title: Port Chicago disaster

text: The next few days of testimony were filled with accounts from African-American enlisted men from Divisions Two, Four and Eight, who were not standing accused of mutiny. Some of these men had already been convicted of disobeying orders in summary courts-martial. The testimony of the men agreed on several points: that there had been talk among them of a mass work-stoppage leading up to August 9, that some men (none of the accused 50) had passed around and signed a petition to avoid loading ammunition, and that Joe Small had spoken at the meeting on the prison barge and had urged the men to obey their officers and to conduct themselves in an orderly fashion. Some men said Small's speech included words to the effect of having the officers "by the tail" or "by the ass". Coakley was challenged by Veltmann when he attempted to bring the men's signed statements in as evidence but the court allowed the statements to be used to refresh the men's memories of their answers to interrogation.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Coakley summed up his prosecution case on September 22. His aim was to show the court that a conspiracy had taken placethe mass of accounts from officers and men appeared to support the conclusion that ringleaders and agitators had forced a rebellion against authority. Veltmann pointed out that few of the accused had been ordered to load ammunition, meaning that they could not all be guilty of the charge of disobeying orders. Veltmann stressed that much of the testimony was hearsay and failed to establish a conspiracy or a mutiny. The court, however, seemed to side with Coakley on all points, settling each objection in favor of the prosecution.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Veltmann scored a victory at the beginning of his defense: he moved and was granted that each officer's testimony could be applied only to the men they had specifically named as having been given the order to work. In principle, this ruling was favorable, but in practice it would benefit the men only if the court had been attentively keeping notes for each accused man. Instead, reporters observed the court to be drowsy at times, with one judge regularly nodding off.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Starting on September 23 and continuing for over three weeks, each of the accused men was brought to the witness stand to testify in his defense. The general trend of the men's responses was that all of them were willing to obey any order except to load ammunition, all were afraid of another explosion, and none had been approached by "ringleaders" persuading them not to workeach had made his own decision. Each man said that he himself had not coerced others to refuse to work. Some of the men related how, following the official interrogation at Camp Shoemaker, they had been under great pressure to sign statements containing things they had not said. Some men said that, at the meeting on the barge, Joe Small had not urged a mutiny and had not uttered any phrase to the effect of having the officers "by the balls". On the witness stand, Small himself denied saying any such thing, though he would admit to it decades later in interviews.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Coakley's cross-examinations began with an attempt to have the signed statements admitted as evidence. Veltmann objected that each statement was obtained under duress and was not voluntary. Coakley characterized the statements as not being confessions requiring voluntary conditions but merely "admissions" that had no such requirement. Osterhaus ruled that Coakley could not introduce the statements as evidence but that he could ask the defendants questions based on what each man's signed statement contained.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Some of the men who had been named as having been given direct orders to work testified that they had not been given any such order. Seaman Ollie E. Greenwho had accidentally broken his wrist one day prior to the first work-stoppage on August 9said that though he had heard an officer in prior testimony name him as one who had been given a direct order, the officer had only asked him how his wrist was doing, to which he responded "not so good."


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: At the end of his testimony, Green told the court that he was afraid to load ammunition because of "them officers racing each division to see who put on the most tonnage, and I knowed the way they was handling ammunition it was liable to go off again. If we didn't want to work fast at that time, they wanted to put us in the brig, and when the exec came down on the docks, they wanted us to slow up." This was the first that the newspaper reporters had heard of speed and tonnage competition between divisions at Port Chicago, and each reporter filed a story featuring this revelation to be published the next day. Naval authorities quickly issued a statement denying Green's allegation.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Another one of the men gave the surprising testimony that Lieutenant Commander Coakley had threatened to have him shot after he refused to answer some questions during interrogation at Camp Shoemaker. Seaman Alphonso McPherson held fast to his testimony even when faced by Coakley in cross-examination. Coakley denied threatening anyone, exclaiming that such an idea was a personal affront. Veltmann responded that this line of evidence was news to him, too. The next day, Coakley gave the press a statement accusing Veltmann of coaching McPherson.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: October 9, 1944, was another in a string of days consisting of accused men testifying on the witness stand. This day, however, Thurgood Marshall, chief counsel for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), sat in on the proceedings. Marshall had flown to the Bay Area on a special wartime travel priority arranged by Navy Secretary Forrestal. The NAACP had given the mutiny trial top importance due to the U.S. Navy's policy of putting Negroes into dirty and dangerous jobs with no hope of advancement. Although Marshall was allowed to observe the trial, as a civilian he was ineligible to take an official role in the men's defense. After hearing five of the men defend themselves, Marshall spoke to the 50 men and then conferred with Veltmann's defense team. The next day, Marshall held a press conference, charging that Judge Advocate Coakley was handling the case in a prejudicial manner. Marshall said, that from a review of the proceedings and his conversations with the accused, he could see these men being tried only for lesser charges of individual insubordination, not mass mutiny.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: The defense continued a few more days with testimony from a Navy psychiatrist who verified that the immense explosion would generate fear in each man. A black petty officer under Delucchi testified that he had heard no derogatory remarks or conspiratorial comments and that it had been a surprise to everybody when all of the men suddenly refused to march toward the docks on August 9.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Marshall held another press conference on October 17 to announce that the NAACP was requesting a formal government investigation into the working conditions that had led the men to strike. He called attention to three aspects: the Navy policy that put the great majority of African Americans into segregated shore duty, the unsafe munitions handling practices and lack of training that had led to the catastrophic detonationand the unfair manner in which 50 of 258 men had been singled out as mutineers, when their actions concerning loading ammunition after the explosion were not significantly different from the other 208 men. Marshall pointed to the men of Division One who had refused to load ammunition prior to August 9, but had been shipped out and given other duty, not arrested and court-martialed.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Coakley's rebuttal witnesses consisted of officers who had interrogated the prisoners at Camp Shoemaker. The rebuttal fared poorly, as Veltmann was able to elicit from them: that some of the accused men had not been informed they could refuse to make a statement; that some of the interrogations had taken place with an armed sentry standing guard; that very few of the prisoners' explanations that they had been afraid of another explosion had been included in the statements; and that the officers had emphasized portions of the interrogations that would satisfy Coakley's requirement for evidence of conspiracy. Coakley's last rebuttal witness testified on October 19, and the whole court took October 20 off to allow both sides to prepare closing arguments.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: In his closing argument, Coakley described a chronological sequence of mutinous occurrences, beginning at Camp Shoemaker shortly after the explosion when two and a half companies were mixed together for two weeks. Coakley stated that conspiratorial talk among the men about refusing to work and trying to get out of loading ammunition was the root of their August 9 mass refusal. Coakley described how the mutiny continued in the barge when Joe Small spoke to the men and asked them to stick together. Coakley entered into the record his definition of mutiny: "Collective insubordination, collective disobedience of lawful orders of a superior officer, is mutiny." He gave his opinion that men who admitted in time of war that they were afraid to load ammunition were of a low moral character and were likely to give false testimony.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Veltmann denied that there was a mutinous conspiracy, saying the men were in a state of shock stemming from the horrific explosion and the subsequent cleanup of human body parts belonging to their former battalion mates. He said the conversations at Camp Shoemaker were simply those of men who were trying to understand what had happened, and that these discussions were not mutinous nor could they provide the groundwork for conspiracy. Veltmann argued that Small's brief four- or five-minute speech to the men on the barge was given in the performance of his duty to maintain order, a duty placed upon him by his superiors. Veltmann restated that the established legal definition of mutiny was a concerted effort to usurp, subvert or override military authority, and that there had been no such action or intent. Refusal to obey an order was not mutiny.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: On October 24, 1944, Admiral Osterhaus and the other six members of the court deliberated for 80 minutes and found all 50 defendants guilty of mutiny. Each man was reduced in rank to seaman apprentice and sentenced to 15 years of hard labor to be followed by dishonorable discharge. The men were held under guard while their sentences were passed to Admiral Wright for review. On November 15, Wright reduced the sentences for 40 of the men: 24 were given 12 years, 11 were given 10 years and the five youngest sailors were given eight-year sentences. The full 15-year sentences remained in place for ten of the men including Joe Small and Ollie Green. In late November, the 50 men were transferred to the Federal Correctional Institution, Terminal Island in San Pedro Bay near the Port of Los Angeles and the Port of Long Beach.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: During the 12 days that he watched the court-martial proceedings, Thurgood Marshall began to formulate an appeal campaign, having noticed that none of the men's grievances had been aired in court. Directly after the court closed the case, Marshall sent a letter to Secretary Forrestal asking why only blacks were assigned the task of loading munitions, why they had not been trained for that task, why they were forced to compete for speed, why they were not given survivor's leaves, and why they had not been allowed to rise in rank. Forrestal replied weakly, saying that a predominance of black men were stationed at Port Chicago so of course they would be working there to load munitions. Forrestal pointed out that there was no discrimination because other naval weapons stations were manned by white crews loading munitions. The Navy Secretary said that the men had not been promoted because their time at Port Chicago had been a "trial period", and that they were not given 30-day leaves because he thought it best for men to get quickly back to duty to prevent them from building up mental and emotional barriers.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Marshallworking as special counsel for the NAACP Legal Defense Funddetermined that the first course of action should be a publicity campaign mounted with the aim of gathering public support for the release of the men. In November 1944, Marshall wrote an incendiary piece for "The Crisis" magazine, published by the NAACP. Pamphlets were printed and distributed, and editorials denouncing the trial appeared from African-American publishers in January 1945. Petitions began to circulate, collecting thousands of names of citizens who demanded a reversal of the mutiny verdict. Protest meetings were held and powerful people in sympathy to the cause were asked to bring pressure to bear. Eleanor Roosevelt sent Secretary Forrestal a copy of NAACP's "Mutiny" pamphlet in April 1945, asking him to take special care in this case.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Marshall obtained written permission from each of the 50 convicted men for him to appeal their case when it came up for review in Washington, DC in front of the Judge Advocate General of the Navy. On April 3, 1945, he appeared to present his arguments. Marshall's appeal made the case that no direct order was given to all 50 of the defendants to load munitions and that even if orders had been given to certain individuals, disobeying the orders could not constitute mutiny. He said that Coakley deliberately misled the court on the definition of "mutiny" and that the mass of evidence he introduced was hearsay, thus inadmissible. Marshall wrote that "[t]he accused were made scapegoats in a situation brought about by a combination of circumstances. […] Justice can only be done in this case by a complete reversal of the findings." Marshall said "I can't understand why whenever more than one Negro disobeys an order it is mutiny."


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: The office of the Secretary of the Navy ordered Admiral Wright to reconvene the courts-martial, this time with instructions to disregard the hearsay testimony. Admiral Osterhaus once again called the court to session for deliberation and on June 12, 1945, the court reaffirmed each of the mutiny convictions and sentences. Admiral Wright stuck by his reduced sentences.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: After the surrender of Japan and the cessation of hostilities, the Navy was no longer able to justify such severe sentences as a warning to other potentially dissident servicemen and labor battalions. In September 1945, the Navy shortened each of the 50 mutiny sentences by one year. Captain Harold Stassen recommended in October that the Navy reduce the sentences to just two years for men with good conduct records and three years for the rest, with credit for time served. Finally, on January 6, 1946, the Navy announced that 47 of the 50 men were being released. These 47 were paroled to active duty aboard Navy vessels in the Pacific Theater, where the men were assigned menial duties associated with post-war base detail. Two of the 50 prisoners remained in the prison's hospital for additional months recuperating from injuries, and one was not released because of a bad conduct record. Those of the 50 who had not committed later offenses were given a general discharge from the Navy "under honorable conditions". In all, the Navy granted clemency to about 1,700 imprisoned men at this time.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: The Port Chicago disaster highlighted systemic racial inequality in the Navy. A year before the disaster, in mid-1943, the U.S. Navy had over 100,000 African Americans in service but not one black officer. In the months following the disaster, the "Pittsburgh Courier", a newspaper with a large, nationwide subscriber base made up primarily of African Americans, related the incident and the subsequent mutiny trial in their Double V campaign, a push for victory over not just the Axis powers but also over racial inequality at home. The mutiny trial was seen as underscoring the tense race relations in the armed forces at the time.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Late in 1944, under conditions of severe racism, a race riot broke out in Guam at a naval base. In March 1945 a Seabee battalion of 1,000 African-American men staged a hunger strike at their base, Naval Base Ventura County in Port Hueneme, California, in protest of discriminatory conditions. In the weeks following the latter incident, Fleet Admiral Ernest King and Secretary Forrestal worked with civilian expert Lester Granger on a plan for total integration of the races within the Navy. The Port Chicago disaster had helped catalyze the drive to implement new standards.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: Beginning in 1990, a campaign led by 25 U.S. congressmen was unsuccessful in having the convicts exonerated. Gordon Koller, Chief Petty Officer at the time of the explosion, was interviewed in 1990. Koller stated that the hundreds of men like him who continued to load ammunition in the face of danger were "the ones who should be recognized". In 1994, the Navy rejected a request by four California lawmakers to overturn the courts-martial decisions. The Navy found that racial inequities were responsible for the sailors' ammunition-loading assignments but that no prejudice occurred at the courts-martial.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: In the 1990s, Freddie Meeks, one of the few still alive among the group of 50, was urged to petition the president for a pardon. Others of the Port Chicago 50 had refused to ask for a pardon, reasoning that a pardon is for guilty people receiving forgiveness; they continued to hold the position that they were not guilty of mutiny. Meeks pushed for a pardon as a way to get the story out, saying "I hope that all of America knows about it... it's something that's been in the closet for so long." In September 1999, the petition by Meeks was bolstered by 37 members of Congress including George Miller, the U.S. representative for the district containing the disaster site. The 37 congressmen sent a letter to President Bill Clinton and in December 1999, Clinton pardoned Meeks, who died in June 2003. Efforts to posthumously exonerate all 50 sailors have continued. In 2004, author Robert L. Allen was reported as saying "...even for today it's important to have these convictions set aside."


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: The Port Chicago Naval Magazine National Memorial was dedicated in 1994 to the lives lost in the explosion. The National Park Service (NPS) was directed to design and maintain the memorial. Congressman George Miller pushed for the memorial to be upgraded to national park status in 2002, in the knowledge that such status would help the site "become more competitive for federal funds to upgrade and enhance facilities and education materials". This effort did not result in a change of status. In 2006, a local newspaper article highlighted the precarious position of the disused chapel within the grounds of the Concord Naval Weapons Station, a chapel that had been previously dedicated to the memory of those fallen in the explosion. The 1980 chapel was said by local historian John Keibel to be unsalvageable due to lead paint and its dilapidated condition. Keibel called attention to the stained glass windows, which were crafted in 1991 as a tribute to the disaster, noting that they could be dismantled and remounted at the memorial site. In March 2008, NPS was directed by Congress to manage the memorial, after passage of a bill introduced in 2007 by Miller. On July 10, 2008, Senator Barbara Boxer introduced legislation that would expand the memorial site by five acres (two hectares), if the land was judged safe for human health and was excess to the Navy's needs. The Port Chicago Naval Magazine National Memorial Enhancement Act of 2008 was not put to a vote. On February 12, 2009, Miller introduced a similar bill, the Port Chicago Naval Magazine National Memorial Enhancement Act of 2009 (H.R. 1044), which, in addition to calling for another five acres, allowed for the City of Concord and the East Bay Regional Park District "...to establish and operate a facility for visitor orientation and parking, administrative offices, and curatorial storage for the Memorial." President Barack Obama approved and signed the bill in December 2009.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: The site is contained within an active military base and requires prior reservation to visit. Visitors are asked to allow 90 minutes per visit and are shuttled to the site in NPS vehicles from the Concord Naval Weapons Station Identification Office.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: In 1990, Will Robinson and Ken Swartz produced the documentary "Port Chicago MutinyA National Tragedy", about the explosion and trial. They interviewed mutiny convict Joe Small, his defense lawyer Gerald Veltmann, as well as Percy Robinson, a seaman who returned to loading ammunition after the first work-stoppage, and Robert Routh, Jr., a seaman who was blinded in the blast. Danny Glover provided narration for the story, which included dramatized scenes depicting events as they might have occurred in 1944. The documentary was nominated for the Peabody Awards and won an Emmy.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: In 1996, Dan Collison interviewed Port Chicago sailors for WBEZ radio's PRI-distributed program, "This American Life". The men described how they were initially trained for action on ships and were disappointed when they were not assigned to ocean-going ships. Collison interspersed interviews with contemporary news reports about the explosion.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: The story of the Port Chicago 50 was the basis of "Mutiny", a made-for-television movie written by James S. "Jim" Henerson and directed by Kevin Hooks, which included Morgan Freeman as one of three executive producers. Starring Michael Jai White, Duane Martin and David Ramsey as three fictional Navy seamen, the film aired on NBC on March 28, 1999.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: The disaster and the issues involved were featured in "Port Chicago", a 2002 episode of the CBS drama television series "JAG".


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: The disaster featured prominently in the 2011 novel "Blue Skies Tomorrow" by Sarah Sundin. One of the lead characters works in the arsenal and assists the wife of an imprisoned "mutineer" in her fight for justice.


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: In 2015, award-winning writer Steve Sheinkin's "The Port Chicago 50: Disaster, Mutiny, and the Fight for Civil Rights" was a finalist for the 2014 National Book Award in Young People's Literature. "The New York Times" called it "just as suitable for adults" and noted that the "seriousness and breadth of Sheinkin’s research can be seen in his footnotes and lists of sources, which include oral histories, documentaries and Navy documents."


title: Port Chicago disaster

text: In 2017, the events of Port Chicago were the subject of the short documentary "Remembering Port Chicago", directed by Alexander Zane Irwin and produced by Daniel L. Bernardi in collaboration with El Dorado Films and the Veteran Documentary Corps.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The Mercury Comet is an automobile that was produced by Mercury from 1960–1969 and 1971–1977 — variously as either a compact or an intermediate car. In its first two years, it was marketed as the "Comet" and from 1962 as the "Mercury Comet".


title: Mercury Comet

text: The compact Comet shared a naming convention associated with the ongoing Space Race of the early 1960s with the Mercury Meteor, which was introduced as the base-trim full-size Mercury sedan.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The Comet was initially based on the compact Ford Falcon, then on the intermediate Ford Fairlane, and finally on the compact Ford Maverick. As a Mercury, early Comets received better-grade interior trim than concurrent Falcons, and a slightly longer wheelbase.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The Comet was originally planned as an Edsel model. Ford announced the end of the Edsel program on November 19, 1959. However, production of 1960 Edsels continued until late November. The Comet was reassigned to the Lincoln-Mercury division to sell at Mercury-Comet dealerships, where it was marketed as a stand-alone product for 1960 and 1961 as the Comet without any Mercury divisional badging.


title: Mercury Comet

text: Developed concurrently with the Ford Falcon, early preproduction photographs of the sedan show a car remarkably close to the Comet that emerged, but with a split grille following the pattern established by Edsel models. Early Ford styling mules for the station wagon model carried the Edsel name, as well.


title: Mercury Comet

text: At their debut, the split grille was replaced by one more in keeping with Mercury's design themes, but the canted elliptical taillights, first seen on the Edsel prototype, were used and carried the "E" (Edsel) part number on them. While the short-lived 1960 Edsels used elliptical-shaped taillights, the lenses used on both cars differed in length and width. Certain other parts from the 1959 Edsel parts bin, including the parking lights and dashboard knobs, were used on the first-year Comet. Keys for the 1960 and 1961 Comets were shaped like Edsel keys, with the center bar of the "E" removed to form a "C".


title: Mercury Comet

text: The "Comet" name was trademarked to Cotner-Bevington as the Comet Coach Company, building ambulance and hearse commercial vehicles. Ford bought the name in 1959.


title: Mercury Comet

text: From 1960–1965, the Comet was based on the Ford Falcon platform (stretched for sedans, but not for wagons). The 1960–1963 Comets share a similar basic shape. These are sometimes referred to as the "round body" Comets. For 1962 and 1963, the Comet shared a considerable number of body and mechanical parts with the short-lived Fairlane-based Mercury Meteor intermediate.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The Comet was initially released without any divisional badging, only "Comet" badges, similar to Valiant, which did not have Plymouth badging at first. It was sold through Lincoln-Mercury-Comet dealers, but was not branded as a Mercury Comet for two more years. This was similar to Ford's treatment of the Meteor and Frontenac of Canada, sold through Meteor-Mercury-Frontenac dealers.


title: Mercury Comet

text: Introduced in March 1960, initial body styles were two- and four-door sedans and two- and four-door station wagons. Two trim levels were available, standard and "Custom", with the latter including badging, additional chrome trim, and all-vinyl interiors. In 1960, the only engine available was the 144 cid "Thriftpower" straight-six with a single-barrel Holley carburetor, which produced at 4200 rpm. (Some sources list it as producing at 4200 rpm.) Transmission options were a column-shifted three-speed manual and a two-speed Merc-O-Matic automatic transmission (unique to the Comet, despite sharing a name with the Merc-O-Matic installed in other Mercurys).


title: Mercury Comet

text: Ford had purchased the name "Comet" from Comet Coach Company, a professional car manufacturer in which the term belonged to a line of funeral coaches, mainly Oldsmobiles. The coach company then was renamed Cotner-Bevington.


title: Mercury Comet

text: In Canada, for the 1960 model year, Meteor-Mercury dealers sold a compact car called the "Frontenac". Considered a marque in its own right, it was a badge-engineered version of the Ford Falcon with only minor trim differences to distinguish it from the Falcon. The Frontenac was produced for only one year. The Comet was introduced to the Canadian market for the 1961 model year and replaced the Frontenac as the compact offering by Meteor-Mercury dealers.


title: Mercury Comet

text: In response to complaints about the low performance of the 144 cid engine, a 170 cid "Thriftpower" with a single-barrel Holley carburetor producing at 4400 rpm was released for the 1961 model year. A new four-speed manual transmission was also an option (a Dagenham without first-gear synchromesh). The changes to the 1961 Comet were minimal, such as moving the Comet script from the front fender to the rear quarter and a new grille design.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The optional S-22 package was released. Available only on the two-door sedan, it was billed as a "sport" package, although it shared the same mechanicals as regular Comets, with the only changes being S-22 badging, bucket seats, and a center console.


title: Mercury Comet

text: Comet was officially made a Mercury model for the 1962 model year, and it received some minor restyling, mainly a redesign of the trunk and taillight area to bring the car more in line with the Mercury look. This is the first year the car carried Mercury badging.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The S-22 had six bullet-shaped taillights, while regular Comets had four oval with two optional flat reverse lights. A Comet Villager station wagon, basically a Comet Custom four-door station wagon with simulated woodgrain side panels, was added to the lineup. (The Villager name had previously been used to denote the four-door, steel-sided station wagon in the Edsel Ranger series.)


title: Mercury Comet

text: While the 1963 model looked almost identical to the earlier models, the chassis and suspension were redesigned to accommodate an optional 260 cid V8 engine (borrowed from the Fairlane) using a two-barrel carburetor and producing . Convertible and hardtop (pillar-less) coupe models were added to the Comet Custom and Comet S-22 lines this year.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The front ends of these Comets differed from their Falcon counterparts in that they had four headlights instead of two; similar situations resurfaced in the late 1970s, with the Ford Thunderbird/Mercury Cougar and the Ford Fairmont/Mercury Zephyr.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The 1964 Comet was redesigned with a much more square shape, though it was still built on the same unibody as the 1963 model. Its basic lines were shared with the new Falcon, but the front grille used styling similar to that of the Lincoln Continental. Along with the redesign, the model designations were changed. The performance version was known as the Cyclone, replacing the previous S-22. Then in descending order of trim levels were the Caliente, 404, and 202, replacing the previous Custom and base models. The two-door station wagon bodystyle was discontinued. The top-of-the-line station wagon continued to be known as the Villager. The 144 inline-six engine was dropped, leaving the 170 as the base engine. The 260 V8 was available at the beginning of the production run, with the new 289 being available mid-year. Due to the success of the full-sized Ford and Mercury "fastback" roofline introduced in mid-1963, the Falcon and Comet two-door hardtops got a similar roofline with sharper corners.


title: Mercury Comet

text: For 1964, Ford produced about 50 ultra-high performance, lightweight Comet Cyclones, equipped with their racing two-carburetor 427 engine, similar to the related Ford Thunderbolt. To avoid competing with each other, the Thunderbolts ran in Super Stock on tires, but the Cyclones were modified to run in A/FX on tires, where they were as dominant as the Thunderbolts were in Super Stock. Drivers included Ronnie Sox, Don Nicholson, and Wild Bill Shrewsberry in conjunction with Jack Chrisman. Shrewsberry still owns his original 427 Comet in Caliente trim.


title: Mercury Comet

text: For 1965, the Comet received updated styling front and rear (including stacked headlights, similar to what full-sized Fords, Pontiacs, and Cadillacs would use at the same time). The base six-cylinder engine was increased from ; still using a single-barrel carburetor, it produced at 4400 rpm. The base V8 engine was increased from and, using a two-barrel carburetor, it produced at 4400 rpm. The standard transmission continued as a column-shifted, three-speed manual transmission. The optional automatic was changed to a "Merc-O-Matic" three-speed automatic transmission (essentially a Ford C4). The 289 V8 was available in three horsepower ratings: base two-barrel 200 hp, four-barrel , and the high-performance version from the Ford Mustang, paired with a four-speed manual transmission.


title: Mercury Comet

text: Beginning in 1966, the Comet grew from a compact to become a mid-sized car. It was now based on the same chassis as the Ford Fairlane intermediate (and the previous Mercury Meteor intermediate, which was only offered in 1962–1963). These intermediate-sized cars used the same basic chassis as the original Ford Falcon and Mercury Comet compacts, but were stretched with longer wheelbases. The previous-generation Comet shared its platform with the all-new Ford Mustang in 1964, and when the Comet graduated to the intermediate platform, the Mercury Cougar became the platform shared with the Mustang.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The Comet wagon introduced a Dual-Action tailgate, able to both fold down or swing aside, an idea soon copied by all the major U.S. manufacturers.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The 1966 Comet received distinct outer body panels. The Comet Capri replaced the previous Comet 404 and the Comet Voyager four-door station wagon replaced the previous Comet 404 station wagon. The Voyager name had previously been used to designate a full-sized Mercury station wagon that was positioned between the base Commuter and the top-of-the-line Colony Park station wagon models. The Comet 202 four-door station wagon was discontinued. The new top-of-the-line series was the Comet Cyclone GT.


title: Mercury Comet

text: New engines available in the Comet for 1966 included a 390 cid V8 engine with a two-barrel carburetor producing at 4400 rpm, a 390 cid V8 engine with a four-barrel carburetor producing , and 390 cid V8 engine that produced . The 335 hp 390 cid V8 engine was standard on the Cyclone GT and optional on other models. The Cyclone GT when equipped with an automatic transmission was referred to as the Cyclone GTA.


title: Mercury Comet

text: Beginning with the 1967 model year, the Comet name was used only on the base Comet 202 model, available only in two- or four-door sedan body styles. Other models were now referred to by what had previously been their subseries names. Mercury's mid-sized line-up ranged from the basic Comet 202, through the Capri, Caliente, Cyclone, and Cyclone GT models, as well as steel-sided Voyager and simulated wood-paneled Villager station wagon models, which were comparable to the Capri.


title: Mercury Comet

text: In 1968, Mercury's mid-sized models again received new sheet metal and styling that resembled the full-sized Mercury models and shared their chassis and many parts with Ford's mid-sized Fairlane and Torino models. The mid-sized base model was the Comet (Mercury dropped the 202 suffix) available only as a two-door coupe. The Capri was replaced by the Montego, and the Caliente by the Montego MX. Also, the more luxurious Montego MX Brougham was basically an option package for the Montego MX. Top-of-the-line, mid-sized models continued to use the Cyclone and Cyclone GT names.


title: Mercury Comet

text: A 302 cid V8 engine using a two-barrel carburetor and generating at 4600 rpm would replace the previous 289 cid V8 midway in the 1968 model year. For the 1969 model year, the grille was modified and the headlight surrounds were removed. The taillights were also slightly restyled. Few changes to Mercury's mid-sized lineup were made for the 1969 model year, the last year that the Comet name graced a mid-sized model. A Comet four-door sedan for 1969 was supposedly planned, but never offered. New top-of-the-line Cyclone Spoiler and Cyclone CJ models joined the lineup.


title: Mercury Comet

text: A 250 cid inline-six using a single-barrel carburetor and generating at 4000 rpm replaced the previous 200 cid 6 as standard. New engine options included a 302 cid V-8 engine using a four-barrel carburetor and generating at 4400 rpm (standard on the Cyclone), a 351 cid V-8 using a four-barrel carburetor generating at 5200 rpm (standard on the Cyclone Spoiler), and a 428 cid V-8 using a four-barrel carburetor generating at 5200 rpm (standard on the Cyclone CJ). These new V-8s replaced the previous 390 cid V-8s.


title: Mercury Comet

text: After 1969, the use of the Comet name was suspended as the base model for Mercury's intermediate model line became the Montego. The Cyclone name continued to be used through the 1971 model year.


title: Mercury Comet

text: For 1971, the Comet name was revived on Mercury's version of the Ford Maverick compact. Sharing most of its sheet metal with the Maverick, it used a different grille, taillights, and hood, as well as different badging. The taillight pods were shared with the 1970 and 1971 Montego and Cyclone models. Underneath it all was the same basic chassis that had originally been used for the Ford Falcon, the original Comet, and for the mid-sized Ford Fairlane, Mercury Meteor, and later Mercury Comets.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The base engine was the 170 cid inline-six with a single-barrel carburetor producing at 4200 rpm. Optional engines were the 200 cid inline-six with a single-barrel carburetor producing and a 302 cid V8 with a two-barrel carburetor producing . Transmissions were either a three-speed manual or three-speed automatic with either column or floor-mounted shifters.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The Comet was available as two- and four-door sedans and in base (1971–1977), and "muscle car" Comet GT series (two-door sedan-only 1971-1975). The GT featured a blacked-out grille, dual body-side tape stripes, high-back bucket seats, wheel trim rings, dual racing mirrors, bright window frames, black instrument panel, deluxe door trim panels, and a simulated hood scoop.


title: Mercury Comet

text: In 1972 models, the base 170 cid six was rated at at 4400 rpm, the 200 cid six at , and the 302 cid V8 at . A new engine option for 1972 was the 250 cid six with a single-barrel carburetor rated at .


title: Mercury Comet

text: For 1973 models, the base 170 cid six was dropped and the 200 cid six became the base engine. Horsepower ratings would fluctuate slightly up or down through the years the Comet would remain in production, but not by very much. A new, larger front bumper to meet federal standards was added to all models in 1973. A new Custom decor package featuring vinyl roof, body-colored wheel covers, wide vinyl-insert body-side moldings, vinyl bucket seats, luxury carpeting, and extra sound insulation was a popular option.


title: Mercury Comet

text: Changes for 1974 included even larger front bumpers and new larger rear bumpers to match due to new federal mandates for safety. They added to the length of the two-door model and to the length of the four-door model.


title: Mercury Comet

text: Ford had originally planned to the replace the Comet and its Ford Maverick counterpart for the 1975 model year with updated and extensively redesigned models that would continue to use the Comet and Maverick names. Fairly late, though, they decided that the updated versions would be built alongside the original Maverick and the Comet that had originally been introduced for 1971. These would-be replacements, also using the same basic chassis as the Comet and Maverick, became the Mercury Monarch and the American Ford Granada; these came with more standard and optional equipment than the Comet and Maverick, and were considered to be "luxury compacts", a step up from the Comet and Maverick.


title: Mercury Comet

text: Although 1975 was the last year for the Mercury Comet GT, the GT features remained available in 1976 and 1977 with the "Sports Accent" option group.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The model was offered with comparatively few changes through the 1977 model year, and was then discontinued to make room for the new Mercury Zephyr for the 1978 model year.


title: Mercury Comet

text: In July 2010, "USA Today" reported on a 91-year-old Florida woman, Rachel Veitch, who was still driving her 1964 Comet Caliente daily. The car was purchased new, and Veitch set a record by accumulating over 562,000 documented miles. The car was retired in 2012 after accumulating 576,000 miles, as Veitch had decided to stop driving due to her eyesight becoming too weak.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The Cyclone received Mercury’s biggest facelift in 1968, switching from 1967's boxy, Fairlane-derived coupe body to the super-streamlined Torino-based fastback. Unfortunately, the Cyclone GT lost the 335-hp, 390 cid V8 as its standard engine, instead replaced by the 210 hp, 302 cid V8. No matter, though, as the fastback was handsome and could be equipped with a 230 hp 302, 265 or 325 hp 390 cid V8s, or a 335 hp, 428 cid V8.


title: Mercury Comet

text: By 1969, the Mercury Cyclone formal hardtop had been cancelled and the GT fastback was also available as a CJ model. That came with the 335 hp, 428 cid V8 standard, a four-speed transmission, and a plain bench seat interior. At $3,207, the CJ was aimed at the Plymouth Road Runner, and a 335 hp version could run 0-60 in 6.1 seconds with a quarter-mile time of 13.9 seconds. The Mercury Cyclone Spoiler and the Ford Torino Talladega launched the NASCAR streamliner battle when Cale Yarborough won the Daytona 500 in 1968 in a Woods Brothers Cyclone. Dodge produced the Daytona 500 and Ford retaliated with the Torino Talladega and Mercury Spoiler. Both were to have streamlined noses, but the Mercury launch was delayed until the mid-year Cyclone Spoiler II. Only 519 were sold, all with 351 cid V8s instead of the bigger 428. A Dan Gurney special edition had a dark blue roof, striping, and a signature decal on the white lowers, while the Cale Yarborough edition was red and white like his Woods Brothers car, with a signature.


title: Mercury Comet

text: Three Cyclone models were produced for 1970, all of which shared the Torino’s semifastback body, and all of which carried a four-part nose. The base car had a 360 hp, 429 cid V8 and a four-speed transmission. Options included a 370 hp, 429 cid V8 engine and a 375 hp, Super CJ 429 cid engine. A few Boss 429s installed were also installed, though those cars are quite rare today. Meanwhile, the Cyclone GT was detuned to a 250 hp, 351 cid V8 and the Spoiler packed a Ram Air 370 hp, 429.


title: Mercury Comet

text: The 1971 model year was the Cyclone’s last, as the muscle car wars wound down. With few changes from 1970, the Cyclone was absorbed into the Mercury Montego line, and only 444 Montego Cyclones were sold, along with 2,287 Cyclone GTs and 353 Cyclone Spoilers. Engine options ranged from the 210 hp, 302 cid V8, all the way to the fire-breathing 370 hp, 429 cid Cobra Jet V8, to which a Ram Air package could be added.


title: Mercury Comet

text: Mercury Cyclones occupy a niche in the muscle car world, along with Oldsmobile W-30s and Buick GSX Stage Is. The car is a fantastic expression of American muscle, albeit one from a mid-level, luxury-oriented nameplate. As a result, the Cyclone is mostly overshadowed by the Ford Mustang and Torino. The Cyclone’s sleeper status makes it a great value, and most cars remain within reach of any buyer. As with any muscle car of the era, the importance of documentation in terms of market price rises exponentially as the car’s horsepower ratings climb.


title: Venipuncture

text: In medicine, venipuncture or venepuncture is the process of obtaining intravenous access for the purpose of venous blood sampling (also called "phlebotomy") or intravenous therapy. In healthcare, this procedure is performed by medical laboratory scientists, medical practitioners, some EMTs, paramedics, phlebotomists, dialysis technicians, and other nursing staff. In veterinary medicine, the procedure is performed by veterinarians and veterinary technicians.


title: Venipuncture

text: It is essential to follow a standard procedure for the collection of blood specimens to get accurate laboratory results. Any error in collecting the blood or filling the test tubes may lead to erroneous laboratory results.


title: Venipuncture

text: Venipuncture is one of the most routinely performed invasive procedures and is carried out for any of five reasons:


title: Venipuncture

text: Blood is most commonly obtained from the superficial veins of the upper limb. The median cubital vein, which lies within the cubital fossa anterior to the elbow, is close to the surface of the skin without many large nerves positioned nearby. Other veins that can be used in the cubital fossa for venipuncture include the cephalic, basilic, and median antebrachial veins.


title: Venipuncture

text: Minute quantities of blood may be taken by fingerstick sampling and collected from infants by means of a heelprick or from scalp veins with a winged infusion needle.


title: Venipuncture

text: Phlebotomy (incision into a vein) is also the treatment of certain diseases such as hemochromatosis and primary and secondary polycythemia.


title: Venipuncture

text: A 1996 study of blood donors (a larger needle is used in blood donation than in routine venipuncture) found that 1 in 6,300 donors sustained a nerve injury.


title: Venipuncture

text: There are many ways in which blood can be drawn from a vein, and the method used depends on the person's age, the equipment available, and the type of tests required.


title: Venipuncture

text: Most blood collection in the US, UK, Canada and Hong Kong is done with an evacuated tube system. Two common systems are Vacutainer (Becton, Dickinson and company) and Vacuette (Greiner Bio-One). The equipment consists of a plastic adapter, also known as a tube or needle holder/hub, a hypodermic needle and a vacuum tube. Under certain circumstances, a syringe may be used, often with a butterfly needle, which is a plastic catheter attached to a short needle. In the developing world, the evacuated tube system is the preferred method of drawing blood.


title: Venipuncture

text: Greiner Bio-One manufactured the first ever plastic evacuated blood collection tube in 1985 under the VACUETTE brand name. Today, many companies sell vacuum tubes as the patent for this device is now in the public domain. These tubes are manufactured with a specific volume of gas removed from the sealed tube. When a needle from a hub or transfer device is inserted into the stopper, the tube's vacuum automatically pulls in the required volume of blood.


title: Venipuncture

text: The basic Evacuated Tube System (ETS) consists of a needle, a tube holder, and the evacuated tubes. The needle is attached to the tube holder by the phlebotomist prior to collection, or may come from the manufacturer as one unit. The needle protrudes through the end of the tube holder, and has a needle on each end. After first cleaning the venipuncture site and applying a tourniquet, the phlebotomist uncaps the needle attached to the tube holder, inserts the needle into the vein, then slides evacuated tubes into the tube holder, where the tube's stopper is pierced by the back end of the needle. The vacuum in the tube then automatically draws the needed blood directly from the vein. Multiple vacuum tubes can be attached to and removed in turn from a single needle, allowing multiple samples to be obtained from a single procedure. This is possible due to the multiple sample sleeve, which is a flexible rubber fitting over the posterior end of the needle cannula which seals the needle until it is pushed out of the way. This keeps blood from freely draining out of the back of the needle inserted in the vein, as each test tube is removed and the next impaled. OSHA safety regulations require that needles or tube holders come equipped with a safety device to cover the needle after the procedure to prevent accidental needle stick injury.


title: Venipuncture

text: Fittings and adapters used to fill evacuated tubes from butterfly needle kits and syringes are also available.


title: Venipuncture

text: There are several needle gauges for a phlebotomist to choose from. The most commonly used are as follows: a 21g (green top) needle, a 22g (black top) needle, a 21g (green label) butterfly needle, a 23g (light blue label) butterfly needle, and a 25g (orange or dark blue label) butterfly needle (however this needle is only used in pediatrics or extreme cases as it is so small that it can often result in hemolyzing the blood sample). There are also a variety of tube and bottle sizes and volumes for different test requirements.


title: Venipuncture

text: The test tubes in which blood is collected may contain one or more of several additives. In general, tests requiring whole blood call for blood samples collected in test tubes containing some form of the anticoagulant EDTA. EDTA chelates calcium to prevent clotting. EDTA is preferred for hematology tests because it does minimum damage to cell morphology. Sodium citrate is the anticoagulant used in specimens collected for coagulation tests. The majority of chemistry and immunology tests are performed on serum, which is produced by clotting and then separating the blood specimen via centrifuge. These specimens are collected in either a non-additive tube or one containing a clotting activator. This clotting activator can interfere with some assays, and so a plain tube is recommended in these cases, but will delay testing. Tubes containing lithium heparin or sodium heparin are also commonly used for a variety of chemistry tests, as they do not require clotting and can be centrifuged immediately after collection. A combination of sodium fluoride and potassium oxalate is used for glucose tests, as these additives both prevent clotting and stop glycolosis, so that blood glucose levels are preserved after collection. Another specialty tube is an opaque amber colored tube used to collect blood for light sensitive analytes, such as bilirubin.


title: Venipuncture

text: Test tubes are labeled with the additive they contain, but the stopper on each tube is color coded according to additive as well. While colors vary between manufacturers, stopper colors generally are associated with each additive as listed below. Because the additives from each tube can be left on the needle used to fill the tubes, they must be drawn in a specific order to ensure that cross contamination will not negatively affect testing of the samples if multiple tubes are to be drawn at once. The "order of draw" varies by collection method. Below in the order of draw generally required for the Evacuated Tube System (ETS) collection method are the most common tubes, listing additive and color:


title: Venipuncture

text: Use of lidocaine iontophoresis is effective for reducing pain and alleviating distress during venipuncture in children. A needle-free powder lignocaine delivery system has been shown to decrease the pain of venipuncture in children. Rapid dermal anesthesia can be achieved by local anesthetic infiltration, but it may evoke anxiety in children frightened by needles or distort the skin, making vascular access more difficult and increasing the risk of needle exposure to health care workers. Dermal anesthesia can also be achieved without needles by the topical application of local anesthetics or by lidocaine iontophoresis. By contrast, noninvasive dermal anesthesia can be established in 5–15 min without distorting underlying tissues by lidocaine iontophoresis, where a direct electric current facilitates dermal penetration of positively charged lidocaine molecules when placed under the positive electrode.


title: Venipuncture

text: One study concluded that the iontophoretic administration of lidocaine was safe and effective in providing dermal anesthesia for venipuncture in children 6–17 years old. This technique may not be applicable to all children. Future studies may provide information on the minimum effective iontophoretic dose for dermal anesthesia in children and the comparison of the anesthetic efficacy and satisfaction of lidocaine iontophoresis with topical anesthetic creams and subcutaneous infiltration.


title: Venipuncture

text: Non-pharmacological treatments for pain associated with venipuncture in children includes hypnosis and distraction. These treatments reduced self reported pain and when combined with cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT) the reduction of pain was even greater. Other interventions have not been found to be effective and these are suggestion, blowing out air, and distraction with parent coaching did not differ from control for pain and distress.


title: Venipuncture

text: Some health care workers prefer to use a syringe-needle technique for venipuncture. "Sarstedt" manufactures a blood-drawing system (S-Monovette) that uses this principle. This method can be preferred on the elderly, those with cancer, severe burns, obesity, or where the veins are unreliable or fragile. Because syringes are manually operated, the amount of suction applied may be easily controlled. This is particularly helpful when veins are small which may collapse under the suction of an evacuated tube. In children or other circumstances where the quantity of blood gained may be limited it can be helpful to know how much blood can be obtained before distributing it amongst the various additives that the laboratory will require. Another alternative is drawing blood from indwelling cannulae.


title: Venipuncture

text: There are times when a blood culture collection is required. The culture will determine if there are pathogens in the blood. Normally blood is sterile. When drawing blood from cultures use a sterile solution such as Betadine rather than alcohol. This is done using sterile gloves, while not wiping away the surgical solution, touching the puncture site, or in any way compromising the sterile process. It is vital that the procedure is performed in as sterile a manner as possible as the persistent presence of skin commensals in blood cultures could indicate endocarditis but they are most often found as contaminants.


title: Venipuncture

text: It is encouraged to use an abrasive method of skin preparation. This removes the upper layers of dead skin cells along with their contaminating bacteria. Povidone-iodine has traditionally been used but in the UK a 2% chlorhexidine in 70% ethanol or isopropyl alcohol solution is preferred and time must be allowed for it to dry. The tops of any containers used when drawing a blood culture should also be disinfected using a similar solution. Some labs will actively discourage iodine use where iodine is thought to degrade the rubber stopper through which blood enters the bottle, thus allowing contaminates to enter the container.


title: Venipuncture

text: The blood is collected into special transport bottles, which are like vacuum tubes but shaped differently. The blood culture bottle contains transport media to preserve any microorganisms present while they are being transported to the laboratory for cultures. Because it is unknown whether the pathogens are anaerobic (living without oxygen) or aerobic (living with oxygen), blood is collected to test for both. The aerobic bottle is filled first, and then the anaerobic bottle is filled. However, if the collection is performed using a syringe, the anaerobic bottle is filled first. If a butterfly collection kit is used, the aerobic bottle is filled first, so that any air in the tubing is released into the oxygen-containing bottle.


title: Venipuncture

text: Specially designed blood culture collection bottles eliminate the need for either the syringe or butterfly collection method. These specially designed bottles have long necks that fit into the evacuated tubes holders that are use for regular venipuncture collection. These bottles also allow for collection of other blood specimens via evacuated tubes, to be collected without additional venipuncture.


title: Venipuncture

text: The amount of blood that is collected is critical for the optimal recovery of microorganisms. Up to 10mL of blood is typical, but can vary according to the recommends of the manufacturer of the collection bottle. Collection from infants and children are 1 to 5 mL. If too little blood is collected, the ratio of blood-to-nutrient broth will inhibit the growth of microorganisms. If too much blood is collected, there is the risk of a hospital-induced anemia and the ratio of blood-to-nutrient broth will tilt in the opposite direction, which also is not conductive to optimal growth.


title: Venipuncture

text: The bottles are then incubated in specialized units for 24 hours before a lab technician studies and/or tests it. This step allows the very small numbers of bacteria (potentially 1 or 2 organisms) to multiply to a level which is sufficient for identification +/-antibiotic resistance testing. Modern blood culture bottles have an indicator in the base which changes color in the presence of bacterial growth and can be read automatically by machine. (For this reason the barcoded stickers found on these bottles should not be removed as they are used by the laboratory's automated systems.)


title: Venipuncture

text: The volume of the blood sample collection is very important in experimental animals. All nonterminal blood collection without replacement of fluids is limited up to 10% of total circulating blood volume in healthy, normal, adult animals on a single occasion and collection may be repeated after three to four weeks. In case repeated blood samples are required at short intervals, a maximum of 0.6 ml/kg/day or 1.0% of an animal's total blood volume can be removed every 24 hours. The estimated blood volume in adult animals is 55 to 70 ml/kg body weight. Care should be taken for older and obese animals. If blood collection volume exceeds more than 10% of total blood volume, fluid replacement may be required. Lactated Ringer's solution (LRS) is recommended as the best fluid replacement by National Institutes of Health (NIH). If the volume of blood collection exceeds more than 30% of the total circulatory blood volume, adequate care should be taken so that the animal does not develop hypovolemia.


title: Venipuncture

text: It is generally not advisable to use isopropyl alcohol to cleanse the venipuncture site when obtaining a specimen for a blood alcohol test. This has been related largely to the potential legal implications associated with the use of alcohol-based cleaners that could theoretically impact analysis. Numerous police alcohol collection kits have been marketed that incorporate a sodium fluoride/potassium oxalate preservative and non-alcohol-based cleansing agents to ensure proper collection. Using soap and hot water or a povidone-iodine swab are advisable alternatives to isopropyl alcohol in this case.


title: Elkeson

text: Elkeson de Oliveira Cardoso (born 13 July 1989), known as Elkeson or Ai Kesen (), is a professional footballer who plays for Brazilian club Grêmio FBPA and formerly the China national team as an attacking midfielder or forward.


title: Elkeson

text: Starting out at Vitória, he played mostly as an attacking midfielder and as a winger, but since his final days at Botafogo, he was moved to attack and has played as a striker. Born in Brazil, Elkeson obtained Chinese citizenship in 2019 through naturalization and represents China internationally.


title: Elkeson

text: Elkeson first played for Vitória's youth academy before signing with the first team in 2009. During the 2010 season, Elkeson proved himself a breakout success and soon earned himself a move to Botafogo in May 2011.


title: Elkeson

text: After two years of being one of Botafogo's star players in the Brasileirão, Guangzhou Evergrande of the Chinese Super League secured his services at the end of the 2012 season.


title: Elkeson

text: On 24 December 2012, Guangzhou Evergrande officially announced that they had signed Elkeson on a four-year deal for a fee of €5.7 million. He was not initially included in Guangzhou's 30-player squad for the 2013 AFC Champions League due to the limit on foreign players. On 3 March 2013, he made his debut for Guangzhou in the 2013 Chinese FA Super Cup which Guangzhou Evergrande lost to Jiangsu Sainty 2–1. On 8 March 2013, Elkeson scored his first two goals in China in the opening match of 2013 Chinese Super League against Shanghai Shenxin, which ensured Guangzhou Evergrande's 5–1 victory. He scored thirteen goals in his first seven matches in the league. In July 2013, Elkeson was named in the squad which was submitted for the next stage of the AFC Champions League, replacing Lucas Barrios who had decided to return to Europe.


title: Elkeson

text: He scored twenty-four goals in twenty-eight appearances in the Super League which made him the top goalscorer of the season, eight more than the second-placed Carmelo Valencia. He scored six goals in six matches in the AFC Champions League, including two goals across both legs of the 2013 AFC Champions League Final against FC Seoul as Guangzhou was crowned champion of the competition for the first time. The win in the final was the first time a Chinese club had won the trophy in 23 years.


title: Elkeson

text: On 1 December 2013 in the first leg of 2013 Chinese FA Cup final against Guizhou Renhe, he was sent off after striking Yang Hao in the face with his hand. On 5 December, he received a ban of 4 matches and was fined ¥20,000 by Chinese Football Association discipline committee.


title: Elkeson

text: Guangzhou Evergrande finally lost to Guizhou Renhe 3–2 on aggregate, failing to defend the FA Cup title. Elkeson played all three matches for Guangzhou Evergrande in the 2013 FIFA Club World Cup. On 14 December 2013, he scored Guangzhou's first goal in the FIFA Club World Cup against African champions Al Ahly in the quarter-finals, helping Guangzhou win the match 2–0.


title: Elkeson

text: In March 2015, after a match against Changchun Yatai he was heavily criticised for annulling teammate's Gao Lin's certain bicycle kick goal by attempting to poach the goal for himself by just brushing the ball on the line with his head, which meant ultimately that the goal was (correctly) ruled offside and the team only drew the match 1–1.


title: Elkeson

text: Elkeson scored the winner as Guangzhou beat Al-Ahli of the UAE to win a second AFC Champions League in three years on 21 November 2015.


title: Elkeson

text: On 21 January 2016, Elkeson moved to fellow Super League side Shanghai SIPG with a fee of ¥132 million (€18.5 million).


title: Elkeson

text: On 4 April 2018, Elkeson scored his side's only goal in their 1–1 draw with Kawasaki Frontale in the group stage of the AFC Champions League. The goal was Elkeson's 27th in the competition proper, moving him to fourth all time in the top scoring charts.


title: Elkeson

text: On 18 September 2018, Elkeson scored the winning goal for Shanghai SIPG, as the club recorded its first ever win in the Super League against his former club Guangzhou Evergrande. The win cemented SIPG's position in first place at the top of the league table. On 7 October, Elkeson scored again as SIPG recorded a 5–0 win over bottom-of-the-table Guizhou Hengfeng to extend their lead over his former club at the top of the table to 4 points with just over a month of the season left. On 7 November, Elkeson played part in Shanghai's 2–0 win over Beijing Renhe in the penultimate round of fixtures. The win secured Shanghai SIPG's first Chinese Super League title and ended Guangzhou Evergrande's seven year title reign.


title: Elkeson

text: On 9 July 2019, Elkeson returned to his former club Guangzhou Evergrande. Elkeson reportedly agreed a €10 million (US$11.2 million) annual salary to return, up from €6 million in Shanghai. At the time of his transfer, the two clubs were level on points, and were two points behind leaders Beijing Guoan. Elkeson marked his return to Guangzhou with goals in his first two games, and a hat-trick against local rivals Guangzhou R&F in his third match on 20 July.


title: Elkeson

text: In September 2011, Elkeson received his first call up for Brazil national football team by Mano Menezes for the second leg of 2011 Superclásico de las Américas against Argentina. However, he didn't play for Brazil in the match.


title: Elkeson

text: Elkeson was called up to the Chinese national team in August 2019, following gaining Chinese citizenship via naturalisation. Elkeson subsequently became the first player to be called up for China without any Chinese ancestry.


title: Elkeson

text: Following his naturalisation as a Chinese citizen, his name is rendered as Ai Kesen in Chinese (). Prior to that, he used the Chinese transliterated name Ai Er'kesen (); in Cantonese speaking areas such as Guangzhou and Hong Kong, he was known as Ngai Git-san ().


title: Elkeson

text: However, in 2022, Elkeson unofficially retired from the national team after his transfer to Gremio, reverting back to Brazilian citizenship.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The Allison V-1710 aircraft engine designed and produced by the Allison Engine Company was the only US-developed V-12 liquid-cooled engine to see service during World War II. Versions with a turbocharger gave excellent performance at high altitude in the twin-engined Lockheed P-38 Lightning, and turbo-superchargers were fitted to experimental single-engined fighters with similar results.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The United States Army Air Corps (USAAC) preference for turbochargers early in the V-1710's development program meant that less effort was spent on developing suitable mechanically driven centrifugal superchargers for the Allison V-12 design, as other V-12 designs from friendly nations like the British Rolls-Royce Merlin were already using.


title: Allison V-1710

text: When smaller-dimensioned or lower-cost versions of the V-1710 were desired, they generally had poor performance at higher altitudes. The V-1710 nevertheless gave excellent service when turbocharged, notably in the P-38 Lightning, which accounted for much of the extensive production run.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The Allison Division of General Motors began developing an ethylene glycol-cooled engine in 1929 to meet a USAAC need for a modern, , engine to fit into a new generation of streamlined bombers and fighters. To ease production, the new design could be equipped with different propeller gearing systems and superchargers, allowing a single production line to build engines for various fighters and bombers.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The United States Navy (USN) hoped to use the V-1710 in its rigid airships "Akron" and "Macon", but both were equipped with German-built Maybach VL-2 engines as the V-1710 was still in testing when the "Macon" was lost in February 1935 (the "Akron" having been lost in April 1933). The USAAC purchased its first V-1710 in December 1932. The Great Depression slowed development, and it was not until December 14, 1936, that the engine next flew in the Consolidated XA-11A testbed. The V-1710-C6 successfully completed the USAAC "150 hour Type Test" on April 23, 1937, at , the first engine of any type to do so. The engine was then offered to aircraft manufacturers where it powered the prototype Curtiss XP-37s. All entrants in the new pursuit competition were designed around it, powering the Lockheed P-38, Bell P-39 and Curtiss P-40. When war material procurement agents from the United Kingdom asked North American Aviation to build the P-40 under license, NAA instead proposed their own improved aircraft design, using the V-1710 in their NA-73.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The V-1710 has 12 cylinders with a bore and stroke of in 60° V format, for a displacement of , with a compression ratio of 6.65:1. The valvetrain has a single overhead camshaft per bank of cylinders and four valves per cylinder.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The engine design benefited from the General Motors philosophy of built-in production and installation versatility, embracing a philosophy of modular design for aviation powerplants. The engine was constructed around a basic power section, from which different installation requirements could be met by fitting the appropriate accessories section at the rear, and an appropriate power output drive at the front. A turbo-supercharger could be used, if desired.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The P-39, P-63, and Douglas XB-42 Mixmaster used V-1710-Es, exchanging the integral reduction gear for an extension shaft driving a remotely located reduction gear and propeller. Aircraft such as the P-38, P-40, P-51A, and North American P-82E used close-coupled propeller reduction gears, a feature of the V-1710-F series.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The accessory end had a one- or two-speed engine-driven supercharger that might have a second stage with or without an intercooler, the ignition magnetos and the customary assortment of oil and fuel pumps, all dictated by the application requirements. The front of the engine could have one of a number of different output drives. The drive might be a "long-nose" or close coupled propeller reduction gear, an extension drive to a remote gearbox, or a gearbox that could drive two wing-mounted propellers from a fuselage-mounted engine. Another key feature of the V-1710 design was its ability to turn the output shaft clockwise or counter-clockwise by assembling the engine with the crankshaft turned end-for-end, by installing an idler gear in the drive train to the supercharger, camshafts, and accessories, installing a starter turning the proper direction, and re-arranging the ignition wiring on the right side to accommodate a changed firing order. No change to the oil pump nor coolant pump circuits was needed. The ability to reverse the direction of rotation with a minimum of extra parts to achieve the task allowed the use of either a "tractor" or "pusher" propeller. This approach allowed easy changes of the supercharger(s) and supercharger drive-gear ratio. That gave different critical altitude (the maximum altitude at which the engine could produce full power) ratings ranging from .


title: Allison V-1710

text: The V-1710 has often been criticized for not having a "high-altitude" supercharger. The comparison is usually to the later, two-stage, versions of the Rolls-Royce Merlin 60-series engines also built by Packard as the V-1650 and used in the P-51B Mustang and subsequent variants. The USAAC had specified that the V-1710 was to be a single-stage supercharged engine and, if a higher altitude capability was desired, the aircraft could use their newly developed turbo-supercharger as was featured in the XP-37(YP-37), P-38, and XP-39.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The benefits of a two-stage supercharger eventually became so clear that Allison did make some efforts in this direction. Allison attached an auxiliary supercharger in various configurations to the existing engine-mounted supercharger and carburetor. Early versions of these two-stage supercharger engines were used on the P-63. No intercooler, aftercooler, or backfire screen (flame trap) were incorporated into these two-stage V-1710 engines (except for the V-1710-119 used on the experimental P-51J, which had an aftercooler). The two-stage Merlin engines had all of these features, which were designed to prevent detonation from charge heating and backfire into the supercharger. The G-series V-1710s installed on the F-82 E/F/G models had only anti-detonation injection (ADI) to deal with these problems, and not surprisingly had severe reliability and maintenance problems. In one record, it was stated that the F-82 required 33 hours of maintenance for each hour of flight.


title: Allison V-1710

text: Although the early V-1710 powered P-39, P-40 and P-51A were limited to combat operations at a maximum of about they were available in comparatively large numbers and were the mainstay of some Allied Air Forces in all but the European theater of war. The engines proved to be robust and little affected by machine-gun fire. In total, over 60 percent of the post-June 1941 USAAF's pursuit aircraft operated during WWII were powered by the V-1710.


title: Allison V-1710

text: Allison slowly but continuously improved the engine during the war. The initial rating of was incrementally increased; the final V-1710-143/145(G6R/L) was rated for . By 1944, the War Emergency Power rating on the P-38L was .


title: Allison V-1710

text: The most powerful factory variant was the V-1710-127, designed to produce at low altitude and at . This engine was static tested at and was planned for installation in an XP-63H aircraft. The end of the war ended this development, so this promising experiment never flew. The extra power of this version was derived from using exhaust turbines, not to drive a turbo-supercharger, but to return that energy to turning the crankshaft, called a turbo-compound engine.


title: Allison V-1710

text: Improvements in manufacturing brought the cost to produce each engine from $25,000 down to $8,500 and allowed the installed lifetime of the engine to be increased from 300 hours to as much as 1,000 hours for the less-stressed power-plants. Weight increases needed to accomplish this were minimal, with the result that all models were able to produce more than 1 hp/lb (1.6 kW/kg) at their takeoff rating.


title: Allison V-1710

text: Comparisons between the Allison V-1710 and the Rolls-Royce Merlin engine "families" are inevitable. What can be said for the Allison is that it made more power at less boost, with a longer time between overhauls, and with a parts-count that was nearly half that of the Merlin engine, which greatly facilitated mass production. There was also a high degree of commonality of parts throughout the series. The individual parts of the Allison series were produced to a high degree of standardization and reliability, using the best technology available at the time. Even after the war, racing Merlins used Allison connecting rods. As stated previously, General Motors' policies regarding versatility meant that their Allison division would also employ modular design features on the V-1710 from its "long block" core V-12 unit outwards, so that it was capable of being mated to many different styles of turbo-superchargers and various other accessories, although the variety of turbo-superchargers available for installation was limited due to the constraints of single-engine fighter design. Since it was produced in large numbers and was highly standardised, the engine has been used in many postwar racing designs. Its reliability and well-mannered operation allowed it to operate at high rpm for extended periods.


title: Allison V-1710

text: Following the war, North American built 250 P-82E/F for air defense roles into the early 1950s. This was the final military role for the V-1710.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The USAAC had earlier decided to concentrate on turbo-superchargers for high altitude boost, believing that further development of turbo-superchargers would allow their engines to outperform European rivals using displacement superchargers. Turbo-superchargers are powered by the engine exhaust and so do not draw much power from the engine crankshaft, whereas displacement superchargers are coupled directly by shafts and gears to the engine crankshaft. Turbo-superchargers do increase the exhaust back-pressure and thus do cause a very small decrease in engine power, but the power increase due to increased induction pressures more than makes up for that decrease. Crankshaft-driven superchargers require an increase in directly driven percentage of engine power as altitude increases (the two-stage supercharger of the Merlin 60 series engines consumed some at . General Electric was the sole source for research and production of American turbo-superchargers during this period, from its four decades worth of steam turbine engineering experience.


title: Allison V-1710

text: Turbo-superchargers were highly successful in U.S. bombers, which were exclusively powered by radial engines. The P-47 fighter had the same combination of radial engine (R-2800) and turbo-supercharger and was also successful, apart from its large bulk, which was caused by the need for the ductwork for the aft-mounted turbo-supercharger.


title: Allison V-1710

text: However, mating the turbocharger with the Allison V-1710 proved to be problematic. As a result, designers of the fighter planes that utilized the V-1710 were invariably forced to choose between the poor high-altitude performance of the V-1710 versus the increased problems brought on by addition of the turbo-supercharger. The fates of all of the V-1710 powered fighters of World War II would thus hinge on that choice.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The original XP-39 was built with a V-1710 augmented by a General Electric Type B-5 turbo-supercharger as specified by Fighter Projects Officer Lieutenant Benjamin S. Kelsey and his colleague Gordon P. Saville. Numerous changes were made to the design during a period of time when Kelsey's attention was focused elsewhere, and Bell engineers, NACA aero-dynamic specialists and the substitute fighter project officer determined that dropping the turbocharger would be among the drag reduction measures indicated by borderline wind tunnel test results; an unnecessary step, according to aviation engineer and historian Warren M. Bodie. The production P-39 was thus stuck with poor high-altitude performance and proved unsuitable for the air war in Western Europe which was largely conducted at high altitudes. The P-39 was rejected by the British, but used by the U.S. in the Mediterranean and the early Pacific air war, as well as shipped to the Soviet Union in large numbers under the Lend Lease program. The Soviets were able to make good use of P-39s because of its excellent manoeuvrability and because the air war on the Eastern Front in Europe was primarily short ranged, tactical, and conducted at lower altitudes. In the P-39, Soviet pilots scored the highest number of individual kills made on "any" American, or British fighter type. The P-40, which also had only the single-stage, single-speed-supercharged V-1710, had similar problems with high-altitude performance.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The P-38 was the only fighter to make it into combat during World War II with turbo-supercharged V-1710s. The operating conditions of the Western European air war – flying for long hours in intensely cold weather at – revealed several problems with these engines. They had a poor manifold fuel-air distribution and poor temperature regulation of the turbo-supercharger air, which resulted in frequent engine failures (detonation occurred as the result of persistent uneven fuel-air mixture across the cylinders caused by the poor manifold design). Specially formulated fuels were a necessity for the P-38 as were specific spark plugs needed for specific cylinders. The turbo-supercharger had additional problems with getting stuck in the freezing air in either high or low boost mode; the high boost mode could cause detonation in the engine, while the low boost mode would be manifested as power loss in one engine, resulting in sudden fishtailing in flight. These problems were aggravated by sub-optimal engine management techniques taught to many pilots during the first part of WWII, including a cruise setting that ran the engine at high RPM and low manifold pressure with a rich mixture. These settings can contribute to over-cooling of the engine, fuel condensation problems, accelerated mechanical wear, and the likelihood of components binding or "freezing up." Details of the failure patterns were described in a report by General Doolittle to General Spatz in January 1944. In March 1944, the first Allison engines appearing over Berlin belonged to a group of P-38Hs of 55th Fighter Group, engine troubles contributing to a reduction of the force to half strength over the target. It was too late to correct these problems in the production lines of Allison or GE, and as the numbers of Merlin-engined P-51 Mustangs based in England mounted up through the end of 1943 and into 1944, the P-38s were steadily withdrawn from Europe until October 1944 when they were no longer used for bomber escort duty with the Eighth Air Force. A few P-38s would remain in the European theater as the F-5 for photo reconnaissance.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The P-38 had fewer engine failures in the Pacific Theater, where operating techniques were better developed (such as those recommended by Charles Lindbergh during his development work in the theater),) and the Japanese did not operate at such high altitudes. Using the same P-38Gs which were proving difficult to maintain in England, Pacific-based pilots were able to use the aircraft to good advantage including, in April 1943, Operation Vengeance, the interception and downing of the Japanese bomber carrying Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto. New P-38 models with ever-increasing power from more advanced Allisons were eagerly accepted by Pacific air groups.


title: Allison V-1710

text: When Packard started building Merlin V-1650 engines in America in 1942, certain American fighter designs using the Allison V-1710 were changed to use the Merlin. The P-40F, a Lend Lease export to Britain, was one of the first American fighters to be converted to a Packard-Merlin engine. However, the installed engine was the V-1650-1 (a Packard-produced Merlin XX) with a slightly improved single-stage, two-speed supercharger, yielding only modest gains in performance due to the airframe's own limitations.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The last Allison powered P-51, the Mustang I(II)/P-51A, used the single-stage, single-speed Allison V-1710-81, with a 9.6:1 blower ratio. This allowed the P-51A to reach a maximum speed of at and maintain at . This was more than faster than the Merlin 45-powered Spitfire V at , and more than faster at . Its speed impressed the British, and the RAF quickly realized the airplane would possess excellent high altitude performance if the Allison V-1710 engine were replaced by the 60-Series Merlin. A similar proposal to cure the P-38's problems by replacing its Allisons with Merlins was quashed by the USAAF, after protests from Allison.


title: Allison V-1710

text: Starting with the V-1710-45 around 1943 (after the P-51 had been fitted with a Merlin 61 by Rolls Royce), Allison attached an auxiliary supercharger to some of its engines in an effort to improve high-altitude performance. The two-stage supercharged Allison was essentially developed as an "add on" to the single-stage engine, and required minimal changes to the base engine. While it lacked the refinement, compactness and after-cooler of the two-stage Merlin, the Allison used a pressure-altitude governed variable-speed first stage. Various configurations of this auxiliary supercharger were used in production versions of the V-1710 that powered aircraft such as the Bell P-63 and North American P-82E/F/G series. In addition, it was tried or studied as the powerplant for many experimental and test aircraft such as the Curtiss XP-55 Ascender, North American XP-51J "lightweight Mustang", Boeing XB-38 Flying Fortress, and Republic XP-47A (AP-10), both of the latter with turbo-superchargers.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The V-1710-powered F-82 did not arrive in time for World War II, but did see brief action in the Korean War, although the type was completely withdrawn from Korea by the end of 1950. It had a short service life that was probably due to a combination of factors: poor reliability from the G-series V-1710 engines, low numbers of F-82s produced, and the arrival of jet fighters. The initial production P-82B had Merlin engines, but North American was forced to use the Allison V-1710 for the E/F/G models when Packard stopped production of the Merlin engine.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The V-1710's useful life continued, as thousands were available on the surplus market. In the 1950s, many drag racers and land speed racers, attracted by its reliability and good power output, adopted the V-1710; Art Arfons and brother Walt in particular used one, in "Green Monster". It proved unsuccessful as a drag racing engine, being unable to accelerate rapidly, but "could taxi all day at 150". Unlimited hydroplane racing also became a big sport across the U.S. at this time and V-1710s were often tuned for racing at up to —power levels that were beyond design criteria and significantly reduced durability.


title: Allison V-1710

text: Later, as purpose-built V8 engines became available for drag racing and unlimited boats shifted to turboshaft power, tractor pullers began using the Allison engine, again developing unimagined power. Finally, the warbird movement began to restore and return to the air examples of the classic fighters of the war and many V-1710-powered pursuit airplanes began to fly again, with freshly overhauled engines. The reliability, maintainability, and availability of the engine has led others to use it to power flying examples of aircraft whose original engines are unobtainable. This includes newly manufactured Russian Yak-3 and Yak-9 airplanes, originally powered by Klimov V-12s in World War II and the two (so far) airworthy examples of the Ilyushin Il-2, taking the place of the Mikulin V-12 it originally used, as well as ambitious projects such as a replica Douglas World Cruiser and Focke-Wulf Fw 190D by Flug Werk of Germany.


title: Allison V-1710

text: Allison's internal model designation for the V-1710 started with the letter A and proceeded to the letter H. Each letter designated a family of engines that shared major components, but differed in specific design details. Each of these designs were identified by a number, starting with number 1. The last letter, which was introduced when both right hand turning and left hand turning engines were built, identified by the letter R or L respectively.


title: Allison V-1710

text: The military model numbers were identified by a "dash number" following the engine description "V-1710". The USAAC/USAAF models were the odd numbers, starting with "-1" and the USN models were the even numbers, starting with "-2".


title: Allison V-1710

text: "A" series engines were early development engines for the USN and USAAC. The first military model was a single V-1710-2, which was first sold to the USN on June 26, 1930. The "A" engines had no counterweights on the crankshaft, 5.75:1 compression ratio, 2:1 internal spur gear-type reduction gear boxes, 8.77:1 supercharger ratio, impeller, SAE #50 propeller shaft, a float-type carburetor, and produced at 2800 rpm on 92 octane gasoline.


title: Allison V-1710

text: "B" series engines were designed for USN airships. The military model was V-1710-4. They differed from the "A" series engines in that they did not have a supercharger, had two float-type down-draft carburetors were mounted directly to the intake manifold, an SAE #40 propeller shaft, and could be brought from full power to stop and back to full power in the opposite rotation in less than 8 seconds. They produced at 2400 rpm.


title: Allison V-1710

text: "C" series engines were developed for highly streamlined pursuit aircraft for the USAAC, and are easily identified by the long reduction gear case. The military models were V-1710-3, -5, -7, -11. -13, -15, -19, -21, -23, -33, producing between at 2600 rpm. These engines came in two groups, one group rated at full power at sea level, the other rated at full power at high altitude. The altitude rating difference was in the supercharger gear ratio, four of which were used: 6.23:1, 6.75:1, 8.0:1 and 8.77:1. These engines received heavier crankcases, a stronger crankshaft, SAE #50 propeller shaft, and Bendix pressure carburetors.


title: Allison V-1710

text: "D" series engines were designed for pusher applications using propeller-speed extension shafts and remote thrust bearings mounted to the airframe. The military models were V-1710-9, -13, -23, and -41, producing at 2600 rpm. Supercharger ratios were 6.23:1, 8.0:1 or 8.77:1, depending on altitude rating. These engines had the compression ratio increased to 6.65:1. Marvel MC-12 fuel injection, which was unsatisfactory and quickly replaced by a float-type carburetor on -9 and -13 models. Later dash number engines used Bendix pressure carburetors. These engines were being designed at the same time as the V-3420 engine, and shared many assemblies as they were developed. The "D" series engines were the last of the "early" V-1710 engines.


title: Allison V-1710

text: "E" series engines were designed for remote gearbox applications using crankshaft-speed extension shafts and remote 1.8:1 gearboxes with SAE #60 hollow propeller shafts. The military models were V-1710-6, -17, -31, 35, -37, -47, -59, -63, -83, -85, -93, -103, -109, -117, -125, -127, -129, -133,-135 and -137, producing at 3000 rpm. Supercharger gear ratios were: 6.44:1, 7.48:1, 8.10:1, 8.80:1 and 9.6:1 depending on altitude rating. These engines were a complete redesign, and did not share many components with the earlier engine series. Almost all components were interchangeable with later series engines and the V-3420, and could be assembled as right hand or left hand turning engines in either pusher or tractor applications.


title: Allison V-1710

text: "F" series engines were designed for late model pursuit aircraft, and are identified by the compact external spur gear-type reduction gear box. Military models were V-1710-27, -29, -39, -45, -49, -51, -53, -55, -57, -61, -75, -77, -81, -87, -89, -91, -95, -99, -101, -105, -107, -111, -113, -115, -119, producing at 3000 rpm. The V-1710-101, -119 and -121 models has an auxiliary supercharger, some with a liquid-cooled aftercooler. Supercharger gear ratios were: 6.44:1, 7.48:1, 8.10:1, 8.80:1 and 9.60:1 depending on altitude rating. These engines had either a six or twelve weight crankshaft, revised vibration dampeners that combined to allow higher engine speeds, SAE #50 propeller shaft, and higher horsepower ratings. The "E" series and "F" series engines were very similar, the primary difference being the front crankcase cover, which was interchangeable between the two series engines.


title: Allison V-1710

text: "G" series engines were designed for high-altitude pursuit aircraft, and are identified by the auxiliary supercharger with a Bendix "Speed-Density" fuel control. Military models were V-1710-97, -131, -143, -145, and -147, producing at 3000 rpm. Supercharger gear ratios were: 7.48:1, 7.76:1, 8.10:1, 8.80:1 and 9.60:1 depending on altitude rating. These engines were equipped with an SAE #50 propeller shaft and a single power lever to regulate engine performance, reducing the pilot's workload when managing this very complex engine.


title: Allison V-1710

text: "H" series engines were to use a two-stage supercharger driven by a two-stage air-cooled power recovery turbine. The engine was to have an aftercooler and port-type fuel injection. This variant, however, was never built.


title: Money Talks (1997 film)

text: Money Talks is a 1997 American action comedy film directed by Brett Ratner (in his directorial debut) and starring Chris Tucker and Charlie Sheen. It is the first of four collaborations between Brett Ratner and Chris Tucker, with the other three being the "Rush Hour" series.


title: Money Talks (1997 film)

text: "Money Talks" was released on August 22, 1997, and grossed $48.4 million at the box office against a production budget of $25 million. It received generally negative reviews from critics.


title: Money Talks (1997 film)

text: Franklin Maurice Hatchett is a fast-talking but foul-mouthed, small-time car wash hustler and ticket scalper who owes money to a local mobster named Carmine. The police are informed of his crimes by an investigating news reporter named James Russell after Franklin unintentionally thwarts James' attempts to have him confess his crimes on camera, and he is arrested. When placed on a prison transport unit, he is handcuffed to a French criminal named Raymond Villard. The transport unit is attacked on a bridge with mercenaries killing all the police officers and prisoners except for Franklin and Villard; the mercenaries are Villard's men. Because he is handcuffed to Franklin he decides to bring him along, and they escape on a helicopter with another French criminal named Dubray. While on the helicopter, Franklin overhears the two discussing the location of a cache of stolen diamonds. Franklin then jumps out of the helicopter after realizing that Villard and Dubray plan to kill him. Franklin is recognized by police officers but is able to elude them, and he decides to call Russell after seeing his face in an advertisement.


title: Money Talks (1997 film)

text: James has just been fired from his job at Channel 12 News after arguing with his boss Barclay, but he convinces Franklin to hide with him because the next week is Sweeps Week. He arranges to get his job back with an exclusive interview with Franklin. Together they attend James' wedding rehearsal dinner, where Franklin meets James' fiancé Grace and ingratiates himself to Grace's father Guy by pretending to be Vic Damone's son. In the meantime, two police detectives question Franklin's girlfriend Paula and wiretapping her phone. After calling Paula, Franklin tries to leave but realizes that the police are searching for him, and he convinces James to help him. The two rampages all over the city to find clues to clear Franklin's name, including calling a bomb threat on a European nightclub, getting shot at by the police when they visit Paula, and being chased by Villard and Dubray, who murder a shopkeeper in the process, which eventually gets James' name involved and spread all over the news. The two visit Franklin's childhood friend Aaron, a local arms dealer, who gives them guns and promises to help if they get into trouble. The following morning, Franklin convinces Guy to take him to the auto expo where the Europeans stashed the diamonds (in a Jaguar XK140). Franklin and Guy get into a bidding war with Villard and Dubray over the car with the diamonds inside, which ends with Dubray chaotically chasing Franklin across the city while Villard kidnaps James.


title: Money Talks (1997 film)

text: Villard then calls Franklin using James' phone and demands the return of his diamonds. Realizing that he has no chance on his own, Franklin calls the police detectives, Carmine, the French mercenaries, and Aaron, telling them all to meet him at the "Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum". It is revealed that Detective Bobby Pickett is a dirty cop working for Villard. A massive shootout ensues in which both police detectives and Carmine and his crew are all wiped out. Aaron shows up with a henchman, an assault rifle, and an RPG, and proceeds to wipe out most of Villard's men, including Dubray. In the meantime, James manages to escape from Villard's men, after placing several unpinned grenades beneath his helicopter, ready to detonate if he tries to take off. He then reunites with Franklin, saving him from being shot by Villard. However, when cornered once again, Franklin realizes that the diamonds are not worth dying for, and throws them at Villard's remaining men, who drop their weapons and begin grabbing as many as they can. The police arrive in the meantime. Villard tries to escape in the helicopter and the grenades detonate, killing him. In the end, both Franklin and James are cleared and branded as heroes. Franklin saves an unknown amount of the diamonds and puts one on a wedding ring that he gives to James, who marries Grace with Franklin as his best man. Before the credits roll, James (alongside Grace), Guy (alongside Connie), and Franklin (alongside Paula) walk down the stairs presumably heading out on a date.


title: Money Talks (1997 film)

text: When the original director left the film Chris Tucker recommended Brett Ratner, having previously worked with him on a music video. The movie marks the directing debut of Brett Ratner and the start of several collaborations with Tucker.


title: Money Talks (1997 film)

text: The film debuted at No. 2 behind "G.I. Jane", grossing $10.6 million at the box office. In its second weekend, "Money Talks" held the number-two spot with $9.4 million. It went on to gross $48.4 million worldwide.


title: Money Talks (1997 film)

text: On Rotten Tomatoes the film has an approval rating of 16% based on reviews from 19 critics, with an average rating of 4.03/10. Audiences surveyed by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade "A" on scale of A+ to F.


title: Money Talks (1997 film)

text: Roger Ebert of the "Chicago Sun-Times" gave the film 3 out of 4 stars, and praised the performance of Chris Tucker: "Tucker, like [Jim] Carrey, comes on as obnoxious and irritating at first, and then you see the smile and the intelligence underneath, and he begins to grow on you". Owen Glieberman of "Entertainment Weekly" gave the film a C+ grade writing "Money Talks has been slapped together with all the flair and wit of a bad Damon Wayans comedy. Tucker is teamed with Charlie Sheen as a hapless TV reporter, and these two look very glum together. Yet there's joy amid the tedium".


title: Thought-terminating cliché

text: A thought-terminating cliché (also known as a semantic stop-sign, a thought-stopper, bumper sticker logic, or cliché thinking) is a form of loaded language, often passing as folk wisdom, intended to end an argument and quell cognitive dissonance. Its function is to stop an argument from proceeding further, ending the debate with a cliché rather than a point. Some such clichés are not inherently terminating; they only become so when used to intentionally dismiss dissent or justify fallacious logic.


title: Thought-terminating cliché

text: The term was popularized by Robert Jay Lifton in his 1961 book "Thought Reform and the Psychology of Totalism," who referred to the use of the cliché, along with "loading the language", as "the language of non-thought".


title: Thought-terminating cliché

text: The earliest recorded definition of the term was published in Robert Jay Lifton's book "Thought Reform and the Psychology of Totalism" in 1961 wherein he was describing the structure of language used by the Chinese Communist Party, defining the term as "the start and finish of any ideological analysis". It was listed as the sixth (of eight) totalistic themes. The term is written under the sixth (of eight) criteria for thought reform 'Loading the Language', of which various authors and scholars also consider the term to be a form of loaded language.