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Compulsory heterosexuality is viewed as an institution that acts upon individuals from birth, and thus individuals are assumed to be heterosexual until proven otherwise. Due to this, Sandra Lipsitz Bem argues that sexual minorities have a greater "global identity development" from individuals investigating their experiences and senses of self in contrast to society. Individuals with minority sexual orientations are found to consider their sexual orientation as integral to their relationships with other people and as a foundation for their overall identity.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: The idea states that male dominance in a patriarchal society is a major factor in enforcing compulsory female heterosexuality; that, in order to serve men's needs, heterosexuality requires men to force women into heterosexual relationships and marriage under a patriarchal society. Kathleen Gough argues that there are eight characteristics of "male power in archaic and contemporary societies", which are:


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: These characteristics combined create a culture in which women are convinced that heterosexuality and heterosexual relationships are inevitable by "control of consciousness", particularly when used in conjunction with lesbian erasure.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Heterosexuality is used to make women dependent on men for their wants and needs. The Radical Lesbians argued that heterosexual orientations can only exist under a society in which male domination exists, and that for self-realization women must uplift each other rather than being complacent in oppression by men. Female heterosexuality may also exist under a guise of seeking access to power through men rather than sexual attraction, as male socialization conflates power and dominance with sexual attraction.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Rich argues that compulsory heterosexuality keeps women subjugated under the patriarchy by not allowing for non-heterosexual, deviant sexuality to be explored, such as lesbian identities. Rich defines lesbian existence as not only a sexual identity but a lifestyle that consciously defies our patriarchal society. Rich states that this identity is a way to limit men's access to women as a whole. Along with lesbian existence, Rich defines the concept of the lesbian continuum as a way to broaden lesbianism to include female friendship/camaraderie. She explains that with this view, all women would be placed on the lesbian spectrum, and therefore less erasure would exist. She believes that there is a "lesbian continuum" of relationships, regardless of sexual desire within them, and that sexual choice is a necessity for female empowerment under male domination.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: There is also an exclusion of lesbian identities as a viable and natural option for women in feminist literature in Rich's time. She believes that feminist literature assumes that women are "innately sexually oriented" for heterosexuality and that lesbian identities are formed out of backlash towards men rather than a valid identity in itself, as well as feminist literature not adequately examining compulsory heterosexuality and whether or not women would choose heterosexuality if the society were not patriarchal.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Lesbian erasure can also be considered a health care issue. As doctors assume that all patients are heterosexual, the answer to the question "Are you sexually active?" is followed by questions about birth control methods and such heterosexual-oriented questions without considering that the sexual orientation of the female patient may not be heterosexual. A health care provider who is unaware of a patient's sexual orientation can lead to missing or improperly treating medical problems in non-heterosexual patients.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: It is suggested that women outside of standard relationships, such as lesbian and bisexual women, are best able to see the confines that heterosexuality imposes because they are not as adjusted to the inequality within heterosexual relationships, and that heterosexual women are confined to believing that heterosexuality is the only option.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Lisa M. Diamond's piece, I'm Straight, but I Kissed a Girl': The Trouble with American Media Representations of Female–Female Sexuality", deconstructs the tropes of lesbian relationships in media, which tend to be inaccurate or offensive. She also brings up the criticisms of stereotypical lesbian characters, stating that audience members tend to want more authenticity within female relationships.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Many lesbian women criticize the depiction of lesbian relationships in all media, from films and literature to porn. It seems that even when these lesbian relationships are shown, they tend to only show stereotypical images. This kind of representation only serves to further the lesbian erasure in our society. Along with these stereotypes, fetishization is common among media depictions of lesbian relationships.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: A major drive for compulsory heterosexuality is that of evolution, tying a sexual orientation's worth with reproduction. Evolutionarily speaking, in order to further the species, offspring must be created, and therefore genes are passed on. This basic understanding of biology is then taken steps further, implicating heterosexuality as the "natural" form and therefore making homosexuality specifically, as well as any minority sexuality, "abnormal". As Seidman puts it, science is "a powerful practical-moral force".


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Though evolutionary arguments have implications in minority sexualities, they also directly impact the stereotypes of heterosexual relationships and especially concepts of masculinity. Arguments for men being the hunter are then applied to today's understanding of the male gender being superior. The flip side of this understanding is the influence of this on the female gender, with them being depicted as the weaker sex and their main function being childbearing. These understandings however do not include ideas of morality, which is what is being applied to them.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Much of religion invokes a binary model for sexuality; for example, the Bible's inclusion of Adam and Eve as the beginning of humanity. Other examples include specific texts such as this one from Leviticus, "Thou shalt not lie with mankind, as with womankind: it is abomination." Religious institutions throughout history have had strict moral guidelines when it came to marriage and what is deemed acceptable in the eyes of God. This directly translates to compulsory heterosexuality in society through influence of leaders of the church, as well as in devout followers of this belief.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Homosexuals have a difficult time finding acceptance, particularly in the Bible Belt:There's little doubt that discrimination against homosexuals is the last "acceptable" form of discrimination. While most folks have outgrown overt racist and sexist attacks, for many people it's still okay to take shots at homosexuals. They are called names, blamed for society's problems, and often humiliated because of their sexual preference.While a binary model for sexuality might be enforced, "Many of the Puritans in colonial New England believed that "all" human beings were filled with homosexual as well as heterosexual desire and that the good Christian should direct that desire into procreative sex within marriage." This ideology carries over in modern-day conservative Christianity, and is enforced through the idea that the more welcoming people are to the idea of homosexuality, the more people will give in to their homosexual lusts.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Rich argues for compulsory heterosexuality in the workplace, to which end she references Catharine MacKinnon's "Sexual Harassment of Working Women: A Case of Sex Discrimination". MacKinnon argues that women occupy low-paying jobs and their sexual marketability is a factor in the workplace. MacKinnon states that "her job depends on her pretending to be not merely heterosexual, but a heterosexual "woman" in terms of dressing and playing the feminine, deferential role required of 'real' women". Rich argues that the treatment of women in the workplace is a significant influence in society's compulsory heterosexuality. Rich argues that women feel pressure to be heterosexual in the workplace, and that this pressure is also present in society as a whole. As a species will become extinct if no reproduction occurs, and human women must be inseminated to produce offspring, heterosexual relationships are necessary for the survival of the human race, barring artificial insemination. According to Rich, women accept the male sex drive and regard themselves as sexual prey, and this influences compulsory heterosexuality. Furthermore, according to Rich, Barry argues for a "sexual domination perspective", claims that men subject women to what she terms as "sexual abuse" and "terrorism", and that the "sexual domination perspective" causes people to consider this "sexual abuse" and "terrorism" to be natural and inevitable and thus ignore it.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: According to Rich, women believe men have a natural need to have sex, and this results in them viewing "abuse" as inevitable. Barry argues that this rationale is romanticized through popular media. Rich claims that this is reinforced through compulsory heterosexuality.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: While the concept of compulsory heterosexuality initially only included women, later revisions of the idea have included discussion on how compulsory heterosexuality necessarily requires both men and women to reinforce the construct; ergo, that compulsory heterosexuality impacts males as well.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Tolman, Spencer, Rosen-Reynoso, and Porche (2003) found that even heterosexual males reported being negatively impacted by compulsory heterosexuality through being groomed to aggressively pursue women and through the interactions that society allows them to have with other males. In another article, entitled "In a Different Position: Conceptualizing Female Adolescent Sexuality Development Within Compulsory Heterosexuality", Tolman uses the term "hegemonic masculinity" to describe the set of norms and behaviors that dominate the social development of males. Moreover, hegemonic masculinity mirrors Rich's construct of compulsory heterosexuality by pointing out the social intuitions that demand specific behaviors from males; she says, "these norms demand that men deny most emotions, save for anger; be hard at all times and in all ways; engage in objectification of women and sex itself; and participate in the continuum of violence against women".


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Compulsory heterosexuality also negatively affects gay and bisexual men by teaching them from a young age that straightness is "normal" and therefore anything that deviates from that is abnormal. Debbie Epstein discusses in her book, "Silenced Sexualities in Schools and Universities", how heteronormative standards, as well as compulsory heterosexuality, lead not only to young males feeling forced to appear heterosexual, but can lead to violence against these males if they deviate from expectations against them. Hellen Lenskyj has further suggested in her article "Combating homophobia in sport and physical education" that heterosexuality is enforced in males through imitation and violence against those who deviate. Through these norms, males are taught from a young age that if they do not comply to heterosexual norms and standards they place themselves at risk for social exclusion and physical violence against them.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: To understand the complexity of compulsory heterosexuality, several scholars have pointed out the importance of the impact of this construct on the differential effects on all populations, including minorities. In "No More Secrets, No More Lies: African American History and Compulsory Heterosexuality", Mattie Udora Richardson discusses the additional complexities faced by Black women in terms of forced compulsory heterosexuality. Udora Richardon points out that, "Any divergences from the social norms of marriage, domesticity, and the nuclear family have brought serious accusations of savagery, pathology, and deviance upon Black people." She argues that, as a group that is already stigmatized in multiple ways, Black women face additional pressures from both the Black and White communities towards heteronormativity. Divergences from heterosexuality place Black women in particular risk of physical harm or social exile.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Author L.H. Stallings and her piece, "SBF seeks Miss Afrekete: Authenticity, erasure, and same-sex desire in the personals" documents the ways black lesbians often had to pursue other avenues to date or make friends as a result of discrimination in lesbian bars and spaces due to racist property owners. In order to fully understand the experience of lesbians, women of color must be included.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Friction developed between members of the gay liberation and lesbian feminist movement due to the emphasis on sexual orientation politics through the lens of gender politics alone. Gay liberationists argued that the complexity of sexual orientation politics cannot be easily reduced to gender politics, and that women are denied rights while gay and lesbian individuals are denied existence.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: The theory of compulsory heterosexuality is criticized for upholding the existence of a binary gendered system and strict roles under this binary system. This criticism states that compulsory heterosexuality ignores individuals who act outside of their prescribed gender roles as well as ignoring individual agency in life.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Institutions such as Human Rights Campaign and Lambda Legal believe that compulsory heterosexuality is upheld by individuals and organizations, not society-wide beliefs. Therefore, as lesbian and gay visibility increase, compulsory heterosexuality decreases. As individual freedoms for sexual minorities increase, the institution of heterosexuality disappears.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Rich believes that a woman is able to overcome compulsory heterosexuality by separating herself from men and entering a lesbian relationship to determine if heterosexuality is right for her. She argued that all women can be lesbians, regardless of sexual orientation, by identifying as a "woman-identified woman", meaning that the woman's focuses are on the needs and emotions of other women. The concept of compulsory heterosexuality and being able to reject this notion became a core component of the lesbian separatist movement that began in the 1970s and continued into the 1980s.


title: Compulsory heterosexuality

text: Compulsory heterosexuality is also seen as a precursor to the development of the theory of heteronormativity, with the difference being that compulsory heterosexuality emphasizes the regulation of sexual expression in individuals. The concept has also been used within asexual studies to develop the theory of compulsory sexuality which argues that in addition to being subjected to the pressures of heterosexual conformity in a heteronormative society, individuals also face the assumption that everyone necessarily experiences sexual attraction unless they are "sick, dead, or lying", leading to the erasure of asexual identities.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Buddhism is the largest religion in Thailand, practiced by over 93% of the population. Buddhism is the State religion as per the Thai constitution, despite which, it guarantees religious freedom for all Thai citizens, though the king is required by law to be a Theravada Buddhist. Many other people, especially among the Isan ethnic group, practice Tai folk religions. A significant Muslim population, mostly constituted by Thai Malays, is present especially in the southern regions. Thai law officially recognizes five religions: Buddhism, Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism, and Christianity.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: According to official census data approximate 95% of Thais follow Buddhism. However, the religious life of the country is more complex than how it is portrayed by such statistics. Of the large Thai Chinese population, most of those who follow Buddhism have been integrated into the dominant Theravada tradition, with only a small minority having retained Chinese Buddhism. Otherwise, a large part of the Thai Chinese have retained the practice of ethnic Chinese religion, including Taoism, Confucianism and Chinese salvationist religions (such as Yiguandao and the Church of Virtue). Despite being practised freely, these religions have no official recognition, and their followers are counted as Theravada Buddhists in statistical studies. Also, many Thai and Isan practise their ethnic Tai folk religion.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Muslims are the second largest religious group in Thailand at 4% to 5% of the population. Thailand's southernmost provinces — Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat, Satun, Trang, and part of Songkhla — have large populations of Muslims, consisting of both ethnic Thai and Malay.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Christians, mainly Catholics, represent just over 1% of the population. A small but influential community of Sikhs in Thailand and some Hindus, mostly live in the country's cities and are engaged in retail commerce. There is also a small Jewish community in Thailand, dating back to the 17th century.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: According to the 2015 Gallup International survey, Thailand was the most religious country of the 65 countries polled, with 94% of Thais identifying as religious.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: According to the 2015 census, 67,328,562 Thailand residents in the different regions of the country belonged to the following religious groups:


title: Religion in Thailand

text: According to the 2010 census, Thailand residents in the different provinces of the country belonged to the following religious groups:


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Buddhism in Thailand is largely of the Theravada school. Over 90% of Thailand's population adheres to such school.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Thai Buddhism is practised alongside various indigenous religions, such as Chinese indigenous religion by the large Thai of Chinese origins, Hinduism among Thai of Indian origin and Siamese Thai people, and Thai folk religion among Northeastern Thai, Northern Thai and Northern Khmer people.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Buddhist temples in Thailand are characterised by tall golden stupas, and the Buddhist architecture of Thailand is similar to that in other Southeast Asian countries, especially Cambodia and Laos, which share a cultural and historical heritage with Thailand.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Many within the large Thai Chinese population (excluding the Peranakans) practise various Chinese religions, including the worship of local gods, Chinese ancestral worship, Taoism, Confucianism and Chinese salvationist religions. One of the latter, Yiguandao (Thai: "Anuttharatham"), spread to Thailand since the 1970s, and it has grown so popular to come into conflict with Buddhism; in 2009 there were more than 7000 Yiguandao churches in the country and approximately 200.000 people convert each year into the religion. Despite the large number of followers and temples these religions have no state recognition, their temples are not counted as places of worship, and their followers are counted as "Theravada Buddhists" in officially released religious figures. Chinese temples are called "sanchao" in Thai language.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: The Chinese folk religion of Thailand has developed local features, including the worship of local gods. Major Chinese festivals such as Nian, Zhongqiu, and Qingming, are widely celebrated, especially in Bangkok, Chonburi, and other parts of Thailand where there are large Chinese populations. Thai of Teochew and Hoklo origin generally worship Guanyin and Mazu, while Cantonese origin worship Guan Yu.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: The Peranakans in the city of Phuket practise a nine-day vegetarian festival between September and October. During the festive season, devotees will abstain from meat and mortification of the flesh by Chinese mediums is also commonly seen. The rites and rituals are devoted to the veneration of Tua Pek Kong. Such traditions were developed during the 19th century in Phuket by the local Chinese with influences from Malay and Southern Thai culture.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Most of Northeastern Thai (as well as Northern Thai, Northern Khmer and some Siamese Thai) practise distinctive indigenous religions characterised by worship of local gods and ancestors. They are very similar to the Chinese folk religion.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Several thousand Hindus of Indian origin live in Thailand, mainly in the larger cities. Besides this group of "traditional Hindus", Thailand in its earliest days was under the rule of the Khmer Empire, which had strong Hindu roots, and the influence among Thais remains even today. There are also some ethnic Cham Hindus living in Thailand. The popular "Ramakien" epic based on Buddhist Dasaratha Jataka is very similar to the Hindu Ramayana. The former capital of Ayutthaya was named for Ayodhya, the Indian birthplace of the Rama, the protagonist of the story.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: There is a class of brahmins who perform rituals for Hindu gods. Brahmin rituals are still common. Hindu-Buddhist deities are worshipped by many Thais and statues and shrines of Brahma, Ganesh, Indra, Shiva, Vishnu, Lakshmi and other Hindu-Buddhist gods are a common sight (for example the Erawan Shrine area). Another relic of Hinduism is Garuda, now a symbol of the monarchy.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: According to the 2015 census, Thailand has 2,892,311 Muslims, or 4.29% of the total population. 2,227,613 of these Muslims are concentrated in the southern region of the country, where they represent up to 24.33% of the population.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Christianity was introduced by European missionaries as early as the 1550s, when Portuguese mercenaries and their chaplain arrived in Ayutthaya. Historically, it has played a significant role in the modernisation of Thailand, notably in social and educational institutions. As of 2015 just over one percent of the population of Thailand are Christians. Of that group, 400,000 are estimated to be Catholics.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Thailand's Department of Religion, currently under the Ministry of Culture, has formally recognised five major Christian churches/denominations: the Roman Catholic Church, the Southern Baptists, the Seventh-day Adventists, the Church of Christ in Thailand, and the Evangelical Fellowship of Thailand. Although not officially recognised, missionaries of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons) have been active in Thailand for decades, though their converts are comparatively few.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Judaism in Thailand dates back to the 17th century, with the arrival of a few Baghdadi Jewish families. The present community consists of both Ashkenazi (for instance the expatriate community plus some descendants of refugees from imperial Russia and later the Soviet Union), and Sephardi Jews, who were born in such places as Afghanistan, Iran and Syria, and wealthy gem traders. Most of the Jewish community in Thailand, consisting of an estimated 2,000 residents, reside in Bangkok, although there are at any given time thousands of tourists (some long-term) coming primarily from Israel. There are Jewish synagogues in Phuket, Chiang Mai, and Ko Samui, but no community there.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: The first Sikh known to have come to Thailand was Ladha Singh, who arrived in 1890. Other Sikhs joined him in the early 1900s, and by 1911 more than a hundred Sikh families had settled in Thailand, mainly in Thonburi Region. There were at that time no gurdwaras (Sikh temples), and religious prayers were held in private homes every Sunday and on gurpurab days. The Sikh community continued to grow, and in 1912 it was decided to build a gurdwara. It stands today in Bangkok's Pahurat area and imitates the Golden Temple in Amritsar Punjab, India. A tiny but influential community of Sikhs live in the country's cities, most engaged in retail commerce.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: Thai law provides for freedom of religion, and the government generally respects this right in practice. It does not, however, register new religious groups that have not been accepted into one of the existing religious governing bodies on doctrinal or other grounds. In practice, unregistered religious organisations operate freely, and the government's practice of not recognising any new religious groups does not restrict the activities of unregistered religious groups.


title: Religion in Thailand

text: The government officially limits the number of foreign missionaries that may work in the country, although unregistered missionaries are present in large numbers and are allowed to live and work freely. There have been no widespread reports of societal abuses or discrimination based on religious belief or practice. However, in the far southern border provinces, continued separatist violence has resulted in mistrust in relations between the Buddhist and Muslim communities.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Clothing in ancient Rome generally comprised a short-sleeved or sleeveless, knee-length tunic for men and boys, and a longer, usually sleeved tunic for women and girls. On formal occasions, adult male citizens could wear a woolen toga, draped over their tunic, and married citizen women wore a woolen mantle, known as a palla, over a stola, a simple, long-sleeved, voluminous garment that hung to midstep. Clothing, footwear and accoutrements identified gender, status, rank and social class. This was especially apparent in the distinctive, privileged official dress of magistrates, priesthoods and the military.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The toga was considered Rome's "national costume," privileged to Roman citizens but for day-to-day activities most Romans preferred more casual, practical and comfortable clothing; the tunic, in various forms, was the basic garment for all classes, both sexes and most occupations. It was usually made of linen, and was augmented as necessary with underwear, or with various kinds of cold-or-wet weather wear, such as knee-breeches for men, and cloaks, coats and hats. In colder parts of the empire, full length trousers were worn. Most urban Romans wore shoes, slippers, boots or sandals of various types; in the countryside, some wore clogs.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Most clothing was simple in structure and basic form, and its production required minimal cutting and tailoring, but all was produced by hand and every process required skill, knowledge and time. Spinning and weaving were thought virtuous, frugal occupations for Roman women of all classes. Wealthy matrons, including Augustus' wife Livia, might show their traditionalist values by producing home-spun clothing, but most men and women who could afford it bought their clothing from specialist artisans. The manufacture and trade of clothing and the supply of its raw materials made an important contribution to the Roman economy. Relative to the overall basic cost of living, even simple clothing was expensive, and was recycled many times down the social scale.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Rome's governing elite produced laws designed to limit public displays of personal wealth and luxury. None were particularly successful, as the same wealthy elite had an appetite for luxurious and fashionable clothing. Exotic fabrics were available, at a price; silk damasks, translucent gauzes, cloth of gold, and intricate embroideries; and vivid, expensive dyes such as saffron yellow or Tyrian purple. Not all dyes were costly, however, and most Romans wore colourful clothing. Clean, bright clothing was a mark of respectability and status among all social classes. The fastenings and brooches used to secure garments such as cloaks provided further opportunities for personal embellishment and display.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Roman society was graded into several citizen and non-citizen classes and ranks, ruled by a powerful minority of wealthy, landowning citizen-aristocrats. Even the lowest grade of citizenship carried certain privileges denied to non-citizens, such as the right to vote for representation in government. In tradition and law, an individual's place in the citizen-hierarchy – or outside it – should be immediately evident in their clothing. The seating arrangements at theatres and games enforced this idealised social order, with varying degrees of success.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: In literature and poetry, Romans were the "gens togata" ("togate race"), descended from a tough, virile, intrinsically noble peasantry of hard-working, toga-wearing men and women. The toga's origins are uncertain; it may have begun as a simple, practical work-garment and blanket for peasants and herdsmen. It eventually became formal wear for male citizens; at much the same time, respectable female citizens adopted the "stola". The morals, wealth and reputation of citizens were subject to official scrutiny. Male citizens who failed to meet a minimum standard could be demoted in rank, and denied the right to wear a toga; by the same token, female citizens could be denied the stola. Respectable citizens of either sex might thus be distinguished from freedmen, foreigners, slaves and infamous persons.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The "toga virilis" ("toga of manhood") was a semi-elliptical, white woolen cloth some in width and in length, draped across the shoulders and around the body. It was usually worn over a plain white linen tunic. A commoner's "toga virilis" was a natural off-white; the senatorial version was more voluminous, and brighter. The "toga praetexta" of curule magistrates and some priesthoods added a wide purple edging, and was worn over a tunic with two vertical purple stripes. It could also be worn by noble and freeborn boys and girls, and represented their protection under civil and divine law. "Equites" wore the "trabea" (a shorter, "equestrian" form of white toga or a purple-red wrap, or both) over a white tunic with two narrow vertical purple-red stripes. The "toga pulla", used for mourning, was made of dark wool. The rare, prestigious "toga picta" and "tunica palmata" were purple, embroidered with gold. They were originally awarded to Roman generals for the day of their triumph, but became official dress for emperors and Imperial consuls.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: From at least the late Republic onward, the upper classes favoured ever longer and larger togas, increasingly unsuited to manual work or physically active leisure. Togas were expensive, heavy, hot and sweaty, hard to keep clean, costly to launder and challenging to wear correctly. They were best suited to stately processions, oratory, sitting in the theatre or circus, and self-display among peers and inferiors while "ostentatiously doing nothing" at "salutationes". These early morning, formal "greeting sessions" were an essential part of Roman life, in which clients visited their patrons, competing for favours or investment in business ventures. A client who dressed well and correctly – in his toga, if a citizen – showed respect for himself and his patron, and might stand out among the crowd. A canny patron might equip his entire family, his friends, freedmen, even his slaves, with elegant, costly and impractical clothing, implying his entire extended family's condition as one of "honorific leisure" ("otium"), buoyed by limitless wealth.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The vast majority of citizens had to work for a living, and avoided wearing the toga whenever possible. Several emperors tried to compel its use as the public dress of true "Romanitas" but none were particularly successful. The aristocracy clung to it as a mark of their prestige, but eventually abandoned it for the more comfortable and practical "pallium".


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The basic garment for both genders and all classes was the "tunica" (tunic). In its simplest form, the tunic was a single rectangle of woven fabric, originally woolen, but from the mid-republic onward, increasingly made from linen. It was sewn into a wide, sleeveless tubular shape and pinned around the shoulders like a Greek chiton, to form openings for the neck and arms. In some examples from the eastern part of the empire, neck openings were created in the weaving. Sleeves could be added, or formed "in situ" from the excess width. Most working men wore knee-length, short-sleeved tunics, secured at the waist with a belt. Some traditionalists considered long sleeved tunics appropriate only for women, very long tunics on men as a sign of effeminacy, and short or unbelted tunics as marks of servility; nevertheless, very long-sleeved, loosely belted tunics were also fashionably unconventional and were adopted by some Roman men; for example, by Julius Caesar. Women's tunics were usually ankle or foot-length, long-sleeved, and could be worn loosely or belted. For comfort and protection from cold, both sexes could wear a soft under-tunic or vest ("subucula") beneath a coarser over-tunic; in winter, the Emperor Augustus, whose physique and constitution were never particularly robust, wore up to four tunics, over a vest. Although essentially simple in basic design, tunics could also be luxurious in their fabric, colours and detailing.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Loincloths, known as "subligacula" or "subligaria" could be worn under a tunic. They could also be worn on their own, particularly by slaves who engaged in hot, sweaty or dirty work. Women wore both loincloth and "strophium" (a breast cloth) under their tunics; and some wore tailored underwear for work or leisure. Roman women could also wear a "fascia pectoralis", a breast-wrap similar to a modern women's bra. A 4th-century AD Sicillian mosaic shows several "bikini girls" performing athletic feats; in 1953 a Roman leather bikini bottom was excavated from a well in London.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Besides tunics, married citizen women wore a simple garment known as a "stola" (pl. "stolae") which was associated with traditional Roman female virtues, especially modesty. In the early Roman Republic, the "stola" was reserved for patrician women. Shortly before the Second Punic War, the right to wear it was extended to plebeian matrons, and to freedwomen who had acquired the status of matron through marriage to a citizen. Stolae typically comprised two rectangular segments of cloth joined at the side by fibulae and buttons in a manner allowing the garment to be draped in elegant but concealing folds.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Over the "stola", citizen-women often wore the "palla", a sort of rectangular shawl up to 11 feet long, and five wide. It could be worn as a coat, or draped over the left shoulder, under the right arm, and then over the left arm. Outdoors and in public, a chaste matron's hair was bound up in woollen bands (fillets, or "vitae") in a high-piled style known as "tutulus". Her face was concealed from the public, male gaze with a veil; her "palla" could also serve as a hooded cloak. Two ancient literary sources mention use of a coloured strip or edging (a "limbus") on a woman's "mantle", or on the hem of their tunic; probably a mark of their high status, and presumably purple. Outside the confines of their homes, matrons were expected to wear veils; a matron who appeared without a veil was held to have repudiated her marriage. High-caste women convicted of adultery, and high-class female prostitutes ("meretrices"), were not only forbidden public use of the "stola", but might have been expected to wear a "toga muliebris" (a "woman's toga") as a sign of their infamy.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: For citizens, "salutationes" meant wearing the toga appropriate to their rank. For freedmen, it meant whatever dress disclosed their status and wealth; a man should be what he seemed, and low rank was no bar to making money. Freedmen were forbidden to wear any kind of toga. Elite invective mocked the aspirations of wealthy, upwardly mobile freedmen who boldly flouted this prohibition, donned a toga, or even the "trabea" of an "equites", and inserted themselves as equals among their social superiors at the games and theatres. If detected, they were evicted from their seats.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Notwithstanding the commonplace snobbery and mockery of their social superiors, some freedmen and freedwomen were highly cultured, and most would have had useful personal and business connections through their former master. Those with an aptitude for business could amass a fortune; and many did. They could function as patrons in their own right, fund public and private projects, own grand town-houses, and "dress to impress".


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: There was no standard costume for slaves; they might dress well, badly, or barely at all, depending on circumstance and the will of their owner. Urban slaves in prosperous households might wear some form of livery; cultured slaves who served as household tutors might be indistinguishable from well-off freedmen. Slaves serving out in the mines might wear nothing. For Appian, a slave dressed as well as his master signalled the end of a stable, well-ordered society. According to Seneca, tutor to Nero, a proposal that all slaves be made to wear a particular type of clothing was abandoned, for fear that the slaves should realise both their own overwhelming numbers, and the vulnerability of their masters. Advice to farm-owners by Cato the Elder and Columella on the regular supply of adequate clothing to farm-slaves was probably intended to mollify their otherwise harsh conditions, and maintain their obedience.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Roman infants were usually swaddled. Apart from those few, typically formal garments reserved for adults, most children wore a scaled-down version of what their parents wore. Girls often wore a long tunic that reached the foot or instep, belted at the waist and very simply decorated, most often white. Outdoors, they might wear another tunic over it. Boys' tunics were shorter.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Boys and girls wore amulets to protect them from immoral or baleful influences such as the evil eye and sexual predation. For boys, the amulet was a "bulla", worn around the neck; the equivalent for girls seems to have been a crescent-shaped "lunula", though this makes only rare appearances in Roman art. The "toga praetexta", which was thought to offer similar apotropaic protection, was formal wear for freeborn boys until puberty, when they gave their "toga praetexta" and childhood "bulla" into the care of their family Lares and put on the adult male's "toga virilis". According to some Roman literary sources, freeborn girls might also wear – or at least, had the right to wear – a "toga praetexta" until marriage, when they offered their childhood toys, and perhaps their maidenly "praetexta" to "Fortuna Virginalis"; others claim a gift made to the family Lares, or to Venus, as part of their passage to adulthood. In traditionalist families, unmarried girls might be expected to wear their hair demurely bound in a fillet.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Notwithstanding such attempts to protect the maidenly virtue of Roman girls, there is little anecdotal or artistic evidence of their use or effective imposition. Some unmarried daughters of respectable families seem to have enjoyed going out and about in flashy clothing, jewellery, perfume and make-up; and some parents, anxious to find the best and wealthiest possible match for their daughters, seem to have encouraged it.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Romans used a wide variety of practical and decorative footwear, all of it flat soled (without heels). Outdoor shoes were often hobnailed for grip and durability. The most common types of footwear were a one-piece shoe ("carbatina"), sometimes with semi-openwork uppers; a usually thin-soled sandal ("solea"), secured with thongs; a laced, soft half-shoe ("soccus"); a usually hobnailed, thick-soled walking shoe ("calcea"); and a heavy-duty, hobnailed standard-issue military marching boot ("caliga"). Thick-soled wooden clogs, with leather uppers, were available for use in wet weather, and by rustics and field-slaves


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Archaeology has revealed many more unstandardised footwear patterns and variants in use over the existence of the Roman Empire. For the wealthy, shoemakers employed sophisticated strapwork, delicate cutting, dyes and even gold leaf to create intricate decorative patterns. Indoors, most reasonably well-off Romans of both sexes wore slippers or light shoes of felt or leather. Brides on their wedding-day may have worn distinctively orange-coloured light soft shoes or slippers ("lutei socci").


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Public protocol required red ankle boots for senators, and shoes with crescent-shaped buckles for "equites", though some wore Greek-style sandals to "go with the crowd". Costly footwear was a mark of wealth or status, but being completely unshod need not be a mark of poverty. Cato the younger showed his impeccable Republican morality by going publicly barefoot; many images of the Roman gods, and later, statues of the semi-divine Augustus, were unshod.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Fashions in footwear reflected changes in social conditions. For example, during the unstable middle Imperial era, the military was overtly favoured as the true basis for power; at around this time, a tough, heavy, so-called "Gallic sandal" – up to 4 inches broad at the toe – developed as outdoor wear for men and boys, reminiscent of the military boot. Meanwhile, outdoor footwear for women, young girls and children remained elegantly pointed at the toe.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: For the most part, common soldiers seem to have dressed in belted, knee-length tunics for work or leisure. In the northern provinces, the traditionally short sleeved tunic might be replaced by a warmer, long-sleeved version. Soldiers on active duty wore short trousers under a military kilt, sometimes with a leather jerkin or felt padding to cushion their armour, and a triangular scarf tucked in at the neck. For added protection from wind and weather, they could wear the "sagum", a heavy-duty cloak also worn by civilians. According to Roman tradition, soldiers had once worn togas to war, hitching them up with what was known as a "Gabine cinch"; but by the mid-Republican era, this was only used for sacrificial rites and a formal declaration of war. Thereafter, citizen-soldiers wore togas only for formal occasions. Cicero's "sagum-wearing" soldiers versus "toga-wearing" civilians are rhetorical and literary trope, referring to a wished-for transition from military might to peaceful, civil authority. When on duty in the city, the Praetorian Guard concealed their weapons beneath their white "civilian" togas.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The "sagum" distinguished common soldiers from the highest ranking commanders, who wore a larger, purple-red cloak, the "paludamentum". The colour of the ranker's "sagum" is uncertain. Roman military clothing was probably less uniform and more adaptive to local conditions and supplies than is suggested by its idealised depictions in contemporary literature, statuary and monuments. Nevertheless, Rome's levies abroad were supposed to represent Rome in her purest form; provincials were supposed to adopt Roman ways, not "vice versa". Even when foreign garments – such as full-length trousers – proved more practical than standard issue, soldiers and commanders who used them were viewed with disdain and alarm by their more conservative compatriots, for undermining Rome's military "virtus" by "going native". This did not prevent their adoption. In the late 3rd century the distinctive Pannonian "pill-box" hat became firstly a popular, and then a standard item of legionary fatigues.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: In Mediterranean climates, soldiers typically wore hobnailed "open boots" ("caligae"). In colder and wetter climates, an enclosing "shoeboot" was preferred. Some of the Vindolanda tablets mention the despatch of clothing – including cloaks, socks, and warm underwear – by families to their relatives, serving at Brittania's northern frontier.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: During the early and middle Republican era, conscripted soldiers and their officers were expected to provide or pay for all their personal equipment. From the late Republic onwards, they were salaried professionals, and bought their own clothing from legionary stores, quartermasters or civilian contractors. Military needs were prioritised. Clothing was expensive to start with, and the military demand was high; this inevitably pushed up prices, and a common soldier's clothing expenses could be more than a third of his annual pay. In the rampant inflation of the later Imperial era, as currency and salaries were devalued, deductions from military salaries for clothing and other staples were replaced by payments in kind, leaving common soldiers cash-poor, but adequately clothed.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Most priesthoods were reserved to high status, male Roman citizens, usually magistrates or ex-magistrates. Most traditional religious rites required that the priest wore a "toga praetexta", in a manner described as "capite velato" (head covered [by a fold of the toga]) when performing augury, reciting prayers or supervising at sacrifices. Where a rite prescribed the free use of both arms, the priest could employ the "cinctus Gabinus" ("Gabine cinch") to tie back the toga's inconvenient folds.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The Vestal Virgins tended Rome's sacred fire, in Vesta's temple, and prepared essential sacrificial materials employed by different cults of the Roman state. They were highly respected, and possessed unique rights and privileges; their persons were sacred and inviolate. Their presence was required at various religious and civil rites and ceremonies. Their costume was predominantly white, woolen, and had elements in common with high-status Roman bridal dress. They wore a white, priestly "infula", a white "suffibulum" (veil) and a white palla, with red ribbons to symbolise their devotion to Vesta's sacred fire, and white ribbons as a mark of their purity.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The Flamen priesthood was dedicated to various deities of the Roman state. They wore a close-fitting, rounded cap ("apex") topped with a spike of olive-wood; and the "laena", a long, semi-circular "flame-coloured" cloak fastened at the shoulder with a brooch or fibula. Their senior was the "Flamen Dialis", who was the high priest of Jupiter and was married to the "Flaminica Dialis". He was not allowed to divorce, leave the city, ride a horse, touch iron, or see a corpse. The "laena" was thought to predate the toga. The twelve Salii ("leaping priests" of Mars) were young patrician men, who processed through the city in a form of war-dance during the festival of Mars, singing the "Carmen Saliare". They too wore the "apex", but otherwise dressed as archaic warriors, in embroidered tunics and breastplates. Each carried a sword, wore a short, red military cloak ("paludamentum)" and ritually struck a bronze shield, whose ancient original was said to have fallen from heaven.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Rome recruited many non-native deities, cults and priesthoods as protectors and allies of the state. Aesculapius, Apollo, Ceres and Proserpina were worshipped using the so-called "Greek rite", which employed Greek priestly dress, or a Romanised version of it. The priest presided in Greek fashion, with his head bare or wreathed.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: In 204 BC, the Galli priesthood were brought to Rome from Phrygia, to serve the "Trojan" Mother Goddess Cybele and her consort Attis on behalf of the Roman state. They were legally protected but flamboyantly "un-Roman". They were eunuchs, and told fortunes for money; their public rites were wild, frenzied and bloody, and their priestly garb was "womanly". They wore long, flowing robes of yellow silk, extravagant jewellery, perfume and make-up, and turbans or exotic versions of the "Phrygian" hat over long, bleached hair.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Roman fashions underwent very gradual change from the late Republic to the end of the Western Empire, 600 years later. In part, this reflects the expansion of Rome's empire, and the adoption of provincial fashions perceived as attractively exotic, or simply more practical than traditional forms of dress. Changes in fashion also reflect the increasing dominance of a military elite within government, and a corresponding reduction in the value and status of traditional civil offices and ranks.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: In the later empire after Diocletian's reforms, clothing worn by soldiers and non-military government bureaucrats became highly decorated, with woven or embellished strips, "clavi," and circular roundels, "orbiculi," added to tunics and cloaks. These decorative elements usually comprised geometrical patterns and stylised plant motifs, but could include human or animal figures. The use of silk also increased steadily and most courtiers in late antiquity wore elaborate silk robes. Heavy military-style belts were worn by bureaucrats as well as soldiers, revealing the general militarization of late Roman government. Trousers – considered barbarous garments worn by Germans and Persians – achieved only limited popularity in the latter days of the empire, and were regarded by conservatives as a sign of cultural decay.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The toga, traditionally seen as the sign of true "Romanitas", had never been popular or practical. Most likely, its official replacement in the East by the more comfortable "pallium" and "paenula" simply acknowledged its disuse. In early medieval Europe, kings and aristocrats dressed like the late Roman generals they sought to emulate, not like the older toga-clad senatorial tradition.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Wool was the most commonly used fibre in Roman clothing. The sheep of Tarentum were renowned for the quality of their wool, although the Romans never ceased trying to optimise the quality of wool through cross-breeding. Miletus in Asia Minor and the province of Gallia Belgica were also renowned for the quality of their wool exports, the latter producing a heavy, rough wool suitable for winter. For most garments, white wool was preferred; it could then be further bleached, or dyed. Naturally dark wool was used for the "toga pulla" and work garments subjected to dirt and stains.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: In the provinces, private landowners and the State held large tracts of grazing land, where large numbers of sheep were raised and sheared. Their wool was processed and woven in dedicated manufactories. Britannia was noted for its woolen products, which included a kind of duffel coat (the "birrus brittanicus)", fine carpets, and felt linings for army helmets.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Silk from China was imported in significant quantities as early as the 3rd century BC. It was bought in its raw state by Roman traders at the Phoenician ports of Tyre and Berytus, then woven and dyed. As Roman weaving techniques developed, silk yarn was used to make geometrically or freely figured damask, tabbies and tapestry. Some of these silk fabrics were extremely fine – around 50 threads or more per centimeter. Production of such highly decorative, costly fabrics seems to have been a speciality of weavers in the eastern Roman provinces, where the earliest Roman horizontal looms were developed.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Various sumptuary laws and price controls were passed to limit the purchase and use of silk. In the early Empire the Senate passed legislation forbidding the wearing of silk by men because it was viewed as effeminate but there was also a connotation of immorality or immodesty attached to women who wore the material, as illustrated by Seneca the Elder:


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: I can see clothes of silk, if materials that do not hide the body, nor even one's decency, can be called clothes... Wretched flocks of maids labour so that the adulteress may be visible through her thin dress, so that her husband has no more acquaintance than any outsider or foreigner with his wife's body. (Declamations Vol. 1)


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The Emperor Aurelian is said to have forbidden his wife to buy a mantle of Tyrian purple silk. The "Historia Augusta" claims that the emperor Elagabalus was the first Roman to wear garments of pure silk ("holoserica") as opposed to the usual silk/cotton blends ("subserica"); this is presented as further evidence of his notorious decadence. Moral dimensions aside, Roman importation and expenditure on silk represented a significant, inflationary drain on Rome's gold and silver coinage, to the benefit of foreign traders and loss to the empire. Diocletian's Edict on Maximum Prices of 301 AD set the price of one kilo of raw silk at 4,000 gold coins.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Wild silk, cocoons collected from the wild after the insect had eaten its way out, was also known; being of shorter, smaller lengths, its fibres had to be spun into somewhat thicker yarn than the cultivated variety. A rare luxury cloth with a beautiful golden sheen, known as sea silk, was made from the long silky filaments or byssus produced by "Pinna nobilis", a large Mediterranean clam.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Pliny the Elder describes the production of linen from flax and hemp. After harvesting, the plant stems were retted to loosen the outer layers and internal fibres, stripped, pounded and then smoothed. Following this, the materials were woven. Flax, like wool, came in various speciality grades and qualities. In Pliny's opinion, the whitest (and best) was imported from Spanish Saetabis; at double the price, the strongest and most long-lasting was from Retovium. The whitest and softest was produced in Latium, Falerii and Paelignium. Natural linen was a "greyish brown" that faded to off-white through repeated laundering and exposure to sunlight. It did not readily absorb the dyes in use at the time, and was generally bleached, or used in its raw, undyed state.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Cotton from India was imported through the same Eastern Mediterranean ports that supplied Roman traders with silk and spices. Raw cotton was sometimes used for padding. Once its seeds were removed, cotton could be spun, then woven into a soft, lightweight fabric appropriate for summer use; cotton was more comfortable than wool, less costly than silk, and unlike linen, it could be brightly dyed; for this reason, cotton and linen were sometimes interwoven to produce vividly coloured, soft but tough fabric. High quality fabrics were also woven from nettle stems; poppy-stem fibre was sometimes interwoven with flax, to produce a glossy smooth, lightweight and luxuriant fabric. Preparation of such stem fibres involved similar techniques to those used for linen.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Ready-made clothing was available for all classes, at a price; the cost of a new cloak for an ordinary commoner might represent three fifths of their annual subsistence expenses. Clothing was left to heirs and loyal servants in wills, and changed hands as part of marriage settlements. High quality clothing could be hired out to the less-well-off who needed to make a good impression. Clothing was a target in some street robberies, and in thefts from the public baths; it was re-sold and recycled down the social scale, until it fell to rags; even these were useful, and ("patch-workers") made a living by sewing clothing and other items from recycled fabric patches. Owners of slave-run farms and sheep-flocks were advised that whenever the opportunity arose, female slaves should be fully occupied in the production of homespun woolen cloth; this would likely be good enough for clothing the better class of slave or supervisor.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Self-sufficiency in clothing paid off. The carding, combing, spinning and weaving of wool were part of daily housekeeping for most women. Those of middling or low income could supplement their personal or family income by spinning and selling yarn, or by weaving fabric for sale. In traditionalist, wealthy households, the family's wool-baskets, spindles and looms were positioned in the semi-public reception area ("atrium"), where the "mater familias" and her "familia" could thus demonstrate their industry and frugality; a largely symbolic and moral activity for those of their class, rather than practical necessity. Augustus was particularly proud that his wife and daughter had set the best possible example to other Roman women by spinning and weaving his clothing. High-caste brides were expected to make their own wedding garments, using a traditional vertical loom.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Most fabric and clothing was produced by professionals whose trades, standards and specialities were protected by guilds; these in turn were recognised and regulated by local authorities. Pieces were woven as closely as possible to their intended final shape, with minimal waste, cutting and sewing thereafter. Once a woven piece of fabric was removed from the loom, its loose end-threads were tied off, and left as a decorative fringe, hemmed, or used to add differently coloured "Etruscan style" borders, as in the purple-red border of the "toga praetexta", and the vertical coloured stripe of some tunics; a technique known as "tablet weaving". Weaving on an upright, hand-powered loom was a slow process. The earliest evidence for the transition from vertical to more efficient horizontal, foot-powered looms comes from Egypt, around 298 AD. Even then, the lack of mechanical aids in spinning made yarn production a major bottleneck in the manufacture of cloth.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: From Rome's earliest days, a wide variety of colours and coloured fabrics would have been available; in Roman tradition, the first association of professional dyers dated back to the days of King Numa. Roman dyers would certainly have had access to the same locally produced, usually plant-based dyes as their neighbours on the Italian peninsula, producing various shades of red, yellow, blue, green, and brown; blacks could be achieved using iron salts and oak gall. Other dyes, or dyed cloths, could have been obtained by trade, or through experimentation. For the very few who could afford it, cloth-of-gold (lamé) was almost certainly available, possibly as early as the 7th century BC.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Throughout the Regal, Republican, and Imperial eras, the fastest, most expensive and sought-after dye was imported Tyrian purple, obtained from the "murex". Its hues varied according to processing, the most desirable being a dark "dried-blood" red. Purple had long-standing associations with regality, and with the divine. It was thought to sanctify and protect those who wore it, and was officially reserved for the border of the "toga praetexta", and for the solid purple "toga picta". Edicts against its wider, more casual use were not particularly successful; it was also used by wealthy women and, somewhat more disreputably, by some men. Verres is reported as wearing a purple "pallium" at all-night parties, not long before his trial, disgrace and exile for corruption. For those who could not afford genuine Tyrian purple, counterfeits were available. The expansion of trade networks during the early Imperial era brought the dark blue of Indian indigo to Rome; though desirable and costly in itself, it also served as a base for fake Tyrian purple.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: For red hues, madder was one of the cheapest dyes available. Saffron yellow was much admired, but costly. It was a deep, bright and fiery yellow-orange, and was associated with purity and constancy. It was used for the "flammeum" (meaning "flame-coloured"), a veil used by Roman brides and the Flaminica Dialis, who was virgin at marriage and forbidden to divorce.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Specific colours were associated with chariot-racing teams and their supporters. The oldest of these were the Reds and the Whites. During the later Imperial era, the Blues and Greens dominated chariot-racing and, up to a point, civil and political life in Rome and Constantinople. Although the teams and their supporters had official recognition, their rivalry sometimes spilled into civil violence and riot, both within and beyond the circus venue.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The Romans had two methods of converting animal skins to leather: tanning produced a soft, supple brown leather; tawing in alum and salt produced a soft, pale leather that readily absorbed dyes. Both these processes produced a strong, unpleasant odour, so tanners’ and tawers’ shops were usually placed well away from urban centres. Unprocessed animal hides were supplied directly to tanners by butchers, as a byproduct of meat production; some was turned to rawhide, which made a durable shoe-sole. Landowners and livestock ranchers, many of whom were of the elite class, drew a proportion of profits at each step of the process that turned their animals into leather or hide and distributed it through empire-wide trade networks. The Roman military consumed large quantities of leather; for jerkins, belts, boots, saddles, harness and strap-work, but mostly for military tents.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: The almost universal habit of public bathing ensured that most Romans kept their bodies at least visually clean, but dirt, spillage, staining and sheer wear of garments were constant hazards to the smart, clean appearance valued by both the elite and non-elite leisured classes, particularly in an urban setting. Most Romans lived in apartment blocks with no facilities for washing or finishing clothes on any but the smallest scale. Professional laundries and fuller's shops ("fullonicae", singular "fullonica") were highly malodorous but essential and commonplace features of every city and town. Small fulling enterprises could be found at local market-places; others operated on an industrial scale, and would have required a considerable investment of money and manpower, especially slaves.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Basic laundering and fulling techniques were simple, and labour-intensive. Garments were placed in large tubs containing aged urine, then well trodden by bare-footed workers. They were well-rinsed, manually or mechanically wrung, and spread over wicker frames to dry. Whites could be further brightened by bleaching with sulphur fumes. Some colours could be restored to brightness by "polishing" or "refinishing" with Cimolian earth (the basic fulling process). Others were less colour-fast, and would have required separate laundering. In the best-equipped establishments, garments were further smoothed under pressure, using screw-presses and stretching frames. Laundering and fulling were punishingly harsh to fabrics, but were evidently thought to be worth the effort and cost. The high-quality woolen togas of the senatorial class were intensively laundered to an exceptional, snowy white, using the best and most expensive ingredients. Lower ranking citizens used togas of duller wool, more cheaply laundered; for reasons that remain unclear, the clothing of different status groups might have been laundered separately.


title: Clothing in ancient Rome

text: Front of house, "fullonicae" were run by enterprising citizens of lower social class, or by freedmen and freedwomen; behind the scenes, their enterprise might be supported discreetly by a rich or elite patron, in return for a share of the profits. The Roman elite seem to have despised the fulling and laundering professions as ignoble; though perhaps no more than they despised all manual trades. The fullers themselves evidently thought theirs a respectable and highly profitable profession, worth celebration and illustration in murals and memorials. Pompeian mural paintings of launderers and fullers at work show garments in a rainbow variety of colours, but not white; fullers seem to have been particularly valued for their ability to launder dyed garments without loss of colour, sheen or "brightness", rather than merely whitening, or bleaching. New woolen cloth and clothing may also have been laundered; the process would have partially felted and strengthened woolen fabrics, and raised the softer nap.


title: Nosebleed

text: A nosebleed, also known as epistaxis, is bleeding from the nose. Blood can flow down into the stomach, and cause nausea and vomiting. In more severe cases, blood may come out of both nostrils. Rarely, bleeding may be so significant that low blood pressure occurs. Blood may also come up the nasolacrimal duct and out from the eye.


title: Nosebleed

text: Risk factors include trauma, including putting the finger in the nose, blood thinners, high blood pressure, alcoholism, seasonal allergies, dry weather, and inhaled corticosteroids. There are two types: anterior, which is more common; and posterior, which is less common but more serious. Anterior nosebleeds generally occur from Kiesselbach's plexus while posterior bleeds generally occur from the sphenopalatine artery. The diagnosis is by direct observation.


title: Nosebleed

text: Prevention may include the use of petroleum jelly in the nose. Initially, treatment is generally the application of pressure for at least five minutes over the lower half of the nose. If this is not sufficient, nasal packing may be used. Tranexamic acid may also be helpful. If bleeding episodes continue, endoscopy is recommended.


title: Nosebleed

text: About 60% of people have a nosebleed at some point in their life. About 10% of nosebleeds are serious. Nosebleeds are rarely fatal, accounting for only 4 of the 2.4 million deaths in the U.S. in 1999. Nosebleeds most commonly affect those younger than 10 and older than 50.


title: Nosebleed

text: Nosebleeds can occur due to a variety of reasons. Some of the most common causes include trauma from nose picking, blunt trauma (such as a motor vehicle accident), or insertion of a foreign object (more likely in children). Relative humidity (including centrally heated buildings), respiratory tract infections, chronic sinusitis, rhinitis or environmental irritants can cause inflammation and thinning of the tissue in the nose, leading to a greater likelihood of bleeding from the nose.


title: Nosebleed

text: Most causes of nose bleeding are self-limiting and do not require medical attention. However, if nosebleeds are recurrent or do not respond to home therapies, an underlying cause may need to be investigated. Some rarer causes are listed below:


title: Nosebleed

text: The nasal mucosa contains a rich blood supply that can be easily ruptured and cause bleeding. Rupture may be spontaneous or initiated by trauma. Nosebleeds are reported in up to 60% of the population with peak incidences in those under the age of ten and over the age of 50 and appear to occur in males more than females. An increase in blood pressure (e.g. due to general hypertension) tends to increase the duration of spontaneous epistaxis. Anticoagulant medication and disorders of blood clotting can promote and prolong bleeding. Spontaneous epistaxis is more common in the elderly as the nasal mucosa (lining) becomes dry and thin and blood pressure tends to be higher. The elderly are also more prone to prolonged nosebleeds as their blood vessels are less able to constrict and control the bleeding.


title: Nosebleed

text: The vast majority of nosebleeds occur in the front anterior (front) part of the nose from the nasal septum. This area is richly endowed with blood vessels (Kiesselbach's plexus). This region is also known as Little's area. Bleeding farther back in the nose is known as a posterior bleed and is usually due to bleeding from Woodruff's plexus, a venous plexus situated in the posterior part of inferior meatus. Posterior bleeds are often prolonged and difficult to control. They can be associated with bleeding from both nostrils and with a greater flow of blood into the mouth.


title: Nosebleed

text: People with uncomplicated nosebleeds can use conservative methods to prevent future nosebleeds such as sleeping in a humidified environment or applying petroleum jelly to the nasal nares.


title: Nosebleed

text: Most anterior nosebleeds can be stopped by applying direct pressure, which helps by promoting blood clots. Those who have a nosebleed should first attempt to blow out any blood clots and then apply pressure for at least five minutes and up to 20 minutes. Pressure should be firm and tilting the head forward helps decrease the chance of nausea and airway obstruction as seen in the picture on the right. When attempting to stop a nosebleed at home, the head should not be tilted back. Swallowing excess blood can irritate the stomach and cause vomiting. Vasoconstrictive medications such as oxymetazoline (Afrin) or phenylephrine are widely available over the counter for treatment of allergic rhinitis and may also be used to control benign cases of epistaxis. Those with nosebleeds that last longer than 20 minutes (in the setting of direct pressure as seen in the image to the right) should seek medical attention.


title: Nosebleed

text: If pressure and chemical cauterization cannot stop bleeding, nasal packing is the mainstay of treatment. There are several forms of nasal packing that can be contrasted by anterior nasal packing and posterior nasal packing. Traditionally, nasal packing was accomplished by packing gauze into the nose, thereby placing pressure on the vessels in the nose and stopping the bleeding. Traditional gauze packing has been replaced with products such as Merocel and the Rapid Rhino. The Merocel nasal tampon is similar to gauze packing except it is a synthetic foam polymer (made of polyvinyl alcohol and expands in the nose after application of water) that provides a less hospitable medium for bacteria. The Rapid Rhino stops nosebleeds using a balloon catheter, made of carboxymethylcellulose, which has a cuff that is inflated by air to stop bleeding through extra pressure in the nasal cavity. Systematic review articles have demonstrated that the efficacy in stopping nosebleeds is similar between the Rapid Rhino and Merocel packs; however, the Rapid Rhino has been shown to have greater ease of insertion and reduced discomfort. People who receive nasal packing need to return to a medical professional in 24–72 hours in order to have packing removed. There are also several dissolvable packing materials that stop bleeding through use of thrombotic agents that promote blood clots, such as surgicel. The thrombogenic foams and gels do not require removal and dissolve after a few days. Posterior nasal packing can be achieved by using a Foley catheter, blowing up the balloon when it is in the back of the throat, and applying traction. Complications of nasal packing include abscesses, septal hematomas, sinusitis, and pressure necrosis. In rare cases toxic shock syndrome can occur with prolonged nasal packing. As a result, many forms of nasal packing involve use of topical antistaphylococcal antibiotic ointment.


title: Nosebleed

text: Tranexamic acid helps promote blood clotting. For nosebleeds it can be applied to the site of bleeding, taken by mouth, or injected into a vein.


title: Nosebleed

text: This method involves applying a chemical such as silver nitrate to the nasal mucosa, which burns and seals off the bleeding. Eventually the nasal tissue to which the chemical is applied will undergo necrosis. This form of treatment is best for mild bleeds, especially in children, that are clearly visible. A topical anesthetic (such as lidocaine) is usually applied prior to cauterization. Silver nitrate can cause blackening of the skin due to silver sulfide deposit, though this will fade with time.


title: Nosebleed

text: Ongoing bleeding despite good nasal packing is a surgical emergency and can be treated by endoscopic evaluation of the nasal cavity under general anesthesia to identify an elusive bleeding point or to directly ligate (tie off) the blood vessels supplying the nose. These blood vessels include the sphenopalatine, anterior and posterior ethmoidal arteries. More rarely the maxillary or a branch of the external carotid artery can be ligated. The bleeding can also be stopped by intra-arterial embolization using a catheter placed in the groin and threaded up the aorta to the bleeding vessel by an interventional radiologist. There is no difference in outcomes between embolization and ligation as treatment options, but embolization is considerably more expensive. Continued bleeding may be an indication of more serious underlying conditions.


title: Nosebleed

text: The utility of local cooling of the head and neck is controversial. Some state that applying ice to the nose or forehead is not useful. Others feel that it may promote vasoconstriction of the nasal blood vessels and thus be useful. In Indonesian traditional medicine, betel leaf is used to stop nosebleed as it contains tannin which causes blood to coagulate, thus stopping active bleeding.


title: Nosebleed

text: In the visual language of Japanese manga and anime, nosebleeding often indicates that the bleeding person is sexually aroused. In Western fiction, nosebleeds often signify intense mental focus or effort, particularly during the use of psychic powers.


title: Nosebleed

text: In American and Canadian usage, "nosebleed section" and "nosebleed seats" are common slang for seating at sporting or other spectator events that are the highest up and farthest away from the event. The reference alludes to the propensity for nasal hemorrhage at high altitudes, usually owing to lower barometric pressure.


title: Nosebleed

text: The oral history of the Native American Sioux tribe includes reference to women who experience nosebleeds as a result of a lover's playing of music, implying sexual arousal.


title: Nosebleed

text: In the Finnish language, "picking blood from one's nose" and "begging for a nosebleed" are commonly used in abstract meaning to describe self-destructive behaviour, for example ignoring safety procedures or deliberately aggravating stronger parties.


title: Nosebleed

text: In Filipino slang, to "have a nosebleed" is to have serious difficulty conversing in English with a fluent or native English speaker. It can also refer to anxiety brought on by a stressful event such as an examination or a job interview.


title: Nosebleed

text: In the Dutch language, "pretending to have a nosebleed" is a saying that means pretending not to know anything about something.


title: Nosebleed

text: The word "epistaxis" is from "epistazo", "to bleed from the nose" from "epi", "above, over" and "stazo", "to drip [from the nostrils]".


title: Elvis (1979 film)

text: Elvis is a 1979 American made-for-television biographical film directed by John Carpenter, and starring Kurt Russell as Elvis Presley, originally aired on ABC. It marked the first collaboration between Russell and Carpenter.


title: Elvis (1979 film)

text: After its success on television in the United States, a shorter re-edited version of "Elvis" was released theatrically throughout Europe and Australia. It was nominated for a Golden Globe Award for Best Motion Picture Made for Television, and for three Primetime Emmy Awards, including Outstanding Lead Actor in a Miniseries or a Movie for Russell.


title: Elvis (1979 film)

text: The story follows the life and career of rock and roll icon Elvis Presley. It ends in 1970, and does not depict the last few years of Presley's career leading to his death in 1977.


title: Elvis (1979 film)

text: There is more than one version of this film; an alternate edit starts with Presley's hair being cut when he was called up by the US Army, and then death of his mother, with no scenes of his life prior.