title: Gung Ho (film)

text: The Japanese executive in charge of the plant is Takahara "Kaz" Kazuhiro, who has been a failure in his career thus far because he is too lenient on his workers. When Hunt first meets Kaz in Japan, the latter is being ridiculed by his peers and being required to wear ribbons of shame. He has been given one final chance to redeem himself by making the American plant a success. Intent on becoming the strict manager his superiors expect, he gives Hunt a large promotion on the condition that he work as a liaison between the Japanese management and the American workers, to smooth the transition and convince the workers to obey the new rules. More concerned with keeping his promotion than with the welfare of his fellow workers, Hunt does everything he can to trick the American workers into compliance, but the culture clash becomes too great and he begins to lose control of the men.


title: Gung Ho (film)

text: In an attempt to solve the problem, Hunt makes a deal with Kaz: if the plant can produce 15,000 cars in one month, thereby making it as productive as the best Japanese auto plant, then the workers will all be given raises and jobs will be created for the remaining unemployed workers in the town. However, if the workers fall even one car short, they will get nothing. When Hunt calls an assembly to tell the workers about the deal, they balk at the idea of making so many cars in so short a time. Under pressure from the crowd, Hunt lies and says that if they make 13,000, they will get a partial raise. After nearly a month of working long hours toward a goal of 13,000—despite Hunt's pleas for them to aim for the full 15,000—the truth is discovered and the workers walk off the job.


title: Gung Ho (film)

text: At the town's annual 4th of July picnic, Hadleyville mayor Conrad Zwart addresses to the people that Assan Motors plans to abandon the factory again because of the work stoppage, which would mean the end of the town. The mayor threatens to kill Hunt, but Willie, one of the workers, intervenes, insisting that it wasn't Hunt's fault for the closure. The mayor, even more furious with the townspeople taking Hunt's word over his, abandons the picnic. Hunt comes clean about the 15,000 car deal. He responds by addressing his observations that the real reason the workers are facing such difficulties is because the Japanese have the work ethic that too many Americans have abandoned. While his audience is not impressed, Hunt, hoping to save the town and atone for his deception, and Kaz, desperate to show his worth to his superiors, go back into the factory the next day and begin to build cars by themselves. Inspired, the workers return and continue to work toward their goal and pursue it with the level of diligence the Japanese managers had encouraged. Just before the final inspection, Hunt and the workers line up a number of incomplete cars in hopes of fooling the executives. The ruse fails when the car that Hunt had supposedly bought for himself falls apart when he attempts to drive it away. The strict CEO is nonetheless impressed by the workers' performance and declares the goal met, calling them a "Good team," to which Kazuhiro replies "Good men."


title: Gung Ho (film)

text: As the end credits roll, the workers and management have compromised, with the latter agreeing to partially ease up on their requirements and pay the employees better while the workers agree to be more cooperative, such as participating in the morning calisthenics, which are now made more enjoyable with the addition of aerobics class-style American rock music.


title: Gung Ho (film)

text: On Rotten Tomatoes the film has a 33% rating based on reviews from 21 critics. On Metacritic it has a score of 48% based on reviews from 9 critics, indicating "mixed or average reviews". Audiences surveyed by CinemaScore gave the film a grade "B" on scale of A to F.


title: Gung Ho (film)

text: Vincent Canby of The New York Times wrote: "It's more cheerful than funny, and so insistently ungrudging about Americans and Japanese alike that its satire cuts like a wet sponge."


title: Gung Ho (film)

text: Gene Siskel of the Chicago Tribune gave it a positive a review and wrote: "The film would be funnier and more provocative if it took a stronger stand on one side or the other, but Howard chooses to hedge his bets, selecting an ending that celebrates brotherhood more than the strongly hinted- at notion that American workers would do well to get off their featherbedding backs."


title: Gung Ho (film)

text: Factory scenes took place in the Shadyside stamping plant in Shadyside, Ohio and in the Fiat plant in Córdoba, Argentina. The Fiat Regata and Spazio were used in various stages of completion.


title: Gung Ho (film)

text: In the film, returning from his trip to Japan, Michael Keaton's character is depicted deplaning a Beech 1900, operated by Colgan Air.


title: Impatiens

text: Impatiens is a genus of more than 1,000 species of flowering plants, widely distributed throughout the Northern Hemisphere and the tropics. Together with the genus "Hydrocera" (one species), "Impatiens" make up the family Balsaminaceae.


title: Impatiens

text: Common names in North America include impatiens, jewelweed, touch-me-not, snapweed and patience. As a rule-of-thumb, "jewelweed" is used exclusively for Nearctic species, and balsam is usually applied to tropical species. In the British Isles by far the most common names are impatiens and busy lizzie, especially for the many varieties, hybrids and cultivars involving "Impatiens walleriana". "Busy lizzie" is also found in the American literature. The invasive alien "Impatiens glandulifera" is commonly called policeman's helmet in the UK.


title: Impatiens

text: Most "Impatiens" species are herbaceous annuals or perennials with succulent stems. Only a few woody species exist. Plant size varies depending on the species, from five centimetres to 2.5 meters. Stems often form roots when they come into contact with the soil. The leaves are entire, often dentate or sinuate with extra floral nectaries. Depending on the species, leaves can be thin to succulent. Particularly on the underside of the leaves, tiny air bubbles are trapped over and under the leaf surface, giving them a silvery sheen that becomes pronounced when they are held under water.


title: Impatiens

text: The zygomorphic flowers of "Impatiens" are protandric (male becoming female with age). The calyx consists of five free sepals, of which one pair is often strongly reduced. The non-paired sepal forms a flower spur producing nectar. In a group of species from Madagascar the spur is completely lacking, but they still have three sepals. The crown consists of five petals, of which the lateral pairs are fused. The five stamens are fused and form a cap over the ovary, which falls off after the male phase. After the stamens have fallen off, the female phase starts and the stigma becomes receptive, which reduces self-pollination.


title: Impatiens

text: The scientific name "Impatiens" (Latin for "impatient") and the common name "touch-me-not" refer to the explosive dehiscence of the seed capsules. The mature capsules burst, sending seeds up to several meters away.


title: Impatiens

text: The genus "Impatiens" occurs in Africa, Eurasia and North America. Two species ("Impatiens turrialbana" and "Impatiens mexicana") occur in isolated areas in Central America (southern Mexico and Costa Rica). Most "Impatiens" species occur in the tropical and subtropical mountain forests in Africa, Madagascar, the Himalayas, the Western Ghats (southwest India) and southeast Asia. In Europe only a single "Impatiens" species ("Impatiens noli-tangere") occurs naturally. However, several neophytic species exist.


title: Impatiens

text: In the 19th and 20th centuries, humans transported the North American orange jewelweed ("I. capensis") to England, France, the Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, Finland, and potentially other areas of Northern and Central Europe. For example, it was not recorded from Germany as recently as 1996, but since then a population has naturalized in Hagen at the Ennepe River. The orange jewelweed is quite similar to the touch-me-not balsam ("I. noli-tangere"), the only "Impatiens" species native to Central and Northern Europe, and it utilizes similar habitats, but no evidence exists of natural hybrids between them. Small balsam ("I. parviflora"), originally native to southern Central Asia, is even more extensively naturalized in Europe. More problematic is the Himalayan balsam ("I. glandulifera"), a densely growing species which displaces smaller plants by denying them sunlight. It is an invasive weed in many places, and tends to dominate riparian vegetation along polluted rivers and nitrogen-rich spots. Thus, it exacerbates ecosystem degradation by forming stands where few other plants can grow, and by rendering riverbanks more prone to erosion, as it has only a shallow root system.


title: Impatiens

text: Most "Impatiens" species are perennial herbs. However, several annual species exist, especially in the temperate regions as well as in the Himalayas. A few "Impatiens" species in southeast Asia (e.g. "Impatiens kerriae" or "Impatiens mirabilis") form shrubs or small trees up to three meters tall. Most "Impatiens" species occur in forests, especially along streams and paths or at the forest edge with a little bit of sunlight. Additionally, a few species occur in open landscapes, such as heathland, river banks or savanna.


title: Impatiens

text: The genus "Impatiens" is characterized by a large variety of flower architectures. Traditionally two flower types are differentiated: one with a sacculate spur and a more or less two-lipped flower and a second with a filiform spur and a flat flower surface. However, several transition forms exist. Additionally, a group of 125 spur-less species exist on Madagascar, forming a third main flower type. Due to the large variability in flower architecture it seems reasonable to group the species by their main pollinators: such as bees and bumblebees, butterflies, moths, flies, and sunbirds. Further, a few cleistogamous species exist. However, most species are dependent on pollinator activity for efficient seed production but many of them are self-compatible. Most temperate species as well as some tropical species can switch from chasmogamous (pollinator-dependent) to cleistogamous (seed production within closed flowers) flowers when nutrient and light conditions become adverse.


title: Impatiens

text: "Impatiens" foliage is used for food by the larvae of some Lepidoptera species, such as the dot moth ("Melanchra persicariae"), as well as other insects, such as the Japanese beetle ("Popillia japonica"). The leaves are toxic to many other animals, including the budgerigar ("Melopsittacus undulatus"), but the bird will readily eat the flowers. The flowers are also visited by bumblebees and certain Lepidoptera, such as the common spotted flat ("Celaenorrhinus leucocera").


title: Impatiens

text: Parasitic plants that use impatiens as hosts include the European dodder ("Cuscuta europaea"). A number of plant diseases affect this genus.


title: Impatiens

text: The starkly differing flower shapes found in this genus, combined with the easy cultivation of many species, have served to make some balsam species model organisms in plant evolutionary developmental biology. Also, "Impatiens" is rather closely related to the carnivorous plant families Roridulaceae and Sarraceniaceae. Peculiar stalked glands found on balsam sepals secrete mucus and might be related to the structures from which the prey-catching and -digesting glands of these carnivorous plants evolved. Balsams are not known to be protocarnivorous plants, however.


title: Impatiens

text: In 2011–2013, the United States experienced a significant outbreak of the fungal disease downy mildew that affects impatiens, particularly "Impatiens walleriana". The disease was also reported in Canada as well. The pathogen "plasmopara obducens" is the chief culprit suspected by scientists, but "Bremiella sphaerosperma" is related. These pathogens were first reported in the United States in 2004.


title: Impatiens

text: Impatiens contain 2-methoxy-1,4-naphthoquinone, an anti-inflammatory and fungicide naphthoquinone that is an active ingredient in some formulations of Preparation H.


title: Impatiens

text: North American impatiens have been used as herbal remedies for the treatment of bee stings, insect bites, and stinging nettle ("Urtica dioica") rashes. They are also used after poison ivy ("Toxicodendron radicans") contact to prevent a rash from developing. The efficacy of orange jewelweed ("I. capensis") and yellow jewelweed ("I. pallida") in preventing poison ivy contact dermatitis has been studied, with conflicting results. A study in 1958 found that "Impatiens biflora" was an effective alternative to standard treatment for dermatitis caused by contact with sumac, while later studies found that the species had no antipruritic effects after the rash has developed. Researchers reviewing these contradictions state that potential reason for these conflicts include the method of preparation and timing of application. A 2012 study found that while an extract of orange jewelweed and garden jewelweed ("I. balsamina") was not effective in reducing contact dermatitis, a mash of the plants applied topically decreased it.


title: Impatiens

text: "Impatiens glandulifera" is one of the Bach flower remedies, flower extracts used as herbal remedies for physical and emotional problems. It is included in the "Rescue Remedy" or "Five Flower Remedy", a potion touted as a treatment for acute anxiety and which is supposed to be protective in stressful situations. Studies have found no difference between the effect of the potion and that of a placebo.


title: Impatiens

text: All "Impatiens" taste bitter and seem to be slightly toxic upon ingestion, causing intestinal ailments like vomiting and diarrhea. The toxic compounds have not been identified but are probably the same as those responsible for the bitter taste, likely might be glycosides or alkaloids.


title: Impatiens

text: α-Parinaric acid, a polyunsaturated fatty acid discovered in the seeds of the makita tree ("Atuna racemosa subsp. racemosa"), is together with linolenic acid the predominant component of the seed fat of garden jewelweed ("I. balsamina"), and perhaps other species of "Impatiens". This is interesting from a phylogenetic perspective, because the makita tree is a member of the Chrysobalanaceae in a lineage of eudicots entirely distinct from the balsams.


title: Impatiens

text: Certain jewelweeds, including the garden jewelweed contain the naphthoquinone lawsone, a dye that is also found in henna ("Lawsonia inermis") and is also the hair coloring and skin coloring agent in mehndi. In ancient China, "Impatiens" petals mashed with rose and orchid petals and alum were used as nail polish: leaving the mixture on the nails for some hours colored them pink or reddish.


title: Impatiens

text: Impatiens are popular garden annuals. Hybrids, typically derived from busy lizzie ("I. walleriana") and New Guinea impatiens ("I. hawkeri"), have commercial importance as garden plants. "I. walleriana" is native to East Africa, and yielded 'Elfin' series of cultivars, which was subsequently improved as the 'Super Elfin' series. Double-flowered cultivars also exist.


title: Impatiens

text: Other "Impatiens" species, such as African queen ("I. auricoma"), garden jewelweed ("I. balsamina"), blue diamond impatiens ("I. namchabarwensis"), parrot flower ("I. psittacina"), Congo cockatoo ("I. niamniamensis"), Ceylon balsam ("I. repens"), and poor man's rhododendron ("I. sodenii"), are also used as ornamental plants.


title: Refractometer

text: A refractometer is a laboratory or field device for the measurement of an index of refraction (refractometry). The index of refraction is calculated from the observed refraction angle using Snell's law. For mixtures, the index of refraction then allows to determine the concentration using mixing rules such as the Gladstone–Dale relation and Lorentz–Lorenz equation.


title: Refractometer

text: Standard refractometers measure the extent of light refraction (as part of a refractive index) of transparent substances in either a liquid or solid-state; this is then used in order to identify a liquid sample, analyze the sample's purity, and determine the amount or concentration of dissolved substances within the sample. As light passes through the liquid from the air it will slow down and create a ‘bending’ illusion, the severity of the ‘bend’ will depend on the amount of substance dissolved in the liquid. For example, the amount of sugar in a glass of water.


title: Refractometer

text: There are four main types of refractometers: traditional handheld refractometers, digital handheld refractometers, laboratory or Abbe refractometers (named for the instrument's inventor and based on Ernst Abbe's original design of the 'critical angle') and inline process refractometers. There is also the Rayleigh Refractometer used (typically) for measuring the refractive indices of gases.


title: Refractometer

text: In laboratory medicine, a refractometer is used to measure the total plasma protein in a blood sample and urine specific gravity in a urine sample.


title: Refractometer

text: In gemology, the gemstone refractometer is one of the fundamental pieces of equipment used in a gemological laboratory. Gemstones are transparent minerals and can therefore be examined using optical methods. Refractive index is a material constant, dependent on the chemical composition of a substance. The refractometer is used to help identify gem materials by measuring their refractive index, one of the principal properties used in determining the type of a gemstone. Due to the dependence of the refractive index on the wavelength of the light used ("i.e." dispersion), the measurement is normally taken at the wavelength of the sodium line D-line (Na) of ~589 nm. This is either filtered out from daylight or generated with a monochromatic light-emitting diode (LED). Certain stones such as rubies, sapphires, tourmalines and topaz are optically anisotropic. They demonstrate birefringence based on the polarisation plane of the light. The two different refractive indexes are classified using a polarisation filter. Gemstone refractometers are available both as classic optical instruments and as electronic measurement devices with a digital display.


title: Refractometer

text: In marine aquarium keeping, a refractometer is used to measure the salinity and specific gravity of the water.


title: Refractometer

text: In the machine industry, a refractometer is used to measure the amount of coolant concentrate that has been added to the water-based coolant for the machining process.


title: Refractometer

text: In homebrewing, a brewing refractometer is used to measure the specific gravity before fermentation to determine the amount of fermentable sugars which will potentially be converted to alcohol.


title: Refractometer

text: Brix refractometers are often used by hobbyists for making preserves including jams, marmalades and honey. In beekeeping, a brix refractometer is used to measure the amount of water in honey.


title: Refractometer

text: Automatic refractometers automatically measure the refractive index of a sample. The automatic measurement of the refractive index of the sample is based on the determination of the critical angle of total reflection.


title: Refractometer

text: A light source, usually a long-life LED, is focused onto a prism surface via a lens system. An interference filter guarantees the specified wavelength. Due to focusing light to a spot at the prism surface, a wide range of different angles is covered.


title: Refractometer

text: As shown in the figure ""Schematic setup of an automatic refractometer"" the measured sample is in direct contact with the measuring prism. Depending on its refractive index, the incoming light below the critical angle of total reflection is partly transmitted into the sample, whereas for higher angles of incidence the light is totally reflected. This dependence of the reflected light intensity from the incident angle is measured with a high-resolution sensor array. From the video signal taken with the CCD sensor the refractive index of the sample can be calculated.


title: Refractometer

text: This method of detecting the angle of total reflection is independent on the sample properties. It is even possible to measure the refractive index of optically dense strongly absorbing samples or samples containing air bubbles or solid particles . Furthermore, only a few microliters are required and the sample can be recovered. This determination of the refraction angle is independent of vibrations and other environmental disturbances.


title: Refractometer

text: The refractive index of a given sample varies with wavelength for all materials. This dispersion relation is nonlinear and is characteristic for every material. In the visible range, a decrease of the refractive index comes with increasing wavelength. In glass prisms very little absorption is observable. In the infrared wavelength range several absorption maxima and fluctuations in the refractive index appear. To guarantee a high quality measurement with an accuracy of up to 0.00002 in the refractive index the wavelength has to be determined correctly. Therefore, in modern refractometers the wavelength is tuned to a bandwidth of +/-0.2 nm to ensure correct results for samples with different dispersions.


title: Refractometer

text: Temperature has a very important influence on the refractive index measurement. Therefore, the temperature of the prism and the temperature of the sample have to be controlled with high precision. There are several subtly-different designs for controlling the temperature; but there are some key factors common to all, such as high-precision temperature sensors and Peltier devices to control the temperature of the sample and the prism. The temperature control of these devices should be designed so that the variation in sample temperature is small enough that it will not cause a detectable refractive-index change.


title: Refractometer

text: Automatic refractometers are microprocessor-controlled electronic devices. This means they can have a high degree of automation and also be combined with other measuring devices


title: Refractometer

text: There are different types of sample cells available, ranging from a flow cell for a few microliters to sample cells with a filling funnel for fast sample exchange without cleaning the measuring prism in between. The sample cells can also be used for the measurement of poisonous and toxic samples with minimum exposure to the sample.


title: Refractometer

text: Micro cells require only a few microliters volume, assure good recovery of expensive samples and prevent evaporation of volatile samples or solvents. They can also be used in automated systems for automatic filling of the sample onto the refractometer prism.


title: Refractometer

text: For convenient filling of the sample through a funnel, flow cells with a filling funnel are available. These are used for fast sample exchange in quality control applications.


title: Refractometer

text: Once an automatic refractometer is equipped with a flow cell, the sample can either be filled by means of a syringe or by using a peristaltic pump. Modern refractometers have the option of a built-in peristaltic pump. This is controlled via the instrument's software menu. A peristaltic pump opens the way to monitor batch processes in the laboratory or perform multiple measurements on one sample without any user interaction. This eliminates human error and assures a high sample throughput.


title: Refractometer

text: If an automated measurement of a large number of samples is required, modern automatic refractometers can be combined with an automatic sample changer. The sample changer is controlled by the refractometer and assures fully automated measurements of the samples placed in the vials of the sample changer for measurements.


title: Refractometer

text: Today's laboratories do not only want to measure the refractive index of samples, but several additional parameters like density or viscosity to perform efficient quality control. Due to the microprocessor control and a number of interfaces, automatic refractometers are able to communicate with computers or other measuring devices, e.g. density meters, pH meters or viscosity meters, to store refractive index data and density data (and other parameters) into one database.


title: Refractometer

text: Automatic refractometers do not only measure the refractive index, but offer a lot of additional software features, like


title: Refractometer

text: Refractometers are often used in pharmaceutical applications for quality control of raw intermediate and final products. The manufacturers of pharmaceuticals have to follow several international regulations like FDA 21 CFR Part 11, GMP, Gamp 5, USP<1058>, which require a lot of documentation work. The manufacturers of automatic refractometers support these users providing instrument software fulfills the requirements of 21 CFR Part 11, with user levels, electronic signature and audit trail. Furthermore, Pharma Validation and Qualification Packages are available containing


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The 1992–1996 Afghan Civil War took place between 28 April 1992—the date a new interim Afghan government was supposed to replace the Republic of Afghanistan of President Mohammad Najibullah—and the Taliban's conquest of Kabul establishing the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan on 27 September 1996.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The war immediatly followed the 1989-1992 civil war with the mujahideen victory and dissolution of the Republic of Afghanistan in April 1992. The Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and supported by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), refused to form a coalition government and tried to seize Kabul. On 25 April 1992 fighting broke out between three, and later five or six, mujahideen armies. Alliances between the combatents were transitory throughout the war.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The Taliban, a new militia formed with support from Pakistan and ISI, became dominant in 1995-96. It captured Kandahar in late-1994, Herat in 1995, Jalalabad in early-September 1996, and Kabul by late-September 1996. The Taliban fought the newly-formed Northern Alliance in the subsequent 1996-2001 civil war.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Kabul's population fell from two million to 500,000 during the 1992–1996 war; 500,000 fled during the first four months.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The Republic of Afghanistan quickly collapsed in 1992 after the Russian Federation halted its support to it. On 16 April 1992 Afghan President Mohammad Najibullah stepped down and the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan was dissolved.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Several mujahideen parties started negotiations to form a national coalition government. But one group, the Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, presumably supported and directed by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), did not join the negotiations and announced to conquer Kabul alone. Hekmatyar moved his troops to Kabul, and was allowed into the town soon after 17 April. The other mujahideen groups also entered Kabul, on 24 April, to prevent Hekmatyar from taking over the city and the country. This ignited a civil war between five or six rival armies, most of them backed by foreign states. Several mujahideen groups proclaimed the establishment of the Islamic State of Afghanistan on 28 April 1992 with Sibghatullah Mojaddedi as acting President, but this never attained real authority over Afghanistan.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Fighting and rivalry over Kabul had started on 25 April 1992, involving six armies: Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, Jamiat-e Islami, Harakat-i-Inqilab-i-Islami, Ittehad-e Islami, Hezb-i Wahdat and Junbish-i Milli. Mujahideen warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin), after talks with mujahideen leader Ahmad Shah Massoud (Jamiat-e Islami) on 25 May 1992, was offered the position of prime minister in President Mujaddidi's – paralyzed – 'interim government'. But this agreement shattered already on 29 May when Mujaddidi accused Hekmatyar of having rockets fired at his plane returning from Islamabad.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: By 30 May 1992, Jamiat-e Islami and Junbish-i Milli mujahideen forces were fighting against Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin again in southern Kabul. In May or early June, Hekmatyar started shelling all around Kabul, presumably with substantial support from the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Junbish-i Milli and Jamiat-e Islami in June shelled areas south of Kabul, Ittehad-e Islami and Hezb-i Wahdat were fighting each other in west Kabul. At the end of June 1992, Burhanuddin Rabbani took over the interim Presidency from Mujaddidi, as provided in the Peshawar Accords – a paralyzed 'interim government' though, right from its proclamation in April 1992.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In the rest of 1992, hundreds of rockets hit Kabul, thousands, mostly civilians, were killed, half a million people fled the city. In 1993, the rivalling militia factions continued their fights over Kabul, several cease-fires and peace accords failed.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: According to Human Rights Watch, in the period 1992–95, five different mujahideen armies contributed to heavily damaging Kabul, though other analysts blame especially the Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin group.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In January 1994, Dostum's Junbish-i Milli forces and Mazari's Hezb-i Wahdat joined sides with Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin. Fighting this year also broke out in the northern town of Mazar-i-Sharif. In November 1994, the new Deobandi jihadist militia known as Taliban conquered Kandahar city and by January 1995 they controlled 12 Afghan provinces.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In 1995, the civil war in Afghanistan raged between at least four parties: the Burhanuddin Rabbani 'interim government' with Ahmad Shah Massoud and his Jamiat-e Islami forces; the Taliban; Abdul Rashid Dostum with his Junbish-e Melli-ye Islami forces; and the Hezb-i Wahdat. The Taliban captured Ghazni (south of Kabul) and Maidan Wardak Province (west of Kabul) and in February approached Kabul. The Taliban then continued shelling Kabul and attacking Massoud's forces in Kabul.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In 1996, the Taliban grew stronger, as analysts say with decisive support from Pakistan. This induced some other warring factions to form new alliances, starting with the Burhanuddin Rabbani 'interim government' and Hekmatyar with his Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin in early March.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In July, a new government was formed by five factions: Rabbani's Jamiat-e Islami, the Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, Abdul Rasul Sayyaf’s Ittehad-e Islami, the Harakat-i-Islami, and Hezb-i Wahdat's Akbari faction. Such alliances did not stop the advance and victories of the Taliban.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 27 September 1996, the Taliban, took control of Kabul and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Jamiat-e Islami (‘Islamic Society’) was a political party of ethnic Tajiks, and included one of the strongest mujahideen militias in Afghanistan since 1979. Its military wing was commanded by Ahmad Shah Massoud. During the Soviet–Afghan War, his role as a powerful mujahideen insurgent leader earned him the nickname of "Lion of Panjshir" () among his followers as he successfully resisted the Soviets from taking Panjshir Valley. In 1992 he signed the Peshawar Accord, a peace and power-sharing agreement, in the post-communist Islamic State of Afghanistan, and was so appointed as the Minister of Defense as well as the government's main military commander. His militia fought to defend the capital Kabul against militias led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and other warlords who were bombing the city—and eventually the Taliban, who started to lay siege to the capital in January 1995 after the city had seen fierce fighting with at least 60,000 civilians killed.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Hezb-e Islami Khalis was an Afghan political movement under Mohammad Yunus Khalis, who separated from Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami and formed his own resistance group in 1979. After the fall of the Communist regime in 1992, Khalis participated in the Islamic Interim Government. He was a member of the Leadership Council (Shura-ye Qiyaadi), but held no other official post. Instead of moving to Kabul, he chose to remain in Nangarhar. His party controlled major parts of this politically and strategically important province. The Taliban brought Nangarhar under their control in September 1996 and Khalis was supportive of the Taliban movement and had a close relationship with its commanders.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The Sunni Pashtun Ittehad-e Islami bara-ye Azadi-ye Afghanistan ('Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan') of Abdul Rasul Sayyaf was supported by Sunni Wahabbi Saudi Arabia, to maximize Wahhabi influence.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: After the forced withdrawal of the demoralised Soviet forces in 1989, and the overthrow of the Mohammad Najibullah regime in 1992, Sayyaf's organization's human rights record became noticeably worse, underlined by their involvement in the infamous massacres and rampages in the Hazara Kabul neighbourhood of Afshar in 1992–1993 during the Battle of Kabul. Sayyaf's faction was responsible for, "repeated human butchery", when his faction of Mujahideen turned on civilians and the Shia Hezb-i Wahdat group in west Kabul starting May 1992. Amnesty International reported that Sayyaf's forces rampaged through the mainly Shi'ite Tajik (Qizilbash) Afshar neighborhood of Kabul, slaughtering and raping inhabitants and burning homes. Sayyaf, who was allied with the "de jure" Kabul government of Burhanuddin Rabbani, did not deny the abductions of Hazara civilians, but merely accused the Hezb-i Wahdat militia of being an agent of the theocratic Iranian government.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Mohammad Nabi Mohammadi, leader of the Harakat-i-Inqilab-i-Islami ('Islamic Revolution Movement'), became the Vice President of Afghanistan in the Mujahideen government. However, when the Mujahideen leaders opened their weapons at each other and the civil war in Afghanistan started, he resigned from his post and forbade the troops loyal to him from taking part in the war. He remained in Pakistan and tried his best to stop the war between Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Burhanuddin Rabbani and Abdul Rasul Sayyaf. In 1996, the Taliban took control of Afghanistan. Most of the Taliban leaders were the students of Molvi Mohammad Nabi Mohammadi. Mohammadi, however, maintained a good relationship with the Taliban.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The Shia Hazara Hizb-e Wahdat-e Islami Afghanistan ('Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan') of Abdul Ali Mazari was strongly supported by Shia Iran, according to Human Rights Watch, with Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and National Security officials providing direct orders. After the fall of Kabul, the Afghan political parties agreed on a peace and power-sharing agreement, the Peshawar Accords. The Peshawar Accords created the Islamic State of Afghanistan and appointed an interim government for a transitional period to be followed by general elections. According to Human Rights Watch:


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The Hezb-i Wahdat initially took part in the Islamic State of Afghanistan and held some posts in the government. Soon, however, conflict broke out between the Hazara Hezb-i Wahdat of Mazari, the Wahabbi Pashtun Ittehad-e Islami of warlord Abdul Rasul Sayyaf supported by Saudi Arabia. The Islamic State's defense minister Ahmad Shah Massoud tried to mediate between the factions with some success, but the ceasefire remained only temporary. As of June 1992, the Hezb-i Wahdat and the Ittehad-e Islami engaged in violent street battles against each other. With the support of Saudi Arabia, Sayyaf's forces repeatedly attacked western suburbs of Kabul resulting in heavy civilian casualties. Likewise, Mazari's forces were also accused of attacking civilian targets in the west. Mazari acknowledged taking Pashtun civilians as prisoners, but defended the action by saying that Sayyaf's forces took Hazaras first. Mazari's group started cooperating with Hekmatyar's group from January 1993.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The Junbish-i-Milli Islami Afghanistan ('National Islamic Movement of Afghanistan') militia of former communist and ethnic Uzbek general Abdul Rashid Dostum was backed by Uzbekistan. Uzbek President Islam Karimov was keen to see Dostum controlling as much of Afghanistan as possible, especially in the north along the Uzbek border. Dostum's men would become an important force in the fall of Kabul in 1992. In April 1992, the opposition forces began their march to Kabul against the government of Najibullah. Dostum had allied himself with the opposition commanders Ahmad Shah Massoud and Sayed Jafar Naderi, the head of the Isma'ili community, and together they captured the capital city. He and Massoud fought in a coalition against Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Massoud and Dostum's forces joined together to defend Kabul against Hekmatyar. Some 4000-5000 of his troops, units of his Sheberghan-based 53rd Division and Balkh-based Guards Division, garrisoning Bala Hissar fort, Maranjan Hill, and Khwaja Rawash Airport, where they stopped Najibullah from entering to flee.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Dostum then left Kabul for his northern stronghold Mazar-i-Sharif, where he ruled, in effect, an independent region (or 'proto-state'), often referred as the Northern Autonomous Zone. He printed his own Afghan currency, ran a small airline named Balkh Air, and formed relations with countries including Uzbekistan. While the rest of the country was in chaos, his region remained prosperous and functional, and it won him the support from people of all ethnic groups. Many people fled to his territory to escape the violence and fundamentalism imposed by the Taliban later on. In 1994, Dostum allied himself with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar against the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ahmad Shah Massoud, but in 1995 sided with the government again.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: According to the U.S. Special Envoy to Afghanistan in 1989–1992, Peter Tomsen, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was hired in 1990 by the Pakistani intelligence agency Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) to conquer and rule Afghanistan in the benefit of Pakistani interests, which plan was delayed until 1992 as a result of US pressure to cancel it. In April 1992, according to self-made Afghan historian Nojumi, the Inter-Services Intelligence helped Hekmatyar by sending hundreds of trucks loaded with weapons and fighters to the southern part of Kabul. In June 1992, Hekmatyar with his Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin ('Islamic party') troops started shelling Kabul. The Director of the Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies at the Australian National University, Amin Saikal, confirmed the Pakistani support in 1992 for Hekmatyar: "Pakistan was keen to gear up for a breakthrough in Central Asia. ... Islamabad could not possibly expect the new Islamic government leaders ... to subordinate their own nationalist objectives in order to help Pakistan realize its regional ambitions. ... Had it not been for the ISI's logistic support and supply of a large number of rockets, Hekmatyar's forces would not have been able to target and destroy half of Kabul."


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The Taliban ('the students') have been described as a movement of religious students ("talib") from the Pashtun areas of eastern and southern Afghanistan who had been educated in traditional Islamic schools in Pakistan. The movement was founded in September 1994, promising to "rid Afghanistan of warlords and criminals". Several analysts state that at least since October 1994, Pakistan and especially the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence were heavily supporting the Taliban. Amin Saikal stated: "Hekmatyar's failure to achieve what was expected of him [later] prompted the ISI leaders to come up with a new surrogate force [the Taliban]." Also a publication of the George Washington University stated: when Hekmatyar in 1994 had failed to "deliver for Pakistan", Pakistan turned towards a new force: the Taliban.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Ahmad Shah Massoud, involved in the political and military turmoil of Afghanistan since 1973 and therefore not an impartial observer, in early September 1996 described the Taliban as the centre of a wider movement in Afghanistan of armed Islamic radicalism: a coalition of wealthy sheikhs (like Osama bin Laden) and preachers from the Persian Gulf advocating the Saudi's puritanical outlook on Islam which Massoud considered abhorrent to Afghans but also bringing and distributing money and supplies; Pakistani and Arab intelligence agencies; impoverished young students from Pakistani religious schools chartered as volunteer fighters notably for this group called Taliban; and exiled Central Asian Islamic radicals trying to establish bases in Afghanistan for their revolutionary movements.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Although Pakistan initially denied supporting the Taliban, Pakistan's Interior Minister Naseerullah Babar (1993–96) would state in 1999, "we created the Taliban", and Pervez Musharraf, Pakistani President in 2001-2008 and Chief of Army Staff since 1998, wrote in 2006: "we sided" with the Taliban to "spell the defeat" of anti-Taliban forces. According to journalist and author Ahmed Rashid, between 1994 and 1999, an estimated 80,000 to 100,000 Pakistanis trained and fought in Afghanistan on the side of the Taliban.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In 1992–93, Kabul, the factions of Hezb-i Wahdat, Ittehad-e Islami, Jamiat-e Islami and Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, would regularly target civilians with attacks, intentionally fire rockets into occupied civilian homes, or random civilian areas. In January–June 1994, 25,000 people died in Kabul due to fighting, with targeted attacks on civilian areas, between an alliance of Dostum's (Junbish-i Milli) with Hekmatyar's (Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin) against Massoud's (Jamiat-e Islami) forces.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In 1993–95, leaders of Jamiat-e Islami, Junbish-i Milli, Hezb-i Wahdat and Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, could not stop their commanders from committing murder, rape and extortion. Even the various warlords in north Afghanistan descended to such horridness.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In 1992–95, Kabul was heavily bombarded and damaged. Some analysts emphasize the role of Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin in "targeting and destroying half of Kabul" or in heavy bombardments especially in 1992. But Human Rights Watch in two reports stated that nearly all armies participating in the 1992–95 period of war contributed to "destroying at least one-third of Kabul, killing thousands of civilians, driving a half million refugees to Pakistan": Jamiat-e Islami, Junbish-i Milli, Hezb-i Wahdat, Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin and Ittehad-e Islami.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: As of November 1995, the Taliban also engaged in bombing and shelling Kabul, causing many civilians to be killed or injured.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: As of 28 April, an interim government under interim President Sibghatullah Mojaddedi, with interim minister of defense Ahmad Shah Massoud, claimed to be governing Afghanistan, as agreed in the Peshawar Accords.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: But soon, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and his Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin again infiltrated Kabul trying to take power. This forced other parties to advance on the capital as well. Already before 28 April, the Mujahideen forces that had fought against Russian troops with help from the US had taken command of Kabul and Afghanistan. Hekmatyar had asked other groups such as Harakat-Inqilab-i-Islami and the Khalis faction to join him while entering Kabul, but they declined his offer and instead backed the Peshawar Accords. Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin entered the city from the south and west but were quickly expelled. The forces of Jamiat-e Islami and Shura-e Nazar entered the city, with agreement from Nabi Azimi and the Commander of the Kabul Garrison, General Abdul Wahid Baba Jan that they would enter the city through Bagram, Panjshir, Salang and Kabul Airport. Many government forces, including generals, joined Jamiat-e Islami, including the forces of General Baba Jan, who was at the time in charge of the garrison of Kabul. On 27 April, all other major parties such as Junbish-i Milli, Hezb-i Wahdat, Ittehad-e Islami and Harakat had entered the city as well. After suffering heavy casualties, Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin forces deserted their positions and fled to the outskirts of Kabul in the direction of Logar province.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin had been driven out of Kabul, but were still within artillery range. In May 1992 Hekmatyar started a bombardment campaign against the capital, firing thousands of rockets supplied by Pakistan. In addition to the bombardment campaign, Hekmatyar's forces had overrun Pul-e-Charkhi prison while still in the centre of Kabul, and had set free all the inmates, including many criminals, who were able to take arms and commit gruesome crimes against the population. With a government structure yet to be established, chaos broke out in Kabul.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The immediate objective of the interim government was to defeat the forces acting against the Peshawar Accord. A renewed attempt at peace talks on 25 May 1992 again agreed to give Hekmatyar the position of prime minister, however, this lasted less than a week after Hekmatyar attempted to shoot down the plane of President Mujaddidi. Furthermore, as part of the peace talks Hekmatyar was demanding the departure of Dostum's forces, which would have tilted the scales in his favour. This led to fighting between Dostum and Hekmatyar. On 30 May 1992, during fighting between the forces of Dostum's Junbish-i Milli and Hekmatyar's Hizb-i Islami in the southeast of Kabul, both sides used artillery and rockets, killing and injuring an unknown number of civilians.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In June 1992, as scheduled in the Peshawar Accords, Burhanuddin Rabbani became interim president of Afghanistan.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: From the onset of the battle, Jamiat-e Islami and Shura-e Nazar controlled the strategic high areas, and were thus able to develop a vantage point within the city from which opposition forces could be targeted. Hekmatyar continued to bombard Kabul with rockets. Although Hekmatyar insisted that only Islamic Jihad Council areas were targeted, the rockets mostly fell over the houses of the innocent civilians of Kabul, a fact that has been well-documented. Artillery exchanges quickly broke out escalating in late May–Early June. Shura-e Nazar was able to immediately benefit from heavy weapons left by fleeing or defecting government forces and launched rockets on Hekmatyar's positions near the Jalalabad Custom's Post, and in the districts around Hood Khil, Qala-e Zaman Khan and near Pul-e-Charkhi prison. On 10 June it was reported that Dostum's forces had also begun nightly bombardments of Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin positions.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Particularly noticeable in this period was the escalation of the fight in West Kabul between the Shi'a Hezb-i Wahdat forces supported by Iran and those of the Wahhabist Ittehad-e Islami militia supported by Saudi Arabia. Hezb-i Wahdat was somewhat nervous about the presence of Ittehad-e Islami posts, which were deployed in Hazara areas such as Rahman Baba High school. According to the writings of Nabi Azimi, who at the time was a high ranking governor, the fighting began on 31 May 1992 when 4 members of Hezb-i Wahdat's leadership were assassinated near the Kabul Silo. Those killed were Karimi, Sayyid Isma'il Hosseini, Chaman Ali Abuzar and Vaseegh, the first 3 being members of the party's central committee. Following this the car of Haji Shir Alam, a top Ittehad-e Islami commander was stopped near Pol-e Sorkh, and although Alem escaped, one of the passengers was killed. On 3 June 1992, heavy fighting between forces of Ittehad-e Islami and Hezb-i Wahdat in west Kabul. Both sides used rockets, killing and injuring civilians. On 4 June, interviews with Hazara households state that Ittehad-e Islami forces looted their houses in Kohte-e Sangi, killing 6 civilians. The gun battles at this time had a death toll of over 100 according to some sources. On 5 June 1992, further conflict between forces of Ittehad-e Islami and Hezb-i Wahdat in west Kabul was reported. Here, both sides used heavy artillery, destroying houses and other civilian structures. Three schools were reported destroyed by bombardment. The bombardment killed and injured an unknown number of civilians. Gunmen were reported killing people in shops near the Kabul Zoo. On 24 June 1992 the Jamhuriat hospital located near the Interior Ministry was bombed and closed. Jamiat-e Islami and Shura-e Nazar sometimes joined the conflict when their positions came under attack by Hezb-i Wahdat forces and in June/July bombarded Hezb-i Wahdat positions in return. Harakat forces also sometimes joined the fight.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In the month of August alone, a bombardment of artillery shells, rockets and fragmentation bombs killed over 2,000 people in Kabul, most of them civilians. On 1 August the airport was attacked by rockets. 150 rockets alone were launched the following day, and according to one author these missile attacks killed as many as 50 people and injured 150. In the early morning on 10 August Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin forces attacked from three directions – Chelastoon, Darulaman and Maranjan mountain. A shell also struck a Red Cross hospital. On 10–11 April nearly a thousand rockets hit parts of Kabul including about 250 hits on the airport. Some estimate that as many as 1000 were killed, with the attacks attributed to Hekmatyar's forces. By 20 August it was reported that 500, 000 people had fled Kabul. On 13 August 1992, a rocket attack was launched on Deh Afghanan in which cluster bombs were used. 80 were killed and more than 150 injured according to press reports. In response to this, Shura-e Nazar forces bombard Kart-I Naw, Shah Shaheed and Chiilsatoon with aerial and ground bombardment. In this counterattack more than 100 were killed and 120 wounded.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin was not however the only perpetrator of indiscriminate shelling of civilians. Particularly in West Kabul, Hezb-i Wahdat, Ittehad-e Islami and Jamiat-e Islami all have been accused of deliberately targeting civilian areas. All sides used non-precision rockets such as Sakre rockets and the UB-16 and UB-32 S-5 airborne rocket launchers.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In November, in a very effective move, Hekmatyar's forces, together with guerrillas from some of the Arab groups, barricaded a power station in Sarobi, 30 miles east of Kabul, cutting electricity to the capital and shutting down the water supply, which is dependent on power. His forces and other Mujahideen were also reported to have prevented food convoys from reaching the city.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 23 November, Minister of Food Sulaiman Yaarin reported that the city's food and fuel depots were empty. The government was now under heavy pressure. At the end of 1992 Hezb-i Wahdat officially withdrew from the government and opened secret negotiations with Hizb-I Islami. In December 1992, Rabbani postponed convening a shura to elect the next president. On 29 December 1992, Rabbani was elected as president and he agreed to establish a parliament with representatives from all of Afghanistan. Also notable during this month was the solidification of an alliance between Hezb-i Wahdat and Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin against the Islamic State of Afghanistan. While Hizb-i Islami joined in bombardments to support Hezb-i Wahdat, Wahdat conducted joint offensives, such as the one to secure Darulaman. On 30 December 1992 at least one child was apparently killed in Pul-i Artan by a BM21 Rocket launched from Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin forces at Rishkor.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Kandahar was host to three different local Pashtun commanders Amir Lalai, Gul Agha Sherzai and Mullah Naqib Ullah who engaged in an extremely violent struggle for power and who were not affiliated with the interim government in Kabul. The bullet-riddled city came to be a centre of lawlessness, crime and atrocities fueled by complex Pashtun tribal rivalries.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The authority of Burhanuddin Rabbani, interim President since June 1992 and also the leader of the Jamiat-e Islami party, remained limited to only part of Kabul; the rest of the city remained divided among rival militia factions. On 19 January, a short-lived cease-fire broke down when Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin forces renewed rocket attacks on Kabul from their base in the south of the city supervised by Commander Toran Kahlil. Hundreds were killed and wounded while many houses were destroyed in this clash between Hizb-i Islami and Jamiat-e Islami.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Heavy fighting was reported around a Hezb-i Wahdat post held by Commander Sayid Ali Jan near Rabia Balkhi girls' school. Most notable during this period was the rocket bombardments that would start against the residential area of Afshar. Some of these areas, such as Wahdat's headquarters at the Social Science Institute, were considered military targets, a disproportionate number of the rockets, tank shells and mortars fell in civilian areas. Numerous rockets were reportedly launched from Haider-controlled frontlines of Tap-I Salaam towards the men of Division 095 under Ali Akbar Qasemi. One attack during this time from Hezb-i Wahdat killed at least 9 civilians. Further rockets bombardments took place on 26 February 1993 as Shura-e Nazar and Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin bombarded each other's positions. Civilians were the main victims in the fighting, which killed some 1,000 before yet another peace accord was signed on 8 March. However the following day rocketing by Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin and Hezb-i Wahdat in Kabul left another 10 dead.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The Afshar Operation was a military operation by Burhanuddin Rabbani's Islamic State of Afghanistan government forces against Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin and Hezb-i Wahdat forces that took place in February 1993. The Iran-controlled Hezb-i Wahdat together with the Pakistani-backed Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin of Hekmatyar were shelling densely populated areas in Kabul from their positions in Afshar. To counter these attack Islamic State forces attacked Afshar in order to capture the positions of Wahdat, capture Wahdat's leader Abdul Ali Mazari and to consolidate parts of the city controlled by the government. The operation took place in a densely populated district of Kabul, the Afshar district. Afshar district is situated on the slopes of Mount Afshar in west Kabul. The district is predominantly home to the Hazara ethnic group. The Ittehad-e Islami troops of Abdul Rasul Sayyaf escalated the operation into a rampage against civilians. Both Ittehad and Wahdat forces have severely targeted civilians in their war. The Wahhabist Ittehad-e Islami supported by Saudi Arabia was targeting Shias, while the Iran-controlled Hezb-i Wahdat was targeting Sunni Muslims.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Under the March accord, brokered by Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, Rabbani and Hekmatyar agreed to share power until elections could be held in late 1994. Hekmatyar's condition had been the resignation of Massoud as minister of defense. The parties agreed to a new peace accord in Jalalabad on 20 May under which Massoud agreed to relinquish the post of Defense Minister. Massoud had resigned in order to gain peace. Hekmatyar at first accepted the post of prime minister but after attending only one cabinet meeting he left Kabul again starting to bomb Kabul leaving more than 700 dead in bombing raids, street battles and rocket attacks in and around Kabul. Massoud returned to the position of minister of defense to defend the city against the rocket attacks.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In January 1994, Dostum, for different reasons, joined with the forces of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, along with their new allies of Hezb-i Wahdat and Junbish-i Milli, launched the Shura Hamaghangi campaign against the forces of Massoud and the interim government. During this, Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin was able make use of Junbish's air force in both bombing the positions of Jamiat-e Islami and in resupplying their men. This led to greater artillery bombardment on behalf of Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin. Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin and Junbish-i Milli were able to hold parts of central Kabul during this time. Junbish forces were particularly singled out for committing looting, rape and murder, for the sole reason that they could get away with it. Some commanders such as Shir Arab, commander of the 51st regiment, Kasim Jangal Bagh, Ismail Diwaneh ["Ismail the Mad"], and Abdul Cherikwere particularly singled out. According to Afghanistan Justice Project, during this period until June 1994, 25,000 people were killed. Areas around Microraion were particularly bloody. By now the population of Kabul had dropped from 2,000,000 during Soviet times to 500,000 due to a large exodus from Kabul.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: According to Human Rights Watch, numerous Iranian agents were assisting Hezb-i Wahdat, as "Iran was attempting to maximize Wahdat's military power and influence in the new government". Saudi agents "were trying to strengthen the Wahhabi Abdul Rasul Sayyaf and his Ittehad-e Islami faction to the same end". "Outside forces saw instability in Afghanistan as an opportunity to press their own security and political agendas." Human Rights Watch writes that "rare ceasefires, usually negotiated by representatives of Ahmad Shah Massoud, Sibghatullah Mojaddedi or Burhanuddin Rabbani (the interim government), or officials from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), commonly collapsed within days."


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The Taliban movement first emerged on the military scene in August 1994, with the stated goal of liberating Afghanistan from its present corrupt leadership of warlords and establish a pure Islamic society. It was reported in the December 2009 edition of Harper's Weekly that the Taliban originated in the districts around Kandahar city. By October 1994 the Taliban movement had according to academic consensus and on-the-ground reports attracted the support of Pakistan which saw in the Taliban a way to secure trade routes to Central Asia and establish a government in Kabul friendly to its interests. Pakistani politicians during that time repeatedly denied supporting the Taliban. But senior Pakistani officials such as Interior Minister Naseerullah Babar would later state, "we created the Taliban" and former Pakistani President Musharraf would write "we sided" with the Taliban to "spell the defeat" of anti-Taliban forces.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In October 1994 a bomb struck a wedding ceremony in Qala Fathullah in Kabul, killing 70 civilians. No fighting had been witnessed in the area in several days according to reports.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Also in October 1994, the Taliban revolted in Kandahar. On 12 October 1994, the Taliban scored their first victory when they captured the Kandahar district of Spin Boldak. They then captured Kandahar city on 5 November 1994 and soon went on to capture most of the south.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: By the end of 1994, Junbish-i Milli and Dostum were on the defensive in capital Kabul, and Massoud's forces had ousted them from most of their strongholds. Massoud more and more gained control of Kabul. At the same time Junbish was able to push Jamiat-e Islami out of Mazar-e Sharif.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Interim President Rabbani refused to step down at the end of his term on 28 December 1994, and on 1 January UN peace envoy Mahmoud Mistiri returned to Kabul. On 10 January Rabbani offered to step down and turn over power to a 23-member UN interim administration if Hikmatyar agreed to withdraw. On 12 January a cease fire was agreed, but bombing began again on 19 January, killing at least 22. Between 22 and 31 January, Dostum's Junbish-i Milli party bombed government positions in Kunduz town and province, killing 100 people are and wounding over 120. The town fell to Dostum on 5 February. Rabbani further delayed his resignation on the 21st, stating he would resign on the 22nd. In late January, Ghazni fell to the Taliban. Hikmatyar lost hundreds of men and several tanks in the battle, which included a temporary alliance between the Taliban and the forces of Rabbani.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Meanwhile, the Taliban began to approach Kabul, capturing Wardak in early February and Maidan Shar, the provincial capital, on 10 February 1995. On 14 February 1995, Hekmatyar was forced to abandon his artillery positions at Charasiab due to the advance of the Taliban, who were, therefore, able to take control of this weaponry. During 25–27 February clashes broke out in Karte Seh, Kote Sangi and Karte Chahar between government forces and Hezb-i Wahdat, resulting in 10 dead and 12 wounded. In March, Massoud launched an offensive against Hezb-i Wahdat trapping Wahdat forces in Karte Seh and Kote Sangi. According to other reports, the forces of Jamiat-e Islami also committed mass rape and executions on civilians in this period. The Taliban retreated under the bombardment, taking Mazari with them and throwing him from a helicopter en route to Kandahar. The Taliban then continued to launch offenses against Kabul, using the equipment of Hizb-e Islami. While the Taliban retreated, large amounts of looting and pillaging was said to have taken place in south-western Kabul by the forces under Rabbani and Massoud against ethnic Hazaras. Estimates of civilian casualties from this period of fighting are 100 killed and 1000 wounded.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Starting on 12 March 1995 Massoud's forces launched an offensive against the Taliban and were able to drive them out from the area around Kabul, retaking Charasiab on 19 March and leading to a period of relative calm for a few months. The battle left hundreds of Taliban dead and the force suffered its first defeat. However, while retreating, the Taliban shelled the capital, Kabul. On 16 March, Rabbani stated, once again, that he would not resign. On 30 March, a grave of 22 male corpses, 20 of which were shot in the head, was found in Charasiab.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 4 April, the Taliban killed about 800 government soldiers and captured 300 more in Farah Province, but were later forced to retreat. In early May, Rabbani's forces attacked the Taliban in Maidan Shar. India and Pakistan agree to reopen their diplomatic missions in Kabul on 3–4 May. On 11 May, Ismail Khan and Rabbani's forces recaptured Farah from the Taliban. Ismail Khan reportedly used cluster bombs, killing 220–250 unarmed civilians. Between 14 and 16 May, Helmand and Nimruz fall to Rabbani and Khan's forces. On 20 May, Hezb-i Wahdat forces captured Bamiyan. On 5 June, Dostum's forces attacked Rabbani's forces in Samangan. More than 20 are killed, and both forces continue to fight in Baghlan. On 9 June, a 10-day truce was signed between the government and the Taliban. On 15 June, Dostum bombed Kabul and Kunduz. Two bombs are dropped in a residential area of Kabul, killing two and injuring one. Three land near the defence ministry. On 20 June, the government recaptured Bamiyan. On 23 July, Dostum and Wahdat managed to recapture Bamiyan. On 3 August, the Taliban hijacked a Russian cargo aircraft in Kandahar and captured weapons intended for Rabbani. The Government captured Girishk and Helmand from the Taliban on 28 August, but were unable to hold Girishk. In September, Dostum forces captured Badghis. The Taliban were able to capture Farah on 2 September, and Shindand on the 3rd. On 5 September, Herat fell, with Ismail Khan fleeing to Mashhad. Some attribute this to the informal alliance between Dostum and the Taliban, along with Dostum's bombing of the city. Iran followed by closing the border. On 6 September, a mob swarms the Pakistani embassy in Kabul, killing one and wounding 26, including the Pakistani ambassador.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 11 October, the Taliban retook Charasiab. The National Reconciliation Commission presented its proposals for peace on the same day. On 15 October, Bamiyan fell to the Taliban. Between 11–13 November 1995 at least 57 unarmed civilians were killed and over 150 injured when rockets and artillery barrages fired from Taliban positions south of Kabul pounded the civilian areas of the city. On 11 November alone, 36 civilians were killed when over 170 rockets as well as shells hit civilians areas. A salvo crashed into Foruzga Market, while another struck the Taimani district, where many people from other parts of Kabul have settled. Other residential areas hit by artillery and rocket attacks were the Bagh Bala district in the northwest of Kabul and Wazir Akbar Khan, where much of the city's small foreign community lived. In the north, Rabbani's forces fought for control of the Balkh Province, reclaiming many districts from Dostum.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 20 November 1995, Taliban forces gave the government a 5-day ultimatum in which they would resume bombardment if Rabbani and his forces did not leave the city. This ultimatum was eventually withdrawn. By the end of December, more than 150 people had died in Kabul due to the repeated rocketing, shelling, and high-altitude bombing of the city, reportedly by Taliban forces.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 2–3 January, Taliban rocket attacks killed between 20 and 24 people and wounded another 43–56. On 10 January, a peace proposal was presented to the Taliban and opposition. On 14, January Hikmatyar blocks Kabul's western route, leaving the city surrounded. However, in mid-January, Iran intervened and the Khalili faction of Hezb-i Wahdat signed a peace agreement that lead to the opening of the Kabul-Bamiyan road. On 20 January, factional fighting broke out among the Taliban in Kandahar. On 1 February, Taliban jet-bombed a residential area in Kabul, killing 10 civilians. On 3 February, the Red Cross began to airlift supplies into Kabul. On 6 February, the road is used to bring in more food. On 26 February, Hikmatyar and the pro-Dostum Ismaili faction of Sayed Jafar Nadiri fought in Pul-i Khumri, Baghlan Province. Hundreds were killed before a ceasefire was reached on 4 March and the Ismaili faction lost 11 important positions.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: Analyst Ahmed Rashid considers the Taliban at that time to have been decisively supported by Pakistan; also less renowned sources suspect Taliban to have had support from Pakistan, considering their heavy weaponry.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 7 March, Hikmatyar and the Burhanuddin Rabbani government signed an agreement to take military action against the Taliban.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 11 April, the government captured Saghar District in Ghor Province from the Taliban, along with large stores of ammunition. Fighting continues, however, in Chaghcharan, and the Taliban captured Shahrak district. On 4 May, the Iranian embassy in Kabul was shelled and two staff members were wounded. On 12 May, Hikmatyar's forces arrived in Kabul to help defend against the Taliban. On 24 May, another peace agreement was signed between Rabbani and Hikmatyar. On 24 June, Rasul Pahlawan, an Uzbek military leader in Afghanistan, was killed in an ambush near Mazar-i Sharif. This would later have significant impact on the balance of power in the North.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 3 July, a 10-member cabinet is formed. Hikmatyar's party got the ministries of defense and finance; Rabbani got the ministries of interior and foreign affairs; Sayyaf's party got education, information and culture, while Harakat-i-Islami got planning and labor and social welfare and the Hezb-i Wahdat Akbari faction got commerce. 12 other seats were left open for other factions.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 8 August government forces captured Chaghcharan, but lost it again. On 11 September, Jalalabad fell to the Taliban, who then marched on Sarobi. On 12 September, the Taliban captured Mihtarlam in Laghman province. On 22 September, Kunar province fell to the Taliban.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 25 September, the strategic town of Sarobi, an eastern outpost of Kabul, fell to the Taliban who captured it from interim government troops. 50 people were killed and the Taliban captured many arms from fleeing government soldiers.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 26 September, with the Taliban attacking Kabul, interim minister of defense Ahmad Shah Massoud in his headquarters in northern Kabul concluded that his and President Rabbani’s interim government's forces had been encircled, and decided to quickly evacuate or withdraw those forces to the north, to avoid destruction. Also Hekmatyar, leader of Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, withdrew from Kabul.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: By nightfall, or on the next day of 27 September, the Taliban had conquered Kabul. Taliban's leader Mullah Muhammad Omar appointed his deputy, Mullah Mohammad Rabbani, as head of a national ruling council which was called the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. By now, the Taliban controlled most of Afghanistan.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: In its first action while in power, the Taliban hung former President Najibullah and his brother from a tower, after they had first castrated Najibullah and then tortured them to death. All key government installations appeared to be in Taliban's hands within hours, including the presidential palace and the ministries of defense, security and foreign affairs.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: On 5 October 1996, the Taliban attacked Massoud's forces in the Salang Pass but suffered heavy losses. On 1 October, Massoud retook Jabal Saraj and Charikar. Bagram was taken back a week later. On 15–19 October, Qarabagh changed hands before being captured by Massoud and Dostum's forces. During 21–30 October, Massoud's forces stalled on the way to the capital. On 25 October, the Taliban claimed to have captured Badghis province and started to attack Dostum's forces in Faryab. On 27–28 October, anti-Taliban forces attempted to recapture Kabul but were unable to do so. On 30 October Dara-I-Nur District in Nangarhar province fell to anti-Taliban forces but was retaken in early November. Fighting also occurred in Baghdis province with no significant gains from either side. Ismail Khan's forces were flown in from Iran to support the anti-Taliban alliance. On 4 November, Dostum's forces bombed the Herat airport and anti-Taliban forces took control of Nurgal district in Konar province. Between 9 and 12 November, Dostum's jets bombed the Kabul airport, and between 11 and 16 approximately 50,000 people, mostly Pashtuns, arrived in Herat province, fleeing the fight in Badghis. On 20 November, the UNHCR halted all activities in Kabul. On 21–22 December, anti-Taliban demonstrations occurred in Herat as women demanded assistance from international organizations, but it was violently dispersed. On 28–29 December a major offensive was launched against Bagram airbase and the base was surrounded.


title: Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)

text: The United Front, known in the Pakistani and Western media as the 'Northern Alliance', was created in opposition to the Taliban under the leadership of Massoud. In the following years, over 1 million people fled the Taliban, many arriving to the areas controlled by Massoud. Freed from the horrific situation that had stopped his plans for Afghanistan in Kabul, Ahmad Shah Massoud established democratic structures in the areas under his control. The events of this war lead to the Afghan Civil War (1996–2001).


title: Blood donation restrictions on men who have sex with men

text: Many countries have laws, regulations, or recommendations that effectively prohibit donations of blood or tissue for organ and corneal transplants from men who have sex with men (MSM), a classification of males who engage or have engaged in sex with other males, irrespective of their sexual activities with same-sex partners and of whether they identify themselves as bisexual or gay. Temporary restrictions are sometimes called "deferrals", since blood donors who are found ineligible may be found eligible at a later date. However, many deferrals are indefinite meaning that donation are not accepted at any point in the future, constituting a de facto ban. Even men who have monogamous relations with their same-sex partner are found ineligible.


text: Restrictions vary from country to country, and in some countries practice of protected sex or periods of abstinence are not considered. The restrictions affect these men and, in some cases, any female sex partners. They do not otherwise affect other women, including women who have sex with women. With regard to blood donation, the United States Food & Drug Administration (FDA) enforces a three-month deferral period for MSM and women who have sex with MSM. In Canada, the deferral period for MSM blood donors was decreased to 3 months in June 2019. Meanwhile, for tissues such as corneas, the MSM deferral period is five years in the United States and 12 months in Canada.


text: Many LGBT organizations view the restrictions on donation as based on homophobia and not based on valid medical concern since donations are rigorously tested to rule out donors that are infected with known viruses such as HIV, hepatitis B, and hepatitis C. They state the deferrals are based on stereotypes. Proponents of the lifetime restriction defend it because of the asserted risk of false negative test results and because the MSM population in developed countries tends to have a higher prevalence of HIV/AIDS infection. The UK government advisory committee, SABTO, stated in 2013 that "the risk of transfusion of HIV infected blood would increase if MSM were allowed to donate blood". In July 2017 however, the UK government reduced the one year deferral window to three months, to take effect in the following months, resulting from SABTO's updated conclusions that "new testing systems were accurate and donors were good at complying with the rules". Furthermore, NHS Blood and Transplant are in the process of investigating how possible it is for MSM, depending on degree of risk, to donate without even the three-month deferral. NHS has said that there is currently a limited amount of data on effective ways of conducting such risk assessments, and that the initial steps of scoping, evidence gathering and testing will potentially take up to two years to complete.


text: Advocates for change to MSM prohibitions point out that screening of donors should focus on sexual behavior as well as safe sex practices since many MSM may always have protected sex, be monogamous, or be in other low risk categories. Some groups in favor of lifting the restrictions support a waiting period after the blood is donated when the donor is considered to have had behavior considered higher risk, and before it is used, to match the blood bank's window of testing methods. While HIV is reliably detected in 10 to 14 days with RNA testing, older testing methods provide accuracy for only up to 98% of positive cases after three months.


text: Since 1982, the risk for HIV infection transmitted via transfusion has been almost eliminated by the use of questionnaires to exclude donors at higher risk for HIV infection and performing screening tests with highly sensitive equipment to identify infected blood donations. According to the 2015 surveillance report by Canadian Blood Services, the risk of HIV transfusion-transmitted infection was fairly low: in 1 in 21.4 million donations. Contaminated blood put haemophiliacs at massive risk and severe mortality, increasing the risk of common surgical procedures. People who contracted HIV from a contaminated blood transfusion include Isaac Asimov, who received a blood transfusion following a cardiac surgery.


text: In many high-income countries HIV is more prevalent among men who have sex with men (MSM) than among the general population.


text: In the United States the population most affected by HIV includes gay, bisexual, and other MSM. Of the 38,739 new HIV diagnoses in the US and dependent areas in 2017, 70% consisted of adult and adolescent gay and bisexual men. Although approximately 492,000 sexually active gay and bisexual men are at high risk for HIV, there are more tools to prevent HIV than ever before.


text: This list shows countries that had restrictions on blood donors. Most national standards require direct questioning regarding a man's sexual history, but the length of deferral varies.


text: Several European countries do not have deferral policies for men who have sex with men (MSM). The donation is allowed if the donor has not had a risky sexual encounter, but not depending on the sexual orientation of the donor. For example, in Italy, the questionnaire item for sexual behavior is symmetrical with respect to homosexual, heterosexual and bisexual intercourses and mentions them explicitly, as well as all points of sexual contact (oral, genital, anal), and does not mention usage of protection.


text: The UK since November 2017 has implemented a 3-month deferral policy on all gay/bi men who want to donate their blood. However, this did not apply to Northern Ireland until 2020. The Advisory Committee on the Safety of Blood, Tissues and Organs recommended the policy change after a study concluded that a total ban may breach equality legislation and that the risk of HIV reaching the blood supply would only increase by approximately 2%. In December 2020, it was announced that the UK would move to a personalised sexual behaviour risk assessment and scrap the deferral period specific to MSM.


text: In Ireland, MSM may donate blood if they have not engaged in oral or anal sex with another man at least 12 months prior to a donation. This policy came into effect from 16 January 2017. On 27 July 2015, Tomás Heneghan, a 23-year-old University of Limerick student and journalist from Galway, began a legal challenge in the High Court against the permanent deferral imposed on MSM donors. He argued that the questionnaire and interview process used by the IBTS does not adequately assess the risk of disease transmission posed by his donation. He claims this is in breach of EU law. He said that both failed to consider the length of time between a donor's last sexual experience and the end of a "window period" in which infections are sometimes not detected. Heneghan's previous sexual activity posed no risk of infection, according to HSE-approved advice and he said the service had no evidence upon which it could legitimately impose a life-long ban on him donating blood. Following several adjournments of the case to allow the blood service and Department of Health to examine and develop the donation policies, in late June 2016 the Irish Blood Transfusion Service recommended that the lifetime ban on MSM be reduced to a 12-month ban. Later that week the Minister for Health Simon Harris agreed to the recommendations and announced the reduction would take place. However no timeline was reported for the implementation of the new policies.


text: On 26 July 2016, Tomás Heneghan dropped his High Court challenge against the service as an end to the lifetime deferral on MSM blood donors had been announced in the interim. Heneghan then wrote about his experiences of challenging the ban in a number of national media outlets. On 2 October 2016, it was reported that Minister Harris would implement the new policy from 16 January 2017, almost seven months after he announced the policy change. On 16 January 2017, Heneghan (now 25) attended a blood donation clinic in D'Olier Street, Dublin and became the first man who has had sex with another man to donate blood openly in the Republic of Ireland since the lifetime deferral policy was first introduced in the 1980s. However he also criticised the new 12-month deferral policy on MSM and called on Ireland's Health Minister to initiate a review of the IBTS and replace the 12-month deferral period for MSM with no deferral or a 3-month deferral on all donors following sexual intercourse.


text: On 20 May 2019, Heneghan (27) initiated a fresh legal challenge in the High Court against the blanket deferral on men who have had oral or anal sex with another man in the previous 12-month period.


text: Heneghan claims he cannot understand the reasoning behind the IBTS policy and argues that the questionnaire does not enable the IBTS to make a full evaluation of the level of risk presented by an individual donor due to their sexual behaviour. He also states that according to the IBTS's own website, there is a window period following infection during which HIV and hepatitis may not be detected in the blood and that this window is seven days for HIV and 16 days for hepatitis. He claims that a far less onerous restriction could be imposed rather than the 12-month deferral, which would protect blood recipients. He claims the decision to place an "automatic deferral" on him is unlawful and in breach of EU law and European communities regulations on the quality and safety of human blood products and that the policy is disproportionate, discriminates against homosexual and bisexual men, and breaches his constitutional rights and rights under the European Convention on Human Rights. The case is due to return to the court in July 2019.


text: In July 2019, a gay man in Ireland filed two formal complaints with the European Commission against the Department of Health and the Irish Blood Transfusion Service, and the Northern Ireland Blood Transfusion Service (the only part of the United Kingdom to maintain a 12-month deferral policy for MSM) over the MSM one-year deferral policy. The man, who has chosen to have his complaints examined by the Commission anonymously, is alleging the ban in both jurisdictions violates a number of European Union laws, including two European Union Directives covering the standards of quality and safety for the collection of blood by EU member states, as well as provisions contained in both the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights. The commission has informed the man his complaints will now be considered in light of EU law.


text: A similar policy exists in the rest of the European Union and is the prevailing interpretation of the European Union Directive 2004–33/EC article 2.1 on donor deferrals. The policy, however, is not very specific and refers to "high risk sexual contact". The UK interprets the directive to include all forms of homosexual sex as falling within 2.2.2 of Annex III to the directive "Persons whose behaviour or activity places them at risk of acquiring infectious diseases that may be transmitted by blood", requiring a deferral based on the window period for the diseases involved, and sets this at 12 months, despite the Annex suggesting 6 months for risk of exposure to hepatitis B. Hélder Trindade, President of the Portuguese Institute of Blood and Transplantation (IPST), stated in 2015 that sexually abstinent homosexuals may give blood, but that MSM is definitely seen as a risk factor. From March 2022, the Republic of Ireland will reduce the deferral period from 1 year to 4 months.


text: In Finland, the parliamentary ombudsman launched an investigation on the possible unconstitutionality of the lifetime ban in January 2006. In June 2008, it was concluded that the ban was not unlawful in Finland as it is based on "appropriately reasoned epidemiological information" and because it is related to sexual behaviour rather than sexual orientation. The ombudsman added that people over the age of 65 and people who lived in Britain during the bovine spongiform encephalopathy (mad cow disease) outbreak are also screened out during blood donor interviews. In December 2013, the Finnish Red Cross blood service announced it was lifting the ban and introducing a one-year deferral instead. In 2021, the deferral period in Finland was reduced to 4 months.


text: In July 2016, France implemented a 1-year deferral period policy on all gay and bisexual men donating blood. Then the blood MSM deferral policy implemented in France was lowered to 4 months effective on February 1, 2020.


text: At the formation of the New Zealand Blood Service (NZBS) in 1998, the deferral period had been 10 years, but was reduced to 5 years in 2009. This was following an independent review of blood donation criteria in 2007–2008 which found no significant difference in risk of the blood supply for deferral period of 5 years compared to 10 years.


text: In 2014, the NZBS dropped the ban period from 5 years to 1 year following the recommendation of Medsafe. Their decision was mainly caused by new information about HIV transmission in Australia which already had a one-year deferral period. The 1 year deferral commenced 15 December 2014. On 14 December 2020 the NZBS reduced the deferral to 3 months.


text: The 3 month deferral period for MSM is on par with the 3-month deferral period for several other behavioural categories carrying a higher probability of unrecognised HIV infection, such as persons engaging in sex work and people who have resided in a country which has a high (1% or more) HIV prevalence.


text: In the US, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issues donor deferral recommendations to blood establishments. The guidance as of 2020 is to "Defer for 3 months from the most recent sexual contact, a man who has had sex with another man during the past 3 months." This policy replaces a previous one year deferral that was approved by the FDA on 21 December 2015, which itself replaced a previous lifetime ban on blood donations from MSM. The recommendations are nonbinding and generally do not establish legally enforceable responsibilities. Although the technically nonbinding recommendations may not be law, in practice they are regarded as if they are law. For example, the American Red Cross refers to the recommendation as a "federal requirement" that must be followed.


text: Females are also prohibited from donating for three months after having sex with an MSM. Prior to April 2020, this 3-month ban was the same 12-month period placed on MSMs. The argument used to follow these policies is that blood should be collected from a population that is at low risk for disease, since the tests are not perfect and human error may lead to infected units not being properly discarded, and these population groups would be considered a high risk. The policy was first put in place in 1983 by the FDA, which regulates blood donations to profit and non-profit organizations.


text: Donors of human cells and tissues other than organs, such as corneas or reproductive tissue like semen, are ineligible for five years after the most recent contact. With regard to corneal donations, the five-year deferral policy in the United States and the similar 12-month deferral policy in Canada have the effect of preventing thousands of corneal donations annually.


text: UNOS policies for organ donation allow for solid organs from MSM donors such as hearts, lungs, and kidneys to be used in transplant surgeries, though they require the hospital receiving the organ to be notified if the donor was an MSM within the past 5 years. The organs are generally used unless there is a clear positive test for a disease.


text: Australia implemented a 12-month deferral in 1999; a comparison of confirmed HIV positive blood donations before and after the change did not see a statistically significant difference. The Australian Red Cross Blood Service pushed to have the deferral period lowered from twelve to six months, however it was rejected by the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) in 2014. In April 2020 the TGA revised the deferral period for MSM down to three months. The revision requires approval of the federal, state and territory governments before it can go into effect.


text: Lifeblood's new 3-month deferral period rules went into effect on 31 January 2021. The spokesperson said they empathise with those who cannot give blood.


text: Blood services first and foremost must ensure that all blood received for donation is safe for transfusion purposes. This is achieved by screening potential donors for high risk behaviors through questionnaires and interviews before blood is taken, and subsequent laboratory testing on samples of donated blood.


text: Blood services commonly justify their bans against MSM due to the marginal increase in the risk for transfusion-transmitted HIV. Other groups with similar restrictions, or complete prohibition to donate blood, due to increased or possible risk for certain infectious diseases include intravenous drug users, recipients of animal organs or tissues, and those who have traveled or lived abroad in certain countries.


text: In the 1980s, when the HIV/AIDS epidemic outbreak occurred, there was a high prevalence of the disease on MSM and no reliable tests for the virus, which justified blanket bans on blood donations from high-risk groups.


text: These restrictions are similar to current restrictions on people with certain residence in the United Kingdom, France, or Saudi-Arabia during the height of the BSE ("mad cow disease") epidemic of 1980 through 1996, due to the absence of a test for its human form, variant Creutzfeldt–Jakob disease (vCJD).


text: In 1985, early tests using the ELISA method looked for antibodies, which are the immune system's response to the virus. However, there is a window period when using this method in which a person who has been infected with HIV is able to spread the disease but may test negative for the virus. This window period can be as long as three to six months, with an average of 22 days. Tests using the ELISA methods are often still used in developed countries because of their ease-of-use, as well as their fairly high sensitivity, which boasts 100% sensitivity. To cover the window period resultant from the use of these tests, donors are also screened for high risk behaviors, one of which is a history of same-sex sexual activity among male potential donors. Newer tests look for the virus itself, such as the p24 antigen test, which looks for a part of the virus on the surface of infected cells, and nucleic acid tests (NAT), which look for the genetic material of the virus in HIV-infected cells. With these tests, the window period is shorter, with an average duration of 12 days. Fourth generation, or combination, HIV tests can detect HIV infection in 99% of individuals by one and a half months after infection.


text: Risks are also associated with a non-MSM donors testing positive for HIV, which can have major implications as the donor's last donation could have been given within the window period for testing and could have entered the blood supply, potentially infecting blood product recipients. An incident in 2003 in New Zealand saw a non-MSM donor testing positive for HIV and subsequently all blood products made with the donor's last blood donation had to be recalled. This included NZ$4 million worth of Factor VIII, a blood clotting factor used to treat hemophiliacs which is manufactured from large pools of donated plasma, and subsequently led to a nationwide shortage of Factor VIII and the deferral of non-emergency surgery on hemophiliac patients, costing the health sector millions of dollars more. Screening out those at high risk of blood borne diseases, including MSM, reduces the potential frequency and impact of such incidents.


text: Objections to the restrictions, including those from the American Medical Association and the American Red Cross, are generally based on the idea that improvements in testing and other safeguards have reduced the risk from transfusion transmitted HIV to an acceptable level. Blood shortages are common, and advocates for change to the policies point out that excluding healthy donors only makes the problem worse. In 2018, approximately 10,000 donations were still urgently needed by 10 March to continue to meet patients' needs. However, Canadian Blood Services noted that the national inventory and days on hand of several blood groups remain at critically low levels. Less than four per cent of eligible donors give blood each year.


text: Corneal transplant surgery can cure blindness caused by corneal disease. However, there is a global shortage of corneal donations, severely limiting the availability of corneal transplants across most of the world. A 2016 study found that 12.7 million visually impaired people were in need of a corneal transplant, with only 1 cornea available for every 70 needed. Many countries have years-long waitlists for corneal transplant surgery due to the shortage of donated corneas. Even though there has never been a reported case of HIV transmission through corneal transplant surgery, and even though all donated corneas are screened for the presence of HIV through antibody or nucleic acid testing, many countries continue to ban MSM corneal donors.


text: In some European countries, high-risk sexual intercourses lead to a temporary ban, regardless of the sex of the partner. In fact, advocates for change in other countries note that the ban encompasses all same-sex sexual contact, even if the partner's HIV status is shown beyond doubt to be negative. Advocates for change point out that a promiscuous straight male is a higher-risk donor than a gay or bisexual man in a monogamous relationship, but the former will usually be allowed to donate blood. Furthermore, in some countries, other high-risk activities determine a temporary ban, such as sexual contact with anyone who has used needles to take drugs not prescribed by their doctor, whereas MSM donors are deferred indefinitely.


text: In 2015, Welsh writer and poet RJ Arkhipov exhibited a poetry series written with his own blood as ink in protest of the MSM blood donor restrictions. His poem Inkwell discusses the shame and stigma surrounding "gay blood". An abecedarian poem, each line of Inkwell's five quatrains begins with letters from each of the blood groups, alternating between A, B, AB and O.


text: In 2018 the European Court of Human Rights took up a case of a French citizen who was prevented from donating blood.


title: Rock cycle

text: The rock cycle is a basic concept in geology that describes transitions through geologic time among the three main rock types: sedimentary, metamorphic, and igneous. Each rock type is altered when it is forced out of its equilibrium conditions. For example, an igneous rock such as basalt may break down and dissolve when exposed to the atmosphere, or melt as it is subducted under a continent. Due to the driving forces of the rock cycle, plate tectonics and the water cycle, rocks do not remain in equilibrium and change as they encounter new environments. The rock cycle explains how the three rock types are related to each other, and how processes change from one type to another over time. This cyclical aspect makes rock change a geologic cycle and, on planets containing life, a biogeochemical cycle.


title: Rock cycle

text: When rocks are pushed deep under the Earth's surface, they may melt into magma. If the conditions no longer exist for the magma to stay in its liquid state, it cools and solidifies into an igneous rock. A rock that cools within the Earth is called intrusive or plutonic and cools very slowly, producing a coarse-grained texture such as the rock granite. As a result of volcanic activity, magma (which is called lava when it reaches Earth's surface) may cool very rapidly on the Earth's surface exposed to the atmosphere and are called extrusive or volcanic rocks. These rocks are fine-grained and sometimes cool so rapidly that no crystals can form and result in a natural glass, such as obsidian, however the most common fine-grained rock would be known as basalt. Any of the three main types of rocks (igneous, sedimentary, and metamorphic rocks) can melt into magma and cool into igneous rocks.


title: Rock cycle

text: Epigenetic change (secondary processes occurring at low temperatures and low pressures) may be arranged under a number of headings, each of which is typical of a group of rocks or rock-forming minerals, though usually more than one of these alterations is in progress in the same rock. Silicification, the replacement of the minerals by crystalline or crypto-crystalline silica, is most common in felsic rocks, such as rhyolite, but is also found in serpentine, etc. Kaolinization is the decomposition of the feldspars, which are the most common minerals in igneous rocks, into kaolin (along with quartz and other clay minerals); it is best shown by granites and syenites. Serpentinization is the alteration of olivine to serpentine (with magnetite); it is typical of peridotites, but occurs in most of the mafic rocks. In uralitization, secondary hornblende replaces augite; chloritization is the alteration of augite (biotite or hornblende) to chlorite, and is seen in many diabases, diorites and greenstones. Epidotization occurs also in rocks of this group, and consists in the development of epidote from biotite, hornblende, augite or plagioclase feldspar.