title: Mercury Capri

text: The second-generation Capri was produced through the 1986 model year. For 1987, while the Mustang underwent a mid-cycle update (lasting to 1993), Mercury withdrew the Capri, focusing on the Cougar XR7 as its two-door performance vehicle; the next Mercury hatchback sports coupe was the 1999 Cougar.


title: Mercury Capri

text: 1981–1983 Black Magic - Black cars with gold striping, gold metric TRX wheels and a gold cat's head on each side of the front valance. The interior received special black seats with sand-colored inserts (code YA), with Recaro seating optional in 1982 (code TA) and Sport Performance seating optional in 1983 (code HA). In the 1981 and 1982 models years the Black Magic option could be ordered with polar white (code 9D) paint but otherwise had the same exterior appointments as the black cars (gold striping, gold TRX wheels, and gold cat's heads). Magazine ads for the 9D Black Magic used the term "white lightning" but the name of the package was still "Black Magic". The 1983 model is extremely rare and the only Black Magic to receive the compound rear window.


title: Mercury Capri

text: 1983 Crimson Cat - Bright red (code 27) paint with gold striping and Cougar XR-7 TRX wheels set this car apart. Crimson Cat received black sport performance seating with red inserts (code KA).


title: Mercury Capri

text: 1984 Charcoal Turbo RS - A Capri RS Turbo that was only available in charcoal upper-silver lower exterior paint with light grey striped rub moldings, Garrett 60 trim turbocharger, enhanced multiport EFI four-cylinder engine, Michelin TRX package, 5.0 HO Sway bars, 3.45:1 limited-slip rear axle, hood scoop, and orange and red lettering and striping. Sun- and T-top roofs were optional.


title: Mercury Capri

text: 1985 Mercury Motorsport Capri - Built as pace car replicas to commemorate the 1985 Detroit Grand Prix & Motorcity 100. These were also cosmetically modified by American Sunroof Company for Mercury and are highly sought after for their low production of less than 50 cars and availability in only Michigan & Ohio.


title: Mercury Capri

text: This particular generation was successful in the Trans Am Series, winning the championship from 1984 to 1985 with an aftermarket V8 engine. The Mercury Capri 5.0L was the car used by the Jack Roush team with Wally Dallenbach Jr. driving to win the 1985 Sports Car Club of America (SCCA) Trans AM championship.


title: Mercury Capri

text: ASC (American Sunroof Corporation, now known as American Specialty Cars) produced several conversions of Mercury Capris from 1984 to 1986. Along with convertible conversions, hatchbacks were restyled (renamed as coupes by the company).


title: Mercury Capri

text: The coupes were tuned and enhanced with several suspension and visual upgrades including striping, a built-in radar detector, ground effects, Hella fog lights, headlight and taillight covers and Italian Campagnolo honeycomb-style wheels.


title: Mercury Capri

text: For 1984, coupes (10 produced) were all painted midnight blue. The 1985-1986 coupes (150 produced in 1985) were either painted blue or white. In 1986 (115 made), the last year for the coupes, customers had an even larger choice of colors, including smoke charcoal grey and raven black, joining the Oxford white and midnight blue, as well as silver metallic. http://www.ascmclaren.com/capripics.htm


title: Mercury Capri

text: In comparison to the coupes, convertibles were a far more involved project, as the conversion required the redesign of the unibody chassis. As part of the conversion, the convertible top replaced the rear seats. The manual top design is specific to the vehicle, requiring design-specific equipment (such as seals, weatherstripping, and windshield moldings). Fabrication required a replacement rear deck lid, floor reinforcements, quarter panel caps, tonneau cover and a windshield that was raked back an extra 10 degrees


title: Mercury Capri

text: ASC McLaren coupes were equipped with the Ford Motorsport B303 camshaft, creating significantly more power than the rated / of the standard 5.0L motors. Additionally, all coupes were shod with BFGoodrich Comp T/A radials. The 225/50/15 low profile size of these tires (as opposed to the standard 5.0L Capri's 225/60/15) raised the ASC/McLaren Coupe's effective gear ratio from 3.08:1 to approximately 3.35:1.


title: Mercury Capri

text: These were the quickest cars produced by Ford in 1985 and 1986 with zero to sixty times well under six seconds and quarter-mile times in the mid-13 second range.


title: Mercury Capri

text: The third-generation Ford Mustang was manufactured in the Ford Cuautitlán Izcalli plant (located in Mexico City) from 1979 to 1984. Produced for sale in Mexico, the vehicles were produced in both hatchback and notchback coupe body configurations.


title: Mercury Capri

text: From 1981 to 1984, Cuautitlán Assembly produced the Mustang using components from both the Mustang and Mercury Capri. Along with the taillights of the Capri, the Mustangs were produced using the front fascia of the Capri (with Ford badging) from 1982 to 1983. From 1983 to 1984, the facility produced the Mustang hatchback with front and rear fenders of the Capri, along with its "bubble-back" rear hatch.


title: Mercury Capri

text: For the 1991 model year, the Mercury Capri made its return to the Mercury division after a five-year hiatus. To give Lincoln-Mercury a competitor for the Mazda MX-5 Miata and Toyota MR2, the Capri was released as a two-door roadster. In a fashion similar to the first-generation Mercury Capri, the third-generation version is a captive import; produced by Ford of Australia alongside its Ford Capri counterpart and the Ford Falcon, the Mercury Capri was intended for American exports. For the first time since 1978, the Mercury Capri was the first Mercury without any Ford counterpart in North America.


title: Mercury Capri

text: Derived from the Australian Ford Laser (sold in the United States as the first-generation Mercury Tracer), the Ford Capri also shares drivetrain commonality with the Mazda 323. To adapt the Capri for North American sale, Lincoln-Mercury made several changes over the Australian-market Capri. Along with the addition of a driver-side airbag (required to meet passive restraint requirements), the dashboard was changed to non-metric gauges; Mercury Capris are fitted with body-color bumpers.


title: Mercury Capri

text: While both two-door convertibles similar in size and price, the Mercury Capri and Mazda MX-5 featured major departures in powertrain and interior configurations, with the Capri adopting a front-wheel-drive powertrain. While the MX-5 was strictly a two-seat vehicle, the Capri was a 2+2, with (small) rear seats. Along with folding back seats (allowing access to the trunk), the Capri also offered the option of a removable hardtop (similar to the MX-5).


title: Mercury Capri

text: From 1991 to 1993, the Mercury Capri was sold with minimal revisions; for 1994, the Mercury Capri received the new taillamps and front and rear bumpers received by the Ford Capri in 1993. During its entire production, the Mercury Capri was sold under two trim levels: base-trim and XR2, distinguished largely by the powertrain. The base trim was equipped with a 100 hp Mazda 1.6L DOHC inline-4; the XR2 was equipped with a turbocharged version of the 1.6L engine, rated at 132 hp. A five-speed manual transmission was standard for both trims, with a four-speed automatic available on base-trim Capris. The XR2 came standard with a new suspension tune, better tires, and a revised appearance.


The 2022 United States Senate election in Arkansas was held on November 8, 2022, to elect a member to the United States Senate to represent the state of Arkansas. Incumbent Republican Senator John Boozman was first elected in 2010, defeating the Democratic incumbent Blanche Lincoln. Boozman was re-elected for a second term in the 2016 with 59.8% of the vote and ran in 2022 for a third term. Primary elections in Arkansas were held on May 24. Boozman won the Republican primary with 58% of the vote, and he faced Democratic challenger Natalie James in the general election. Boozman was ultimately reelected.


title: 2022 United States Senate election in Arkansas

text: Incumbent Senator John Boozman ran with the endorsement of former President Donald Trump. However, he attracted multiple opponents from the right who questioned his loyalty to Trump, attacking him for refusing to object to the results of the 2020 United States Presidential election. Despite it being his first time running for office, former NFL football player Jake Bequette and his supporting groups raised over $2.6 million dollars. Boozman ultimately won with 58% of the vote, easily avoiding a runoff.


title: Parker Brothers

text: Parker Brothers (known by Parker outside of North America) was an American toy and game manufacturer which in 1991 became a brand of Hasbro. More than 1,800 games were published under the Parker Brothers name since 1883. Among its products were "Monopoly", Clue (licensed from the British publisher and known as "Cluedo" outside of North America), "Sorry!", "Risk", "Trivial Pursuit", "Ouija", "Aggravation", "Bop It", "Scrabble" (under a joint partnership with Milton Bradley in North America and Canada), and "Probe". The trade name became defunct with former products being marketed under the "Hasbro Gaming" label with the logo shown on Monopoly games.


title: Parker Brothers

text: Parker Brothers was founded by George S. Parker. Parker's philosophy deviated from the prevalent theme of board game design; he believed that games should be played for enjoyment and did not need to emphasize morals and values. He created his first game, called "Banking", in 1883 when he was 16. "Banking" is a game in which players borrow money from the bank and try to generate wealth by guessing how well they could do. The game includes 160 cards which foretell their failure or success. The game was so popular among family and friends that his brother, Charles Parker, urged him to publish it. George approached two Boston publishers with the idea, but was unsuccessful. Not discouraged, he spent $40 to publish 500 sets of "Banking". He eventually sold all but twelve copies, making a profit of $100.


title: Parker Brothers

text: Parker founded his game company, initially called the George S. Parker Company, in his hometown of Salem, Massachusetts in 1883. When George's brother Charles joined the business in 1888, the company's name was changed to its more familiar form. In 1898 a third brother, Edward H. Parker, joined the company. For many years, George designed most of the games himself, and wrote all the rules. Many games were based on important events of the day: "Klondike" was based on the Klondike Gold Rush, and "War in Cuba" was based on the impending Spanish–American War.


title: Parker Brothers

text: The game industry was growing, and the company was becoming very profitable. In 1906, Parker Brothers published the game "Rook" and it became the bestselling game in the country. During the Great Depression, a time when many companies went out of business, Parker Brothers released a new board game called "Monopoly". Although the company had originally rejected the game in 1934, they decided to publish it the next year. It was a success, and the company had difficulty keeping up with demand. The company continued to grow throughout the next several decades, producing games including "Cluedo" (released as "Clue" in North America), "Risk", and "Sorry!"


title: Parker Brothers

text: Parker Brothers marketed its first jigsaw puzzle in 1887. Parker also produced children's puzzles, as well as the Climax, Jig-A-Jig, Jig Wood, and Paramount lines. According to "Jigsaw Puzzles: An Illustrated History and Price Guide", by Anne D. Williams, Parker Bros. closed the Pastime line in the 1950s and their die-cut puzzles were phased out in the late 1970s.


title: Parker Brothers

text: Even after George Parker's death, the company remained family-owned until 1968 when General Mills purchased the company. After this, Parker Brothers produced the first "Nerf" ball. In the UK during the 1970s, Parker Brothers was the games division of Palitoy (also a General Mills company), and produced a variety of releases such as "Escape from Colditz". In 1977, the company built its headquarters in Beverly, Massachusetts.


title: Parker Brothers

text: The company began to produce electronic versions of their popular board games in the late 1970s and early 1980s. At this time, the company ventured into the toy market with the electronic action figure, Rom the Spaceknight, in 1979. Although the toy proved a failure, the licensed comic book published by Marvel Comics ran for years after the toy was discontinued. They also produced video games for various systems during the early 1980s, with home ports of many popular arcade games such as Konami's "Frogger", Nintendo's "Popeye", Gottlieb games such as "Q*bert" and "Reactor", and the first video games based on the "Star Wars" films such as "", "", "", and more.


title: Parker Brothers

text: In early 1983, Parker Brothers spent US$15 million establishing a book publishing branch; their first titles featured the American Greetings franchises, Care Bears and Strawberry Shortcake. The branch published twelve titles by February 1984; sales of these books totaled 3.5 million units. Parker Brothers also operated a record label around the same time; one of its releases, based on Coleco's Cabbage Patch Kids and involving Tom and Stephen Chapin titled "Cabbage Patch Dreams", was certified Gold by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) in July 1984.


title: Parker Brothers

text: In 1985, General Mills merged the company with their subsidiary Kenner; this new company, Kenner Parker Toys Inc., was acquired by Tonka in 1987. In 1988, Parker Brothers struck a deal with Martindale/Gilden Productions to develop television game shows, such as "Boggle".


title: Parker Brothers

text: Tonka, including Parker Brothers, was bought in 1991 for about $516 million by Hasbro which also owned the Milton Bradley Company. Following the acquisition, Parker Brothers continued to have its corporate offices in Beverly, but production of the games were moved to Milton Bradley's headquarters in East Longmeadow. In 1998, Parker Brothers and Milton Bradley were consolidated at the new Hasbro Games campus (based in the former address of Parker Brothers' headquarters) to merge together and form Hasbro Games. Milton Bradley and Parker Bros subsequently turned into two separate brands of Hasbro before being retired in 2009 in favor of the Hasbro brand.


title: Geno Segers

text: Lonnie G. "Geno" Segers Jr. is an American actor known for his roles as Chayton Littlestone in the Cinemax original series "Banshee", Dwayne in NBC's Perfect Harmony, Mason Makoola in the Disney XD television series "Pair of Kings", Kincaid on MTV's "Teen Wolf" and also as co-host of "" for two seasons.


title: Geno Segers

text: Segers was an American football player, wrestler, and track athlete in high school and college. He played American football at Western Carolina University.


title: Geno Segers

text: Segers then played professional rugby league. He played in the American National Rugby League and won two caps for United States national rugby league team against Wales national rugby league team in 1995. From there, he moved to New Zealand to play for the Richmond Rovers rugby league team.


title: Geno Segers

text: At the suggestion of a friend, Segers auditioned for voice ads at a New Zealand radio station. His natural bass tone earned him a lot of attention, and caught the attention of an agent that led Segers to be cast as Mufasa in the Australian production of "The Lion King". He went on to star in the American and Chinese productions as well.


title: Geno Segers

text: In 2018, Segers recurred on the TV series "Knight Squad" as the main villain Ryker. He reprised this role in a crossover episode of "Henry Danger".


title: Altai people

text: The Altai people (), also the Altaians (), are a Turkic ethnic group of indigenous peoples of Siberia mainly living in the Altai Republic, Russia. Several thousand of the Altaians also live in Mongolia (Mongolian Altai Mountains) and China (Altay Prefecture, northern Xinjiang) but are officially unrecognized as a distinct group and listed under the name "Oirats" as a part of the Mongols, as well as in Kazakhstan where they number around 200. For alternative ethnonyms see also Tele, Black Tatar, and Oirats. During the Northern Yuan Dynasty of Mongolia, they were ruled in the administrative area known as Telengid Province.


title: Altai people

text: The Northern and Southern Altaians formed in the Altai area on the basis of tribes of Kimek-Kipchaks.


title: Altai people

text: In the Soviet years and until 2000, the authorities considered the northern Altaians and the Teleuts to be part of the Altai people. Currently, according to the Resolution of the Government of the Russian Federation No. 255 dated March 24, 2000, the Chelkans, Kumandins, Telengits, Teleuts, and the Tubalars were recognized as separate ethnic groups as well as the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East, but during 2010 Russian Census as distinct ethnic groups are recognized only the Kumandins and the Teleuts.


title: Altai people

text: Recent linguistic, genetic and archaeological evidence suggests that the earliest Turkic peoples descended from agricultural communities in Northeast China who moved westwards into Mongolia in the late 3rd millennium BC, where they adopted a pastoral lifestyle. By the early 1st millennium BC, these peoples had become equestrian nomads. In subsequent centuries, the steppe populations of Central Asia appear to have been progressively replaced and Turkified by East Asian nomadic Turks, moving out of Mongolia.


title: Altai people

text: There were heterogeneous ethnic settlements during the Bronze and Iron Age in the region where the Altai people live today. From the fifth century BC and onwards Turkic peoples settled in the area and soon began to blend with the prior populations. The region was then conquered or became within the sphere of influence of the Xiongnu, the Rouran Khaganate, the Turkic Khanganate, the Uyghur Empire, and the Yenisei Kyrgyz. During these time periods the area's local people became Turkicized culturally and linguistically.


title: Altai people

text: According to one study in 2016, the Altaians, precisely some southern Altaians, assimilated local Yeniseian people which were closely related to the Paleo-Eskimo groups.


title: Altai people

text: From the thirteenth to eighteenth century the Altai people were dominated politically and culturally by the Mongols. The origin of the southern Altaians can be traced during this period from the result of the mixing of Kipchak and Mongol tribes. Meanwhile, the Northern Altaians were a result of the fusion of Turkic tribes with Samoyeds, Kets and other Siberian groups.


title: Altai people

text: The Altaians were annexed by the Four Oirat of Western Mongols in the 16th century. The Mongols called them ""Telengid"" or ""Telengid aimag"" in the period of the Northern Yuan dynasty, with the region known as Telengid Province. After the fall of the Zunghar Khanate in the 18th century, the Altaians were subjugated by the Qing Dynasty, which referred to them as "Altan Nuur Uriyangkhai". Altaians are genetically related to the Uriyangkhai, which is a common neighbouring Oirat Mongol ethnic group in Mongolia.


title: Altai people

text: The Altai came into contact with Russians in the 18th century. In the tsarist period, the Altai were known as oirot or oyrot (this name means oirat and would later be carried on for the Oyrot Autonomous Oblast). The Altai report that many of them became addicted to the Russians' vodka, which they called "fire water".


title: Altai people

text: With regard to religion, some of the Altai remained shamanists and others (in a trend beginning in the mid-19th century) have converted to the Russian Orthodox Church. The Altai mission was developed under Saint Makarii Glukharev († 1847), known as the 'Apostle to the Altai'. In 1904, a millenarian indigenist religious movement called "Ak Jang" or Burkhanism arose among these people.


title: Altai people

text: With the rise of the 1917 revolution, the Altai attempted to make in 1918 their region a separate Burkhanist republic called the Confederated Republic of Altai (Karakorum-Altai Region).. Their support for the Mensheviks during the Civil War led to the venture's collapse after the Bolshevik victory and the later rise of Joseph Stalin. In the 1940s, during World War II and when he was directing numerous purges, his government accused the Altai of being pro-Japanese. The word "oyrot" was declared to be counterrevolutionary. By 1950, Soviet industrialization policies and development in this area resulted in considerable migration of Russians to this republic, reducing the proportion of Altai in the total population from 50% to 20%. In the early 21st century, ethnic Altaians make up about 31% of the Altai Republic's population.


title: Altai people

text: Today, the special interests of the Altaians are articulated and defended by the Association of Northern Ethnoses of Altai.


title: Altai people

text: According to the 2010 Russian census, there was a total of 69,963 Altaians who resided within the Altai Republic. This represented 34.5% of the total population of the republic, compared with 56.6% with a Russian background, Altaian families are the majority only in certain villages. However, Altaian culture is still the local culture between people and communities.


title: Altai people

text: The Southern Altaians were mostly nomadic or semi-nomadic livestock holders. They raised horses, goats, sheep, and cattle. The Northern Altaians mainly engaged in hunting as their primary form of subsistence. Their main prey were animals from the taiga (boreal forests). However, some Altaians also engaged in small scale agriculture, gathering, and fishing.


title: Altai people

text: Most of the Southern Altaians traditionally lived in yurts. Many Northern Altaians mainly built polygonal yurts with conic roofs made out of logs and bark. Some Altai-Kizhi also lived in mud huts with birch bark gable roofs and log or plank walling. The Teleuts and a few Northern Altaians lived in conic homes made out of perches or bark. With the influx of Russians near the homeland of the Altaians, there was an increase of the construction of large huts with two to four slope roofs in consequence of Russian influence.


title: Altai people

text: Despite the many social and political changes the Altaians have endured, many modern and settled families still keep a yurt in their yards. These yurts are usually used as a summertime kitchen or extra room.


title: Altai people

text: The traditional clothing of Southern Altaian men and women are very similar with little differences between the two. Average clothing consisted of long shirts with wide breeches, oriental robes, and sleeves. Other apparel often included fur hats, high boots, and sheepskin coats. Northern Altaians and some Teleuts traditionally wore short breeches, linen shirts, and single-breasted oriental robes. Despite the fact that most Altaians today wear modern clothes, traditional wear still remains in use.


title: Altai people

text: Altaian cuisine consists of soups of horseflesh or mutton. Dishes with gopher, badger, martmot, fermented milk, cream (from boiled milk), blood pudding, butter, fried barley flour, and certain vegetables are also staples of Altaian cuisine. Popular drinks include "aryki" (hard liquor made from kumis).


title: Altai people

text: Traditional Altaian shamanism is rich with mythology and supernatural beings. Popular deities included Yerlik, the god of the underworld and Oyrot-Khan, a sagely and heroic figure who is a composite blend taken from historical Zungarian (Oirat) Khans and ancient legendary heroes. However, with many migrations, settlement changes, and the presence of the Russians and their eventual union with the Russian Empire, the Altaians encountered three world religions: Islam, Buddhism, and Christianity. At first, the Altaians were indifferent and at times even hostile to these faiths and their expansion. In 1829, an Orthodox mission was founded in the region (modern Altai Republic) soon after the region became a protectorate of the Russian Empire. Orthodox missionaries regularly confiscated land from Altaians who refused to convert. Altaians were often forcefully converted to Christianity.


title: Altai people

text: Mongolian Buddhist missionaries attempted to spread the faith among the Altaians during the 19th century. The Buddhist missionaries also encouraged the Altaians to unite together against the Russians. However, their activities and preaching were suppressed by the Russian state and Christian missionaries. Buddhism made little headway among the Altaians but many Buddhist ideas and principles entered into Altaian spiritual thought. However, some Altaians reportedly visited Mongolia and studied at Buddhist centers before and after the rise of the Burkhanist movement in the early 20th century; indicating a significant Buddhist influence on the new religion.


title: Altai people

text: The mission and its missionaries were initially culturally sensitive and tolerant to the Altaians and their customs. However, the rise of Russian nationalism during the late nineteenth century caused the Russification of Orthodox Christianity and the mostly Russian clergy in Siberia also took up the ideology. This created intolerant views of the natives of Siberia (including the Altaians) and of their culture. This led to the rejection of Christianity by many Altaians who saw it as a foreign Russian religion. However, Russian rule continued to grow increasingly strict both politically and religiously.


title: Altai people

text: Around 1904, the development of Burkhanism among the Altaians was underway. Burkhanism is a monotheistic religion named after Ak-Burkhan, a deity who is believed and recognized by its adherents to have been the sole god. Burkhanism was opposed to both the Russians and the traditional shamans. The hostility towards the shamans was so great that the shamans had to seek protection from Russian authorities. The rise of the Bolsheviks in the first quarter of the twentieth century also led to the brutal repression of all religions which included the faiths in the Altai region. For the next few decades, most religions basically vanished with only shamanistic and ancient polytheistic beliefs surviving the chaos. This was believed to have occurred because ancient religious beliefs could be easily orally transmitted from generation to another. It's also likely that no Burkhanist texts survived the repression and main sources for the beliefs of the religion come from Russian missionaries, travellers, and scholars.


title: Altai people

text: Recently, Burkhanism and shamanism has seen a revival in the Altai region which is especially popular among Altaian youth. According to recent statistical studies, up to 70 % or 86 % (data of the Research State Institute of Altaic Studies) of the Altaians continue to profess "Altai Faith": Burkhanism, shamanism and other native spiritual cults and traditions. According to Natalia Zhukovskaia, the Altaian shamanism is supreme religion of the majority of the Altai people.


title: Altai people

text: At present, shamanism is practiced by many Telengits though there is a large amount that also profess Orthodox Christianity. Burkhanism is the main religion of the Altai-Kizhi, a largest Altaians' group, but there is a significant number of Orthodox Christians. The majority of Kumandins, Tubalars, Teleuts, and Chelkans are Russian Orthodox although there is a significant minority that practice shamanism. A few Altaians are Evangelical Christians, and Tibetan Buddhists.


title: Altai people

text: In principle, the division into the Burkhanists and shamanists has ceased to be relevant for the contemporary religiosity of the Altaians. According to a number of studies, by the beginning of the 21st century, there were practically no traditional shamans or classical Burkhanists anti-shamanists. The main one was the single ""Altai Faith"" ()—a traditional ethnic religion in the form of a synthesis of Burkhanism with the remnants of shamanism and other tribal beliefs and customs.


title: Altai people

text: Altai population can be divided into northern and southern clusters based on linguistics, culture, and genetics. According to a 2012 study that analyzed mtDNA (by PCR-RFLP analysis and control region sequencing) and nonrecombinant Y-DNA (by scoring more than 100 biallelic markers and 17 Y-STRs) obtained from Altaian samples, northern Altaians are genetically more similar to Yeniseian, Ugric, and Samoyeds to the north, while southern Altaians having greater affinities to other Turkic speaking populations of southern Siberia and Central Asia. The same study conducted a high-resolution analysis of Y chromosome Haplogroup Q-M242 that was found in Altaian samples and concluded that southern Altaians and indigenous peoples of the Americas share a recent common ancestor.


title: Altai people

text: In accordance with a new study by Russian geneticists, the genetic isolation of the northern and southern Altaians is undeniable. The southern Altaians are dominated by such variants of the Y chromosome haplogroup as Q-M242 and R1a, and there are also I-M170 and O-M175. Within the northern Altaians, the R1a haplogroup is dominant, Q-M242 is rarely found, and I-M170 and O-M175 are not found at all.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: A wheelbarrow is a small hand-propelled vehicle, usually with just one wheel, designed to be pushed and guided by a single person using two handles at the rear, or by a sail to push the ancient wheelbarrow by wind. The term "wheelbarrow" is made of two words: "wheel" and "barrow." "Barrow" is a derivation of the Old English "barew" which was a device used for carrying loads.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: The wheelbarrow is designed to distribute the weight of its load between the wheel and the operator, so enabling the convenient carriage of heavier and bulkier loads than would be possible were the weight carried entirely by the operator. As such it is a second-class lever. Traditional Chinese wheelbarrows, however, had a central wheel supporting the whole load. Use of wheelbarrows is common in the construction industry and in gardening. Typical capacity is approximately of material.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: A two-wheel type is more stable on level ground, while the almost universal one-wheel type has better maneuverability in small spaces, on planks, in water, or when tilted ground would throw the load off balance. The use of one wheel also permits greater control of the deposition of the load upon emptying.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: The earliest wheelbarrows with archaeological evidence in the form of a one-wheel cart come from second century Han Dynasty Emperor Hui's tomb murals and brick tomb reliefs. The painted tomb mural of a man pushing a wheelbarrow was found in a tomb at Chengdu, Sichuan province, dated precisely to 118 AD. The stone carved relief of a man pushing a wheelbarrow was found in the tomb of Shen Fujun in Sichuan province, dated circa 150 AD. And then there is the story of the pious Dong Yuan pushing his father around in a single-wheel "lu che" barrow, depicted in a mural of the Wu Liang tomb-shrine of Shandong (dated to 147 AD). Earlier accounts dating to the 1st century BC and 1st century AD that mention a "deer cart" (luche) might also have been referencing a wheelbarrow.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: The 5th-century "Book of Later Han" stated that the wife of the once poor and youthful imperial censor Bao Xuan helped him push a "lu che" back to his village during their feeble wedding ceremony, around 30 BC. Later, during the Red Eyebrows Rebellion (c. 20 AD) against Xin dynasty's Wang Mang (45 BC–23 AD), the official Zhao Xi saved his wife from danger by disguising himself and pushing her along in his "lu che" barrow, past a group of brigand rebels who questioned him, and allowed him to pass after he convinced them that his wife was terribly ill. The first recorded description of a wheelbarrow appears in Liu Xiang's work "Lives of Famous Immortals". Liu describes the invention of the wheelbarrow by the legendary Chinese mythological figure Ko Yu, who builds a "Wooden ox".


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Nevertheless, the Chinese historical text of the "Sanguozhi" (Records of the Three Kingdoms), compiled by the ancient historian Chen Shou (233–297 AD), credits the invention of the wheelbarrow to Prime Minister Zhuge Liang (181–234 AD) of Shu Han from 197–234. It was written that in 231 AD, Zhuge Liang developed the vehicle of the wooden ox and used it as a transport for military supplies in a campaign against Cao Wei.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Further annotations of the text by Pei Songzhi (430 AD) described the design in detail as a large single central wheel and axle around which a wooden frame was constructed in representation of an ox. Writing later in the 11th century, the Song Dynasty (960–1279) scholar Gao Cheng wrote that the small wheelbarrow of his day, with shafts pointing forward (so that it was pulled), was the direct descendant of Zhuge Liang's wooden ox. Furthermore, he pointed out that the third century 'gliding horse' wheelbarrow featured the simple difference of the shaft pointing backwards (so that it was pushed instead).


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Wheelbarrows in China came in two types. The more common type after the third century has a large, centrally mounted wheel. Prior types were universally front-wheeled wheelbarrows. The central-wheeled wheelbarrow could generally transport six human passengers at once, and instead of a laborious amount of energy exacted upon the animal or human driver pulling the wheelbarrow, the weight of the burden was distributed equally between the wheel and the puller. European visitors to China from the 17th century onwards had an appreciation for this, and it was given a considerable amount of attention by a member of the Dutch East India Company, Andreas Everardus van Braam Houckgeest, in his writings of 1797 (who accurately described its design and ability to hold large amounts of heavy baggage). These wheelbarrows continued in use into the twentieth century, and a good example of this is the 'Piepkar', which is a wheelbarrow on rails, and was found in Sumatra on Billiton Island. However, the lower carrying surface made the European wheelbarrow clearly more useful for short-haul work. As of the 1960s, traditional wheelbarrows in China were still in wide use.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Although there are records of Chinese sailing carriages from the 6th century these land sailing vehicles were not wheelbarrows, and the date of which the sail assisted wheelbarrow was invented is uncertain. Engravings are found in van Braam Houckgeest's 1797 book.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: European interest in the Chinese sailing carriage is also seen in the writings of Andreas Everardus van Braam Houckgeest in 1797, who wrote:


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Near the southern border of Shandong one finds a kind of wheelbarrow much larger than that which I have been describing, and drawn by a horse or a mule. But judge by my surprise when today I saw a whole fleet of wheelbarrows of the same size. I say, with deliberation, a fleet, for each of them had a sail, mounted on a small mast exactly fixed in a socket arranged at the forward end of the barrow. The sail, made of matting, or more often of cloth, is high, and broad, with stays, sheets, and halyards, just as on a Chinese ship. The sheets join the shafts of the wheelbarrow and can thus be manipulated by the man in charge.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: M. J. T. Lewis surmised the wheelbarrow may have existed in ancient Greece in the form of a one-wheel cart， Two building material inventories for 408/407 and 407/406 B.C. from the temple of Eleusis list, among other machines and tools, "1 body for a one-wheeler (hyperteria monokyklou)", although there is no evidence to prove this hypothesis.("ὑπερτηρία μονοκύκλου" in Greek):


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Since dikyklos ("δίκυκλος") and tetrakyklos ("τετράκυκλος") mean nothing but "two-wheeler" and "four-wheeler," and since the monokyklos ("μονόκυκλος") body is sandwiched in the Eleusis inventory between a four-wheeler body and its four wheels, to take it as anything but a one-wheeler strains credulity far beyond breaking point. It can only be a wheelbarrow, necessarily guided and balanced by a man...what does now emerge as certainty is that the wheelbarrow did not, as is universally claimed, make its European debut in the Middle Ages. It was there some sixteen centuries before.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: M. J. T. Lewis admits that the current consensus among technology historians, including Bertrand Gille, Andrea Matthies, and Joseph Needham, is that the wheelbarrow was invented in China around 100 AD and spread to the rest of world. However, Lewis proposes that the wheelbarrow could have also existed in ancient Greece. Based on the Eleusis list, Lewis states that it is possible that wheelbarrows were used on Greek construction sites, but admits that evidence for the wheelbarrow in ancient farming and mining is absent. He surmised that wheelbarrows were not uncommon on Greek construction sites for carrying moderately light loads. He speculates the possibility of wheelbarrows in the Roman Empire and the later Eastern Roman, or Byzantine Empire, although Lewis concludes that the evidence is scarce, and that "most of this scenario, perforce, is pure speculation." The 4th century Historia Augusta reports emperor Elagabalus to have used a wheelbarrow (Latin: "pabillus" from "pabo", one-wheeled vehicle) to transport women in his frivolous games at court. While the present evidence does not indicate any use of wheelbarrows into medieval times, the question of continuity in the Byzantine Empire is still open, due to a lack of research yet. Currently, there is no evidence for the wheelbarrow in ancient Greece and Rome.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: The first wheelbarrows in medieval Europe appeared sometime between 1170 and 1250. In contrast to the ones which typically have a wheel in the center of the barrow and were preferred in China, the types mostly used in Europe featured a wheel at or near the front, the arrangement of most wheelbarrows today.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Research on the early history of the wheelbarrow is made difficult by the marked absence of a common terminology. The historian of technology M.J.T. Lewis has identified in English and French sources four mentions of wheelbarrows between 1172 and 1222, three of them designated with a different term. According to the medieval art historian Andrea Matthies, the first archival reference to a wheelbarrow in medieval Europe is dated 1222, specifying the purchase of several wheelbarrows for the English king's works at Dover. The first depiction appears in an English manuscript, Matthew Paris's "Vitae duorum Offarum", completed in 1250.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: By the 13th century, the wheelbarrow proved useful in building construction, mining operations, and agriculture. However, going by surviving documents and illustrations the wheelbarrow remained a relative rarity until the 15th century. It also seemed to be limited to England, France, and the Low Countries.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: The oldest wheelbarrows preserved from Central Europe were found in 2014 and 2017 during archaeological excavations in Ingolstadt, Germany. The felling dates of the trees that make up the wheelbarrow boards could be dendrochronologically dated to 1537 for one wheelbarrow and the 1530s for the other.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Modern day wheelbarrows are generally made from plastic or metal and generally come with either a pneumatic tyre, semi-pneumatic tyres, or solid tyre. Modern wheelbarrows come in four standard shapes, the home gardener shallow-tray variety, the builder’s barrow, the square tray utility barrow and the brick barrow.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Plastic wheelbarrows can be beneficial as they are light in weight reducing physical demand on the user. But plastic wheelbarrows are also suited to lighter loads.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Steel wheel barrows can handle heavier loads with carrying capacities of up to wet, or dry. Steel wheelbarrows more effectively transport heavy, jagged material without damaging the wheelbarrow and are often better suited to construction applications.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: In the 1970s, British inventor James Dyson introduced the Ballbarrow, an injection molded plastic wheelbarrow with a spherical ball on the front end instead of a wheel. Compared to a conventional design, the larger surface area of the ball made the wheelbarrow easier to use in soft soil, and more laterally stable with heavy loads on uneven ground.


title: Wheelbarrow

text: Power assisted wheelbarrows are now widely available from a number of different manufacturers. Powered wheelbarrows are used in a range of applications; the technology has improved to enable them to take much heavier loads, beyond weights that a human could transport alone without assistance. Motorized wheelbarrows are generally either diesel powered or electric battery powered. Often used in small-scale construction applications where access for larger plant machinery might be restricted.


title: Pseudo-penis

text: A pseudo-penis is any structure found on an animal that, while superficially appearing to be a penis, is derived from a different developmental path.


title: Pseudo-penis

text: In mammals, all intact developmentally typical males have a penis, but the clitoris in the females of the following species is sufficiently enlarged that it is usually termed a pseudo-penis: spotted hyena, juvenile fossa, binturong, lemur and spider monkey. The enlarged clitoris in the fossa is supported by an os clitoridis, a bone similar to the os penis found in most mammals. However, the fossa's os clitoridis and pseudo-penis shrink as the juvenile female grows, unlike that of other pseudo-penis species.


title: Pseudo-penis

text: The mammalian pseudo-penis appears to be simply for display, though the spotted hyena is an exception: the female spotted hyena additionally uses her pseudo-penis for urination, sexual intercourse, and to give birth. In addition, this makes it difficult for males to mate without the full co-operation of females, which means that mating preferences of the female are predominant.


title: Pseudo-penis

text: Spotted hyenas are a matriarchal society, where adult female hyenas dominate the adult male hyenas. Female spotted hyena are also more aggressive than the male spotted hyena. When a male hyena leaves its natal clan, it behaves submissively to all newly encountered hyenas; as a result, when a male hyena settles down with a new clan as a breeding male, it is submissive to all natal clan members. As a result of the submissive behavior in males, it was hypothesized that the male hyena erected its penis as a show of submissiveness. During greetings, hyenas would stand parallel to each other and sniff or lick the erect penis or anal scent gland.


title: Pseudo-penis

text: There are severe reproductive costs as a result of the female spotted hyena's pseudo-penis. Nearly all female spotted hyena’s first-born cubs are stillborn, as the placenta is not long enough for the extended penile birth canal. In addition, the first birthing process is time-consuming, as it requires the meatus of the pseudo-penis to tear, allowing the fetus to pass through; as a result, the first-born often die of hypoxia.


title: Pseudo-penis

text: Female spider monkeys have a clitoris that is referred to as a pseudo-penis because it is especially developed and has a shallow perineal groove that retains and distributes urine droplets as the female moves around. The clitoris of female Geoffroy's spider monkeys is large and protrudes, looking like a penis. This organ, called a pendulous clitoris because of the way it dangles externally, is actually larger than the male flaccid penis. As a result, females are sometimes mistaken for males by human observers. The enlarged clitoris is believed to aid males in determining sexual receptiveness, allowing them to touch the clitoris and smell their fingers to pick up chemical or olfactory cues to the female's reproductive status.


title: Pseudo-penis

text: Only 3% of avian species have a phallus. The most common genital among birds is the cloaca; a direct tract for elimination and reproduction in both of the sexes. Certain bird species, such as the ratites, screamers, waterfowl, and cracids (a family of arboreal galliformes) exhibit a phallus in males. A notable example of a bird with a pseudo-penis is the red-billed buffalo weaver, which do not use their pseudo-penis for direct insertion during copulation; however it does play a part in successful mating and stimulation. Similarly to the red-billed buffalo weaver, the cassowary, a ratite, exhibits a pseudo-penis in both males and females. The male's pseudo-phallus is used to "invaginate", or to push the female’s pseudo-phallus inside-out, and then ejaculates from the cloaca to ensure a successful mating.


title: Pseudo-penis

text: One of the more known examples of a pseudo-penis to occur in the insects is found in the barklouse genus "Neotrogla". In this genus, the pseudo-penis plays a part in their rarely-seen sexual reversal. In this case, the male has a vagina-like structure while the female has a pseudo-penis. Some may be confused, wondering why the individuals with a vagina-like structure are considered male while the ones with the pseudo-penis are considered female. This is because even though they have visible outer structures of the opposite sex, their inner structures are consistent to their sex. More important, the males produce sperm and the females produce eggs.


title: Pseudo-penis

text: Females have a penis-like structure, called the gynosome that has a tube leading into their body to where their genitalia are located. "Neotrogla" males have a structure resembling that of a vagina. However, on the inside of their body, they have male genitalia. When the female inserts her organ into the male, the tip of the pseudo penis inflates. When this tip inflates, species specific ridges and spines flare up that match up with the walls of the male's genital chamber. This serves two functions, to stimulate the male's reproductive organs, and to keep the male and female locked together. After they have been locked together, the only way to get the two to part would be to rip off the abdomen of the male. During the lengthy, 40- to 70-hour copulation process, these male genitalia structures ejaculate inside of the male's body. The sperm is then deposited into the female's structure and then travels through a spermathecal duct to where it can fertilize the eggs.


title: Pseudo-penis

text: Androstenedione is a hormone that is converted to testosterone by enzymatic activity. It is theorized that the dominance and morphological phenotype of a pseudo-penis observed in female hyenas is due to the presence of prenatal and postnatal androstenedione levels. Prenatal androgen levels dictate genitalia differences between male and female. Higher levels of androgen are observed in the second half of gestation which is theorized to cause masculinization in terms of dominance and aggression in hyenas. Large amounts of androstenedione are produced in hyena ovarian tissues with little aromatase activity allowing the placenta to convert androstenedione to testosterone. High concentrations of androgens is theorized to virilize the female hyena genitalia and kill ovarian follicles. Postnatal androgen levels dictate growth in genitalia during puberty. Postnatal androgen levels are higher in females than males when they are younger; especially in infancy. These high levels of androstenedione contribute to aggression and dominance and the masculinization of genitalia during puberty.


title: Capability approach

text: The capability approach (also referred to as the capabilities approach) is a normative approach to human welfare that concentrates on the actual capability of persons to achieve lives they value rather than solely having a right or freedom to do so. It was conceived in the 1980s as an alternative approach to welfare economics. In this approach, Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum combine a range of ideas that were previously excluded from (or inadequately formulated in) traditional approaches to welfare economics. The core focus of the capability approach is improving access to the tools people use to live a fulfilling life.


title: Capability approach

text: Subsequently, in collaboration with political philosopher Martha Nussbaum, development economist Sudhir Anand and economic theorist James Foster, Sen has helped propel the capabilities approach to appear as a paradigm policy in debates concerning human development; his research inspired the creation of the UN's Human Development Index (a popular measure of human development that captures capabilities in health, education, and income). Additionally, the approach has been operationalized to have a high income country focus by Paul Anand and colleagues. Sen also founded the Human Development and Capability Association in 2004 in order to further promote discussion, education, and research on the human development and capability approach. Since then, the approach has been much discussed by political theorists, philosophers, and a range of social scientists, including those with a particular interest in human health.


title: Capability approach

text: The approach emphasizes functional capabilities ("substantive freedoms", such as the ability to live to old age, engage in economic transactions, or participate in political activities); these are construed in terms of the substantive freedoms people have reason to value, instead of utility (happiness, desire-fulfillment or choice) or access to resources (income, commodities, assets). An approach to wellbeing using utility can be found in utilitarianism, while access to resources is advocated by the Rawlsian approach.


title: Capability approach

text: Poverty is understood as capability-deprivation. It is noteworthy that proponents emphasize not only how humans function, but their access to capabilities "to achieve outcomes that they value and have reason to value". Everyone could be deprived of capabilities in many ways, e.g. by ignorance, government oppression, lack of financial resources, or false consciousness.


title: Capability approach

text: This approach to human well-being emphasizes the importance of freedom of choice, individual heterogeneity and the multi-dimensional nature of welfare. In significant respects, the approach is consistent with the handling of choice within conventional microeconomics consumer theory, although its conceptual foundations enable it to acknowledge the existence of claims, like rights, which normatively dominate utility-based claims (see ).


title: Capability approach

text: In the most basic sense, functionings consist of "beings and doings". As a result, living may be seen as a set of interrelated functionings. Essentially, functionings are the states and activities constitutive of a person's being. Examples of functionings can vary from elementary things, such as being healthy, having a good job, and being safe, to more complex states, such as being happy, having self-respect, and being calm. Moreover, Amartya Sen contends that functionings are crucial to an adequate understanding of the capability approach; capability is conceptualized as a reflection of the freedom to achieve valuable functionings.


title: Capability approach

text: In other words, functionings are the subjects of the capabilities referred to in the approach: what we are capable, want to be capable, or should be capable to be and/or do. Therefore, a person's chosen combination of functionings, what they are and do, is part of their overall capability set — the functionings they were able to do. Yet, functionings can also be conceptualized in a way that signifies an individual's capabilities. Eating, starving, and fasting would all be considered functionings, but the functioning of fasting differs significantly from that of starving because fasting, unlike starving, involves a choice and is understood as choosing to fast despite the presence of other options. Consequently, an understanding of what constitutes functionings is inherently tied together with an understanding of capabilities, as defined by this approach.


title: Capability approach

text: Capabilities are the alternative combinations of functionings that are feasible for a person to achieve. Formulations of capability have two parts: functionings and opportunity freedom — the substantive freedom to pursue different functioning combinations. Ultimately, capabilities denote a person's opportunity and ability to generate valuable outcomes, taking into account relevant personal characteristics and external factors. The important part of this definition is the "freedom to achieve", because if freedom had only instrumental value (valuable as a means to achieve an end) and no intrinsic value (valuable in and of itself) to a person's well-being, then the value of the capability set as a whole would simply be defined by the value of a person's actual combination of functionings. Such a definition would not acknowledge the entirety of what a person is capable of doing and their resulting current state due to the nature of the options available to them. Consequently, the capability set outlined by this approach is not merely concerned with achievements; rather, freedom of choice, in and of itself, is of direct importance to a person's quality of life.


title: Capability approach

text: For example, the difference between fasting and starving, on person's well-being, is whether the person is choosing not to eat. In this example, the functioning is starving but the capability to obtain an adequate amount of food is the key element in evaluating well-being between individuals in the two states. In sum, having a lifestyle is not the same as choosing it; well-being depends on how that lifestyle came to be. More formally, while the combination of a person's functionings represents their actual achievements, their capability set represents their opportunity freedom — their freedom to choose between alternative combinations of functionings.


title: Capability approach

text: In addition to being the result of capabilities, some functionings are also a prerequisite for capabilities, i.e., there is a dual role of some functionings as both ends and instruments. Examples of functionings that are a direct requirement for capabilities are good nourishment, mental and physical health, and education.


title: Capability approach

text: Nussbaum further distinguishes between "internal capabilities" that are personal abilities, and "combined capabilities" that are "defined as internal capabilities together with the social/political/economic conditions in which functioning can actually be chosen". She points out that the notion of (combined) capability "combines internal preparedness with external opportunity in a complicated way, so that measurement is likely to be no easy task."


title: Capability approach

text: An extension of the capabilities approach was published in 2013 in "Freedom, Responsibility and Economics of the Person". This book explores the interconnected concepts of person, responsibility and freedom in economics, moral philosophy and politics. It tries to reconcile the rationality and morality of individuals. It presents a methodological reflection (phenomenology "versus" Kantian thought) with the aim to re-humanise the person, through actions, and through the values and norms that lead to corresponding rights and obligations that must be ordered. The book extends the capabilities approach in a critical form. In particular, it considers freedom in relation to responsibility, that is, the capacity of people to apply moral constraints to themselves. By contrast, Sen's capability approach considers freedom as a purely functional rationality of choice.


title: Capability approach

text: Amartya Sen defines an agent as someone who acts and brings about change, whose achievement can be evaluated in terms of his or her own values and goals. This differs from a common use of the term "agent" sometimes used in economics and game theory to mean a person acting on someone else's behalf. Agency depends on the ability to personally choose the functionings one values, a choice that may not correlate with personal well-being. For example, when a person chooses to engage in fasting, they are exercising their ability to pursue a goal they value, though such a choice may not positively affect physical well-being. Sen explains that a person as an agent need not be guided by a pursuit of well-being; agency achievement considers a person's success in terms of their pursuit of the whole of their goals.


title: Capability approach

text: For the purposes of the capability approach, agency primarily refers to a person's role as a member of society, with the ability to participate in economic, social, and political actions. Therefore, agency is crucial in assessing one's capabilities and any economic, social, or political barriers to one's achieving substantive freedoms. Concern for agency stresses that participation, public debate, democratic practice, and empowerment, should be fostered alongside well-being.


title: Capability approach

text: Alkire and Deneulin pointed out that agency goes together with the expansion of valuable freedoms. That is, in order to be agents of their lives, people need the freedom to be educated, speak in public without fear, express themselves, associate, etc.; conversely, people can establish such an environment by being agents. In summary, the agency aspect is important in assessing what a person can do in line with his or her conception of the good.


title: Capability approach

text: Nussbaum (2000) frames these basic principles in terms of 10 capabilities, i.e. real opportunities based on personal and social circumstance. She claims that a political order can only be considered as being decent if this order secures at least a threshold level of these 10 capabilities to all inhabitants. Nussbaum's capabilities approach is centered around the notion of individual human dignity. Nussbaum emphasizes that this approach is necessary since even individuals within a family unit can have vastly different needs. Given Nussbaum's contention that the goal of the capabilities approach is to produce capabilities for each and every person, the capabilities below belong to individual persons, rather than to groups. The capabilities approach has been very influential in development policy where it has shaped the evolution of the human development index (HDI), has been much discussed in philosophy, and is increasingly influential in a range of social sciences.


title: Capability approach

text: Although Nussbaum did not claim her list as definite and unchanging, she strongly advocated for outlining a list of central human capabilities. On the other hand, Sen refuses to supply a specific list of capabilities. Sen argues that an exact list and weights would be too difficult to define. For one, it requires specifying the context of use of capabilities, which could vary. Also, Sen argues that part of the richness of the capabilities approach is its insistence on the need for open valuational scrutiny for making social judgments. He is disinclined to in any way devalue the domain of reasoning in the public sphere. Instead, Sen argues that the task of weighing various capabilities should be left to the ethical and political considerations of each society based on public reasoning. Along with concerns raised about Nussbaum's list, Alkire and Black also argue that Nussbaum's methodology "runs counter to an essential thrust of the capabilities approach which has been the attempt to redirect development theory away from a reductive focus on a minimally decent life towards a more holistic account of human well-being for all people."


title: Capability approach

text: That said, applications to development are discussed in Sen (1999), Nussbaum (2000), and Clark (2002, 2005), and are now numerous to the point where the capabilities approach is widely accepted as a paradigm in development. The programme of work operationalising the capability approach by Anand and colleagues draws heavily on Nussbaum's list as a relatively comprehensive, high-level account of the space in which human well-being or life quality is experienced. This work argues that the subitems on Nussbaum's list are too distinct to be monitored by single question and that a dashboard of some 40-50 indicators is required to inform the development of empirical work.


title: Capability approach

text: The measurement of capabilities was previously thought to be a particular barrier to the implementation and use of the approach. However, two particular lines of work, in research and policy have sought to show that meaningful indicators of what individuals (and in some cases governments) are able to do can be developed and used to generate a range of insights.


title: Capability approach

text: In 1990, the UN Human Development report published the first such exercise which focused on health, education and income which were equally weighted to generate the Human Development Index. At the same time, and subsequently, researchers recognizing that these three areas covered only certain elements of life quality have sought to develop more comprehensive measures. A major project in this area has been the 'capabilities measurement project' in which Anand has led teams of philosophers, economists and social scientists to generate that gives a full and direct implement of the approach drawing particular on the key relations and concepts developed in Sen (1985) but also on work to do with the content of the approach. The earliest work in this project developed a set of around 50 capability indicators which were used to develop a picture of quality of life and deprivation in the UK. Subsequently, Anand and colleagues have developed datasets for the US, UK and Italy in which all the elements of Sen's framework are reflected in data which permits all three key equations, for functionings, experience and capabilities, to be estimated.


title: Capability approach

text: In a series of papers, they have shown that both their primary data and some secondary datasets can be used to shed light on the production and distribution of life quality for working age adults, those in retirement, very young children, those vulnerable to domestic violence, migrants, excluded traveler communities and the disabled. They use these applications to argue that the capability framework is a particularly good fit for understanding quality of life across the life course and that it provides a relatively universal grammar for understanding the elements of human well-being.


title: Capability approach

text: Monetary and non-monetary measures of well-being are ideal when used to complement each other. Understanding the various aspects of economic development process not only helps address issues of inequality and lags in human development, but also helps to pinpoint where countries lag, which once addressed can further promote well-being and advancement. As the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) (2006) notes: Well-being has several dimensions of which monetary factors are only one. They are nevertheless an important one, since richer economies are better placed to create and maintain other well-being-enhancing conditions, such as a clean environment, the likelihood that the average person will have a right to 10 years or more of education, and lead a comparatively long and healthy life. Well-being will also be increased by institutions that enable citizens to feel that they control their own lives, and that investment of their time and resources will be rewarded. In turn, this will lead to higher incomes in a virtuous circle. Simon Kuznets, the developer of GNP, cautioned against using the measure as an indicator of overall welfare, which speaks to the unintended use of output-based measures as indicators of human welfare.


title: Capability approach

text: The use of GDP and GNP as an approximation of well-being and development have been critiqued widely, because they are often misused as indicators of well-being and human development when in fact they are only telling about the economic capacity of a country or an average income level when expressed on a per person basis. In particular, feminist economics and environmental economics offer a number of critiques. Critics in these fields typically discuss gender inequalities, insufficient representation of environmental costs of productions and general issues of misusing an output-based measure for unintended purposes. In sum, the conclusion of Capabilities Approach is that people do not just value monetary income, and that development is linked to various indicators of life satisfaction and hence are important in measuring well-being. Development policies strive to create an environment for people to live long, healthy creative lives.


title: Capability approach

text: Nussbaum highlights some of the problematic assumptions and conclusions of output-based approaches to development. First, she notes that GNP and GDP do not consider special requirements to help the most vulnerable, such as women. Specifically, Nussbaum mentions that output-based approaches ignore the distribution of needs for the varying circumstances of people, for example a pregnant woman needs more resources than a non-pregnant woman or a single man.


title: Capability approach

text: Also, output-based measures ignore unpaid work, which includes child rearing and the societal advantages that result from a mother's work. Marilyn Waring, a political economist and activist for women's rights, elaborates on the example of a mother engaged in child care, domestic care and producing few goods for the informal market, all of which are usually done simultaneously. These activities provide economic benefits, but are not valued in national accounting systems; this suggests that the definition of unemployment used in output-based measures is inappropriate. (See the article on Feminist economics, section "Well-being").


title: Capability approach

text: Another critique by Waring is that the output-based measures ignore negative effects of economic growth and so commodities that lower social welfare, such as nuclear weapons, and oil extraction which causes spills, are considered a good input. The "anti-bads" or the defensive expenditures to fight "bads" are not counted as a deduction in accounting systems (p. 11). Furthermore, natural resources are treated as limitless and negative outputs such as pollution and associated health risks, are not deducted from the measures.


title: Capability approach

text: When GNP and GDP were developed, their intended use was not for measuring human well-being; the intended use was as an indicator of economic growth, and that does not necessarily translate into human well-being. Kuznets has often made this point, in his words, "distinctions must be kept in mind between quantity and quality of growth, between costs and returns and between the short and long run. Goals for more growth should specify more growth of what and for what" (p. 9).


title: Capability approach

text: Nussbaum also points out that GNP and GDP omit income distribution and the opportunity or ability to turn resources into activities (this critique stems directly from Capabilities Approach). Kuznets terms this as a problem of "obtaining an unduplicated total of all output", (p. 15) this suggests that people are only seen as consumers and not as potential producers, hence any products purchased by an individual are not seen as "being consumed in the productive process of turning out other goods" (p. 15)


title: Capability approach

text: These accounting measures also fail to capture all forms of work and only focus on "engagement in work 'for pay or profit, (p. 133) leaving out contributions to a society and economy, like volunteer work and subsistence farming. Kuznets provides the example of the process by which farmers devote time and energy to bringing virgin land into cultivation. Furthermore, GNP and GDP only account for monetary exchanges, and place no value on some important intangibles such as leisure time.


title: Capability approach

text: Capabilities Approach has been highly influential thus far in human development theories and valuational methods of capturing capabilities, the theory has led to the creation of the HDI, IHDI and GII and their uses among international organizations such as the United Nations and others. In companies, capabilities are included in Key Development Indicators, or KDIs as measures of development, including employee development. In 1990 in the Human Development Report (HDR)commissioned by the UNDP set out to create a distribution-sensitive development measure.


title: Capability approach

text: This measure was created to rival the more traditional metrics of GDP and GNP, which had previously been used to measure level of development in a given country, but which did not contain provisions for terms of distribution. The resulting measure was entitled the Human Development Index, created by Mahbub ul Haq in collaboration with Sen and others. The purpose was to create an indicator of human development, especially one that would provide a general assessment and critique of global human development to shed light on persistent inequality, poverty and other capability deprivations despite high levels of GDP growth.


title: Capability approach

text: Currently the HDI continues to be used in the Human Development Report in addition to many other measures (based on theoretical perspectives of Capabilities) that have been developed and used by the United Nations. Among these indices are the Gender-related Development Index (GDI), the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM), introduced in 1995, and the more recent Gender Inequality Index (GII) and the Inequality-adjusted Human Development Index (IHDI), both adopted in 2010.


title: Capability approach

text: The following are a few of the major indices that were created based on the theoretical grounds of Capabilities Approach.


title: Capability approach

text: The Human Development Index takes into consideration a number of development and well-being factors that are not taken into account in the calculation of GDP and GNP. The Human Development Index is calculated using the indicators of life expectancy, adult literacy, school enrollment, and logarithmic transformations of per-capita income. Moreover, it is noted that the HDI "is a weighted average of income adjusted for distributions and purchasing power, life expectancy, literacy and health" (p. 16)


title: Capability approach

text: The HDI is calculated for individual countries with a value between 0 and 1 and is "interpreted...as the ultimate development that has been attained by that nation" (p. 17). Currently, the 2011 Human Development Report also includes the Inequality-adjusted Human Development Index which accounts for exactly the same things that the HDI considers however the IHDI has all three dimensions (long and healthy life, knowledge and a decent standard of living) adjusted for inequalities in the distribution of each dimension across the population.


title: Capability approach

text: The Gender-related Development Index is defined as a "distribution-sensitive measure that accounts for the human development impact of existing gender gaps in the three components of the HDI" (p. 243). In this way, the GDI accounts for shortcomings in the HDI in terms of gender, because it re-evaluates a country's score in the three areas of the HDI based on perceived gender gaps, and penalizes the score of the country if, indeed, large gender disparities in those areas exist. This index is used in unison with the HDI and therefore also captures the elements of capabilities that the HDI holds. In addition, it considers women's capabilities which has been a focus in much of Sen's and Nussbaum's work (to list a few: Nussbaum, 2004a; Nussbaum, 2004b; Sen, 2001; Sen, 1990.)


title: Capability approach

text: The Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) is considerably more specialized than the GDI. The GEM focuses particularly on the relative empowerment of women in a given country. The empowerment of women is measured by evaluating women's employment in high-ranking economic positions, seats in parliament, and share of household income. Notably this measurement captures more of Nussbaum's 10 Central Capabilities, such as, Senses, Imagination and Thought; Affiliation; and Control Over One's Environment.


title: Capability approach

text: In the 2013 Human Development Report the Gender Inequality Index, which was introduced in 2011, continues to adjust the GDI and the GEM. This composite measurement uses three dimensions: reproductive health, empowerment, and labor force participation. When constructing the index the following criteria were key: conceptual relevance to definitions of human development and theory; Non-ambiguity so that the index is easily interpreted; Reliability of data that is standardized and collected/processed by a trustworthy organization; No redundancy found in other indicators; and lastly Power of discrimination, where distribution is well distinguished among countries and there is no "bunching" among top and bottom countries (p. 10). This index also captures some of Nussbaum's 10 Central Capabilities (Senses, Imagination and Thought; Affiliation; and Control Over Ones Environment).


title: Capability approach

text: In 1997, the UNDP introduced the Human Poverty Index (HPI), which is aimed at measuring poverty in both industrialized and developing countries. The HPI is a "nonincome-based" measure of poverty (p. 100) which focuses on "human outcomes in terms of choices and opportunities that a person faces" (p. 99). In support of this index, Sakiko Fukuda-Parr—a development economist and past Director of The Human Development Report Office—differentiates between income poverty and human poverty. Human poverty can be interpreted as deprivations to lead a long healthy and creative life with a decent standard of living.


title: Capability approach

text: The capability approach is being developed and increasingly applied in health economics, for use in cost-effectiveness analysis. It is seen as an alternative to existing preference-based measures of health-related quality of life (for example the EQ-5D) that focus on functioning, and can be applied within the framework of quality-adjusted life years (QALYs). A number of measures have been created for use in particular contexts such as older people, public health and mental health, as well as more generic capability-based outcome measures. Caution remains when measures do not explicitly rule out people's adaption to their circumstances, for example to physical health problems.


title: Capability approach

text: As noted above, to a great extent, Nussbaum's Central Human Capabilities address issues of equality, political freedom, creativity and the right to the self, as do the various indices that are based on capabilities. It is evident that these measures are very subjective, but this fact is in the essence of defining quality of life according to Nussbaum and Sen. Nussbaum refers to Sen in saying that, although measures of well-being may be problematic in comparative, quantifiable models due to their subjective matter, the protection of and commitment to human development are too important of matters to be left on the sidelines of economic progress. Well-being and quality of life are too important to be left without intentional focus towards political change.


title: Capability approach

text: Measures such as the HDI, GDI, GEM, GII, IHDI and the like are crucial in targeting issues of well-being and indicators of quality of life. Anand, et al. (2009) can be summarized as demonstrating that it is possible to measure capabilities within the conventions applied to standard household survey design, contrary to earlier doubts about the ability to operationalise the capabilities approach.


title: Capability approach

text: Much of conventional welfare economics today is grounded in a utilitarian approach according to the classical Benthamite form of utilitarianism, in which the most desirable action is the one that best increases peoples' psychological happiness or satisfaction. The "utility" of a person stands for some measure of his or her pleasure or happiness. Some merits associated with this approach to measuring well-being are that it recognizes the importance of taking account of the results of social arrangements in judging them and the need to pay attention to the well-being of the people involved when judging social arrangements and their results. Amartya Sen, however, argues this view has three main deficiencies: distributional indifference; neglect of rights, freedoms, and other non-utility concerns; and adaptation and mental conditioning.


title: Capability approach

text: Distributional indifference refers to a utilitarian indifference between different the distributions of utility, so long as the sum total is the same (note that the utilitarian is indifferent to the distribution of happiness, not income or wealth—the utilitarian approach would generally prefer, all else being equal, more materially equal societies assuming diminishing marginal utility). Sen argues that we may "want to pay attention not just to "aggregate" magnitudes, but also to extents of inequalities in happiness". Sen also argues that while the utilitarian approach attaches no intrinsic value (ethics) to claims of rights and freedoms, some people value these things independently of their contribution to utility.


title: Capability approach

text: Lastly, Amartya Sen makes the argument that the utilitarian view of individual well-being can be easily swayed by mental conditioning and peoples' happiness adapting to oppressive situations. The utility calculus can essentially be unfair to those who have come to terms with their deprivation as a means for survival, adjusting their desires and expectations. The capability approach, on the other hand, doesn't fall victim to these same criticisms because it acknowledges inequalities by focusing on equalizing people's capabilities, rather than happiness. It stresses the intrinsic importance of rights and freedoms when evaluating well-being, and it avoids overlooking deprivation by focusing on capabilities and opportunities, not state of mind.


title: Capability approach

text: Another common approach in conventional economics, in economic policy and judging development, has traditionally been to focus on income and resources. These sorts of approaches to development focus on increasing resources, such as assets, property rights, or basic needs. However, measuring resources is fundamentally different from measuring functionings, such as the case in which people don't have the capability to use their resources in the means they see fit. Arguably, the main difficulty in a resource- or income-based approach to well-being lies in personal heterogeneities, namely the diversity of human beings.


title: Capability approach

text: Different amounts of income are needed for different individuals to enjoy similar capabilities, such as an individual with severe disabilities whose treatment to ensure the fulfillment of basic capabilities may require dramatically more income compared to an able-bodied person. All sorts of differences, such as differences in age, gender, talents, etc. can make two people have extremely divergent opportunities of quality of life, even when equipped with exactly the same commodities. Additionally, other contingent circumstances which affect what an individual can make of a given set of resources include environmental diversities (in geographic sense), variations in social climate, differences in relational perspectives, and distribution within the family.


title: Capability approach

text: The capability approach, however, seeks to consider all such circumstances when evaluating people's actual capabilities. Furthermore, there are things people value other than increased resources. In some cases, maximizing resources may even be objectionable. As was recognized in the 1990 Human Development Report, the basic objective of development is to create an enabling environment for people to live long, healthy, and creative lives. This end is often lost in the immediate concern with the accumulation of commodities and financial wealth that are only a means to expansion of capabilities. Overall, though resources and income have a profound effect on what we can or cannot do, the capability approach recognizes that they are not the only things to be considered when judging well-being, switching the focus from a means to a good life to the freedom to achieve actual improvements in lives, which one has reason to value.


title: Capability approach

text: The capability approach has also impacted educational discourse. Rather than seeing the success of an education system based on the measurable achievements of students, such as scores in examinations or assessments, educational success through a capabilities perspective can be seen through the capabilities that such an education enables. Through an education programme a student is able to acquire knowledge, skills, values and understanding and this enables a young person to think in new ways, to ‘be’, to develop agency in society and make decisions. These are not easily ‘measurable’ in the same way examination results are, but can be seen to be an important outcome of an educational programme.


title: Capability approach

text: A number of writers have explored what these education ‘capabilities’ might be. Terzi’s list focuses on the minimum entitlement of education for students with disabilities- these include Literacy, Numeracy, Sociality and Participation among others. Walker, working in Higher Education offers Practical Reason, Emotional Resilience, Knowledge and imagination. Hinchcliffe offers a set of capabilities for students of Humanities subjects, including critical examination and judgement, narrative imagination, recognition/ concern for others (citizenship in a globalised world).


title: Capability approach

text: Further exploration of the capability approach to education has sought to explore the role that subject disciplines play in the generation of subject specific capabilities, drawing on the ideas of Powerful Knowledge from Michael Young and the Sociology of Education. Geography as a school subject has explored these as ‘GeoCapabilities’.


title: Penne alla vodka

text: Penne alla vodka is a pasta dish made with vodka and penne pasta, usually made with heavy cream, crushed tomatoes, onions, and sometimes sausage, pancetta or peas.


title: Penne alla vodka

text: The recipe became very popular in Italy and in the United States around the 1980s, when it was offered to discotheque customers. The recipe thus became an icon of the fashionable cuisine of the time, which preferred the use of cream in first courses. Penne alla vodka remains popular in Italian-American cuisine.


title: Penne alla vodka

text: The first use of vodka in a pasta dish is attested to in 1974, when the Italian actor Ugo Tognazzi published the cookbook "L'Abbuffone" (means "the bouffe-men", named after Tognazzi's movie "La Grande Bouffe"), which included his recipe of "pasta all'infuriata" ('furious pasta'), described as a sort of "pasta all'arrabbiata", made with ½ kg of penne, ½ kg of fresh peeled tomatoes, a shot of vodka, chili pepper, oil, garlic, and bay leaves. Tognazzi suggested also that, if using a Polish vodka with chilli ("formidable, tremendous, very strong, very hot, deadly"), the fresh chilli pepper can be omitted.


title: Penne alla vodka

text: There have been multiple claims to the invention of the dish. One author claims that it was invented at Dante, a restaurant in Bologna. One cookbook claims that it was invented in the 1980s by a Roman chef for a vodka company that wanted to popularize its product in Italy. The dish may have been common in Italy before becoming popular in America in the early 1980s.


title: Penne alla vodka

text: In the 1980s, another recipe based on penne and vodka, called "penne alla moscovita" (penne on Moscow style), but made with smoked salmon, cream and caviar (or variant with cream and shrimp), became very popular. Because of the particularity and novelty of the recipe compared to traditional Italian cuisine, it was widespread in the discos of the Emilia-Romagna Riviera with the generic name of "penne alla vodka".


title: Penne alla vodka

text: On October 25, 2016, the Italian Association of Confectionery and Pasta Industries rediscovered this recipe from the 1980s, proposing it again on the occasion of the 18th edition of the World Pasta Day organized in Moscow, as symbol of friendship between Italy and Russia. The initiative was successful, so much so that research in the U.S. has shown that penne alla vodka has become the second most sought-after dish of pasta in search engines, behind only pasta alla Bolognese.


title: Penne alla vodka

text: Along with the penne pasta, this dish generally contains cream sauce mixed with marinara sauce or tomato paste, which are a combination unusual in Italian cooking because the acidity of the tomatoes tends to make the oil in the cream separate. The ethanol (vodka) serves as an emulsifier, allowing the water and lipids to remain mixed together.


title: Penne alla vodka

text: Ethanol is also thought to solvate certain flavors from the tomato that would otherwise be inaccessible in water. This is seen in other vodka sauces, as well.


title: CBS Evening News

text: The CBS Evening News is the flagship evening television news program of CBS News, the news division of the CBS television network in the United States. The "CBS Evening News" is a daily evening broadcast featuring news reports, feature stories and interviews by CBS News correspondents and reporters covering events around the world. The program has been broadcast since July 1, 1941, under the original title CBS Television News, eventually adopting its current title in 1963.


title: CBS Evening News

text: Since July 15, 2019, the nightly broadcast has been anchored by Norah O'Donnell and has been titled CBS Evening News with Norah O’Donnell; since December 2, 2019, the newscast has emanated from CBS News’ bureau in Washington, D.C. Previous weeknight anchors have included Douglas Edwards, Walter Cronkite, Dan Rather, Connie Chung, Bob Schieffer, Katie Couric, Scott Pelley, and Jeff Glor.


title: CBS Evening News

text: Saturday and Sunday broadcasts of the "CBS Evening News" began in February 1966. On May 2, 2016, CBS announced that the weekend edition would be rebranded, effective May 7, 2016, as the "CBS Weekend News". Weekend newscasts emanate from the CBS Broadcast Center in New York City and were anchored by Reena Ninan on Saturday and Elaine Quijano on Sunday. By the summer of 2020 Ninan and Quijano were replaced by Major Garrett and Jamie Yuccas. In December 2020, it was announced that Adriana Diaz and Jericka Duncan would be the new weekend anchors.


title: CBS Evening News

text: The weeknight edition of the "CBS Evening News" airs live at 6:30 p.m. in the Eastern and 5:30 p.m. in the Central Time Zones and is tape delayed for the Mountain Time Zone. A "Western Edition", with updated segments covering breaking news stories, airs pre-recorded at 6:30 p.m. in the Pacific Time Zone and on tape delay in the Alaska and Hawaii–Aleutian Time Zones.


title: CBS Evening News

text: As of March 4, 2019, "CBS Evening News" remains in third place of the three major television news programs, with 6,309,000 total viewers.


title: CBS Evening News

text: Upon becoming commercial station WCBW (channel 2, now WCBS-TV) on July 1, 1941, the pioneer CBS television station in New York City broadcast two daily news programs, at 2:30 p.m. and 8:00 p.m. weekdays, anchored by Richard Hubbell. Most of the newscasts featured Hubbell reading a script with only occasional cutaways to a map or still photograph. When Pearl Harbor was bombed on December 7, 1941, WCBW (which was usually off the air on Sunday to give the engineers a day off), took to the air at 8:45 p.m. with an extensive special report. The national emergency broke down the unspoken wall between CBS radio and television. WCBW executives convinced radio announcers and experts such as George Fielding Elliot and Linton Wells to come to the CBS television studios at Grand Central Station from the radio network's base at 485 Madison Avenue, to give information and commentary on the attack. The WCBW special report that night lasted less than 90 minutes, but it pushed the limits of live television in 1941 and opened up new possibilities for future broadcasts. As CBS wrote in a special report to the FCC, the unscheduled live news broadcast on December 7 "was unquestionably the most stimulating challenge and marked the greatest advance of any single problem faced up to that time."


title: CBS Evening News

text: Additional newscasts were scheduled in the early days of the war, including "World This Week" (February–April 1942), "War Backgrounds" (December 1941–February 1942), and "America At War" (March–May 1942). In May 1942, WCBW (like almost all television stations) temporarily suspended studio operations, which resulted in the station sharply cutting back its live program schedule, and resorting exclusively to the occasional broadcast of films. This was primarily because much of the staff had either joined the military service or were redeployed to war-related technical research, and to prolong the life of the early, unstable cameras which were now impossible to repair due to the wartime lack of parts.


title: CBS Evening News

text: In May 1944, as the war began to turn in favor of the Allies, WCBW reopened the studios and the newscasts returned, briefly anchored by Ned Calmer, followed by Alan Jackson, Everett Holles, and Dwight Cooke. After the war, expanded news programs appeared on the WCBW schedule. The station's call letters were changed to WCBS-TV in 1946. Anchors included Bob McKee, Milo Boulton, Jim McMullin, Larry LeSueur, Tom O’Connor, and, beginning in 1947, Douglas Edwards.


title: CBS Evening News

text: On May 3, 1948, Edwards began anchoring "CBS Television News", now a regular 15-minute nightly newscast on the CBS television network, including WCBS-TV. It aired every weeknight at 7:30 p.m., and was the first regularly scheduled, network television news program featuring an anchor. (WCBW/WCBS-TV newscasts prior to this time were local television broadcasts seen only in New York City.) NBC's offering at the time, "NBC Television Newsreel", which premiered in February 1948, was simply film footage with voice narration.


title: CBS Evening News

text: The network also broadcast a recap of the week's news stories on a Sunday night program titled "Newsweek in Review", which was later moved to Saturday and retitled "The Week in Review". In 1950, the nightly newscast was renamed "Douglas Edwards with the News", and in September the following year it became the first news program to be broadcast simultaneously on the East Coast and West Coast through the installation of a new coaxial cable connection. That transcontinental link prompted Edwards to start each broadcast with the updated greeting "Good evening everyone, coast to coast."


title: CBS Evening News

text: On November 30, 1956, the program became the first to use the new technology of videotape to time delay the broadcast (which originated in New York City) for the western United States.


title: CBS Evening News

text: On April 16, 1962, Walter Cronkite succeeded Edwards, and the broadcast was retitled "Walter Cronkite with the News". On September 2, 1963, the newscast, retitled "CBS Evening News", became the first half-hour weeknight news broadcast on network television and was moved to 6:30 p.m. Eastern time (NBC's "Huntley-Brinkley Report" expanded to 30 minutes exactly one week later on September 9, 1963). As before, some affiliates (including flagship owned-and-operated station WCBS-TV in New York City) had the option of carrying a later edition, scheduled at 7:00 p.m. Eastern Time. NBC also allowed this practice for the "Huntley-Brinkley Report", with ABC later following it for the "ABC Evening News" (now "ABC World News Tonight"). The networks ended this practice after 1971, although some affiliates – mostly in larger markets – continued to carry the national newscasts at 7:00 p.m. Eastern Time on a half-hour tape delay.


title: CBS Evening News

text: The "CBS Evening News" was first transmitted in color as a one-evening test broadcast on August 19, 1965, before permanently switching to the format on January 31, 1966. Cronkite's prime time special report, "Who, What, When, Where, Why", broadcast on February 27, 1968, ended with his declaration that the United States could only hope for a stalemate in Vietnam. It is often credited with influencing Lyndon Johnson's decision to drop out of the race for President. "If I've lost Walter Cronkite ... [I]'ve lost Middle America", he stated.


title: CBS Evening News

text: Under Cronkite, the newscast began what would eventually become an 18-year period of dominating the ratings among the network evening news programs. In the process, Cronkite became "the most trusted man in America" according to a Gallup Poll, a status that had first been fostered in November 1963 through his coverage of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.


title: CBS Evening News

text: In late 1972, Cronkite prodded the show's producers to feature two nights of lengthy explanation on the Watergate scandal, which had been extensively covered by "The Washington Post", but had not received major national coverage. After the first half of the report, shown on a Friday, ran for 14 minutes, roughly half of the air time of the broadcast, White House officials complained to CBS founder William S. Paley. The second half of the report was aired the following Monday, but only for eight minutes.


title: CBS Evening News

text: Cronkite was replaced as anchor of the program the Monday after his retirement, March 9, 1981, by 49-year-old Dan Rather, who had been with CBS News as a correspondent since the early 1960s and later became a correspondent for the network's newsmagazine "60 Minutes". Concerns about excessive liberalism in the media were frequently leveled at Rather, the "CBS Evening News", CBS News, and CBS in general. Some of these concerns dated from Rather's position as White House correspondent for the network's news division during the Nixon administration. A shouting match with Vice President George H. W. Bush during an interview on live television in January 1988 related to the Iran–Contra affair did little to dispel those concerns. Rather unapologetically defended his behavior in statements the following day, and Bush went on to win the presidential election in November.


title: CBS Evening News

text: Earlier, on September 1, 1986, amidst a brewing battle among CBS's Board of Directors for control of the company and turmoil at CBS News, Rather closed his Monday broadcast with the word "courage," repeating it the following night. On September 3, Rather said the masculine noun for the Spanish word for "courage," "coraje" (the primary translation for "courage" in Spanish is "valor"). In the face of media attention and pleas from his staff, Rather abandoned the signoff on September 8.


title: CBS Evening News

text: On September 11, 1987, Rather marched off camera in anger just before a remote broadcast of the program when it appeared that CBS Sports' coverage of a U.S. Open tennis semifinal match between Steffi Graf and Lori McNeil was going to run over into time allotted for the newscast. Rather was in Miami covering the visit to the city by Pope John Paul II. When the tennis match ended sooner than expected at 6:32 p.m. Eastern Time, Rather was nowhere to be found, and six minutes of dead air followed before he returned to the broadcast position; nearly half of the audience watched and waited. Rather attempted to explain his actions with a statement release on Sunday, but made no mention of it on his next newscast on Monday, delayed by the men's final. By 1990, the "CBS Evening News" had fallen to third place in the ratings, behind ABC's "World News Tonight with Peter Jennings" and "NBC Nightly News with Tom Brokaw".


title: CBS Evening News

text: On January 22, 1991, demonstrators from the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) broke into the CBS News studio and chanted "Fight AIDS, not Arabs" during the show's introduction. One protester was seen on camera just as Rather began speaking. Rather immediately called for a commercial break, however, the screen went black instead for six seconds before returning to Rather. He apologized twice to viewers about the incident.


title: CBS Evening News

text: On June 1, 1993, CBS News correspondent Connie Chung began co-anchoring the broadcast with Rather. Chung normally co-anchored in the studio with Rather, but sometimes one of them appeared on location, while the other remained in the studio. Though Rather never said so publicly, CBS News insiders said he did not approve of her appointment. Chung's last broadcast as co-anchor was on May 18, 1995.


title: CBS Evening News

text: The newscast returned to a solo anchor format on May 19, 1995, with Dan Rather continuing in his role as anchor. At age 73, Rather retired from the "Evening News" on March 9, 2005, exactly 24 years after succeeding Cronkite.