title: Warsaw radio mast

text: The official name of the facility was "Radiofoniczny Ośrodek Nadawczy w Konstantynowie" (Radiophonic Transmission Centre Konstantynow), "Radiowe Centrum Nadawcze w Konstantynowie" (Radio Transmission Centre Konstantynow) or "Warszawska Radiostacja Centralna (WRC) w Gąbinie" (Warsaw Central Radio Station Gabin). It broadcast Polskie Radio's Program I (unofficially referred to as "Jedynka").


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: Approximately ten years after completion of the mast, inspections revealed structural damage caused by wind-induced oscillations at the mast, the backstay insulators and the guys. Repair work was considered to be expensive and difficult, so replacement of the mast by a stronger construction of the same height was considered. This was not realized as a result of Poland's worsening economic situation. In 1988, the mast was repainted, but this could not be done to the desired extent, as there was not enough paint available. A lack of equipment and training in maintenance teams led to a severe degradation of the mast's condition by the late 1980s. An inspection in May 1989 found that 13 strands of the upper guys had been fractured and, by the collapse of the mast, 7 guy wire insulators had been damaged. Another cause of the structure's deterioration was the insufficient knowledge of the strains exerted on structures of such a great height. Additionally, the managing director of Mostostal Zabrze, Adam Brzeziński, revealed to Dziennik Zachodni on March 23, 1992, that the original construction crew was not informed on the exact specifications on the conditions the mast would have to face.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: The manager of the radio station from 1974 to 1980 was Zygmunt Duczmalewski. His successor, Witold Czowgan (1947-2017), served as the manager from 1983 to 1986.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: The mast had a total of 30 engineers and technicians. It also had 15 administrative staff. Because a large portion of the staff was recruited from around Poland, a new block of flats was built 30 km away in Sochaczew to accommodate the staff. More specialized staff were accommodated in the guest rooms of the transmission building. The facility also had a complement of guards, hired directly by the Ministry of Interior, mainly from the local population of Konstantynów.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: At 16:00 UTC on 8 August 1991 a catastrophic failure led to the collapse of the mast. During one of the renovations involving the replacing of frayed guy wires, it was necessary to replace one of the main cables with two temporary ones. When workmen were swapping them, the gusting wind caught the temporarily unmoored tower, twisting it and pulling loose the other guys. The mast first bent and then snapped at roughly half its height. The helix building and the transmitter building (including the transmitter devices in it) were not damaged. The transmission line was also unaffected, but it was dismantled shortly after the collapse of the tower, only the sustaining poles remained in place. Also, a mobile crane, belonging to Mostostal Zabrze, was destroyed when the tower collapsed. Due to the absence of a construction log kept by the foreman, it was hard to determine the exact events that led to the catastrophe. The construction coordinator and the division chief of the company which built and maintained the mast were found liable for the collapse, and both were sentenced to 2.5 years in prison, the construction manager's being eventually shortened to half a year.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: Since the collapse of the Warsaw radio mast, the tallest structure in Poland has been the FM radio and TV transmission mast at Olsztyn-Pieczewo, measuring , compared to the Warsaw Radio Mast, which stood at more than .


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: After the collapse, the Polish broadcasting company used the old Raszyn transmitter with its mast near Warsaw, which had been used since 1978 for daytime transmissions of a second Polish broadcasting service programme in the longwave range on the frequency AM-LW 198 kHz, for transmissions on AM-LW 225 kHz with a power of 500 kW. It is not possible to transmit from Raszyn on AM-LW (long wave) 198 kHz/1515 metres and 225 kHz/1333 metres simultaneously, so the transmissions on the second longwave frequency AM-LW (long wave) 198 kHz had to be discontinued until either a second longwave broadcasting transmitting facility was built in Poland or a special frequency switch, which would allow transmissions on both frequencies, was installed at the Raszyn transmitter. The latter, simpler solution would have decreased the effectiveness and reliability of both transmitters and was therefore rejected.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: Because of the importance of Polish longwave transmitters to Polish people abroad, as early as April 1992 the Polish government planned to rebuild the mast at Konstantynów. In September 1995 the Polish government was set to rebuild the mast. Although refurbishment of the old foundations, which could be reused, had already started, the rebuilding of the mast was cancelled due to protests by local residents, who claimed that radiation from the mast was a health hazard. While the accuracy of these claims has not been verified, a new site for the transmitter was sought. Several other locations were considered, but due to the continuing resistance of nearby inhabitants (backed by the Solidarity trade union), planned mast height and transmitter range were both greatly reduced, and an old military site just southeast of Solec Kujawski was chosen. There were once again protests in this location, but tensions were eased when Polish Radio donated PLN 3.5 million towards the development of the local community. There, a new longwave transmission facility was built in 1998–1999, with a transmitter of 1200 kW output power for the frequency AM-LW (long wave) 225 kHz. This facility, which was inaugurated on 4 September 1999, uses one 330 metre (1083 ft) and one 289 metre (948 ft) grounded top-fed masts as aerials.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: After the inauguration of the transmitter at Solec Kujawski, the transmitter at Raszyn was again used for transmitting on the frequency AM-LW (long wave) 198 kHz for the programme Radio Parliament.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: At Gabin, there is currently a , not used since 1998. In front of the entrance to the mast, a cross was erected by local residents associated with the now defunct "Association for the Protection of Human Life at the Highest Mast of Europe."


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: From 2001 to 2012, the facility was managed by the Real Estate department of TP SA. Due to the 2012 merger of TP and Orange Polska, the facility is now managed by the Orange Polska SA Real Estate Sales Office. The facility is protected against unauthorized access, as it is worth approximately PLN 3,650,000 (approx. $1 million USD).


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: Except for the mast and the radio frequency transmission line that led to it, nearly all components of the facility remain in place, unused and slowly deteriorating. Some locals have visited the remains of the mast on anniversaries, such as the 20th anniversary in 2011.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: In 2018, the Swiss Brown, Boveri & Cie 2 piece radio transmitter (Brown Boveri SL 61 B3) was donated by Orange Polska, a Polish telecommunications provider, to the "Babice Transatlantic Radio Station Culture Park Association". It was then transferred to Warsaw for renovation. There are plans to restore the transmitter for active usage in a museum.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: The Warsaw radio mast was added to the Guinness Book of World Records. The record was given for the mast's height, which was later surpassed by the Burj Khalifa.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: The Warsaw Radio mast's successor and predecessor, the Raszyn Mast, was featured in multiple stamps issued by the Polish government.


title: Warsaw radio mast

text: The "Polish Film Chronicle", a Polish newsreel, typically presented in a cinema before a movie, featured the Warsaw Radio Mast.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria was a moral panic that occurred primarily during the 1980s and early 1990s, and featured charges against day-care providers accused of committing several forms of child abuse, including Satanic ritual abuse. The collective cases are often considered a part of the Satanic Panic. A 1982 case in Kern County, California, United States, first publicized the issue of day-care sexual abuse, and the issue figured prominently in news coverage for almost a decade. The Kern County case was followed by cases elsewhere in the United States, as well as Canada, New Zealand, Brazil, and various European countries.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: During the late 1970s and early 1980s, many more mothers were working outside of the home, resulting in the opening of large numbers of day-care facilities. Anxiety and guilt due to leaving young children with strangers may have created a climate of fear and readiness to believe false accusations.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Children are vulnerable to outside influences that can result in fabrication of testimony. Their testimony can be influenced in a variety of ways.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: In an article published by the American Psychological Association and titled "Jeopardy in the Courtroom: A Scientific Analysis of Children’s Testimony," Dr. Maggie Bruck—a professor within the Division of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry at Johns Hopkins School of Medicine—wrote that children incorporate aspects of the interviewer's questions into their answers, as an attempt to tell the interviewer what the child believes is being sought. Studies also show that when adults ask children questions that do not make sense (such as: "is milk bigger than water?" or "is red heavier than yellow?"), most children will offer an answer, believing that there is an answer to be given, rather than understanding the absurdity of the question. Furthermore, repeated questioning of children causes them to change their answers. This is because the children perceive the repeated questioning as a sign that they did not give the "correct" answer previously. Children are also especially susceptible to leading and suggestive questions. Research has found that, in the absence of being prompted, it is uncommon for children to make fictitious reports of sexual abuse. And that conversely, it is not unusual for children to underreport abuse.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Interviewer bias also influences child testimony. When an interviewer has a preconceived notion as to the truth of the matter being investigated, the questioning is performed in a manner to extract statements that evidence these beliefs. As a result, evidence that could disprove the belief is never sought by the interviewer. Additionally, positive reinforcement by the interviewer can taint child testimony. Often, such reinforcement is given to encourage a spirit of cooperation by the child, but impartiality can quickly end as the interviewer nods, smiles, or offers verbal encouragement to "helpful" statements. Some studies show that when interviewers make reassuring statements to child witnesses, the children are more likely to fabricate stories of past events that never occurred.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Peer pressure also influences children to fabricate stories. Studies show that when a child witness is told that his or her friends have already testified that certain events occurred, the child witness was more likely to create a matching story. The status of the interviewer can also influence a child's testimony, because the more authority an interviewer has, such as a police officer, the more likely a child is to comply with that person's apparent agenda.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Finally, while there are endorsers of the use of anatomically correct dolls in questioning victims of sexual abuse/molestation, there are also critics of this practice. These critics say that because of the novelty of the dolls, children will act out sexually explicit acts with the dolls even if the child has not been sexually abused. Another criticism is that, due to conflicting claims about how children tend to play with these dolls (some studies suggest that children who have been sexually abused play with them in a more sexually explicit manner, while other studies have found no correlation), no meaningful conclusions can be drawn from how a particular child plays.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Most of those accused in these cases were eventually freed, but no U.S. Governor has pardoned a prisoner convicted falsely as a result of the hysteria. On January 14, 1997, many of those freed attended a "Day of Contrition" conference in Salem, Massachusetts.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: The McMartin Preschool case was the first daycare abuse case to receive major media attention in the United States. The case concerned the McMartin Preschool in Manhattan Beach, California, where seven teachers were accused of kidnapping children, flying them in an airplane to another location, and forcing them to engage in group sex, as well as forcing them to watch animals being tortured and killed. The case also involved accusations that children had been forced to participate in bizarre religious rituals, and being used to make child pornography. The case began with a single accusation, made by a mother—who was later found to be a paranoid schizophrenic—of one of the students, but grew rapidly when investigators informed parents of the accusation, and began interviewing other students. The case made headlines nationally during 1984, and seven teachers were arrested and charged that year. However, when a new district attorney took over the case in 1986, his office re-examined the evidence, and dismissed charges against all but two of the original defendants. Their trials became one of the longest and most expensive criminal trials in the history of the United States, but in 1990, all of these charges were also dismissed. The trial was met with disapproval by both its jurors and academic researchers, who criticized the interviewing techniques that investigators had used in their investigations of the school, alleging that interviewers had "coaxed" children into making unfounded accusations, repeatedly asking children the same questions, and offering various incentives until the children reported having been abused. Most scholars now agree that the accusations these interviews elicited from children were false. Sociologist Mary de Young and historian Philip Jenkins have both cited the McMartin case as the prototype for a wave of similar accusations and investigations between 1983 and 1995, which constituted a moral panic.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Frank and Ileana Fuster owned the Country Walk Babysitting Service in the Country Walk suburb of Miami, Florida, United States. In 1985, Frank was found guilty of 14 counts of abuse. He was sentenced to prison with a minimum length of 165 years. Fuster's alleged victims testified that he led them in Satanic rituals, and terrorized them by forcing them to watch him mutilate birds—a lesson to children who might reveal the abuse. Fuster had been previously convicted for manslaughter and molesting a 9-year-old child. Testimony from children in the case was elicited by University of Miami child psychologists Laurie and Joseph Braga, who resorted to coercive questioning of the alleged victims when the desired answers were not forthcoming. Fuster's wife, Ileana, recanted her court testimony in an interview with the television program Frontline, saying that she had been kept naked in solitary confinement, and subjected to other forms of physical and psychological duress until she had agreed to testify against her husband.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: The case was prosecuted by Dade County state's attorney Janet Reno, who also prosecuted day-care sex-abuse cases against Grant Snowden and Bobby Fijnje. Ileana said that Reno visited her in jail and pressured her to confess. The incident also inspired a 1986 book and a 1990 made-for-television movie named "Unspeakable Acts". Fuster continues to serve a 165-year prison sentence, making him the last person imprisoned by the hysteria.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: During April 1984, Gerald Amirault was arrested and charged with abusing children in his care at the Fells Acres Day Care Center in Malden, Massachusetts, United States. After Amirault changed the pants on a young boy who had wet himself, the boy's mother, uncle, and therapist questioned him over a period of months, until the boy alleged that Amirault had been sexually abusing him. The boy's mother then telephoned a child abuse hotline to report that her son had been abused sexually, and Amirault was arrested soon thereafter. As a result of the 1986 trial, Amirault was convicted of assaulting and raping nine children, and sentenced to thirty to forty years in state prison. In a separate trial, his mother, Violet Amirault, and sister, Cheryl Amirault LeFave, were also convicted of similar charges, and sentenced to jail for eight to 20 years. According to Richard Beck, the case developed "in the usual way" compared to other moral panic cases, with more and more children making increasingly bizarre allegations against the accused during the course of the investigation. The allegations included reports of "bad clowns," robots, "magic rooms," and animals tortured. According to Beck, one of the prosecutors responsible for the case commented that coaxing allegations out of the children had been like “getting blood from a stone.”


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: During 1995, "The Wall Street Journal" journalist Dorothy Rabinowitz questioned testimony from the children that had been elicited with dubious interrogation techniques, and wrote: "no sane person reading the transcripts of these interrogations can doubt the wholesale fabrications of evidence on which this case was built." Rabinowitz was a finalist in 1996, and winner in 2001, of the Pulitzer Prize for Commentary for her newspaper columns on the issue, and made the Amiraults’ case a centerpiece of her book "No Crueler Tyrannies: Accusation, False Witness, and Other Terrors of Our Times." Violet and Cheryl were granted a new trial in 1997, on the basis that they had been denied the right to face their accusers and had been represented inadequately at trial, but Violet died, and a judge reduced Cheryl's sentence to time served before the new trial could proceed. During 2001, the Massachusetts Board of Pardons recommended that Gerald's sentence be commuted, citing "substantial doubt" about his guilt. He was granted parole in 2003. Writing about the case at the time of Gerald's release, the magazine "The Economist" suggested in an editorial that while the Amiraults had long maintained their innocence, and had attracted a "string of prominent supporters" who believed that they had been convicted wrongly, "many others continue to believe that Mr. Amirault committed the crimes."


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: On October 4, 1984, a drug addicted couple acting as police informants telephoned their contact within the police department of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, United States and accused Bernard Baran of molesting their son. The child had been attending the government operated Early Childhood Development Center (ECDC) where Baran, an openly homosexual 19-year-old, worked as a teacher's aide. The accusers had complained previously to the board of directors that they "didn't want no homo" around their son.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Within days of the first allegation, ECDC hosted a puppet show, and delivered letters to parents notifying them about a child at the day care who had gonorrhea. Five other allegations were made. Baran was tried in the Berkshire County courthouse 105 days after the first allegation, a swiftness noted in the later court rulings. The courtroom was closed during the children's testimony, which Baran claimed violated his right to a public trial. Baran's defense attorney was later ruled ineffective. Baran was convicted on January 30, 1985, of three counts of rape of a child, and five counts of indecent assault and battery. He was sentenced to three life terms, plus 8 to 20 years on each charge. Baran maintained his innocence throughout his case. In 1999, a new legal team accepted his case. In 2004, hearings began in a motion for a new trial. In 2006, Baran was granted a new trial, and released on $50,000 bail. In May 2009, the Massachusetts Appeals Court affirmed the new trial ruling, setting aside the 1985 convictions. The Berkshire County District Attorney's office dismissed the original charges, and Baran's record was cleared.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Prosecutor Mario Merola brought prosecutions resulting in the conviction of five men, including Nathaniel Grady, a 47-year-old Methodist minister, of sexually abusing children in day care facilities throughout the Bronx. Grady spent ten years in prison before being released in 1996.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Three employees of another Bronx day-care center were arrested in August 1984, on the charges of abusing at least ten children in their care. Federal and city investigators then questioned dozens of children at the day care. They were reported as having used 'dolls, gentle words, and a quiet approach'. More children reported being abused sexually, increasing the total to 30. Three more day care facilities also were investigated for sexual abuse. On August 11, 1984, federal funds were ended to the Head Start preschool program at the Praca Day Care Center, and three employees had been arrested. In June 1985, the day care facility was reopened with new sponsorship.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: In January 1986, Albert Algerin, employed at the Praca Day Care center, was sentenced to 50 years for rape and sexual abuse. In May, Praca employee Jesus Torres, a former teacher's aide was sentenced to 40 years. Praca employee Franklin Beauchamp had his case overturned by the New York Court of Appeals during May 1989.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: In Maplewood, New Jersey, during April 1985, Margaret Kelly Michaels was indicted for 299 offenses in connection with the sexual assault of 33 children. Michaels denied the charges. "The prosecution produced expert witnesses who said that almost all the children displayed symptoms of sexual abuse." Prosecution witnesses testified that the children "had regressed into such behavior as bed-wetting and defecating in their clothing. The witnesses said the children became afraid to be left alone or to stay in the dark." Some of the other teachers testified against her. "The defense argued that Michaels did not have the time or opportunity to go to a location where all the activities could have taken place without someone seeing her."


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Michaels was sentenced to 47 years in the "sex case". Michaels "told the judge that she was confident her conviction would be overturned on appeal". After five years in prison, her appeal was successful, and her sentence was reversed by a New Jersey appeals court. The New Jersey Supreme Court upheld the appellate court's decision, and declared, "the interviews of the children were highly improper and utilized coercive and unduly suggestive methods". A three judge panel ruled she had been denied a fair trial, because, "the prosecution of the case had relied on testimony that should have been excluded because it improperly used an expert's theory, called the child sexual abuse accommodation syndrome, to establish guilt". The original judge was also criticized "for the way in which he allowed the children to give televised testimony from his chambers".


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: James Toward and Brenda Williams were accused of kidnapping and sexually abusing six boys who attended Glendale Montessori School in Stuart, Florida, as preschoolers during 1986 and 1987. Investigators claimed to know as many as 60 victims, mostly from the ages 2 to 5.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: In 1988, Williams, an office manager, was convicted and sentenced to 10 years in prison. She pleaded no contest to sexual abuse and attempted kidnapping charges involving five boys, and she was released from prison in 1993 after serving five years. In 1989, Toward, the owner of Glendale Montessori School, pleaded guilty to child sexual abuse charges and received a 27-year sentence. While technically maintaining his innocence, he allowed a guilty plea to be entered against him, convicting him of molesting or kidnapping six boys. Toward was placed in involuntary commitment due to the Jimmy Ryce Act. Although he maintained his innocence, Toward said he plea-bargained to avoid an almost certain life sentence.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: In Edenton, North Carolina, in January 1989, a parent accused Bob Kelly of sexual abuse. During the next several months, investigations and therapy resulted in allegations against dozens of other adults in the town, culminating in the arrest of seven adults.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Despite the severity of some of the alleged acts, parents noticed no abnormal behaviour in their children until after initial accusations were made. Bob Kelly's trial lasted eight months, and on April 22, 1992, he was convicted of 99 out of 100 counts against him. In 1995, the North Carolina Court of Appeals granted new trials to two defendants, including Kelly. Charges were ultimately dismissed for both.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Dale Akiki, a developmentally-delayed man with Noonan syndrome, was accused of satanic ritual abuse during 1991. Akiki and his wife were volunteer babysitters at Faith Chapel in Spring Valley, California. The accusations started when a young girl told her mother that "[Akiki] showed me his penis," after which the mother contacted the police. After interviews, nine other children accused Akiki of killing animals, such as a giraffe and an elephant, and drinking their blood in front of the children. He was found not guilty of the 35 counts of child abuse and kidnapping in his 1993 trial.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: In 1994, the San Diego County Grand Jury reviewed the Akiki cases, and concluded there was no reason to pursue the theory of ritual abuse. On August 25, 1994, he filed a suit against the County of San Diego, Faith Chapel Church, and many others, which was settled for $2 million. Akiki's public defenders received the Public Defender of the Year award for their work defending Akiki.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Frances Keller and her husband, Dan Keller, both of Austin, Texas, were convicted of sexually abusing a 3-year-old girl in their care, and sentenced to 48 years in prison. They spent 21 years in prison until their release in 2013.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: The case began on August 15, 1991, when a 3-year-old girl told her mother that Dan Keller had spanked her. However, the “allegation quickly morphed into an allegation of sexual abuse.” The mother and daughter were on their way to a scheduled appointment with the girl's therapist, Donna David-Campbell, who elicited details that included Keller defecating on her head and sexually assaulting her with a pen. During the time leading up to the trial, two other children from the day care offered similar accusations. According to the children, the couple served blood-laced Kool-Aid, and forced them to have videotaped sex with adults and other children. The Kellers, they said, sometimes wore white robes and lit candles before hurting them. The children also accused the Kellers of forcing them to watch or participate with the killing and dismemberment of cats, dogs, and a crying baby. Bodies were unearthed in cemeteries, and new holes were dug to hide freshly killed animals. At one point, an adult passer-by was shot and dismembered with a chainsaw. The children recalled several airplane flights, including one to Mexico, where they were sexually abused by soldiers, before returning to Austin in time to meet their parents at the day care.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: The only physical evidence of abuse in the case was presented by Michael Mouw, a then-novice emergency room physician at Brackenridge Hospital, who examined the 3-year-old girl in 1991, on the night she first accused Dan Keller of abuse. Mouw testified at the Kellers' trial that he found “deformities—described as possible lacerations to the hymen and a tear of the fourchette,” and constituted what he considered possible “signs of sexual abuse.” Mouw's determination was confirmed by pediatrician Beth Nauert, who agreed at the time that the child had “deformities to her vaginal area that could be signs of sexual abuse.” However, Nauert would notably examine the child two weeks after Mouw, and “found no signs of any deformities.” Three years after the 1992 trial, Mouw attended a medical seminar hosted by Nauert that “detailed normal variations of female genitalia” in a slide presentation. Mouw stated that the presentation included a photo that was identical to what he had observed in the girl. In 2009, Mouw issued a reversal on his prior claims, after being contacted by "The" "Austin" "Chronicle", as a part of their story titled “Believing the Children” that covered the Kellers’ case. Mouw stated that his erroneous medical testimony was caused by his “little experience, if any formal education at all, in conducting sexual abuse examinations of children.”


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: On November 26, 2013, the Travis County district attorney's office announced that Fran Keller, now age 63, was being released on bond and her husband, Dan Keller, who was convicted at the same time, would be released within a week as a result of a deal with their lawyers. "There is a reasonable likelihood that (the medical expert's) false testimony affected the judgment of the jury and violated Frances Keller's right to a fair trial," said the district attorney.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: On June 20, 2017, the Travis County district attorney's office announced that the case against the Kellers had been dismissed, citing actual innocence. They were awarded $3.4 million in compensation from the state of Texas for the 21 years they spent in prison.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: In Wenatchee, Washington, during 1994 and 1995, police and state social workers performed what was then termed the nation's most extensive child sex-abuse investigation. Forty-three adults were arrested on 29,726 charges of child sex abuse involving 60 children. Parents, Sunday school teachers, and a pastor were charged, and many were convicted of abusing their own children or the children of others in the community. However, prosecutors were unable to provide any physical evidence of the charges. The main witness was the 13-year-old foster daughter of police officer Robert Perez, who had investigated the cases. A jury found the city of Wenatchee and Douglas County, Washington, negligent in the 1994–1995 investigations. In 2001, $3 million was awarded to a couple who had been accused wrongly as a result of the inquiry.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: Peter Ellis, a child-care worker at the Christchurch Civic Crèche in New Zealand, was found guilty of 16 counts of sexual abuse against children in 1992, and served seven years in jail. Four female co-workers were also arrested on 15 charges of abuse, but were released after these charges were dismissed. Peter Ellis consistently denied any abuse, and although he passed away in September 2019, on 7 October 2022 New Zealand's Supreme Court unanimously quashed Mr Ellis' convictions. The Court found major problems in the evidence of the prosecution's expert witness, ruling that it departed from appropriate standards and "lacked balance, suffered from problematic circular reasoning and had the overall effect of suggesting to the jury that “clusters” of behaviour support a finding of sexual abuse...", and that although the risk of the complainants' evidence being contaminated was traversed at the 1993 trial, the jury was not fairly informed of the level of risk.


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: In 1992 a mother in the central Saskatchewan city of Martensville alleged that a local woman who had a babysitting service and day care facility in her home had sexually abused her child. Police began an investigation, resulting in a sudden increase of allegations. More than a dozen persons, including five police officers from two different forces, were ultimately charged with more than 100 charges associated with participating with a Satanic cult named The Brotherhood of The Ram, which allegedly practiced ritualized sexual abuse of numerous children at a "Devil Church".


title: Day-care sex-abuse hysteria

text: The son of the day-care owner was tried and found guilty, then a Royal Canadian Mounted Police task force assumed control of the investigation. It concluded the original investigation was motivated by "emotional hysteria". During 2003, defendants sued for wrongful prosecution. In 2004, Richard and Kari Klassen received $100,000 each, out of the $1.5 million compensation awarded for the malicious prosecution.


title: Nine Lives (Aerosmith album)

text: Nine Lives is the twelfth studio album by American rock band Aerosmith, released on March 18, 1997. The album was produced by Aerosmith and Kevin Shirley, and was the band's first studio album released by Columbia Records since 1982's "Rock in a Hard Place". In the United States, it peaked at number one on the "Billboard" 200 and sold over two million copies. One of the album's singles, "Pink", won a Grammy Award for Best Rock Performance by a Duo or Group with Vocal. Until, "Music from Another Dimension!", "Nine Lives" was their longest album, tied closely with their previous "Get a Grip" both having total track time of 62 minutes.


title: Nine Lives (Aerosmith album)

text: Early recordings took place at Criteria Studios in Miami, Florida, where the band worked with producer Glen Ballard. There, Steven Tyler and Ballard co-wrote the lyrics for "Falling in Love (Is Hard on the Knees)", "Taste of India" and "Pink". Other collaborators, including Desmond Child and Taylor Rhodes, joined Tyler and guitarist Joe Perry to write songs. Child previously collaborated with Aerosmith on such hits as "Angel," "Crazy" and "Dude (Looks like a Lady)."


title: Nine Lives (Aerosmith album)

text: Only a week before rehearsals, drummer Joey Kramer was suffering from depression, having grieved the loss of his father a few years prior. With Kramer unavailable, rumors began to circulate that the band would disband. Steve Ferrone was brought in to play drums until Kramer was able to return. "I came back with a nice perspective on what I bring to the table in Aerosmith," Kramer reflected. "That was healthy for me. We ended up rerecording because people were listening to the tracks and were saying some negative stuff about it and saying the band didn't sound the same."


title: Nine Lives (Aerosmith album)

text: Originally set for a summer release in 1996, the album was delayed, because Columbia Records felt dissatisfied with the nine tracks that Aerosmith and Ballard had produced. Further issues occurred in July that year, when the band asked their manager Tim Collins to step down after almost twelve years of partnership. In his 2014 autobiography "Rocks: My Life In and Out of Aerosmith", Perry recounted that Aerosmith felt betrayed by Collins, as he would pit the members against one another. With their longtime manager gone, the band decided to hire in-house producer Kevin Shirley, and set up at Avatar Studios in New York City. Shirley, who had also worked with Journey, helped with the album's overtones and instruments, particularly the guitar sounds. In a 1997 MTV special promoting the making of "Nine Lives", Tyler declared: "He's got it somewhere stuck between "Toys in the Attic" and "Rocks"."


title: Nine Lives (Aerosmith album)

text: The new sessions began in September 1996, and continued to November. Following the shift in production, Kramer recovered from his depression, and returned to the studio. Instead of playing his tracks over Ferrone's, the band rerecorded from scratch on all of the completed tracks with Kramer.


title: Nine Lives (Aerosmith album)

text: John Kalodner, Columbia's A&R executive was brought back to supervise the project, after he had been pushed off the production in Florida by Collins. He helped trim the twenty-four songs that had been written to thirteen. Initially, the band called the album "Vindaloo" after adding in elements of Indian music throughout some of the songs, including a sarangi intro by Ramesh Mishra on the song, "Taste of India". But upon completing the track "Nine Lives", the band felt that would make the perfect title, serving as a metaphor for the album's troubled conception.


title: Nine Lives (Aerosmith album)

text: The booklet for "Nine Lives" contains 12 pieces of album art (including the cover). Each picture contains a smaller version of the previous picture within itself. The final picture is included in the first, creating an infinite loop. It was designed by Stefan Sagmeister.


title: Nine Lives (Aerosmith album)

text: The original cover art, inspired by a painting in a book by A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada, features Lord Krishna (with a cat's head and female breasts) dancing on the head of the snake demon, Kāliyā. The Hindu community protested, feeling the artwork was offensive. The band had been unaware of the source of the artwork, and the record company apologized, leading to the next prints removing the art from the cover and booklet. The new cover features a cat tied to a circus knife-thrower’s wheel.


title: Nine Lives (Aerosmith album)

text: In his AllMusic review, Stephen Thomas Erlewine compared "Nine Lives" to previous Aerosmith albums stating, “Nine Lives, in contrast, is overlabored, with Aerosmith making a conscious effort to sound hip and vibrant, which ironically simply makes them sound tired." He also criticized the album's troubled production saying, "Not only are the performances perfunctory, but the songs aren't catchy -- no matter how hard it tries, 'Falling in Love (Is Hard on the Knees)' never develops a hook, and it is not an exception". Elysa Gardner from "Rolling Stone" was more favorable in her 1997 review concluding, "For those who simply can't abide a collection of Aerosmith tunes without its share of power ballads, "Nine Lives" doesn't disappoint".


title: Nine Lives (Aerosmith album)

text: Some releases of "Nine Lives" feature different track listings, most notably the two Japanese editions which both feature the song "Fall Together". The song was included as a B-side on the album's first single "Falling in Love (Is Hard on the Knees)". The European re-release of the album's third single "Pink", features the B-side "What Kind of Love Are You On". The song was originally titled "What Kind of Lover You Want", and was one of many outtakes left from the recording sessions in Florida. The song was re-titled "What Kind of Love Are You On" and features in the 1998 movie "Armageddon", as well as its associated . Other unfinished tracks that were discarded during the recording sessions in Florida include, "Bacon Biscuit Blues", "Bridges Are Burning", "Heart of Passion", "Loretta" and "Trouble". Tyler also mentioned a song called "Where the Sun Never Shines" during an MTV interview shortly after the album's release.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Maxwell Davenport Taylor (August 26, 1901 – April 19, 1987) was a senior United States Army officer and diplomat of the mid-20th century. He served with distinction in World War II, most notably as commander of the 101st Airborne Division, nicknamed "The Screaming Eagles."


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: After the war, he served as the fifth chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, having been appointed by President John F. Kennedy. He is the father of biographer and historian John Maxwell Taylor and of military historian and author Thomas Happer Taylor.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: A controversial figure, Taylor, was considered, along with Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, to have played a major role during the early days of the Vietnam War in the decision to deploy US combat troops to Vietnam and to escalate the conflict more generally.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Born in Keytesville, Missouri, and raised in Kansas City, Taylor graduated from Northeast High School and attended Kansas City Polytechnic Institute. In 1918, he passed competitive examinations for Congressional appointment by William Patterson Borland to either the United States Military Academy or United States Naval Academy and then passed the Military Academy entrance examination. Taylor attended West Point, graduated fourth in the Class of 1922, and was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. He served in Hawaii with the 3rd Engineers from 1923 to 1926.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor transferred to the Field Artillery and, from 1926 to 1927, served with the 10th Field Artillery, receiving promotion to first lieutenant. Having demonstrated a facility for foreign languages, he studied French in Paris and was then assigned to West Point as an instructor in French and Spanish. He graduated from the Field Artillery School in 1933, and he completed the course at the United States Army Command and General Staff College in 1935.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor was promoted to captain in August 1935 and served at the American embassy in Tokyo from 1935 to 1939, including attaché duty in China in 1937. He graduated from the United States Army War College in 1940 and was promoted to major in July 1940.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor served on the War Plans Division staff in 1940 and took part in a defense cooperation mission to Latin American countries. He commanded the 1st Battalion of the 12th Field Artillery Regiment from 1940 to 1941, and then served in the Office of the Secretary of the General Staff until 1942. He received temporary promotions to lieutenant colonel in December 1941, colonel in February 1942, and brigadier general in December 1942.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: In 1942, Taylor became chief of staff of the 82nd Airborne Division, followed by command of the 82nd Airborne Division Artillery, and took part in combat in Sicily and Italy. In 1943, during the planning for the Allied invasion of Italy, Taylor's diplomatic and language skills resulted in his secret mission to Rome to co-ordinate an 82nd air drop with Italian forces. General Dwight D. Eisenhower later said that "the risks he ran were greater than I asked any other agent or emissary to take during the war."


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Hundreds of miles behind the front lines of battle, Taylor was forced by the rules of engagement to wear his American military uniform to prevent himself, if captured, from being shot as a spy. He met with the new Italian prime minister, Marshal Pietro Badoglio, and General Carboni. The air drop near Rome to capture the city was called off at the last minute since Taylor realized that German forces were already moving in to cover the intended drop zones. Transport planes were already in the air when Taylor's message canceled the drop, preventing the mission. His efforts behind enemy lines got Taylor noticed at the highest levels of the Allied command.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: After the campaigns in the Mediterranean, Taylor was assigned to become the Commanding General (CG) of the 101st Airborne Division, nicknamed "The Screaming Eagles", which was then training in England in preparation for the Allied invasion of Normandy, after the division's first commander, Major General William Lee, suffered a heart attack. Taylor received temporary promotion to major general in May 1944.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor took part in the division's parachute jump into Normandy on June 6, 1944 (D-Day), the first Allied general officer to land in France on D-Day. He subsequently commanded the 101st in the Battle of Normandy, including in the capture of Carentan on June 13, and the division continued to fight in the campaign as regular infantry. The 101st Airborne Division was pulled out of the line in late June, having been in almost continuous action for nearly a month, and in early July, he returned to England to rest and refit and absorb replacements, after having suffered over 4,600 casualties.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Having been brought up to strength, Taylor led the 101st in Operation Market Garden in the Netherlands in September 1944. He was not present for the division's action during the Siege of Bastogne as part of the Battle of the Bulge since he was attending a staff conference in the United States. The Divisional Artillery commander, Brigadier General Anthony McAuliffe, exercised command in his absence. Taylor called the defense of Bastogne the 101st Airborne Division's "finest hour" of the war and stated that his absence was one of his greatest disappointments of the war. After Bastogne, Taylor's 101st saw little further service in the war and was sent to the United States in late 1945, where it was deactivated in November.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: On September 4, 1945, Taylor became superintendent of the United States Military Academy, despite initially having been scheduled to assume the position on September 1. In 1947, he drafted the first official Honor Code publication marking the beginning of the written "Cadet Honor Code" at West Point. He was succeeded by Bryant Moore on January 28, 1949. Afterwards he was the commander of allied troops in West Berlin from 1949 to 1951; when he left that post, he felt like a "Berliner," more than a decade before John F. Kennedy gave his famous "Ich bin ein Berliner" speech in the city. In July 1951 he was promoted to lieutenant general and assigned as the U.S. Army Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations and Administration at the Pentagon.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: In June 1953, he was sent to Korea, where he commanded the Eighth United States Army during the final combat operations of the Korean War. From 1955 to 1959, he was the Army Chief of Staff, succeeding his former mentor, Matthew B. Ridgway. During his tenure, Taylor attempted to guide the service into the age of nuclear weapons by restructuring the infantry division into a Pentomic formation. Observers such as Colonel David Hackworth have written that the effort gutted the role of US Army company and field grade officers, rendering it unable to adapt to the dynamics of combat in Vietnam.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: During 1957, President Dwight D. Eisenhower ordered Taylor to deploy 1,000 troops from the 101st Airborne Division to Little Rock, Arkansas to enforce federal court orders to desegregate Central High School during the Little Rock Crisis.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: As Army Chief of Staff, Taylor was an outspoken critic of the Eisenhower administration's "New Look" defense policy, which he viewed as dangerously overreliant on nuclear arms and neglectful of conventional forces; Taylor also criticized the inadequacies of the Joint Chiefs of Staff system. Frustrated with the administration's failure to heed his arguments, Taylor retired from active service in July 1959. He campaigned publicly against the "New Look," culminating in the publication in January 1960 of a highly critical book, "The Uncertain Trumpet".


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: As the 1960 presidential campaign unfolded, Democratic nominee John F. Kennedy criticized Eisenhower's defense policy and championed a muscular "flexible response" policy intentionally aligned with Taylor's views as described in "The Uncertain Trumpet". After the April 1961 failure of the Bay of Pigs Invasion, Kennedy, who felt the Joint Chiefs of Staff had failed to provide him with satisfactory military advice, appointed Taylor to head a task force to investigate the failure of the invasion.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Both President Kennedy and his brother, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, had immense regard for Taylor, whom they saw as a man of unquestionable integrity, sincerity, intelligence, and diplomacy. The Cuba Study Group met for six weeks from April to May 1961 to perform an "autopsy" on the disastrous events surrounding the Bay of Pigs Invasion. In the course of their work together, Taylor developed a deep regard and a personal affection for Robert F. Kennedy, a friendship that was wholly mutual and which remained firm until RFK's assassination in 1968.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor spoke of Robert Kennedy glowingly: "He is always on the lookout for a 'snow job,' impatient with evasion and imprecision, and relentless in his determination to get at the truth." In January, 1965 Robert Kennedy named his next-to-last son Matthew Maxwell Taylor Kennedy (better known as an adult as "Max").


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Shortly after the investigation concluded, the Kennedys' warm feelings for Taylor and the President's lack of confidence in the Joint Chiefs of Staff led John Kennedy to recall Taylor to active duty and install him in the newly created post of military representative to the president. His close personal relationship with the President and White House access effectively made Taylor the President's primary military adviser, cutting out the Joint Chiefs. On October 1, 1962, Kennedy ended this uncomfortable arrangement by appointing Taylor as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, a position in which he served until 1964.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor was of crucial importance during the first few years of the Vietnam War, during his time as the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and later being appointed Ambassador to the Republic of Vietnam. Whereas Kennedy told Taylor in October 1961 that "the independence of South Vietnam rests with the people and government of that country", Taylor soon recommended that 8,000 American combat troops be sent to the region at once. After making his report to the Cabinet and the Chiefs of Staff (with Deputy National Security Adviser Walt Rostow), Taylor reflected on the decision to send troops to South Vietnam: "I don't recall anyone who was strongly against, except one man, and that was the President. The President just didn't want to be convinced that this was the right thing to do... It was really the President's personal conviction that U.S. ground troops shouldn't go in."


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: In May 1963, mass protests and civil disobedience broke out in South Vietnam in response to President Ngo Dinh Diem's persecution of the Buddhist majority, which was met with military crackdowns, culminating in nationwide raids on Buddhist temples. In the wake of the raids, the US sent out Cable 243, which called for Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. to lobby for the removal from influence of Diem's younger brother and chief political adviser Ngo Dinh Nhu, and to look for alternative leadership options if Diem refused. As it was known that Diem would never sideline Nhu, it was effectively an authorisation for Lodge to encourage a military coup. The cable was prepared and sent out over a weekend when many leading Washington figures were away, under the misunderstanding that higher authorisation had been given. Marine General Victor Krulak signed off on behalf of the military without showing Taylor, who was a supporter of Diem. On Monday August 26, at the White House, Kennedy was met with angry comments by Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, CIA Director John McCone and Taylor, all of whom denied authorizing the cable. Kennedy was reported to have said "My God! My government's coming apart." Taylor felt insulted by the final line of the cable which asserted that only the "minimum essential people" had seen its contents. During the acrimonious exchange, he condemned the cable as an "egregious end run" by an anti-Diem faction. Roger Hilsman rebutted Taylor by asserting that Kennedy and representatives of departments and agencies had approved the message. Years afterward, Taylor declared "The anti-Diem group centered in State [department] had taken advantage of the absence of the principal officials to get out instructions which would never have been approved as written under normal circumstances". Taylor claimed that the message was reflective of Forrestal and Hilsman's "well-known compulsion" to remove Diem. He accused them of pulling "a fast one". Kennedy asked his advisers if they wanted to retract the cable, but they agreed to stand by the original decision to maintain consistency. Taylor said that "You can't change American policy in twenty-four hours and expect anyone to ever believe you again." Taylor also objected to two phone calls on August 24 to Washington from Admiral Harry D. Felt, the commander of US forces in the Pacific, calling for backing to the generals to remove Nhu. Felt said that the mid-level officers would not fight if Nhu was not removed. Taylor became angry that Felt had advised the State Department to move against Diem without first consulting the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Taylor then told Kennedy that Americans would not tolerate their officers selecting the president, and thus they should not usurp the cabinet in doing the same in South Vietnam.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor remained opposed to any moves towards the disposal of Diem. Years afterward, he said that Diem was "a terrible pain in the neck", but was a devoted servant of his country. Taylor called on Kennedy to support Diem until a better leader had been lined up, pointing out that the officers were divided and therefore could not be relied on to plot and stage a coup.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: The junta led by General Duong Van Minh following Diem's removal lasted three months until General Nguyen Khanh toppled Minh in January 1964. Taylor and other military officials had disagreed with Minh's reluctance to carry out large-scale offensives against the communists and wanted a more aggressive approach. He was known to regard Khanh as the more competent ARVN general. However, Taylor changed his opinion upon being made Ambassador to South Vietnam in July 1964 when Lodge returned to the US.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: In August, following widespread Buddhist protests, some senior officers, particularly the Catholic Generals Tran Thien Khiem and Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, decried Khanh's concessions to the Buddhists. They plotted Khánh's removal and sought out Taylor for a private endorsement, but Taylor did not want any more leadership changes, fearing a corrosive effect on the already-unstable government. This deterred Khiêm's group from acting on their plans. On September 13, another coup attempt led by Catholic Generals Duong Van Duc and Lam Van Phat started while Taylor was on a flight from the US—back to Saigon and catching him off-guard. The coup failed, and Taylor helped organize for Khiêm to be made Saigon's representative in Washington. During the coup, Minh had remained silent, angering Khánh and keeping their long-running rivalry going. By the end of October, the Johnson administration had become more supportive of Taylor's negative opinion of Minh and eventually paid for Minh to go on a "good will tour" to remove him from the political scene.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor frequently clashed with General Nguyen Khanh and helped to engineer his removal, having supported Khanh's deposal of General Duong Van Minh.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor received fierce criticism in Major (later Lieutenant General and National Security Advisor) H.R. McMaster's book "Dereliction of Duty." Specifically, Taylor was accused of intentionally misrepresenting the views of the Joint Chiefs to Defense Secretary Robert McNamara and of cutting the Joint Chiefs out of the decision-making process.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Whereas the Chiefs felt that it was their duty to offer unbiased assessments and recommendations on military matters, Taylor was of the firm belief that the chairman should not only support the president's decisions but also be a true believer in them. That discrepancy manifested itself during the early planning phases of the war while it was still being decided what the nature of American involvement should be. McNamara and the civilians of the office of the secretary of defense were firmly behind the idea of graduated pressure: to escalate pressure slowly against North Vietnam in order to demonstrate U.S. resolve. The Joint Chiefs, however, strenuously disagreed with that and believed that if the US got involved further in Vietnam, it should be with the clear intention of winning and through the use of overwhelming force. McMaster contends that using a variety of political maneuvering, including liberal use of outright deception, Taylor succeeded in keeping the Joint Chiefs' opinions away from the President and helped set the stage for McNamara to begin to dominate systematically the U.S. decision making process on Vietnam.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor was also criticized by Tom Ricks in his book "The Generals" (2012): "Maxwell Taylor arguably was the most destructive general in American history. As Army chief of staff in the 1950s, he steered the US military toward engaging in 'brushfire wars.' As White House military adviser during the early 1960s, he encouraged President John F. Kennedy to deepen American involvement in Vietnam. As chairman of the Joint Chiefs, he poisoned relations between the military and civilian leadership. He was also key in picking Gen. William Westmoreland to command the war there."


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Taylor again retired from the Army on July 1, 1964, having been succeeded as Chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff by General Earle Wheeler, and became Ambassador to South Vietnam from 1964 to 1965, succeeding Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. Taylor served in the Pentagon during parts of 1965 as "SACSA", the Special Advisor for Counterinsurgency Affairs". He was Special Consultant to the President and Chairman of the Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (1965–1969) and President of the Institute for Defense Analyses (1966–1969).


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: Afflicted with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (also called "Lou Gehrig's disease"), Taylor spent his last three months at Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington, DC, and died at 85 years of age on April 19, 1987. He was interred at Arlington National Cemetery.


title: Maxwell D. Taylor

text: In 1925, Taylor married the former Lydia Gardner Happer (1901–1997). They had two sons: John Maxwell Taylor and Thomas Happer Taylor, the latter being a West Point graduate [Class of 1960] and Army officer.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: The Loyal Order of Moose is a fraternal and service organization founded in 1888 and headquartered in Mooseheart, Illinois.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: Moose International supports the operation of Mooseheart Child City & School, a community for children and teens in need, located west of Chicago; and Moosehaven, a retirement community for its members near Jacksonville, Florida.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: Additionally, the Moose organization conducts numerous sports and recreational programs, in local Lodge/Chapter facilities called either Moose Family Centers or Activity Centers, in the majority of 44 State and Provincial Associations, and on a fraternity-wide basis. There is also a Loyal Order of Moose in Britain. These organizations together make up the Moose International.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: The Loyal Order of Moose was founded in Louisville, Kentucky, in the spring of 1888 by Dr. John Henry Wilson. Originally intended purely as a men's social club, lodges were soon founded in Cincinnati, Ohio, St. Louis, Missouri, and Crawfordsville and Frankfort, Indiana. The early order was not prosperous. Dr. Wilson himself was dissatisfied and left the order of the Moose before the turn of the century. When Albert C. Stevens was compiling his "Cyclopedia of Fraternities" in the late 1890s, he was unable to ascertain whether it was still in existence.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: In the fall of 1906 the Order had only the two Indiana lodges remaining. On October 27 of that year James J. Davis became the 247th member of the Order. Davis was a Welsh immigrant who had come to the US as a youth and worked as an iron puddler in the steel mills of Pennsylvania and an active labor organizer (he later became Secretary of Labor in the Harding administration). He saw the Order as a way to provide a social safety net for a working class membership, using a low annual membership fee of $10–$15 (equivalent to $–$ in ). After giving a rousing address to the seven delegates of the 1906 Moose national convention, he was appointed "Supreme Organizer" of the Order. Davis and a group of organizers set out to recruit members and establish lodges throughout the US and Canada. He was quite successful, and the Order grew to nearly half a million members in 1,000 lodges by 1912.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: In 1994, a Moose Lodge in Hagerstown, Maryland, denied membership based on race. Officials at Moose International took action and revoked the charter of the Moose Lodge.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: At the 1911 convention in Detroit, Davis, the "Director General" of the Order, recommended that the LOOM (Loyal Order Of Moose) acquire property for an "Institute", "School" or "College" that would be a home, schooling, and vocational training for the orphans of LOOM members. For months offers came in and a number of meetings were held regarding the project. It was eventually agreed that the center should be located somewhere near the center of population, adjacent to both rail and river transportation and within a day's travel to a major city. On December 14, 1912, the leaders of the organization decided to purchase the 750-acre Brookline Farm. Brookline was a dairy farm near Batavia, Illinois. It was close to the Fox River, two railway lines and the (then dirt) Lincoln Highway. The leadership also wished to buy additional real estate to the west and north owned by two other families, for a total of 1,023 acres. Negotiations for the purchases were held in January and February 1913, and legal possession of the property was taken on March 1. The name "Mooseheart" had been adopted for the school at the suggestion of Ohio Congressman and Supreme Council member John Lentz by a unanimous joint meeting of the Supreme Council and Institute Trustees on Feb. 1. Mooseheart was dedicated on July 27, 1913. Vice President Thomas R. Marshall gave a speech for the occasion.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: While Mooseheart began as a school, it soon grew to become a small incorporated village and hub of the organization, housing the headquarters of the LOOM as well as the Women of the Moose. The population of Mooseheart would grow to 1,000 by 1920, reach a peak of 1,300 during the Great Depression, and go down to approximately 500, the campus' current maximum capacity, in 1979.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: In addition to Mooseheart, the LOOM also runs a retirement center, Moosehaven, located in Orange Park, Florida. This project was inaugurated in the autumn of 1922 with 26 acres of property and 22 retired Moose residents. It has grown to a 63-acre community with over 400 residents.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: Local units are called "Lodges", state groups are "State Associations" and the national authority is the "Supreme Lodge of the World", which meets annually. In 1923 there were 1,669 lodges "promulgated in every civilized country controlled by the Caucasian race". In 1966 3,500 lodges were reported in every US state, Guam, Canada, Bermuda and England. In 1979 the Order had 36 State Associations and over 4,000 Lodges. Today it has 1,600 Lodges in 49 states, four Canadian provinces, and the United Kingdom.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: Until at least the 1970s, membership was restricted to white men of "sound mind and body, in good standing in the community, engaged in lawful business who are able to speak and write the English language". In June 1972 the Supreme Court handed down a decision partially in the Order's favor, saying that a Moose Lodge in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, need not have its state liquor license revoked because it refused to serve a black guest, but that the state could subsequently condition its license on nondiscriminatory practices.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: In the early 1920s the LOOM reportedly had over half a million members, with 32,570 in the Mooseheart Legion and 5,178 in the Junior Order of Moose.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: An important ritual for the Moose is the "9 o'clock Ceremony". At nine o'clock, all Moose are directed to face toward Mooseheart with bowed heads and folded arms and repeat a silent prayer "Let the little children to come unto me and forbid them not for such is the Kingdom of Heaven. God bless Mooseheart." At that same time the children of Mooseheart kneel at their bedside in prayers as well. There are also the ten "thou shalts". These begin with "Thou shalt believe in God and worship Him as thy conscience dictates. Thou shalt be tolerant to let others worship each in his own way". Other "thou shalts" pertain to patriotism, service to fellowmen, protection of the weak, avoidance of slander to a brother Moose, love of the LOM, faithfulness and humility


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: James Davis drew up the initiation ritual for the order. It is relatively short, usually taking 45 minutes. The governor of the lodge asks the Sergeant-at-Arms to administer the Moose obligation. After candidates are asked if they believe in a Supreme Being, and if they are willing to assume the obligation they take the oath with their left hand on their heart and their right hand raised. Among other things, this obligation pledges the candidate not to "communicate or disclose or give any information—concerning anything—I may hereafter hear, see or experience in this lodge or in any other Lodge". At this point the lodge performs the 9 o'clock ceremony, and then the lodge chaplain or prelate explains the ten "thou shalts". Next, the governor grasps the hands of the candidates while the members sing "Blest Be the Tie that Binds". Finally, the governor administers the second part of the obligation, the candidates promise to support Mooseheart and Moosehaven, help fellow Moose, settle disputes within the order, and not join any unauthorized Moose organizations. The prelate offers another prayer at the altar, and all then join in singing "Friendship We Now Extend".


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: There are also death and graveside services, granted on request of the family of deceased Moose, as well as a Memorial Day ceremony every first Sunday in May. The lodge altar is draped in black and white cloth, a Bible, a flower and drapes are placed on the lodge charter and the lodge prelate leads the members in prayers and the singing of "Nearer, My God, to Thee".


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: On July 24, 1913, two candidates for LOOM membership, Donald A. Kenny and Christopher Gustin, died during their initiation ceremony in Birmingham, Alabama. Kenny was the president of the local Chauffeurs Union, and Gustin was an iron moulder. Both men were made to look upon a red hot emblem of the Order, and then blindfolded and disrobed and have a chilled rubber version of the emblem applied to their chests while a magneto was attached to their legs and an electric current was applied to them by a wire to their shoulders. The aim was evidently to make them believe that they were being branded. Both men fainted, but, as it was thought that they were feigning, the lodge officers did not stop the initiation until it was evident that the two were dying and the lodge physician was unable to revive them.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: The LOOM has historically supported numerous charitable and civic activities. It has sponsored medical research for muscular dystrophy, cerebral palsy, cancer and cardiology, as well as the March of Dimes. It has also supported Boy Scout and Girl Scout programs.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: In 1925 the LOOM brought a suit against the Independent, Benevolent and Protective Order of Moose, an African American order. They attempted to obtain a legal injunction to keep them from using the Moose name, ritual, emblem and titles of its officers. The New York Supreme Court found that the evidence presented by the Loyal Order of Moose was inadmissible, and it found in favor of the Independent, Benevolent and Protective Order of Moose.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: In another lawsuit heard by a Maryland Circuit Court, the Loyal Order of Moose sued the Independent, Benevolent and Protective Order of Moose, saying they had infringed on its intellectual property by using the word moose in its name, by using the moose in its emblem, and by having similar rituals. The court found that the two organizations' emblems and part of their rituals were virtually identical, and the court estrained the African American order from using the word moose in its name. The court allowed the Independent, Benevolent and Protective Order of Moose to continue using the same fraternal titles and colors.


title: Loyal Order of Moose

text: By 1966, the Lutheran Church–Missouri Synod and the Wisconsin Synod forbade membership in the Loyal Order of Moose. The Catholic Church, however, has never explicitly objected to the Moose, despite having condemned similar organizations, such as the Freemasons, for their oaths and other rituals. Papal Encyclicals, specifically Paragraph 9 of Pope Leo XIII's 1884 encyclical: Humanum Genus, condemn any and all Freemasonic organizations and sects and bans the laity from becoming members.


title: Penile implant

text: A penile implant is an implanted device intended for the treatment of erectile dysfunction, Peyronie's disease, ischemic priapism, deformity and any traumatic injury of the penis, and for phalloplasty in men or phalloplasty and metoidioplasty in female-to-male gender reassignment surgery. Men also opt for penile implants for aesthetic purposes. Men’s satisfaction and sexual function is influenced by discomfort over genital size which leads to seek surgical and non-surgical solutions for penis alteration. Although there are many distinct types of implants, most fall into one of two categories: malleable and inflatable transplants.


title: Penile implant

text: The first modern prosthetic reconstruction of a penis is attributed to NA Borgus, a German physician who performed the first surgical attempts in 1936 on soldiers with traumatic amputations of the penis. He used rib cartilages as prosthetic material and reconstructed the genitals for both micturition and intercourse purposes. Willard E. Goodwin and William Wallace Scott were the first to describe the placement of synthetic penile implants using acrylic prosthesis in 1952. Silicone-based penile implants were developed by Harvey Lash and the first case series were published in 1964. The development of a high-grade silicone that is currently used in penile implants is credited to NASA. The prototypes of the contemporary inflatable and malleable penile implants were presented in 1973 during the annual meeting of the American Urological Association by two groups of physicians from Baylor University (Gerald Timm, William E. Bradley and F. Brantley Scott) and University of Miami (Michael P. Small and Hernan M. Carrion). Small and Carrion pioneered the popularization of semi-rigid penile implants with the introduction of Small-Carrion prosthesis (Mentor, USA) in 1975. Brantley Scott described the initial device as composed of two inflatable cylindrical bodies made up of silicone, a reservoir containing radiopaque fluid and two pumping units. The first generation products were marketed through American Medical Systems (AMS; currently Boston Scientific), with which Brantley Scott was associated. Many device updates have been released by AMS since the first generation implants. In 1983, Mentor (currently Coloplast) joined the market. In 2017, there were more than ten manufacturers of penile implants in the world, however only a few now remain in the market. The latest additions to the market are Zephyr Surgical Implants and Rigicon Innovative Urological Solutions. Zephyr Surgical Implants, along with penile implants for biological men, introduced the first line of inflatable and malleable penile implants designed for sex reassignment for trans men.


title: Penile implant

text: According to analysis of the 5% Medicare Public Use Files from 2001 to 2010 approximately 3% of patients diagnosed with erectile dysfunction opt for penile implantation. Each year nearly 25,000 inflatable penile prostheses are implanted in the USA.


title: Penile implant

text: The malleable (also known as non-inflatable or semi-rigid) penile prosthesis is a set of a pair of rods implanted into the corpora of the penis. The rods are hard, but 'malleable' in the sense that they can be adjusted manually into the erect position. There are two types of malleable implants: one that is made of silicone and does not have a rod inside, also called soft implants, and another with a silver or steel spiral wire core inside coated with silicone. Some of the models have trimmable tails intended for length adjustment. Currently, a variety of malleable penile implants are available worldwide.


title: Penile implant

text: The inflatable penile implant (IPP), more recently developed, is a set of inflatable cylinders and a pump system. Based on the differences in structure, there are two types of inflatable penile implants: two-piece and three-piece IPPs. Both types of inflatable devices are filled with sterile saline solution which is pumped into cylinders when in process. The cylinders are implanted into the cavernous body of the penis. The pump system is attached to the cylinders and placed in the scrotum. Three-piece implants have a separate large reservoir connected to the pump. The reservoir is commonly placed in the retropubic space (Retzius' space), however other locations have also been described, such as between the transverse muscle and rectus muscle. Three-piece implants provide more desirable rigidity and girth of the penis resembling natural erection. Additionally, due to the presence of a large reservoir, three-piece implants provide full flaccidity of the penis when deflated, thus bringing more comfort than two-piece inflatable and malleable implants.


title: Penile implant

text: The saline solution is pumped manually from the reservoir into bilateral chambers of cylinders implanted in the shaft of the penis, which replaces the non- or minimally-functioning erectile tissue. This produces an erection. The glans of the penis, however, remains unaffected. Ninety to ninety-five percent of inflatable prostheses produce erections suitable for sexual intercourse. In the United States, the inflatable prosthesis has largely replaced the malleable one, due to its lower rate of infections, high device survival rate and 80–90% satisfaction rate.


title: Penile implant

text: The first IPP prototype presented in 1975 by Scott and colleagues was a three-piece prosthesis (two cylinders, two pumps and a fluid reservoir). Since then, the IPP has undergone multiple modifications and improvements for device reliability and durability, including change in the chemical material used in implant manufacturing, using hydrophilic and antibiotic eluting coatings to reduce the rates of infections, introducing one-touch release etc. Surgical techniques used for the implantation of penile prostheses have also improved along with evolution of the device. Inflatable penile implants were one of the first interventions in urology where the "no-touch" surgical technique was introduced. This has significantly reduced the rates of post-operative infections.


title: Penile implant

text: In spite of recent rapid and extensive development of non-surgical management options for erectile dysfunction, especially novel targeted medications and gene therapy, the penile implants remain the mainstay and the gold standard choice for the treatment of erectile dysfunction refractory to oral medications and injectable therapy. Additionally, penile implants can be a relevant option for those with erectile dysfunction who wants to proceed with a permanent solution without medical therapy. Penile implants have been used for the treatment of erectile dysfunction with various etiologies, including vascular, cavernosal, neurogenic, psychological and post-surgical (e.g. prostatectomy). The American Urological Association recommends informing all men with erectile dysfunction about penile implants as a choice of treatment and discussing the potential outcomes with them.


title: Penile implant

text: Penile implants can help recover the natural shape of the penis in various conditions that have led to penile deformity. These can be traumatic injuries, penile surgeries, disfiguring and fibrosing diseases of the penis, such as Peyronie's disease. In Peyronie's disease, the change in penile curvature affects normal sexual intercourse as well as causing erectile dysfunction due to disruption of blood flow in the cavernous bodies of the penis. Therefore, implantation of penile prosthesis in Peyronie's disease addresses several mechanisms involved in the pathophysiology of the disease.


title: Penile implant

text: Although different models of penile prostheses have been reported to be implanted after phalloplasty procedures, with the first case described in 1978 by Pucket and Montie, the first penile implants designed and produced specifically for female-to-male gender reassignment surgery for trans men were introduced in 2015 by Zephyr Surgical Implants. Both malleable and inflatable models are available. These implants have more realistic shape with an ergonomic glans at the tip of the prosthesis. The inflatable model has an attached pump resembling a testicle. The prosthesis is implanted with a sturdy fixation on pubic bone. Another, thinner malleable implant is intended for metoidioplasty.


title: Penile implant

text: The overall satisfaction rate with penile implants reaches over 90%. Both self and partner-reported satisfaction rates are evaluated to assess the outcomes. It has been shown that implantation of inflatable penile prosthesis brings more patient and partner satisfaction than medication therapy with PDE5 inhibitors or intracavernosal injections. Satisfaction rates are reported to be higher with inflatable rather than malleable implants, but there are no difference between two-piece and three-piece devices. The most frequent reasons for dissatisfaction are reduced penis length and girth, failed expectations and difficulties with device use. Thus, it is vital to provide patients and their partners with detailed preoperative counselling and instructions.


title: Penile implant

text: 33% to 90% of cases of patients with Peyronie's disease that have had an inflatable PI procedure have successfully corrected their penile deformity. The residual curvature after penile implant placement usually requires intraoperative surgical intervention.


title: Penile implant

text: The most common complication associated with penile implant placement appears to be infections with reported rates of 1–3%. Both surgical site and device infections are reported. When the infection involves the penile implant itself, implant removal is required and irrigation of the cavities with antiseptic solutions. In this scenario, placement of a new implant is needed to avoid further tissue fibrosis and shortening of the penis. The rate of repeat surgeries or device replacements ranges from 6% to 13%. Other reported complications include perforation of the corpus cavernosum and urethra (0.1–3%), commonly occurring in patients with previous fibrosis, prosthesis erosion or extrusion, change in glans shape, hematoma, shortening of penis length, and device malfunction. Due to continuous improvement of surgical techniques and modifications of implants, complication rates have dramatically decreased over time.


title: Penile implant

text: To overcome post-operative penile shortening and to increase the perceived length of the penis and patient satisfaction, ventral and dorsal phalloplasty procedures in combination with penile implants have been described. Modified glanulopexy has been proposed to prevent supersonic transporter deformity and glandular hypermobility which are possible complications of penile implants. Sliding techniques in which the penis is cut and elongated with penile implants have been performed in cases of severe penile shortening. However, these techniques had higher rates of complications and are currently avoided.


title: Konomi Kohara

text: Having been interested in anime since junior high, Kohara enrolled into Human Academy after graduating from high school to pursue her dream of becoming a voice actress. After a two-year stint as an actress from 2012 to 2014, she joined her current voice actress agency Office Osawa. She made her voice acting debut in 2016. Her first major breakthrough came in 2017 with the role of Akane Mizuno in "Tsuki ga Kirei". In 2019, she voiced Chika Fujiwara in "." "Chikatto Chika Chika♡", her character's dance song she sang at the end of episode 3 became hugely popular, surpassing 20 million views on YouTube in just 18 months.


title: Konomi Kohara

text: In 2020, her web radio program "Kohara Konomi no Kokoro Okinaku" won the Best Comfort Radio award at the 6th Aniradi Awards.


title: Konomi Kohara

text: She often professes her love for the retail chain MUJI, having previously worked there as an employee.


title: Michael Grylls

text: Sir William Michael John Grylls (21 February 1934 – 7 February 2001) was a British Conservative politician. He was implicated in the cash-for-questions affair, a political scandal of the 1990s. He was the father of adventurer and the Scout Association’s Chief Scout Bear Grylls.


title: Michael Grylls

text: Grylls was born in Folkestone, Kent, the son of Brigadier William Edward Harvey Grylls , of the 15th/19th The King's Royal Hussars, and Rachel Elizabeth, daughter of Brigadier General Kempster Kenmure Knapp and a cousin of the journalist and Conservative politician Bill Deedes. The Grylls family owned and lived at Winterbourne Zelston House, Blandford, Dorset; the family can be traced back to 17th century Cornwall. He was educated at the Royal Naval College, Dartmouth. His eyesight was not good enough for the Navy, so he joined the Royal Marines, and saw active service, leaving in 1955, and studying Spanish at the University of Madrid.


title: Michael Grylls

text: He turned his hand to business, setting up a wine importing firm called the 'Costa Brava Company'. His description of some of his products as "Spanish champagne" provoked the ire of both the makers of genuine champagne and its London importers; he was unsuccessfully prosecuted for trading under a false description, but they won a civil action against him for "passing off", i.e. misrepresenting his goods by using someone else's trademark.


title: Michael Grylls

text: From 1959 he served as a councillor on St. Pancras Borough Council, and was elected to the Greater London Council for the Cities of London and Westminster from 1967 to 1970.


title: Michael Grylls

text: Grylls married Sarah (Sally) Smiles Justice Ford, the daughter of Patricia Ford, Lady Fisher, briefly an Ulster Unionist MP, and cricketer Neville Montagu Ford. Sally is the stepdaughter of Conservative MP Nigel Fisher and the stepsister of Labour MP Mark Fisher. The Gryllses have one daughter, Lara Sarah Grylls, and one son, Edward Michael "Bear" Grylls, the adventurer, TV presenter and the Scout Association’s Chief Scout, who is most recognised as the host of "Born Survivor".


title: Michael Grylls

text: Grylls was an unsuccessful candidate in the Fulham constituency in both the 1964 and 1966 general elections. At the 1970 general election, he was returned to the House of Commons as Member of Parliament for Chertsey in Surrey. His seat was abolished in boundary changes, but he was returned to Parliament for the new North West Surrey constituency in the February 1974 general election. He represented this constituency until his retirement at the 1997 election.


title: Michael Grylls

text: Andrew Roth, author of "Parliamentary Profiles", in assessing Grylls's ideology, accused him of "opportunistic deviations", for example favouring little state interference with business, but supporting public funds for British Aerospace, which was a large employer in his constituency.


title: Michael Grylls

text: For some years Grylls had acted as a consultant to the lobbying company run by Ian Greer at the heart of the "Cash-for-Questions" inquiry. The Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards, Sir Gordon Downey, stated that Grylls had "seriously misled" the select committee on members' interests in 1990 (replaced in 1995 by the Standards and Privileges Committee) by understating the number of payments he had received for introducing clients to ministers and Grylls' conduct, said Sir Gordon, had fallen "below the standards the House is entitled to expect of its members".


title: Michael Grylls

text: The Committee concluded that Grylls had "received payments from Mr Greer (though not in cash) which were neither introduction commissions nor fees associated with the Unitary Tax Campaign. It is not possible to conclude that these payments originated from Mohamed Al-Fayed, although Sir Michael actively participated in the Greer lobbying operation. Sir Michael deliberately misled the Select Committee on Members' Interests in 1990 by seriously understating the number of commission payments he had received; and by omitting to inform them of other fees received from Mr Greer. Sir Michael persistently failed to declare his interests in dealings with Ministers and officials over the House of Fraser. Sir Michael's action in taking a commission payment for introducing a constituent to Mr Greer was unacceptable. There is insufficient evidence to show that Sir Michael solicited business for Mr Greer in expectation of commission payments."


title: Michael Grylls

text: Grylls was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron until his death in 2001; his widow remains an honorary member. In "Piers Morgan's Life Stories", Bear Grylls said that his father had a pace-maker fitted in February 2001, but suddenly died of a heart attack two days after his operation while recovering at home.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Anti-Western sentiment, also known as Anti-Atlanticism or Westernophobia, refers to broad opposition, bias, or hostility towards the people, culture, or policies of the Western world.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: In many modern cases, anti-Western sentiment is fueled by anti-imperialism, particularly against countries that are "deemed guilty for colonial crimes of the past and present," such as Germany, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands. Anti-Western sentiment occurs in many countries, including the West– especially European countries. Broad anti-Western sentiment also exists in the Muslim world against Europeans and Americans. Anti-American sentiment stems from US support for Israel, the 2003 invasion of Iraq, and numerous sanctions against Iran.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Samuel P. Huntington argues that, after the Cold War, international conflict over economic ideology would be replaced with conflict over cultural differences. His "Clash of Civilizations" argues that economic and political regionalism will increasingly shift non-Western countries towards geopolitical engagement with countries that share their values. He argues that Muslim population growth simultaneous to a growth in Islamic fanaticism is leading to a rejection of Westernization.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Congolese independence leader Patrice Lumumba blamed the Western world for imperialism. On 1 August 1960, he "gave a speech that indicated in no ambiguous terms that the United Nations, its Secretary-General, the United States, and the Western powers were all corrupt entities." During the Congo Crisis, Lumumba received support from the Soviet Union, which contributed to his overthrow and execution by the Western-backed Mobutu Sese Seko.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: When Mobutu became leader of the Congo, he renamed the country Zaire and created the national policy of Authenticité or Zaireanization, which aimed to remove all Western cultural influence from the country.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: In 2001, anti-Western sentiment skyrocketed in the Congo following the assassination of Congolese president Laurent Kabila, with many Congolese citizens blaming the Western world for his death.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Anti-Western sentiment broadly expressed in Ethiopia during the Tigray War as result of resentment over pressure in internal politics and request over resolution of the conflict. On 30 May 2021, a pro-government rally took place in Addis Ababa to protest an international pressure denouncing "Western intervention" and US economic and security assistance sanctions. Protestors also waved banners supporting the controversial Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam project. On 22 October 2022, tens of thousands protestors took a demonstration in Addis Ababa's Meskel Square, whereas the other cities in Ethiopia, including Bahir Dar, Gondar, Adama, Dire Dawa and Hawassa also hosted similar demonstration to denounce the intervention.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana, had a staunch anti-Western stance and blamed the United States for many of Africa's difficulties.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: In northeastern Nigeria, the name of the Islamic group Boko Haram translates to "Western education is forbidden" or "Western civilization is forbidden."


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Former Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe used anti-Western rhetoric in his speeches, and he implemented policies that seized farmland from white European farmers.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Anti-Western sentiment in mainland China has been increasing since the early 1990s, particularly among Chinese young adults. Notable incidents which have resulted in a significant anti-Western backlash have included the 1999 NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, the 2008 demonstrations during the Olympic torch relay, and alleged Western media bias, especially in relation to the 2008 Tibetan unrest. While available public opinion polls show that the Chinese people view the United States in a positive light, there remains suspicion over the West's motives toward China stemming largely from historical experiences, specifically the "century of humiliation."


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: These suspicions have been increased by the Chinese Communist Party's "Patriotic Education Campaign". Although Chinese millennials are largely apathetic to politics, China's Gen Z now has an unprecedentedly low opinion of the West and "Western values" since the Chinese economic reforms of the 70s. Young Chinese have grievances such as the Western alienation of Chinese tech companies, anti-East Asian racism, anti-Chinese propaganda, and pressure on China's internal affairs, among other issues. In a study conducted by Toronto University in April 2020, 4 out of every 5 Chinese under 30 years old said they do not trust Americans.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Although opinion polls suggest positive views towards Western countries today, anti-Western sentiments were common in early 20th century India due to the Indian independence movement.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Lee Kuan Yew, the former Prime Minister of Singapore, argued that East Asian countries such as China, East Timor, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Vietnam should be based on "Asian values." In other words, countries such as the Four Asian Tigers should aspire to have Western-style standards of living without accepting liberal democratic social institutions and principles.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Together with political Salafis, jihadists (also called Salafist jihadists) view Christian Europe as a land inhabited by infidels ("Dar al-Kufr"). For jihadists, this makes Christian Europe a just target for armed jihad, e.g., acts of war or terrorist attacks. Jihadists refer to such lands as "Dar al-Harb" (lands of war). Jihadists themselves motivate their attacks in two prominent ways: to resist Western/Christian military intervention in Muslim countries and to discourage perceived insults against Islam such as the Muhammad Cartoons.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: John Calvert writes that in their critique of the West, Islamists quote Western thinkers like Alexis Carrel, Oswald Spengler, Arnold J. Toynbee, and Arthur Koestler.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Terrorist groups al-Qaeda and ISIL/ISIS are said to be both anti-Western. They have been known to promote terrorism in Western countries, including Russia.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Anti-Western sentiment in Russia dates back to the 19th century intellectual debate between Westernizers and Slavophiles. While the former deemed Russia to be a lagging Western country, the latter rejected these claims outright and viewed Western Christendom as 'rotten'. An important anti-Western figure during the reign of Alexander III of Russia was Konstantin Pobedonostsev, a former liberal who eventually renounced and thoroughly criticized his former views.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Under the Soviet Union, 'the West' eventually became synonymous with 'the capitalist world', resulting in the appearance of the famous propagandist cliché 'corrupting influence of the West'.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: After the Cold War, a number of politicians in the Russian Federation have supported an explicit promotion of Russian Orthodox traditionalism and a rejection of Western liberalism. Some ultra-nationalist politicians, such as the late Vladimir Zhirinovsky, express the most anti-Western sentiment.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Vladimir Putin has promoted explicitly conservative policies in social, cultural and political matters, both at home and abroad. Putin has attacked globalism and neoliberalism and promoted new think tanks that stress Russian nationalism, the restoration of Russia's historical greatness, and systematic opposition to liberal ideas and policies. Putin has collaborated closely with the Russian Orthodox Church in this cultural campaign. Patriarch Kirill of Moscow, head of the Church, endorsed his election in 2012, stating Putin's terms were like "a miracle of God." The Russian Orthodox Church is known to host groups that promote nationalist and anti-Western tendencies.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: The Russian government has restricted foreign funding of some liberal NGOs. Pro-Russian activists in the former Soviet Union frequently equate the West with homosexuality and the gay agenda. The 2013 Russian gay propaganda law was welcomed by nationalist and religious political figures in Russia as a bulwark against Western influence.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: The Yarovaya Law prohibits evangelism by religious minorities. It was used to ban the United States-based Jehovah's Witnesses.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Samuel P. Huntington in "Clash of Civilizations" controversially classifies Russia and the rest of Orthodox Europe as a different civilization from Western civilization.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Anti-Western sentiment exists in Latin America, especially in countries where the population consists mostly of Native Americans, such as Bolivia, Guatemala or Peru. On the other hand, in countries like Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay, Europeans are more represented in the population. Consequently, there are many Latin Americans who identify as Westerners, so the anti-Western discourse is therefore not as prominent as in other regions. That is not to say, however, that there is no anti-Western discourse. Indeed, it can be found in countries with nationalist and populist leaders or movements, including left-wing political parties in Colombia, Mexico, Nicaragua or Venezuela. In recent years, Latin American nations have increasingly turned away from the United States and Europe.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Anti-US and anti-European sentiments are related to the history of American and European political interventions in Latin America. Many people in the region lay sharp criticism on the United States for supporting Cold War era coups and right-wing anti-communist dictatorships. Most Latin American countries tend to be more regional, focusing on internal cooperation. Accompanying this is a notable distrust of globalization. Latin American organizations like Mercosur, Prosur and Unasur are strong groups that represent this aspect of Latin American foreign policy.


title: Anti-Western sentiment

text: Samuel P. Huntington in "Clash of Civilizations" controversially classifies Latin America as a different civilization from Western civilization.


title: Sandmännchen

text: Unser Sandmännchen ("Our Little Sandman"), Das Sandmännchen ("The Little Sandman"), Der Abendgruß ("The Evening-Greeting"), Abendgruß ("Evening-Greeting"), Der Sandmann ("The Sandman"), Sandmann ("Sandman"), Sandmännchen ("Little Sandman") is a German children's bedtime television programme using stop motion animation. The puppet was based on the Ole Lukøje character by Hans Christian Andersen.


title: Sandmännchen

text: Two versions of "Sandmännchen" were created: one in East Germany ("Unser Sandmännchen"), and one in West Germany ("Das Sandmännchen").


title: Sandmännchen

text: The series has aired more episodes than any other television series and is the longest running animated television series in history.