title: Cerys Matthews

text: In 2006, Matthews conducted a short tour of the UK to promote her second solo album, "Never Said Goodbye". The album was preceded by the single "Open Roads". Band members included Kevin Teel on guitar, Ben Elkins playing keyboards, Mason Neely on drums, and Jeff Irwin playing bass. She headlined Cardiff's "Big Weekend festival". During September and October 2006, Matthews embarked on a UK and Ireland tour, during which she played tracks from her first two solo albums as well as three Catatonia hits. She also embarked upon a short acoustic Welsh tour in November 2006 before returning to Nashville for Christmas.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: Matthews appeared on the 2007 series of ITV's "I'm a Celebrity...Get Me Out of Here!", which aired from 12 to 30 November. She was voted off one day before the final episode, coming fourth behind Jason "J" Brown, Janice Dickinson and eventual winner Christopher Biggins. Matthews became involved with fellow contestant Marc Bannerman after the show, but they split four months later. Matthews appeared at the live "Guilty Pleasures" concert at the Hackney Empire, London in 2007. She performed the Bonnie Tyler hit "Total Eclipse of the Heart" and the Dolly Parton/Kenny Rogers duet "Islands in the Stream" along with Terry Hall and the BBC Concert Orchestra.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: In an interview on the eve of the launch of her Welsh mini-album "Awyren = Aeroplane", Matthews confirmed she had divorced from Riddle and temporarily moved back to her farm in Pembrokeshire. "Awyren = Aeroplane" won her the 'Contemporary Composition' award in the National Eisteddfod. The award had been resurrected and presented for the first time since 1936. In 2007 Matthews became Vice-President of the Welsh homelessness charity Shelter Cymru. She also accepted a role of Performing Arts Ambassador for Linden Lodge School, Wimbledon in the same year.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: Matthews joined the Welsh band Manic Street Preachers onstage at The O2 on 28 February 2008 to sing the female vocals of their 2007 hit "Your Love Alone Is Not Enough". She replaced Nina Persson in both the awards ceremony (within indigO2) and at the following 'Big Gig' live show (within The O2 Arena).


title: Cerys Matthews

text: From November 2008, Matthews sat in for Stephen Merchant and Marc Riley on BBC 6 Music and went on to present George Lamb's slot in April 2009. In May 2009 she presented show "A Month of Sundays With... Cerys Matthews". She then covered for Nemone on 6 Music from July 2009 while Nemone was on maternity leave.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: Matthews began maternity leave from November 2009 and had to finish presenting the show a month early. In April 2010, Matthews returned to 6 Music to present a weekend show on Sunday mornings. She produces and presents radio documentaries and shows, including "Hook Line and Singer", where she shared her love of fishing on Radio 4.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: Matthews released her first CD in two years in October 2009. The album, titled "Don't Look Down", was released in two versions, one in English and the other in Welsh (the title of the Welsh edition was "Paid Edrych i Lawr"). It was recorded in Providence, Rhode Island, Nashville, Seattle and London, and coincided with a two-week UK tour in October.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: Matthews has covered Glastonbury Festival for both BBC Television and BBC 6 Music, she wrote and presented a BBC Two programme on poetry and presented TV documentaries on singer Dorothy Squires, the Mississippi River and Cuba. She wrote and presented a documentary on early blues players such as Memphis Minnie, children's character Pippi Longstocking, Mahalia Jackson and the celebrated British blues label 'Blue Horizon'. She has presented a documentary for BBC Radio 2 on Maida Vale studios. She frequently contributes to BBC Radio 4 programmes such as "Feedback", "Frontrow", "Loose Ends" and "Saturday Live", also writing a column for world music magazine "Songlines". She has curated festivals for the Tate Modern, the Shetland theatre and Womex.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: In 2010, Matthews released "Tir" (in Welsh: 'territory' or 'land'), a collection of traditional Welsh songs, and of photographs from her family archive from the 1880s to 1940s of people at work and play. They included "Calon Lân", "Cwm Rhondda", "Migldi-Magldi" (sung as a duet with Bryn Terfel), "Myfanwy" and "Sosban Fach". This is the third release on her own label, Rainbow City.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: "Explorer" is Matthews' fourth solo album (2011). In both selecting and writing the songs she delved into the influence of both the music she has heard round the globe, and the places she had visited. Recorded over seven days, the album from the outset had no pre-determined sound or calculated format. On the album she incorporates a little Spanish, Scottish, Irish, Welsh, and American sensibilities, styles, and genres. In April 2011, a video was released through Matthews' official YouTube Page of the lead single from "Explorer", "Sweet Magnolia".


title: Cerys Matthews

text: Matthews played the Isle of Wight and Hay festivals in 2012, the latter with a Woody Guthrie tribute show, and collaborated with artists such as Arun Ghosh, Tunde Jegede, Attab Haddad, Frank Moon and the London Bulgarian Choir. 2012 also saw her play music from her collection of Welsh traditional songs "Tir", with Ballet Cymru, ending in a show in Sadler's Wells, and a nomination for a Theatre Critics Award 2012. She produced and arranged Christmas album "Baby, It's Cold Outside" (2012) to much acclaim, recognised by the "Sunday Times" as an "essential seasonal album". Matthews played UK literary festivals including Dartington, Chester, Hay and Edinburgh and released an album of traditional Welsh reels and songs, "Hullabaloo". Matthews sang Patsy Cline's "Crazy" and Dylan's "Blowin' in the Wind" as part of the memorial service for esteemed War correspondent Marie Colvin, in May 2012. Matthews appeared as a celebrity guest mentor on the first series of the UK version of "The Voice" for Tom Jones's Team broadcast.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: In 2014, Matthews co-founded an interactive festival, "The Good Life Experience", with Charlie and Caroline Gladstone, held every September on the Gladstone estate in Hawarden, Flintshire near the Cheshire border. It is a festival which celebrates the great outdoors, with abseiling, campfires, axe throwing, foraging, talk on survival, as well as cultural activities, crafts, books and music.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: Matthews won gold at the 2013 Sony Radio Academy Awards, winning in the 'Music Broadcaster of the year' category. "Baby It's Cold Outside", released for Christmas 2013 on the Rainbow City label, is a selection of Christmas carols and classic Christmas songs all arranged and produced by Matthews using instruments such as Chinese temple blocks, oud, celeste and coconut shells.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: Matthews won a 'St David Award' – for her contribution to culture in 2014 – run by the Welsh government, in its inaugural year, 2014.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: She was appointed Member of the Order of the British Empire (MBE) in the 2014 Birthday Honours for services to music.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: In 2017 she was a guest presenter on the BBC's coverage of the Royal Welsh Show, along with Andi Oliver and Omar Hamdi. On 14 May 2018, Matthews took over from Paul Jones as the presenter of "The Blues Show" on BBC Radio 2.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: In 2019 Matthews was one of the three judges for the 2020 "Countryfile" Calendar, sold in aid of Children in Need.


title: Cerys Matthews

text: Matthews has two sons and a daughter. She took her 9- and 12-year-old sons and husband to hike to base camp Everest in 2019.


title: Murders of Lauria Bible and Ashley Freeman

text: Lauria Jaylene Bible (; born April 18, 1983) and Ashley Renae Freeman (born December 29, 1983) were American teenagers who disappeared between the evening of December 29 and the early morning hours of December 30, 1999, from Freeman's home in Welch, Oklahoma.


text: Firefighters arrived at the Freeman home shortly after 5:30 a.m. on December 30, when a passerby reported a fire at the residence. After the fire had been extinguished, the bodies of Freeman's parents, Danny and Kathy, were recovered. Both had been shot to death at close range. However, law enforcement was unable to find any trace of Bible or Freeman in the rubble of the home.


text: On April 26, 2018, it was reported that Ronnie Dean Busick was being charged with four counts of first-degree murder in the killings of Bible and the Freeman family. In 2020, Busick was convicted and sentenced.


text: On October 7, 2021, a new search was conducted in the root cellar of a home formerly occupied by David Pennington, one of the deceased suspects accused by the convicted Busick. Investigators claim that Busick kept repeating "the root cellar," and his stepdaughter alleged that he had forbidden anyone from accessing it. News reports after the search wrapped up indicated it had been yet another dead end.


text: On December 29, 1999, high school friends Lauria Bible and Ashley Freeman spent the evening together celebrating Freeman's sixteenth birthday. Bible received permission from her parents to spend the night at Freeman's home. Earlier that day, the girls had spent time at a local pizzeria with Freeman's mother, Kathy.


text: At approximately 5:30 a.m. on December 30, 1999, a passerby called reporting that the Freeman home was engulfed in flames. Law enforcement determined the fire had been an arson. Inside the home, the charred remains of Kathy were discovered lying on the floor of her bedroom; she had been shot in the head. Initially, no other remains were located, leading local law enforcement to extrapolate that Ashley's father, Danny Freeman, had slain his wife and fled with both girls. Bible's parked car was in the driveway of the home with the keys in the ignition.


text: On December 31, Bible's parents Lorene and Jay returned to the scene, hoping to find any additional clues that law enforcement may have missed. While walking around the extensive rubble, they discovered what appeared to be another body and notified the police. The second body was determined to be that of Danny; like his wife, he had also been shot in the head execution-style. Following this discovery, the crime scene was reexamined, yet no sign of Bible or Freeman was found. In 2010, the Freeman family initiated court proceedings to have Ashley declared legally dead.


text: In the decade following the disappearance of Bible and Freeman, two convicted killers—Tommy Lynn Sells and Jeremy Jones—confessed to murdering them, but subsequently recanted their admissions. Jones had claimed that he murdered Freeman's parents as a favor for a friend over drug debt, then took the girls to Kansas, where he shot them and threw their bodies into an abandoned mine. Searches of the mine Jones identified proved fruitless, however, and Jones subsequently admitted he had fabricated the story in order to get better food and additional phone privileges in prison.


text: In a 2001 profile on "Unsolved Mysteries", it was mentioned that rumors had circulated among locals that the Craig County Police Department had been feuding with the Freemans at the time over the death of their son, Shane, who was shot by a deputy after stealing a car. While his death was ruled justifiable, the Freemans had threatened to file a wrongful death lawsuit. Danny's brother, Dwayne, claimed that Danny had confided that deputies had tried to intimidate him.


text: In April 2018, it was reported that Ronnie Dean Busick, age 66, had been arrested and charged with four counts of first-degree murder for the deaths of Bible and the Freeman family. Two other suspects— Warren Phillip "Phil" Welch II (died 2007) and David Pennington (died 2015)—were also identified. According to "The Washington Post", "at least a dozen" witnesses claimed all three men bragged about raping and murdering Bible and Freeman and having taken Polaroid photographs of them. Several witnesses alleged that the three men killed the Freemans over drug money, and that the girls were held captive in Welch's trailer for several days before being murdered.


text: A female witness who lived with Welch a short time after the disappearances provided a sworn affidavit that "she heard conversations between the three men where they disclosed that the murder victims had owed them money," and that Welch kept a briefcase containing the Polaroid photos which showed both girls "bound and gagged with duct tape and lying on a bed," with Welch lying next to the girls in some of the photographs. According to the affidavit, Welch, Pennington, and Busick had claimed to have raped and tortured the girls before disposing of their remains "in a pit" or mine shaft in Picher, Oklahoma. Law enforcement also stated they believed the girls' remains could have been "dumped in a cellar that was later covered in concrete."


text: In a public address, the Bible family issued a statement in which they stated they had been aware of the alleged photographs "for years," and that "At this time all focus is on finding Lauria and Ashley. We welcome all information leading to their recovery. Until they are home with us, this will never be over." After his arrest, Busick told reporters he wished to speak to the Bibles. On April 26, 2018, Bible's mother, Lorene, confirmed she spoke with Busick, but that he denied knowing the whereabouts of her daughter or Freeman.


text: Busick pleaded guilty July 15, 2020 to being an accessory to first-degree murder in the deaths of Danny and Kathy Freeman, the torching of their home near Welch, Oklahoma, and the abduction and presumed slayings of the two girls. He admitted having withheld information about the involvement of Welch and Pennington. He was sentenced to 15 years for the crime, with 10 of the years to be spent in lockup.


text: The disappearances of Bible and Freeman were profiled on "America's Most Wanted" in 2000, and on "Unsolved Mysteries" in 2001. The case was later featured on the series "Vanished with Beth Holloway". In 2013, it was profiled on the documentary series "Disappeared" on Investigation Discovery.


text: On October 6, 2017, this case was covered on the podcast 'Unfound'. The interview was with Lauria's mother, Lorene Bible.


text: In September 2018, one of the main witnesses in the case against Ronnie Busick, as well as the cold case investigators who filed the charges, gave their first interviews to the "Tulsa World" for a special report.


text: The case was featured in a new four-part series on HLN titled "Hell In The Heartland" starting June 2, 2019, which hoped to shed more light on the disappearances of the girls and the main suspects. The show was hosted by the creator of the show and crime writer Jax Miller, who also wrote a book on the girls' disappearances. Released in July 2020, it is titled "Hell in the Heartland: Murder, Meth and the case of Two Missing Girls".


title: Kim Hye-jun

text: Kim Hye-jun (born May 8, 1995) is a South Korean actress. She is best known for her role in "Kingdom" as Queen Consort Cho. She won Best New Actress at the 40th Blue Dragon Film Awards for her role in "Another Child." In 2021, she gained further recognition for her role as Song Yi-kyung or 'K' in Inspector Koo for which she won Best New Actress – Television at the 58th Baeksang Arts Awards the following year. Her other works include "Matrimonial Chaos" and "Rain or Shine."


title: Kim Hye-jun

text: She first appeared in commercials in 2015 and was still studying theater and film at Hanyang University when she debuted in the lesbian romance web series "Lily Fever". Determined to go to as many auditions as possible in order to gain experience, she unexpectedly passed one for Saturday Night Live Korea, although she had always considered herself to have no talent for comedy, and so joined the regular cast of the TV show in 2016. Having made her name participating in several popular skits, she left the show at the end of the season in June. She starred in several short movies such as "A Transfer Student" and appearing as support in a few TV series.


title: Kim Hye-jun

text: She landed her first role in a feature film in After Spring. In 2018, Kim was cast as one of the main characters in Netflix Original series "Kingdom", portraying the unusual character of an ambitious teenage queen who is expecting the heir of the throne. In late 2018, she reunited with Bae Doona in the TV series "Matrimonial Chaos", playing Bae's younger sister. Although Kim's acting in "Kingdom" was criticized by some viewers who would find it inconsistent with the much codified period piece genre, she was praised just a few months later for her performance as one of the leads in "Another Child", the directorial debut of Kim Yun-seok.


title: Kim Hye-jun

text: In 2020, she got a lead role in the black comedy mystery MBC television series "Chip In" (2020), alongside Oh Na-ra, in which she won Best New Actress at the 2020 MBC Drama Awards. In 2021, Kim was cast one of the lead roles alongside Lee Young-ae in JTBC produced mystery thriller Inspector Koo, in which Kim portrays a college student who is secretly a ruthless serial killer.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The Government of National Accord () was an interim government for Libya that was formed under the terms of the Libyan Political Agreement, a United Nations–led initiative, signed on 17 December 2015. The agreement was unanimously endorsed by the United Nations Security Council, which welcomed the formation of a Presidency Council for Libya and recognized the Government of National Accord as the sole legitimate executive authority in Libya. On 31 December 2015, Chairman of the Libyan House of Representatives, Aguila Saleh Issa declared his support for the Libyan Political Agreement. The General National Congress has criticized the GNA on multiple fronts as biased in favor of its rival parliament the House of Representatives.


title: Government of National Accord

text: , the Government of National Accord had 17 ministers and was led by the Prime Minister. The first meeting of the cabinet of the GNA took place on 2 January 2016 in Tunis. A full cabinet consisting of 18 ministers was announced in January 2016.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The Prime Minister of GNA, Fayez al-Sarraj, and six other members of the Presidential Council and proposed cabinet arrived in Tripoli on 30 March 2016. The following day, it was reported that GNA has taken control of the prime ministerial offices.


title: Government of National Accord

text: After March 2016, conflict between the two rival parliaments, the Libyan House of Representatives and the General National Congress (GNC), intensified. Despite previously supporting it, the Libyan House of Representatives withdrew its recognition of GNA by voting against it in the summer of 2016 and becoming their rival for governing the country. Despite being backed by only parts of the GNC and without formal approval from the Libyan House of Representatives, who called for new elections to be held by February 2018, the GNA is recognized, , by the United Nations as Libya's legitimate government.


title: Government of National Accord

text: From 2015 to 2016, GNA struggled to assert its authority and was largely unsuccessful in unifying Libya. The Government of National Accord's ultimate viability was uncertain given that the country remained greatly divided across political, tribal and ideological lines.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The mandate and legality of the Government of National Accord expired in 2017 according to the Libyan Political Agreement, Parliament and the United Nations which endorsed it.


title: Government of National Accord

text: On 10 March 2021, the House of Representatives formally approved the formation of a Government of National Unity led by Mohamed al-Menfi as chairman of the Presidential Council and Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh as Prime Minister with the aim of unifying the Government of National Accord with the rival Tobruk-based Government.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Ever since a NATO supported popular uprising toppled leader Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 during the Libyan Civil War, Libya has experienced a period of political instability. Immediately after Gaddafi's death in 2011, an interim leadership council known as the National Transitional Council took control of the country until the General National Congress was democratically elected in 2012.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Following the 2012 creation of the GNC, several factions have expressed concern with its actions. While the majority of elected officials in the GNC were moderate or liberal, there was a strong minority of representatives of Islamist parties, including the elected president, Nouri Abusahmain, causing unrest among liberals and exasperating political divides in Libya. Further decisions to impose exclusionary rules that prevent those who served under Gaddafi from holding office in the GNC, to impose sharia law, and to extend the mandate of the GNC another year, postponing general elections also caused dissent towards the GNC. On February 14, 2014, Khalifa Haftar called for the dissolution of the GNC, and creation of a president's council that could better organize a constitution and free elections and in May he led a militia offensive called "Operation Dignity" which seized control of Tripoli.


title: Government of National Accord

text: On June 25, 2014, elections were held for the new Libya legislative body, the House of Representatives or Libyan House of Representatives, even as Haftar's militia continued its campaign with attacks in Benghazi. Moderate and liberal groups became the majority of the Libyan House of Representatives, but because of low turnouts (estimated as low as 18% of the electorate), Islamist groups rejected the results. Meanwhile, Islamist militias began attacks and bombings in major cities, including the assassination of Salwa Bughaighis, a women's rights activist, in Benghazi and a car bombing in al-Bayda. Islamist militias soon seized control of Misrata and created its own campaign, called Operation Libya Dawn. This led the Libyan House of Representatives to flee from Tripoli to Tobruk.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The results of these conflicts were a renewed civil war and a divided Libyan government, with anti-Islamist groups in Tripoli, Islamist groups in Misrata, and the internationally backed Libyan House of Representatives relocated to Tobruk. As this civil war continued, efforts to create a new national unity government began.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Efforts to mend divisions in Libya began in early 2015. On January 15, 2015, Operation Dignity forces agreed to a ceasefire with Operation Libya Dawn, while the Tobruk government agreed to talks with the Libya Dawn backed GNC, but several key members of Libya Dawn and its GNC government did not attend the planned talks in Geneva. Throughout the first half of 2015, the United Nations facilitated talks between factions to draft a plans for a unity government that would bring an end to the civil war, but those proposals met resistance from all factions, with a fourth draft being rejected by the Libyan House of Representatives on June 9.


title: Government of National Accord

text: After continued talks throughout the remainder of 2015, a peace agreement between the two factions was signed on December 17 in Skhirat, Morocco. The agreement created a Presidential Council and the High Council of State and established the Government of National Accord. Despite bipartisan support of the agreement, both factions also had members who did not support the deal and it was feared that well-armed militias would not comply to deal. After an endorsement by the United Nations Security Council, the GNA was almost immediately recognized by the international community as Libya's legitimate government. Federica Mogherini, the EU foreign policy chief, called the agreement an “essential step” and said that only a unity government would be equipped to “end political divisions, defeat terrorism, and address the numerous security, humanitarian, and economic challenges the country faces."


title: Government of National Accord

text: The GNA held its first meeting in Tunis on January 8, 2016, had nominated ministers to all positions by February and received a vote of confidence from the Libyan House of Representatives in on March 12, 2016. On March 30, 2016, the Government of National Accord moved its Presidential Council to Tripoli despite threats from militant groups in the city. The Presidential Council is currently operating out of a naval base in the city. Support for the GNA has since continued to grow. Elders from the Tuareg and Toubou peoples have expressed support for the GNA.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Despite the early deals that were made, the Tobruk-based Libyan House of Representatives voted against approving the GNA during the summer of 2016 and became their rival for governing Libya. In the early months of 2017, cooperation between the two governments broke down completely. In February, a meeting between Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar and Prime Minister Sarraj took place in Cairo, but despite Egyptian and Russian pressure the two sides were unable to come to an agreement. In March, the pro-GNA Benghazi Defense Brigades seized control of the oil facilities in the Gulf of Sidra region from the eastern parliament's Libyan National Army, which had captured them back in September 2016. The LNA launched a counterattack and the Tobruk government demanded the GNA to condemn their acts. The Libyan House of Representatives later withdrew its recognition of the GNA and called for new elections to be held by early 2018.


title: Government of National Accord

text: During early 2017, the GNA still lacked popular support due to its weak military force and inability to control Tripoli. However, in late April and early May a meeting occurred between Prime Minister Sarraj and Field Marshal Haftar in Abu Dhabi. They met for two hours and sources suggest that their meeting was positive, with the premier later stating that they both agreed on the need for a peaceful solution. Reportedly the meeting materialized thanks to pressure on Haftar by the UAE. They also agreed to form a new Presidential Council as part of a power-sharing agreement and hold elections in March 2018.


title: Government of National Accord

text: In May 2018, talks occurred in Paris, France, where leaders of the Government of National Accord and representatives of Haftar's Libyan National Army agreed on establishing a legal framework by 16 September 2018 to hold a general election in December. The election did not occur before December, with another series of talks known as the Palermo Conference in November 2018 promising an election to take place either in early 2019 or in June of that year.


title: Government of National Accord

text: On 16 September, Fayez al-Sarraj stated that he will be stepping down from his position by the end of October 2020. This has come after one month of protests in Tripoli. However, on 31 October 2020, al-Sarraj rescinded his decision to resign and plans to remain in office until national elections can be arranged and a new presidential council is selected. Elections are one of the issues scheduled to be discussed during intra-Libyan dialogues on 9 November 2020.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The Government of National Accord is codified in the Libyan Political Agreement signed on 17 December 2015 at a conference in Skhirat, Morocco. This agreement has been unanimously endorsed by the United Nations Security Council which has recognized that the Government of National Accord is the sole legitimate government of Libya. The Libyan Political agreement gives executive authority and a mandate approved by the UN recognized Libyan parliament, the legislative authority the house of representatives in Tobruk to the GNA. It also establishes the High Council of State, a consultative body independent of the GNA.


title: Government of National Accord

text: According to the original document, the Libyan Political Agreement is founded on four main principles: “Ensuring the democratic rights of the Libyan people, the need for a consensual government based on the principle of the separation of powers, oversight and balance between them, as well as the need to empower state institutions like the Government of National Accord so that they can address the serious challenges ahead, respect for the Libyan judiciary and its independence."


title: Government of National Accord

text: During the same time that the Libyan Political Agreement was signed, the two rival parliaments, the Libyan House of Representatives and the GNC, signed a Declaration of Principles between them in Tunis aimed at bringing about a national unity government. Despite occurring parallel to the Libyan Political Agreement, this new deal was separate to the U.N.-led agreement, a peace-process that has struggled to prove acceptable to either the GNC or the Libyan House of Representatives. This new declaration involved establishing a 10-person committee, 5 from each side, that together would select an interim Prime Minister and two Deputies with full legislative elections taking place within two years.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Given that the GNC has refused to put forward candidates for a unity government under the U.N. process, this new deal was seen as a reaction and domestic response to the pressure exerted from the international community insisting that the U.N.-backed Government of National Accord was the only way forward in Libya. Many Libyans saw the U.N. process as a top-down agreement forced on them. With no signs of the U.N. incorporating this new deal into its peace process, U.N. special envoy to Libya, Martin Kobler, said the agreement was a good first step and insisted that the U.N.-backed Libyan Political Agreement represents the only means of uniting the country and requires a “rapid endorsement” by both sides.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Democratically elected in 2014, the Libyan House of Representatives was Libya's internationally recognized government prior to the creation of the GNA. Backed by the United Arab Emirates, Egypt and Russia, the House of Representatives is also supported by the Libyan National Army and its leader, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, who is behind the government's refusal to approve of the GNA.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Haftar has been steadily gaining power in Libya since the launch of his successful military campaign against jihadist and Islamist groups in Libya in 2014 and his successful seizure of four vital oil export terminals from the Petroleum Facilities Guard in Eastern Libya which have increased the country's oil production to its highest level in years.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Unlike his opponents in the GNA who have been steadily losing legitimacy, Haftar maintains a large and growing influence over the country, especially in the East. With the House of Representatives having withdrawn its recognition of the GNA, some security experts argue that if any potential changes to the Libyan Political Agreement do not meet Haftar's demands, it is unlikely that the unification process will succeed. Given Haftar's growing legitimacy in the country, the international community has indeed recognized that his participation is essential in establishing a viable government in Libya with British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson having urged for his inclusion in any government in the future.


title: Government of National Accord

text: When elected in 2012 to replace the National Transitional Council, the GNC was made up of a majority of moderate officials with only the President, Nouri Abusahmain, and a few other officials representing Islamist parties. Many factions of the GNC later broke away from the group as they grew concerned with the government's actions especially as violence, caused by Islamist militias supported by leaders of the group, began to escalate. Currently, the GNC is backed by hardline Islamist groups and militias in Tripoli and Misrata, with little foreign support.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Leader of the Libyan National Army, Haftar's refusal to negotiate with GNA Prime Minister al-Sarraj in February 2017 has disappointed the Egyptian government, who has supported his role of governing Libya. President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has been strongly pushing for a settlement between the Libyan House of Representatives and the GNA in order to end the civil war and contain the spread of the Islamist and jihadist movement it has created. Egypt has expressed concerns that a continuation of the conflict will give Islamist groups in Libya, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, greater influence in the country. Apart from supplying Tobruk's government with significant arms deals, for Egypt, having the Eastern part of Libya under the role of a leader friendly to the country, in this case Haftar, would create a buffer zone with ISIS and any opposition to Sisi's government in Cairo.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Despite being opposed to the move by NATO to topple ex-leader Muammar Gaddafi, Russia did not block the UN resolution calling for an intervention in Libya in 2011. Since then, Russia has frequently used Libya as "an example of Western failures in the Middle East." The Russian government has affirmed that it intends to play a role in restoring a strong regime in the country. Days ahead of al-Sarraj's visit to Russia in March 2017, Putin's spokesman said, “Russia is interested in Libya finally becoming a working state after this barbaric intervention that was conducted from outside, that led to catastrophic consequences from the point of view of the Libyan state and the future of the Libyan people. That is why we are interested in the swift development of a durable power in Libya that can begin the process of restoring and recreating the state.” Russia has also recently met with al-Sarraj's rival factions where earlier last year, Haftar also paid a visit to Russia.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The United States, together with the European Union was one of the first parties to recognize and welcome the GNA as Libya's new unity government. At the December 24, 2015 United Nations Security Council meeting, Ambassador Samantha Power said that "The United States urges all Libyans to unite behind the Libyan Political Agreement, and to take advantage of the opportunity presented by the formation of the GNA by working together toward peace, stability, and the rule of law.” The U.S. also issued a joint statement with the EU that described the new body as the “only legitimate government in Libya”. This came before an admission by former U.S. President Barack Obama in April 2016 that the “worst mistake” of his presidency was the failure to prepare for an aftermath of Gaddafi's overthrow.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Since 2015, the U.S. has carried out three air strikes in Libya in what it called a sustained air campaign that would help local anti-Islamic State forces fight the group. While there were plans in early 2016 to send 6,000 troops from a number of NATO countries, such as France and the United Kingdom, to train these local troops in fighting IS-affiliated groups, the GNA was reluctant to allow such a presence. In December 2016, U.S. Special Envoy to Libya, Jonathan Winer, told Congress that the United States remained at the forefront of efforts to “broaden support” for the GNA.


title: Government of National Accord

text: On 27 June 2020, the GNA called for the United States and the European Union to impose sanctions over the activities of Russian mercenaries such as the Wagner Group and other foreign actors after they force their way into the Sharara oilfield.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan voiced his support for the GNA, saying that Turkey would "spare no effort in confronting the conspiracy against the Libyan people." Hence, Turkey has provided drones, armored vehicles and munitions to the GNA. Moreover, a controversial memorandum of understanding (MoU) on maritime boundaries was signed between the two sides, which caused political turmoil in the region between Turkey Cyprus, Greece and Egypt. On 2 January 2020, the Turkish Grand National Assembly voted 325–184 to send troops to help the GNA during the Western Libya offensive. Turkish support for the Government of National accord caused tensions in the region related to the Aegean dispute.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The Greek, Egyptian, United Arab Emirates, French, German, Syrian, and well as wider European governments, as well as members of the Libyan public voiced strong opposition to the Turkish intervention resulting in the expulsion of diplomats belonging to the GNA over Turkish-GNA agreements involving sovereign changes to maritime borders stating that they are illegal.


title: Government of National Accord

text: According to international law, Libyan political agreement, and the elected House of Representatives / Parliament, the Government of National Accord is an interim / transitional government that is not within responsible and legal capability to agree to agreements involving sovereign changes to territory, as well as accept any weapons sales. However Turkey has continuously bypassed & disregarded UN arms sanctions, Arms sales, and Signed Military agreements with disregard for international law, as well as Libyan law arms sale and transfer sanctions, and counter-agreeing with Memorandums of Understanding with the opposing eastern Tobruk parliament, raising serious tensions in the region and ultimately resulting in a near military confrontation between the Greek, Egyptian Navy and the Turkish Navy over the "Mavi Vatan", RV MTA Oruç Reis maritime research vessel and Aegean dispute incident resulting in a Greek navy ship ramming a Turkish navy military ship and calls for an international effort to calm tensions resulting in the Libyan civil war 2019-2020 ceasefire efforts.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Turkey has sent ~5,000 to 15,000 Syrian Mercenaries to 'bolster' the Government of National accord to occupy and maintain a presence in major bases in the Tripoli region, including: Al-Yarmouk base, Sidi Bilal base, Mitiga airport, Tripoli naval base, Al Watiya Airbase, and more.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Qatar has provided support for the GNA, as well as the GNC and its very controversial members such as Sadiq Al Ghariani since the beginning of the First Libyan Civil War in the toppling of Muammar Gaddafi with weapons, funds, special forces and agreements to occupy bases, in its continuous visits by special forces Brigadier General Hamad bin Abdullah Al-Fetais al-Marri and 'signing military agreements' with so called 'Defense Minister' of the GNA. In Alliance with Turkey, Qatar has agreed to establish a base in North Africa ( Libya ) by providing weapons, arms and funds in support for the Government of National Accord according to their 'Defense agreements'. Saudi Arabia wants Hamad Bin Fattis, the UAE, Egypt and Bahrain for terrorism, issued in a list of 59 individuals and 12 entities


title: Government of National Accord

text: The UAE provided aerial support in the Libyan Civil War in support of The House of representatives of Tobruk and parliament, of which General Haftar's Libyan National Army fought in the 2019–20 Western Libya campaign conflict with the GNA. Al-Jazeera reported that the UAE "has, by some estimates, carried out as many as 850 strikes in support of the Libyan national army led by Haftar since operation launched on Tripoli [in 2019]."


title: Government of National Accord

text: The GNA condemned the peace agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates as an "unsurprising betrayal from the UAE.".


title: Government of National Accord

text: Unlike other regional powers, Algeria and Tunisia have not built a network of proxies in Libya but have instead been vocal supporters of reconciliation and a political solution while closely coordinating with each other to contain the spillover from the Islamic State's presence in Libya.


title: Government of National Accord

text: In October 2014, the Islamic Youth Shura Council (IYSC) declared that Derna, a small town on the northeastern coast and some 720 km (450 miles) from Tripoli, had become the first Libyan town to join the global caliphate. In late 2014, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi recognised the presence of ISIS in Libya, declaring three wilayats: Barqa (eastern Libya), with Derna as its base; Tarablus (Tripoli), with Sirte as its base; and Fezzan (southwestern Libya).


title: Government of National Accord

text: As another rival to the GNA and made up of foreign fighters, defectors from local jihadi groups and local returnees from Syria, the Islamic State was driven from its first headquarters in Derna in 2015 by anti-Haftar forces and began establishing a new base in Sirte. Sirte became the Islamic State's stronghold in Libya until May 2016 when a coalition of Misrata-dominated forces loyal to the GNA known as Bunyan al-Marsous (BAM) declared war on the Islamic State there. On April 2, 2016, these Misrata-based militias had declared their loyalty to the GNA in order to legitimize themselves as a military force fighting for the country's internationally backed government. The BAM operation in May was accompanied by over 400 U.S. air strikes over a six-month period. On December 6, 2016, the Libyan National Army aligned with the GNA to capture Sirte with victory being declared that month. While the Islamic State lost Sirte, it is believed that many of its fighters remain in Libya operating sleeper cells in Tripoli and other cities and towns across the country.


title: Government of National Accord

text: U.S. Special Envoy to Libya, Jonathan Winer, warned the United States House Committee on Foreign Affairs on November 30, 2016, that the Islamic State could cause more trouble in Libya. “If Libyans choose to fight each other instead of uniting, they risk increasing the probability that ISIL and other violent extremists in its mould will be back," he said.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The Government of National Accord under the Libyan Political Agreement comprises a Cabinet of Ministers and a Presidential Council. The Presidential Council, made up of nine members and chaired by the Prime Minister, acts collectively as head of state and supreme commander of the armed forces, appointing thus the country's military leadership. According to the agreement, the Presidential Council presides over the Cabinet of Ministers, also based in Tripoli, and also appoints its members.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The Cabinet of the Government of National Accord, which acts as the government's executive branch, has 17 ministers and is led by Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj and two Deputy Prime Ministers, Ahmed Maiteeq and Musa Al-Koni. Ministers in the cabinet need to be unanimously approved by the Prime Minister and his deputies and ministers can likewise only be removed with a unanimous decision of the Prime Minister and his deputies.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The Government of National Accord is granted a one-year term from the date the Libyan House of Representatives grants it a vote of confidence, but this term will be automatically extended an additional year if a new constitution is not completed and implemented during the term. The GNA can also be dissolved by a vote of no confidence from the Libyan House of Representatives , or by the death, vacancy, or resignation of the Prime Minister.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj was born into a prominent local family, whose father, Mustafa Sarraj was also involved in politics and described by Al-Jazeera as "one of the founders of the modern state of Libya after its independence from Italy". After Gaddafi's fall in 2011, Fayez al-Sarraj became a member of the National Dialogue Commission, which worked to establish national consensus and unity in Libya. His nomination as Prime Minister was seen as a compromise between the rival parties as he is not affiliated to any party involved in the power struggle.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Deputy Prime Minister, Ahmed Maiteeq, served as Prime Minister for a short time and in the GNA represents the city of Misrata, which is the biggest political and military backer of the GNA. Misrata's militias were crucial in Gaddafi's downfall and have taken the lead in the fight against ISIS in Sirte. Misrata's militias and the Libyan National Army are the two most relevant military forces in the country.


title: Government of National Accord

text: The Central Bank of Libya and the National Oil Corporation (NOC), also based in Tripoli, have both pledged loyalty to the Presidential Council of the GNA even though the NOC has had good working relations with Haftar and his Libyan National Army after it seized eastern oil ports from Islamists. The government in Tobruk has also established its own Central Bank and its own Oil Corporation even though they are not recognized internationally.


title: Government of National Accord

text: On December 6, 2016, the UN special envoy to Libya Martin Kobler hinted before the United Nations Security Council meeting at the possibility of renegotiating the Libyan Political Agreement, which he said is “not set in stone”. He later said that the agreement “stands firm, but stuck”.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Western powers have become increasingly concerned that if infighting between the different political factions continues and the GNA is not recognized soon by the GNC, further turmoil will evolve and allow the Islamic State and other Islamist groups to gain further territory in the country.


title: Government of National Accord

text: A report published by the International Crisis Group in November 2016 has said that the Libyan Political Agreement has failed to calm the turbulence and warned that the country may descend into a "free-fall" if the country's peace process is not "reset". “The accord’s roadmap, the idea that a caretaker government accommodating the two parliaments and their allies could establish a new political order and reintegrate militias, can no longer be implemented without change," said the report.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Since its inception, the GNA has also been criticized domestically for focusing little on national reconciliation and improving the lives of the population and instead focusing on maintaining broad international support. Critics pushing for a negotiation of the Libyan Political Agreement are calling for changes in the setup of the GNA itself and the future role of Haftar in the government. Haftar's role in the new government remains one of the most contentious points in the Agreement. Haftar enjoys wide public support for successfully combating Islamists in eastern Libya, liberating four key oil ports from Islamist control and bringing relative security to Benghazi. Haftar supporters argue that dismissing him from any future government would not bring peace to the country while bringing him into the government can help the GNA seek a compromise with the Libyan House of Representatives that backs him.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Since its December 2015 inception, the GNA has made little progress in unifying the country and has proved ineffective in areas such as national security, the economy, and, most importantly, Libya's overall governance.


title: Government of National Accord

text: A number of media outlets have expressed doubt that the GNA will ever be able to assert itself as a true authority figure and garner support from its citizens, as various militias continue to hold vast control in Libya.


title: Government of National Accord

text: Martin Kobler, Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) and one of the organizers of the GNA, publicly challenged the government via Twitter just months after its installment. In June 2016, Kobler tweeted "Worried about the continued power cuts in large parts of tripoli. Urge #Gna to tackle energy supply for the population." In February 2017, Kobler acknowledged the GNA's shortcomings and said there was a growing consensus to reconfigure the Presidential Council.


title: Government of National Accord

text: In November 2016, writing in "Foreign Affairs", Emadeddin Zahri Muntasser of the Libyan American Public Affairs Council and lobbyist for the General National Congress, said "the GNA’s days are numbered. Very soon, Libyans might have to find yet another path."


title: Government of National Accord

text: In a November 2016 piece titled "A Western-backed deal to salvage Libya is falling apart", "The Economist" wrote, "The latest peace accord has merely reconfigured the conflict, not solved it." Specifically, it noted that:"The GNA, for its part, has done little to win over the public. Services are sporadic at best, while the economy is teetering […] Prices have soared. The government is months behind on paying salaries."Additionally, the GNA received a no confidence vote from the House of Representatives based in Tobruk. Out of 101 total deputies, only one person voted in favor of GNA. The government and General Haftar – backed by Parliament – have feuded since GNA's inception, creating an even more unstable political arena since Gaddafi's fall.


title: Government of National Accord

text: On 23 August, protests erupted in the capital city of Tripoli, where hundreds protested the Government of National Accord for living conditions and corruption within the Government.


title: Government of National Accord

text: In January 2017, Deputy Prime Minister of GNA, Musa al-Koni, formally resigned, stating the government had "failed to tackle urgent problems arising from years of conflict and political disarray", Reuters reported. Specifically, al-Koni stated:"I announce my resignation due to the failure of the Presidential Council, because it holds responsibility for the killing, kidnapping, and rape that happened over the past year."In an August 2017 article, The National pointed out that nine of the original presidency members have subsequently quit since GNA took power, including the ministers for justice, reconciliation and finance.


title: Antioquia Department

text: Antioquia () or "Antioch", is one of the 32 departments of Colombia, located in the central Northwestern part of Colombia with a narrow section that borders the Caribbean Sea. Most of its territory is mountainous with some valleys, much of which is part of the Andes mountain range. Antioquia has been part of many territorial divisions of former countries created within the present-day territory of Colombia. Prior to adoption of the Colombian Constitution of 1886, Antioquia State had its own sovereign government.


title: Antioquia Department

text: The department covers an area of 63,612 km (24,427 sq mi), and has a population of 5,819,358 (2006 estimate); 6.6 million (2010 estimate). Antioquia borders the Córdoba Department and the Caribbean Sea to the north; Chocó to the west; the departments of Bolivar, Santander, and Boyaca to the east; and the departments of Caldas and Risaralda to the south.


title: Antioquia Department

text: Medellín is Antioquia's capital city, and the second-largest city in the country. Other important towns are Santa Fe de Antioquia, the old capital located on the Cauca River, and Puerto Berrío on the Magdalena.


title: Antioquia Department

text: Antioquia is the sixth-largest Department of Colombia. It is predominantly mountainous, crossed by the Cordillera Central and the Cordillera Occidental of the Andes. The Cordillera Central divides to form the Aburrá valley, in which the capital, Medellín, is located. The Cordillera Central forms the plateaus of Santa Rosa de Osos and Rionegro.


title: Antioquia Department

text: While 80% of the department's territory is mountainous, Antioquia also has lowlands in Bajo Cauca, Magdalena Medio, and eastern Sonsón, as well as coastline on the Caribbean Sea, in Urabá. This area has a tropical climate and is of high strategic importance due to its location.


title: Antioquia Department

text: Before Spanish colonization, different indigenous tribes inhabited this part of modern Colombia. Their origin is uncertain, as specialists believe that some came from the Caribbean island, and others that they originated among peoples along the interior Amazon River.


title: Antioquia Department

text: Antioquia was primarily populated by the Carib people. Some scattered groups of Muisca were said to be present in the Darién region (in modern-day Panama), a coastal region in the far north of Antioquia. But, no historical records refer to Muisca in Antioquia.


title: Antioquia Department

text: The Carib occupying territory in Antioquia were known by classifications of smaller groups, called "families". Some of the most prominent native families in the region include the Catía, Nutabe, and Tahamíe, who all inhabited the central region of Antioquia.


title: Antioquia Department

text: The historic Quimbaya, Carib and Muisca tribes were the most prominent groups encountered by the conquistadors upon their arrival in Antioquia. The Quimbaya had a lot to do with the development of the department.


title: Antioquia Department

text: The Spaniards had a turbulent history of encounters with the Carib. Although the tribe was numerous and known for its warring culture, the various peoples of this family became dominated or exterminated by the Spaniards in the process of conquest and colonization. As did all Native Americans, they suffered extremely high mortality due to newly introduced infectious Eurasian diseases, to which they had no immunity.


title: Antioquia Department

text: In some cases the surviving natives dispersed to evade the Spanish, and some committed suicide to escape being enslaved or subjected to forced labor. Many survivors fled to the modern department of Chocó. In Antioquia, the natives disappeared almost completely. At present, the autochthon population of the department of Antioquia scarcely reaches 0.5% of the total population, even though the vast majority of locals have a significant indigenous genetic component (26% in average).


title: Antioquia Department

text: A debate, centered around the apparently significant Jewish origin of Antioquians, took place from mid-nineteenth century to the twentieth century. Others, later pointed to Basque origins as a way to understand the population's idiosyncrasies. Prominent among these, were two American historians: Everett Hagen and Leonard Kasdan. Hagen looked at the telephone directory in Medellin in 1957 and found that 15% of the surnames were of Basque origin, finding then that employers in the percentage of surnames was up to 25%, which led him to conclude that Basque settlers were very important in explaining the increased industrial development of Antioquia in the Colombian context. These ideas were supported by representatives of developmental theories, who sought to justify business growth based on "the character of social groups."


title: Antioquia Department

text: The use of Basque language (Euskera) terminology in the present territory of Colombia goes back to the early exploration in 1499, during the third voyage of Columbus, it is said that from that time the territory experienced a strong presence of Basques, including prominent figures such as the pilot and geographer Juan de la Cosa, nicknamed ""el vizcaino"". (Some sources claim that he was not a native of the Basque Country, but was born in Santoña, Cantabria).


title: Antioquia Department

text: More Basque colonists reached this area and began to settled in the region. The Colombian department of Antioquia has been considered a major route of the Basque immigration, mainly during the colonial era. Hundreds of Basques migrated as settlers sponsored by the Spanish colonization companies.


title: Antioquia Department

text: People who were interested in investigating the presence of the Basque people in the department of Antioquia and Colombia have been troubled by the question that relates to the use and retention of the Basque language in their current territories.


title: Antioquia Department

text: It is estimated, for example, for smaller Antioquia, a region where hundreds of Spaniards arrived, of which a good portion were Basque, some limited aspects of the culture and traditions were brought by Basque settlers, though without any mention of their particular language, thus tracking the use of Basque in the current Antioquia and Colombia. However, this is partly due to the Basque language always having been an outcast, which apparently left no written evidence in Antioquia.


title: Antioquia Department

text: The current Spanish dialect in Antioquia, closely observed, has obvious influences from Basque. Basque influence is evident in words such (useless, inept) and 'tap' (tap), to name only a few cases. Basque also influenced the pronunciation of the letter 's' apico-alveolar (transitional between 's' and 'sh'), so in the Antioquia, and the letter "ll" (double L) pronounced as an affricative, not to overlook the inclusion of the letter "a" before certain initial Rs: instead of , instead of and instead of .


title: Antioquia Department

text: The first Spaniard known to have visited the territory now known as Antioquia was Rodrigo de Bastidas, who explored the area around the future site of Darién in 1500. Ten years later, Alonso de Ojeda founded San Sebastián de Urabá, 2 km from the present-day town of Necoclí. It was later destroyed by the natives. The first Spanish military incursion into Antioquia, however, was not made until 1537. An expedition commanded by Francisco César traveled through the lands of chief Dabeiba, arriving at the Cauca River. They were said to have taken important treasures from the indigenous people's tombs. In response, the warriors of chief Nutibara harassed the Spaniards continually, and forced them to return to Urabá.


title: Antioquia Department

text: In 1541, the conquistador Jorge Robledo departed from the site of the future (1542) Spanish town of Arma, a little below Aguadas in the North of Caldas, to lead an expedition north on the Cauca River.


title: Antioquia Department

text: Farther north, Robledo would found the city of Santa Fe de Antioquia, which in 1813 was declared the capital of the sovereign and independent state of Antioquia, and remained the seat of the governate until 1826, when Medellin was designated the capital.


title: Antioquia Department

text: Other Spaniards who settled Antioquia came from Extremadura, Andalusia, and the Canary Islands. The Extremadurans influenced the pronunciation of the letter 's' as an apico-alveolar, like Basques. Andalusians and Canarians influenced "seseo" in the Spanish dialect.


title: Antioquia Department

text: The reason behind the chosen name for the department is not historically clear. The most accepted explanation is that the name for the, then Greek-Syrian (now Turkish), Hellenistic city of Antioch on the Orontes ( "Antiocheia", Arabic: "Antākiyyah", today Antakya) was used since the region known as the Coffee Zone in Colombia, in which many towns and cities are named after cities in the Middle East, has a very strong Judeo-Arabic influence, both demographically and culturally. Additionally, the city in mention played a significant role in the development of early Christian communities thus religiously important for Roman Catholic Spaniard conquerors. Others state that it is named after some of the many other Hellenistic ancient cities in the Middle East named Antiochia, which were founded as well by some of the Antiochus Kings during the Seleucid Empire (312–63 BC).


title: Antioquia Department

text: Due to its geographical isolation (as it is located among mountains), Antioquia suffered supply problems. Its topography did not allow for much agriculture, so the city became dependent upon trade, especially of gold and gin for the colonization of new land. Much of this trade was due to reforms passed after a 1785 visit from Juan Antonio Mon y Velarde, an inspector of the Spanish Crown. The Antioquia became colonizers and traders.


title: Antioquia Department

text: The department was hard hit by the Colombian conflict, with 30,000 people missing between 1997 and 2005.


title: Antioquia Department

text: "The Wall Street Journal" and Citi announced in the year 2013 that Medellín, the capital of the Department of Antioquia, is the winner of the City of the Year competition, a global program developed in partnership with the Urban Land Institute to recognize the most innovative urban centers. Medellín was ranked above the other finalists, Tel Aviv and New York City.


title: Antioquia Department

text: Antioquia is divided into nine subregions to facilitate the Department's administration. These nine regions contain a total of 125 municipalities. The nine subregions with their municipalities are:


title: Antioquia Department

text: The population of Antioquia is 6,613,118 (2017 estimate), of which more than half live in the metropolitan area of Medellín. The racial composition is:


title: Antioquia Department

text: During the 16th and 18th centuries, Antioquia received many immigrants from Spain (Especially the northern Spain). Most Indigenous peoples died from the introduction of European diseases, and many of those who survived intermarried with early Spanish settlers, who were mostly men; later, Spanish women also began to immigrate. Thousands of Irish, Scottish and English who settled in Antioquia fought for the Colombian army during independence. During the 19th and 20th centuries, immigrants (includiding jews) arrived from Italy, Germany, United Kingdom, France, Portugal, Lebanon, Israel, Palestina and Syria. Many people from Antioquia are referred to as Paisas, people of mainly Spanish ancestry, a lot of them Basque. There is a small Afro-Colombian and Zambo-Colombian (people of Indigenous and African descent) population originating in the majority of the Urabá subregion and the neighboring departments of Chocó, Córdoba and Sucre.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: The Duplessis Orphans () were a population of Canadian children wrongly certified as mentally ill by the provincial government of Quebec and confined to psychiatric institutions in the 1940s and 1950s. Many of these children were deliberately miscertified in order to acquire additional subsidies from the federal government. They are named for Maurice Duplessis, who served as Premier of Quebec for five non-consecutive terms between 1936 and 1959. The controversies associated with Duplessis, and particularly the corruption and abuse concerning the Duplessis orphans, have led to the popular historic conception of his term as Premier as "La Grande Noirceur" ("The Great Darkness") by its critics.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: The Duplessis Orphans have accused both the government of Quebec and the Roman Catholic Church of wrongdoing. The Catholic Church has denied involvement in the scandal, and disputes the claims of those seeking financial compensation for harm done.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: During the 1940s and 1950s, limited social services were available to residents of Quebec. Before the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, most of the social services available were provided through the Roman Catholic Church. Among their charges were people considered to be socially vulnerable: those living in poverty, alcoholics or other individuals deemed unable to retain work, unwed mothers, and orphans.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: The Catholic Church urged many mothers to admit children to orphanages despite not having been formally orphaned due to their "bastard" status (being born to unwed mothers). Some of these orphanages were operated by Roman Catholic religious institutions, due to a lack of secular investment in social services; they encouraged unwed mothers to leave their children there, so that they might be raised in the Roman Catholic church. Maternity homes for unwed mothers, too, then prevalent, often encouraged the giving up of these "bastard" children.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: The "Loi sur les Asiles d'aliénés" (Lunatic Asylum Act) of 1909 governed mental institution admissions until 1950. The law stated the mentally ill could be committed for three reasons: to care for them, to help them, or as a measure to maintain social order in public and private life. However, the act did not define what a disruption of social order was, leaving the decision to admit patients up to psychiatrists.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: The provincial government of Union Nationale Premier Maurice Duplessis received subsidies from the federal government for building hospitals, but received substantially fewer subsidies to support orphanages. Government contributions were only $1.25 a day for orphans, but $2.75 a day for psychiatric patients. This disparity in funding provided a strong financial incentive for reclassification. Under Duplessis, the provincial government was responsible for a significant number of healthy older children being deliberately misdiagnosed as mentally incompetent and sent to psychiatric hospitals, based on superficial diagnoses made for fiscal reasons. Duplessis also signed an order-in-council which changed the classification of orphanages into hospitals in order to provide them with federal subsidies.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: A commission in the early 1960s investigating mental institutions after Duplessis' death revealed one-third of the 22,000 patients classified as "mentally incompetent" were classified as such for the province's financial benefit, and not due to any real psychiatric deficit. Following the publication of the Bédard report in 1962, the province ceased retaining the institutional notion of "asylum". When many of the orphans reached adulthood, in light of these institutional changes, they were permitted to leave the facilities.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: Years later, long after these institutions were closed, survivors of the asylums began to speak out about child abuse which they endured at the hands of some staff and medical personnel. Many who have spoken publicly about their experiences claim that they had been abused physically and sexually, and were subjected to lobotomies, electroshock and straitjackets.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: In a psychiatric study completed by one of the involved hospitals, middle-aged Duplessis Orphans reported more physical and mental impairments than the control group. In addition, the orphans were less likely to be married or to have a healthy social life. 80% reported they had suffered a traumatic experience between the ages of 7 to 18. Over 50% said they had undergone physical, mental, or sexual abuse. About 78% reported difficulty functioning socially or emotionally in their adult life.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: By the 1990s, about 3,000 survivors and a large group of supporters formed the Duplessis Orphans Committee, seeking damages from the Quebec provincial government. In March 1999, the provincial government made an offer of approximately CAD$15,000 as full compensation to each of the victims. The offer was rejected and the provincial government was harshly criticized, with Quebec's Ombudsman at the time, Daniel Jacoby, saying that the government's handling of the affair trivialized the abuse alleged by the victims. In 2001, the claimants received an increased offer from the provincial government for a flat payment of $10,000 per person, plus an additional $1,000 for each year of wrongful confinement to a mental institution. The offer amounted to approximately $25,000 per orphan, but did not include any compensation for alleged victims of sexual or other abuse.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: After the offer was accepted by representatives of the Duplessis Orphans Committee, the result was bitterly contested by other members upon learning that under the terms of the settlement, the Committee's lawyer, president, and former public relations official would receive six- to seven-figure payments, in comparison with the paltry amount given to the actual victims. The Committee subsequently voted to replace both the president and the public relations official. Critics of the judgment pointed out that three of the bureaucrats running the government's compensation program were being paid over $1,000 per day for work, whereas the orphans themselves received the same amount of money for an entire year of their confinement.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: Seven religious communities were involved in operating some of the facilities: the Sisters of Providence, the Sisters of Mercy, the Grey Nuns of Montreal, the Sisters of Charity of Quebec, the Little Franciscans of Mary, the Brothers of Notre-Dame-de-la-Misericorde, and the Brothers of Charity. When the settlement with the provincial government was reached, the orphans agreed to drop any further legal action against the Catholic Church. This offended some survivors; in 2006, one of the Orphans, Martin Lécuyer, stated, "It's important for me, that the Church, the priests, that they recognize they were responsible for the sexual abuse, and the aggression. It's not for the government to set that peace... It's an insult, and it's the biggest proof that the government is an accomplice of the Church."


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: In 1999, researchers Léo-Paul Lauzon and Martin Poirier issued a report arguing that both the Quebec provincial government and the Catholic Church made substantial profits by falsely certifying thousands of Quebec orphans as mentally ill during Duplessis' premiership. The authors made a conservative estimate that religious groups received $70 million in subsidies (measured in 1999 dollars) by claiming the children as "mentally deficient", while the government saved $37 million simply by having one of its orphanages redesignated from an educational institution to a psychiatric hospital. A representative of a religious order involved with the orphanages accused the authors of making "false assertions". In 2010, it was estimated that approximately 300–400 of the original Duplessis orphans were still alive.


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: On March 4, 1999, after a criminal investigation where 240 Duplessis orphans alleged 321 criminal accusations against those in charge of the hospitals, former Quebec Premier Lucien Bouchard declared a public apology to the orphans, but "without blaming or imputing legal responsibility to anyone."


title: Duplessis Orphans

text: In 2004, some Duplessis orphans asked the Quebec government to unearth an abandoned cemetery in the east end of Montreal, which they believed to have held the remains of orphans who may have been the subject of human experimentation. According to testimony by individuals who were at the Cité de St-Jean-de-Dieu insane asylum, the orphans in the asylum's care were routinely used as non-consensual experimental subjects, and many died as a consequence. The group wanted the government to exhume the bodies so that autopsies may be performed. In November 2010, the Duplessis orphans made their case before the United Nations Human Rights Council. In 2021, preliminary ground-penetrating radar analyses on grounds around former Canadian Indian residential schools allegedly indicated the presence of unmarked graves that could include the remains of Indigenous children that were also mainly administered by Christian churches. This has spurred further calls for the Quebec government and the Catholic Church to excavate former psychiatric hospital sites where the orphans were committed, with a class action lawsuit launched in 2018 denouncing the earlier settlement as "an insult" and not a "true apology" by the government and religious organizations.


title: 2022 end-of-year rugby union internationals

text: The 2022 end of year rugby union tests, also known as the 2022 Autumn internationals, were a number of rugby union test matches played during the months of October and November. Some of the games were known as the Autumn Nations Series for marketing purposes. Also involved in matches were some second-tier teams. These international games count towards World Rugby's ranking system, with a team typically playing from two to four matches during this period.


title: Harold Hunter

text: Harold Atkins Hunter (April 2, 1974 – February 17, 2006) was an American professional skateboarder and actor. He played the role of Harold in Larry Clark's 1995 film "Kids".


title: Harold Hunter

text: Hunter was born in New York City and grew up in a housing project in the East Village with his two brothers. He became associated with a skate crew that hung out near Tompkins Square Park and Washington Square Park and was first sponsored by local skate shop called Skate NYC.


title: Harold Hunter

text: Hunter first came to public attention in 1989 in a "Thrasher" magazine photo essay photographed by Charlie Samuels about the New York City skateboard scene. A goofy-footed skateboarder, Hunter was sponsored most notably by Zoo York. Later on he started Rock Star Bearings Co.


title: Harold Hunter

text: In 1995, Hunter appeared as Harold in Larry Clark's "Kids", a film about teenagers in the East Village. He also appeared in the critically acclaimed TV series "Kung Faux" performing various voice-overs, and on an episode of the TV series "Miami Ink". In the episode, he received a tattoo from Chris Garver that commemorated his New York roots and his connections from his youth with the World Trade Center. The tattoo was on his upper arm and depicted the towers with a skateboarder jumping in front of them, with the words "New York City" above and "Sk-8 or Die" below. This tattoo is revisited in another episode of "Miami Ink" that focuses on Chris Garver's tattoos.


title: Harold Hunter

text: On February 17, 2006, Hunter was found dead from a cocaine-induced heart attack in his Lower East Side apartment. The Harold Hunter Foundation was founded in his memory to support city kids interested in skateboarding. He is buried in Woodlawn Cemetery in The Bronx.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Christopher Ferguson Rufo (born August 26, 1984) is an American conservative activist and senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute. He is best known for his activism against critical race theory, which he says "has pervaded every aspect of the federal government" and poses "an existential threat to the United States". He is a former fellow at the Discovery Institute, the Claremont Institute, and The Heritage Foundation, and a former documentary filmmaker.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Rufo has been actively involved in Republican efforts to restrict critical race theory instruction or seminars. Critical race theory considers racism to be systemic in various rules and laws, and not only based on individuals' prejudices. Rufo described his strategy to oppose critical race theory as using the term to "put all of the various cultural insanities under that brand category" and "to have the public read something crazy in the newspaper and immediately think 'critical race theory.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Rufo is also known for his opposition to teachers discussing LGBTQ issues in schools. He has contended that public schools are often "hunting grounds for sexual predators." He has said that "To get to universal school choice, you really need to operate from a premise of universal public school distrust."


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Rufo was raised in Sacramento by Dino F. Rufo and Nanette Ferguson Rufo, both attorneys. His father was born in San Donato Val di Comino, Italy, and his mother is of Scottish ancestry. He graduated from Sacramento-area Rio Americano High School in 2002, and from Georgetown University's Walsh School of Foreign Service in 2006.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Rufo was a visiting fellow for domestic policy studies at The Heritage Foundation and a Lincoln Fellow at the Claremont Institute. Later, he was a research fellow at the Discovery Institute, a Christian think tank known for its opposition to the theory of evolution and advocacy for intelligent design to be taught in public schools.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: He was a documentary filmmaker in his twenties and early thirties, with overseas projects such as "Roughing It: Mongolia", and a film about basketball in Xinjiang called "Diamond in the Dunes".


title: Christopher Rufo

text: In 2017, Rufo was a plaintiff in a lawsuit to prevent Seattle from imposing a 2.25% income tax on sums above $250,000 a year for individuals and over $500,000 for couples. In 2018, he briefly attempted a run for the Seattle City Council.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: In April 2022, Rufo was reported to have 2,500 paid subscribers to his newsletter. The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) has described Rufo as a "far-right propagandist".


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Rufo's views on race and poverty became more conservative while working as director on the 2019 documentary "America Lost", co-produced by PBS and WNET for the series "Chasing the Dream: Poverty and Opportunity in America". From 2016 through 2019, Ruso's investigation into poverty in rust belt cities that had declined dramatically following periods of prosperityYoungstown, Ohio, Memphis, Tennessee, and Stockton, Californialeft him with the view that poverty stemmed from "social, familial, even psychological [dynamics]" and could not be solved by public policy. Rufo said that the 2016 United States presidential election challenged ineffective establishment responses to poverty and drew attention to these cities. In his 2018 Discovery Institute-funded policy paper "Seattle Under Siege: How Seattle’s Homelessness Policy Perpetuates the Crisis and How We Can Fix It," Rufo wrote that four groups"socialist intellectuals", "compassion brigades", the "homeless-industrial complex", and the "addiction evangelists" had successfully framed the debate on homelessness and diverted funding to their projects, with the "compassion brigade" calling for social justice using terms such as "compassion, empathy, bias, inequality, root causes, systemic racism."


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Rufo strongly opposes critical race theory in governmental and other publicly-funded institutions, which he has referred to as a kind of "cult indoctrination". Rufo contended in 2020 that "critical race theory has pervaded every institution in the federal government".


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Critical race theory considers the idea that racism is systemic, in that laws, policies, regulations, and even court decisions create and continue historical racial prejudices in the United States. Rufo described his strategy to oppose critical race theory as intentionally using the term to conflate various race-related ideas in order to create a negative association. Rufo said that "[w]e will eventually turn [critical race theory] toxic, as we put all of the 'various cultural insanities' under that brand category. The goal is to have the public read something 'crazy' in the newspaper and immediately think 'critical race theory'." Rufo has described intersectionality as "a hard left academic theory that reduces people to a network of racial, gender and sexual orientation identities and intersect in complex ways and determine whether you are an oppressor or oppressed". However, according to Kimberlé Crenshaw, an influential figure in critical race theory, what Rufo and Republicans "are calling critical race theory is a whole range of things, most of which no one would sign on to, and many of the things in it are simply about racism".


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Through interviews with Tucker Carlson on Fox News, Rufo reportedly influenced the Trump administration to issue an executive order to prohibit federal agencies from having diversity training that addressed topics such as systemic racism, white privilege and critical race theory. The administration described such programs as "divisive, anti-American propaganda". The ban was revoked by President Joe Biden on his first day in office. Divisions continued at the state level, with Republican legislators putting forward bans on critical race theory. Rufo has appeared multiple times on "Tucker Carlson Tonight" and "The Ingraham Angle". According to "New Yorker" writer Benjamin Wallace-Wells, Rufo's story on racially divided bias-training sessions in Seattle was a "phenomenon" that "helped to generate more leaks from across the country" about the contents of courses and diversity training programs.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: According to "The Washington Post", Snopes and "New York", Rufo has misrepresented contents of diversity training programs and course curricula. For example, he falsely claimed that a diversity consultant hired by the U.S. Treasury Department had "told employees essentially that America was a fundamentally white supremacist country", and urged them to "accept their white racial superiority"; however, the diversity consultant had said no such thing. Rufo denies the "Washington Post"s characterizations, saying, "This is an absurd position that only an ideologue could believe." Rufo has also falsely claimed that a course curriculum in California called on students to honor the Aztec gods of human sacrifice and to commit "countergenocide" against white Christians, which the curriculum did not do. He also falsely claimed that a document by an Oregon school district "calls for adopting the educational theories of Brazilian Marxist Paulo Freire" and advocates turning students against the Marxist "revolution's enemies" and into the "liberated masses". However, the document had no reference to revolution, its enemies, or the liberated masses. It only referenced Freire's call to treat education as an act of liberation and mutual humanization. Rufo claimed that staff resources at the school district "assumes" that whites are born racist; however, the document only urged teachers to move beyond the "belief that you aren't racist if you don't purposely or consciously act in racist ways".


title: Christopher Rufo

text: In March 2022 an article in "Salon" detailed a talk about Rufo's favored education policy that he made at Hillsdale College and described it as similar to Viktor Orbán's education policy for Hungary during his second premiership.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Rufo has been a prominent advocate for bans on teachers discussing LGBTQ issues in classrooms. He supported Florida House Bill 1557 (sometimes referred to as the "Don’t Say Gay" bill), which prohibits teachers from discussing such matters in kindergarten through the third grade. Rufo appeared alongside Florida Governor Ron DeSantis when he signed a bill retaliating against Disney after the company criticized the "Don't Say Gay" law.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Rufo linked LGBTQ discussions at schools to grooming, the act of connecting with children for the purpose of sexually abusing them. He said that schools were "hunting grounds" for teachers and that parents had "good reason" to worry about grooming. However, the data that Rufo used to come to this conclusion "is completely invalid", according to the original studies' authors. Some critics maintain that Rufo's rhetoric has "echoes of slanders from decades ago that gay teachers were a threat to children." After Disney criticized the "Don't Say Gay" law, Rufo suggested that Disney was involved in sexualizing children and that the company was rife with child sexual abuse.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Writing for "Salon", education journalist and political science lecturer Kathryn Joyce has argued that Rufo's claims about public school teachers and pedophilia are part of his goal to "generally foster so much anger against public schools that it drives a nationwide popular movement to privatize education". Rufo's goal in privatizing education, according to school board member and public-school advocate Amy Frogge, also in "Salon", is "very well-developed by PR firms. It's a billionaire's movement, and I believe that all the controversy about critical race theory and those issues are being stirred up in order to drive a 'failing schools' narrative.’ … The only way the privatization movement can gain ground is to create controversy and distrust of the public school system". Similarly, president of the American Federation of Teachers Randi Weingarten has claimed that Rufo and others who wish to privatize "public education are using Big Lies to undermine public schools." Rufo has said that "To get to universal school choice, you really need to operate from a premise of universal public school distrust."


title: Christopher Rufo

text: Rufo opposes "socio-emotional learning", saying that it "serves as a delivery mechanism for radical pedagogies such as critical race theory and gender deconstructionism." Socio-emotional learning, which promotes self-awareness, self-management, responsible decision-making, social awareness and relationship building, was a fairly uncontroversial pedagogical technique before it was targeted by Republicans and Rufo.


title: Christopher Rufo

text: He is married to Suphatra Kip Paravichai, a Thai-American who was once a computer programmer at Amazon Web Services. They live in Gig Harbor, Washington, with their two sons.


title: Key (music)

text: In music theory, the key of a piece is the group of pitches, or scale, that forms the basis of a musical composition in classical, Western art, and Western pop music.


title: Key (music)

text: The group features a "tonic note" and its corresponding "chords", also called a "tonic" or "tonic chord", which provides a subjective sense of arrival and rest, and also has a unique relationship to the other pitches of the same group, their corresponding chords, and pitches and chords outside the group. Notes and chords other than the tonic in a piece create varying degrees of tension, resolved when the tonic note or chord returns.


title: Key (music)

text: The key may be in the major or minor mode, though musicians assume major when this is not specified, e.g., "This piece is in C" implies that the key of the song is C major. Popular songs are usually in a key, and so is classical music during the common practice period, around 1650–1900. Longer pieces in the classical repertoire may have sections in contrasting keys.


title: Key (music)

text: Methods that establish the key for a particular piece can be complicated to explain and vary over music history. However, the chords most often used in a piece in a particular key are those that contain the notes in the corresponding scale, and conventional progressions of these chords, particularly cadences, orient the listener around the tonic.


title: Key (music)

text: The key signature is not always a reliable guide to the key of a written piece. It does not discriminate between a major key and its relative minor; the piece may modulate to a different key; if the modulation is brief, it may not involve a change of key signature, being indicated instead with accidentals. Occasionally, a piece in a mode such as Mixolydian or Dorian is written with a major or minor key signature appropriate to the tonic, and accidentals throughout the piece.


title: Key (music)

text: Pieces in modes not corresponding to major or minor keys may sometimes be referred to as being in the key of the tonic. A piece using some other type of harmony, resolving e.g. to A, might be described as "in A" to indicate that A is the tonal center of the piece.


title: Key (music)

text: An instrument is "in a key", an unrelated usage that means the pitches considered "natural" for that instrument. For example, modern trumpets are usually in the key of B, since the notes produced without using the valves correspond to the harmonic series whose fundamental pitch is B. (Such instruments are called "transposing" when their written notes differ from concert pitch.)


title: Key (music)

text: A key relationship is the relationship between keys, measured by common tone and nearness on the circle of fifths. See closely related key.


title: Key (music)

text: The key usually identifies the tonic note and/or chord: the note and/or major or minor triad that represents the final point of rest for a piece, or the focal point of a section. Though the key of a piece may be named in the title (e.g., Symphony in C major), or inferred from the key signature, the establishment of key is brought about via functional harmony, a sequence of chords leading to one or more cadences, and/or melodic motion (such as movement from the leading-tone to the tonic). For example, the key of G includes the following pitches: G, A, B, C, D, E, and F; and its corresponding tonic chord is G—B—D. Most often at the beginning and end of traditional pieces during the common practice period, the tonic, sometimes with its corresponding tonic chord, begins and ends a piece in a designated key. A key may be major or minor. Music can be described as being in the Dorian mode, or Phrygian, etc., and is thus usually thought of as in a specific mode rather than a key. Languages other than English may use other key naming systems.


title: Key (music)

text: People sometimes confuse key with scale. A "scale" is an ordered set of notes typically used in a key, while the "key" is the "center of gravity" established by particular chord progressions.


title: Key (music)

text: Cadences are particularly important in the establishment of key. Even cadences that do not include the tonic note or triad, such as "half cadences" and "deceptive cadences", serve to establish key because those chord sequences imply a unique diatonic context.


title: Key (music)

text: Short pieces may stay in a single key throughout. A typical pattern for a simple song might be as follows: a phrase ends with a cadence on the tonic, a second phrase ends with a half cadence, then a final, longer, phrase ends with an authentic cadence on the tonic.


title: Key (music)

text: More elaborate pieces may establish the main key, then modulate to another key, or a series of keys, then back to the original key. In the Baroque it was common to repeat an entire phrase of music, called a ritornello, in each key once it was established. In Classical sonata form, the second key was typically marked with a contrasting theme. Another key may be treated as a temporary tonic, called tonicization.


title: Key (music)

text: In common practice period compositions, and most of the Western popular music of the 20th century, pieces always begin and end in the same key, even if (as in some Romantic-era music) the key is deliberately left ambiguous at first. Some arrangements of popular songs, however, modulate sometime during the song (often in a repeat of the final chorus) and thus end in a different key. This is an example of modulation.


title: Key (music)

text: In rock and popular music some pieces change back and forth, or modulate, between two keys. Examples of this include Fleetwood Mac's "Dreams" and The Rolling Stones' "Under My Thumb". "This phenomenon occurs when a feature that allows multiple interpretations of key (usually a diatonic set as pitch source) is accompanied by other, more precise evidence in support of each possible interpretation (such as the use of one note as the root of the initiating harmony and persistent use of another note as pitch of melodic resolution and root of the final harmony of each phrase)."


title: Key (music)

text: Certain musical instruments play in a certain key, or have their music written in a certain key. Instruments that do not play in the key of C are known as transposing instruments. The most common kind of clarinet, for example, is said to play in the key of B. This means that a scale written in C major in sheet music actually sounds as a B major scale when played on the B-flat clarinet—that is, notes sound a whole tone lower than written. Likewise, the horn, normally in the key of F, sounds notes a perfect fifth lower than written.


title: Key (music)

text: Similarly, some instruments are "built" in a certain key. For example, a brass instrument built in B plays a fundamental note of B, and can play notes in the harmonic series starting on B without using valves, fingerholes, or slides to alter the length of the vibrating column of air. An instrument built in a certain key often, but not always, uses music written in the same key (see trombone for an exception). However, some instruments, such as the diatonic harmonica and the harp, are in fact designed to play in only one key at a time: accidentals are difficult or impossible to play.


title: Key (music)

text: The highland bagpipes are built in B major, though the music is written in D major with implied accidentals.


title: Key (music)

text: Key coloration is the difference between the intervals of different keys in a single non-equal tempered tuning, and the overall sound and "feel" of the key created by the tuning of its intervals.


title: Key (music)

text: Historical irregular musical temperaments usually have the narrowest fifths between the diatonic notes ("naturals") producing purer thirds, and wider fifths among the chromatic notes ("sharps and flats"). Each key then has a slightly different intonation, hence different keys have distinct characters. Such "key coloration" was an essential part of much eighteenth- and nineteenth-century music and was described in treatises of the period.


title: Key (music)

text: For example, in tunings with a wolf fifth, the key on the lowest note of the fifth sounds dramatically different from other keys (and is often avoided). In Pythagorean tuning on C (C, E+, G: 4, 5, 6), the major triad on C is just while the major triad on E+++ (F) is noticeably out of tune (E+++, A+, C: , 5, 6) due to E+++ (521.44 cents) being a Pythagorean comma (23.46 cents) larger sharp compared to F.


title: Key (music)

text: Music using equal temperament lacks key coloration because all keys have the same pattern of intonation, differing only in pitch.


title: Susan Pevensie

text: Susan Pevensie is a fictional character in C. S. Lewis's "The Chronicles of Narnia" series. Susan is the elder sister and the second eldest Pevensie child. She appears in three of the seven books—as a child in "The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe" and "Prince Caspian", and as an adult in "The Horse and His Boy". She is also mentioned in "The Voyage of the Dawn Treader" and "The Last Battle". During her reign at the Narnian capital of Cair Paravel, she is known as Queen Susan the Gentle or Queen Susan of the Horn. She was the only Pevensie that survived the train crash (because she was not on the train or at the station) on Earth which sent the others to Narnia after "The Last Battle".


title: Susan Pevensie

text: In Disney's live-action films, "" (2005) and "" (2008), Susan is portrayed by actress Anna Popplewell. Actress Sophie Winkleman portrays an older Susan at the end of the first film. In the book Susan is described as having black hair: "And Susan grew into a tall and gracious woman with black hair that fell almost to her feet and the kings of the countries beyond the sea began to send ambassadors asking for her hand in marriage. And she was called Susan the Gentle."


title: Susan Pevensie

text: Susan was born in 1928 and is 12 years old when she appears in "The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe". By "The Last Battle", she is 21 years old, as the final novel takes place in 1949.


title: Susan Pevensie

text: In "The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe", Father Christmas gives Susan a bow with arrows that never miss their target, and a magical horn that brings aid when blown. Though her bow is magical, she practices to maintain her excellence at archery.


title: Susan Pevensie

text: Susan and her brother Peter only discover Narnia after their younger siblings have already been there: their sister Lucy has been there twice but was not believed, and Edmund reaches Narnia once at the same time as Lucy, but spitefully denies it to support the suggestion that she made it up. But when the four attempt to avoid Mrs. Macready, the housekeeper of the large country house in Dorset in which they are staying during London's air raids, all four find the passage to Narnia at the back of the wardrobe they are hiding in.


title: Susan Pevensie

text: Susan is advised to stay out of the battle. Together with her sister Lucy, she witnesses Aslan's death and resurrection on the Stone Table. After the battle, she is crowned as Queen of Narnia by Aslan, and shares the monarchy with her brothers Peter and Edmund and her sister Lucy. She becomes known as Queen Susan the Gentle. The period of their reign is considered the Golden Age of Narnia.


title: Susan Pevensie

text: Throughout the book, Susan is the voice of caution and common sense, but is often too concerned with physical comfort. At the end, after a number of years in Narnia, she counsels against pursuing the White Stag, fearing the unknown transition she and her siblings sense that the pursuit might bring. Of all the Pevensies, Susan is the most content in positions of ease and comfort, and tends to advise the others to avoid anything unpleasant.


title: Susan Pevensie

text: Susan's magical horn has become an ancient relic given to Prince Caspian by his tutor, the half-dwarf magician Doctor Cornelius. When the Prince's life is threatened by King Miraz the Usurper, Caspian blows the horn and the Pevensies are magically transferred to Narnia from a railway station in England. Using the bow and arrows she has retrieved from the ruin of Cair Paravel, Susan proves her legendary prowess at archery by defeating Trumpkin the dwarf in a friendly competition. She is described as being gentle and tender-hearted, and embarrassed to defeat the dwarf. Edmund, however, later describes her as "a wet blanket". She argues against Lucy's insistence in Aslan's presence, although she later admits to having known deep down that it was true. Aslan tells Susan that she has "listened to fears", but his breath soon restores her faith, and she immerses herself in their adventures as deeply as in the first book. She later accompanies Lucy as Aslan revives the forest and river spirits of Narnia. At the conclusion of "Prince Caspian", Aslan says that Susan and Peter will never enter Narnia again because they have accomplished what they needed to there.