title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Since March 2014, Port Adelaide has used "Never Tear Us Apart" by the Australian band INXS as the club's unofficial anthem leading up to the opening bounce at its new home of Adelaide Oval. The song is used as a reference to the various and unique difficulties the club faced when trying to enter the AFL, primarily in regards to the separation of its SANFL and AFL operations. Port Adelaide's use of the song stemmed from a trip the club took to Anfield in November 2012 while they were in England to play an exhibition match against the Western Bulldogs. Seeing the Anfield crowd's rendition of "You'll Never Walk Alone", Matthew Richardson, Port's general manager of marketing and consumer business, sought to replicate the pre-match experience. During a meeting in mid 2013, the idea of an anthem was raised; various songs were suggested, including "Power and the Passion" by Midnight Oil and "Power to the People" by John Schumann. "Never Tear Us Apart" by INXS was suggested by Port Adelaide's events manager, Tara MacLeod, and the song was accepted, as it resonated with the Power's history: when the Power entered the AFL in 1997, it was forced to cut ties with its traditional base, the Port Adelaide Magpies, forming separate administrations and causing division amongst supporters. Initially the song was introduced to coincide with the 60-second countdown before the start of a match, with the music playing over the top of a video montage. The song proved to be a success among the fans, with them adopting the song as well as raising scarves above their heads as the song was being sung.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: After foundation, it was decided by the inaugural president of Port Adelaide, John Hart Jr., that the club's home ground would be Glanville Hall Estate, a property owned by his immediate family. The area in which the teams played was often referred to as 'Buck's Flat'. The club was forced to cease using the ground following 1879, as the property was sold at an auction.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Alberton Oval has been Port Adelaide's home ground in the SANFL since 1880, excluding 1975 and 1976. Following the end of its operations at Glanville Hall, Port Adelaide was forced to find a new ground to operate from. It was decided that the club would use Alberton Oval for the 1880 season. On 15 May 1880, Port Adelaide played its first match at Alberton Oval. The following year, the decision was made by the club to start leasing the oval from the Port Adelaide Council for the sum of 10 shillings a year. The oval is also used for training purposes for both AFL and SANFL operations, aside from 1997 through 2001 when SANFL training temporarily moved to Ethelton.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: In 1975 and 1976, Port Adelaide was temporarily locked out of the ground following a dispute between the Port Adelaide Council, the SANFL and the Club over seating arrangements at the ground. The club usually split its seating revenue 50/50 with the SANFL during this time period, an arrangement the SANFL held with each club. However, the Port Adelaide Council wanted to take 50% of all game day revenue, leaving the remaining half to the two to split between themselves. In 1975, the SANFL refused to accept the offer for the ground provided by the council, resulting in the temporary suspension of Port Adelaide's lease on the ground. This prevented Port Adelaide from playing any games at the venue and, the following year, training at the venue. With the 1977 season pending, the issues between the council and the club were resolved and the club was permitted to return that year.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: The ground possesses two notable grandstands named after individuals important to the club. The Fos Williams Family Stand is the oldest remaining structure at Alberton Oval, first constructed in 1903. The other grandstand, the Robert B. Quinn MM Grandstand, was first opened in 1972. The ground also has the bordering Allan Scott Power Headquarters for the administration of Port Adelaide, which opened in 1999 and is named after the club's initial major sponsor.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Port Adelaide first played at Football Park on 15 June 1974. Despite not being officially recognised as a 'home ground' in the SANFL, it hosted night matches for every team, as well as all finals between 1974 and 2014 regardless of 'home' team. During 1975 and 1976, Port Adelaide sold some of their home games (to be played at their temporary home, Adelaide Oval) to Football Park.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Upon the club's entry to the AFL, fellow South Australian club was already using the ground for their home matches. Port Adelaide was assigned the ground as its home venue, alongside its existing tenants. Port Adelaide's first official AFL match at the ground was on 6 April 1997, where they were defeated by Essendon by 33 points.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Planned upgrades to the stadium were cancelled following news that Port Adelaide, alongside both Adelaide and the SANFL, would make use of Adelaide Oval from 2014 onward, as it had been recently redeveloped. It hosted its final AFL match on the 31st of August that year, where Port Adelaide was defeated by a point by Carlton. The ground remains the headquarters of Adelaide, though features such as the ground's grandstands have been demolished.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Adelaide Oval has historically been used for SANFL Finals (until 1974) and the Championship of Australia match. During the 1975 and 1976 seasons, Port Adelaide's SANFL Team was forced to play out of the ground following their dispute with the local council, using it for both match day playing and training purposes over the period. Its role as the primary venue for SANFL finals was supplanted by Football Park in 1974, following disagreements between the SANFL and South Australian Cricket Association (SACA).


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Following extensive redevelopment in the early 2010s and negotiations between the SANFL and SACA over the use of the ground, the ground was cleared for football usage purposes, allowing Port Adelaide to use the ground as its home ground from the 2014 season onwards. Port Adelaide also played the first official AFL match at the venue in 2011 against Melbourne.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Adelaide Oval has two notable stands named after significant Port Adelaide individuals, the Fos Williams Stand, and the Gavin Wanganeen Stand. Both were named after the redevelopment of the Eastern Stand at the ground, and are featured alongside other famous individuals from the SANFL and .


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Port Adelaide has a fierce rivalry with fellow South Australian AFL team Adelaide. Matches between the two teams are known as the 'Showdown'. The rivalry between Adelaide and Port Adelaide is often considered to be among the best rivalries in the Australian Football League, with Malcolm Blight, Australian Football Hall of Fame Legend, stating in 2009 that "there is no doubt it is the greatest rivalry in football." The Showdown rivalry also significantly draws upon the bitter, winner take all, competition for the two South Australian licences to join the AFL in the 1980s and early 1990s.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: This rivalry dates back to 1997, the inaugural season of Port Adelaide and the newly merged Brisbane Lions. In their early days, the two clubs had multiple close encounters, with a draw in two of their first three meetings. In the early 2000s, the rivalry reached its peak as the two clubs would be the most dominant of the era, meeting in multiple finals and consistently finishing at the top of the ladder from 2001 to 2004. Notable encounters include a Round 22 match in 2002 to determine the minor premiership that year, which Port Adelaide won by a single goal, and a Round 17 match in 2003 with 7 lead changes in the final quarter, which Port Adelaide won by a point. The rivalry culminated with the 2004 AFL Grand Final, where Port Adelaide defeated Brisbane to win their first premiership, and end Brisbane's chance to win a fourth consecutive. The rivalry has since died down.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: The rivalry between Port Adelaide and the Norwood Football Club is one of the longest standing rivalries in South Australian league football. The two clubs met for the first time in 1878, where Port Adelaide hosted Norwood, with the visitors winning 1–0. However, the rivalry between the two clubs would first begin in 1882, where Port Adelaide's first win over Norwood was controversially overruled by the league, with a follow-up game overshadowed by a misunderstanding at the gate which almost prevented Norwood players accessing the venue.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: The clubs met in 14 Grand Finals prior to Port Adelaide's accession into the AFL and share over 60 premierships between them. In 1884, Port Adelaide won the premiership, bringing Norwood's run of six premierships in a row to an end. In 1960, Norwood brought Port Adelaide's own record run of six premierships to an end defeating them by 27 points in the 1960 Preliminary Final. They have met in three Grand Finals following Port Adelaide's entry to the AFL, with Port Adelaide winning in 1999 and Norwood winning in 1997 and 2014. The two clubs are the only clubs in any of the elite Australian Rules Football leagues (the SANFL, WAFL, and VFL/AFL) to win six successive premierships.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: The Port Adelaide Football Club has historically drawn its supporter base in the region of Port Adelaide. Since the club's entry to the AFL, support for the club had increased within suburbs of Adelaide – notably, the northern suburbs. It has also experienced growth in regional South Australia.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Port Adelaide has many supporter groups from all around Australia, with every state and territory except Tasmania having an officially recognised supporter group. Among these, the Port Adelaide Cheer Squad, the official supporter group from Adelaide, creates banners to be used by the club and has official seating to cheer at home games. There are also a number of unofficial supporter groups who perform activities for the club and its fans, such as the Outer Army and the Alberton Crowd.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: The Port Adelaide Football Club has a long-standing connection to the indigenous community. Initial club president John Hart Jr., alongside his father, were the founders of The Adelaide Milling and Mercantile Company in Port Adelaide, which employed Kaurna people alongside non-indigenous workers as early as the 1850s. John Hart Sr. advocated for other settlers to refrain from killing and eating black swans as they were a totem of the Kaurna people. Harry Hewitt was named in Port Adelaide's side when they defeated Fitzroy by two goals on Adelaide Oval in 1891 and is the club's first known Indigenous Australian player. During the 1950s, St Francis House in Glanville housed young indigenous boys, many of whom played for Port Adelaide. Richie Bray became the club's first known Indigenous player to win a premiership, featuring in the 1962, 1963 and 1965 premierships winning teams.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Port Adelaide has been represented by 62 indigenous players across the SANFL and AFL competitions throughout its history. Upon the club's entry to the AFL in 1997, the club appointed its first Indigenous captain in Gavin Wanganeen. Wanganeen would later become the first indigenous player in the AFL to play 300 games, and the first indigenous player to join the board of an AFL club.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: In 2008, the club started the Aboriginal Power Cup to help promote academic and healthy outcomes for indigenous students in South Australia.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: On 14 April 2016, Port Adelaide announced it had struck a three-year multimillion-dollar partnership with leading Chinese property developer Shanghai Cred, where Port Adelaide would take primary responsibility for developing Australian rules football in China. This involved the club holding annual training camps and providing sponsorship in China, as well as producing AFL programs and broadcasting games in the country via China Central Television and other networks. The same day, it was revealed by then Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull that Port Adelaide had an intention to play an in-season AFL match in China. As part of the partnership, Port Adelaide also agreed to annually run an Australian rules football program in over 20 Chinese schools, culminating in a football carnival the same week the AFL premiership match is held in Shanghai.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: The first AFL game played for premiership points was played in May 2017 between the Gold Coast Suns and Port Adelaide. In October 2018, the AFL announced St Kilda would be taking over from the Gold Coast Suns in the China fixture, with Gold Coast citing guernsey disagreements as a reason for exiting the deal. In 2019, 4.01 million people watched the match between Port Adelaide and St Kilda. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the match was not played in the 2020 or 2021 AFL seasons.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: In the Port Adelaide clubrooms at Alberton Oval there is a large wooden honour board with gold text that details every season of the club from 1870 to the present.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Port Adelaide launched the club Hall of Fame on 20 February 1998, when it inducted inaugural 18 members into the Hall of Fame. It has since honoured 40 more players, coaches, administrators and club servants who have played a major part in the club, in addition to two eras of premiership teams.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: In June 2001, the Port Adelaide Football Club announced its 'Greatest Team' from the prior two centuries, consisting of the most successful players from the club. Between the 22 players inducted, they shared 201 premiership medals, 532 state games, 16 Magarey Medals and numerous other football accolades. The club hailed the group the "Greatest Team of the Greatest Club".


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Port Adelaide is one of the most successful clubs in senior level football, having won a record 37 senior premierships across the AFL and SANFL competitions. The club won its first premiership in 1884, while its most recent senior level premiership was in 2004. The club has won a record 4 Championship of Australia titles, and have won the Stanley H. Lewis trophy 12 times, second to only Norwood (14). Port Adelaide has had two notable periods of success under the leadership of Fos Williams, who coached 9 premierships, and John Cahill, who coached 10.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: An All-Australian team is considered a 'best-of' selection of players for each calendar year, with each player represented in their team position. Each team is selected by a panel of experts.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: Sporting Life Magazine first pioneered the concept of an All-Australian 'team of the year' in 1947, and would run each year until 1955. The AFL does not recognise the teams selected by Sporting Life.


title: Port Adelaide Football Club

text: All Australian teams from the Interstate Carnivals and Australian Football League have been endorsed as official by governing bodies of the sport, such as the Australian National Football Council and the AFL.


title: Meeting

text: A meeting is when two or more people come together to discuss one or more topics, often in a formal or business setting, but meetings also occur in a variety of other environments. Meetings can be used as form of group decision making.


title: Meeting

text: A meeting is a gathering of two or more people that has been convened for the purpose of achieving a common goal through verbal interaction, such as sharing information or reaching agreement. Meetings may occur face-to-face or virtually, as mediated by communications technology, such as a telephone conference call, a skyped conference call or a videoconference. One Merriam-Webster dictionary defines a meeting as "an act or process of coming together" - for example "as [...] an assembly for a common purpose [...]".


title: Meeting

text: Meeting planners and other meeting professionals may use the term "meeting" to denote an event booked at a hotel, convention center or any other venue dedicated to such gatherings.


title: Meeting

text: Anthropologist Helen B. Schwartzman defines a meeting as "a communicative event involving three or more people who agree to assemble for a purpose ostensibly related to the functioning of an organization or group." For her, meetings are characterized by "multiparty talk that is episodic in nature, and participants either develop or use specific conventions for regulating this talk."


title: Meeting

text: The term "meeting" may refer to a lecture (one presentation), seminar (typically several presentations, small audience, one day), conference (mid-size, one or more days), congress (large, several days), exhibition or trade show (with staffed stands being visited by passers-by), workshop (smaller, with active participants), training course, team-building session and kick-off event.


title: Meeting

text: Other varieties include breakfast meetings off-site meetings (or Awayday meetings in the UK), and "stand-up meetings" where participants stand up to encourage brevity.


title: Meeting

text: Since a meeting can be held once or often, the meeting organizer has to determine the repetition and frequency of occurrence of the meeting: one-time, recurring meeting, or a series meeting such as a monthly "lunch and learn" event at a company, church, club or organization in which the placeholder is the same, but the agenda and topics to be covered vary. In Russian, a "flying meeting" () is a hastily-called brief meeting.


title: Meeting

text: Meetings have been studied using conversation analysis. Meetings are thought of as a distinct "speech exchange system" with different norms and rules. Participants may move in and out of the conversation exchange system during the meeting. A meeting will often have a chair who has some control over the discussion in the meeting. The chair may have a superior position in a social hierarchy or be appointed as a facilitator.


title: Meeting

text: The beginning of the meeting speech exchange system is often indicated by nonverbal cues, or stating the purpose of the meeting. In formal meetings, the chair has control over turn-taking in a conversation. In informal meetings the participants often decide for themselves who turn taking functions with the chair occasionally intervening. Non-verbal communication with the chair may be used to take a turn.


title: Meeting

text: Often the chair will control the choice of topic of discussion, different chairs will control the conversation in different ways. A pre-closing formulation is an individuals summarization of the groups understanding of a topic. Silence is often used to indicate agreement to this final formalization. Turns within a topic are expected to be related to previous turns of the topic as a whole. In settings turns are long and more loosely related to the previous turns. In these cases, the speaker may introduce the subject matter of the turn and related it to the agenda topic.


title: Ganoderma

text: Ganoderma is a genus of polypore fungi in the family Ganodermataceae that includes about 80 species, many from tropical regions. They have a high genetic diversity and are used in traditional Asian medicines. "Ganoderma" can be differentiated from other polypores because they have a double-walled basidiospore. They may be called "shelf mushrooms" or bracket fungi.


title: Ganoderma

text: The name "Ganoderma" is derived from the Greek "ganos"/γάνος "brightness, sheen", hence "shining" and "derma"/δέρμα "skin".


title: Ganoderma

text: The genus "Ganoderma" was established as a genus in 1881 by Karsten and included only one species, "G. lucidum" (Curtis) Karst. Previously, this taxon was characterized as "Boletus lucidus" Curtis (1781) and then "Polyporus lucidus" (Curtis) Fr. (1821) (Karsten 1881). The species "P. lucidus" was characterized by having a laccate (shiny or polished) pileus and stipe, and this is a character that Murrill suspected was the reason for Karsten's division because only one species was included, "G. lucidum" . Patouillard revised Karsten's genus "Ganoderma" to include all species with pigmented spores, adhering tubes and laccate crusted pilei, which resulted with a total of 48 species classified under the genus "Ganoderma" in his 1889 monograph. Until Murrill investigated "Ganoderma" in North America in 1902, previous work had focused solely on European species including, for example, "G. lucidum, G. resinaceum" Boud. (1890) and "G. valesiacum" Boud. (1895).


title: Ganoderma

text: "Ganoderma" are characterized by basidiocarps that are large, perennial, woody brackets also called "conks". They are lignicolous and leathery either with or without a stem. The fruit bodies typically grow in a fan-like or hoof-like form on the trunks of living or dead trees. They have double-walled, truncate spores with yellow to brown ornamented inner layers.


title: Ganoderma

text: The genus was named by Karsten in 1881. Members of the family Ganodermataceae were traditionally considered difficult to classify because of the lack of reliable morphological characteristics, the overabundance of synonyms, and the widespread misuse of names. Until recently, the genus was divided into two sections – "Ganoderma", with a shiny cap surface (like "Ganoderma lucidum"), and "Elfvingia", with a dull cap surface (like "Ganoderma applanatum").


title: Ganoderma

text: Phylogenetic analysis using DNA sequence information have helped to clarify our understanding of the relationships amongst "Ganoderma" species. The genus may now be divided into six monophyletic groups:


title: Ganoderma

text: With the rise of molecular phylogenies in the late 20th century, species concept hypotheses were tested to determine the relatedness amongst the nuanced morphological variabilities of the laccate "Ganoderma" taxa. In 1995, Moncalvo "et al" constructed a phylogeny of the rDNA, which was the universally accepted locus at that time, and found five major clades of the laccate species amongst the 29 isolates tested. It turned out that "G. lucidum" was not a monophyletic species, and further work needed to be done to clarify this taxonomic problem. They also found that "G. resinaceum" from Europe, and the North American "'G. lucidum"', which Adaskaveg and Gilbertson found to be biologically compatible "in vitro", did not cluster together. Moncalvo "et al." reject biological species complexes as a sole tool to distinguish a taxon, and suggested using a combination between biological and phylogenetic species concepts to define unique "Ganoderma" taxa.


title: Ganoderma

text: In 1905, American mycologist William Murrill delineated the genus "Tomophagus" to accommodate the single species "G. colossus" (then known as "Polyporus colossus") which had distinctive morphological features that did not fit in with the other species. Historically, however, "Tomophagus" has generally been regarded as a synonym for "Ganoderma". Nearly a century later, phylogenetic analyses vindicated Murrill's original placement, as it has shown to be a taxonomically distinct appropriate genus.


title: Ganoderma

text: "Ganoderma" are wood-decaying fungi with a cosmopolitan distribution. They can grow on both coniferous and hardwood species. They are white-rot fungi with enzymes that allow them to break down wood components, such as lignin and cellulose. There has been significant research interest on the wood-degrading enzymes of "Ganoderma" species for industrial applications, such as biopulping and bioremediation.


title: Ganoderma

text: For centuries, "Ganoderma" species have been used in traditional medicine in many parts of Asia. These species are often mislabeled as "'G. lucidum"', although genetic testing has shown this to be multiple species such as "G. lingzhi, G. multipileum," and "G. sichuanense". Several species of "Ganoderma" contain diverse phytochemicals with undefined properties in vivo, such as triterpenoids and polysaccharides, an area of investigation under basic research.


title: Ganoderma

text: Although various "Ganoderma" species are used in traditional medicine for supposed benefits and have been investigated for their potential effects in humans, there is no evidence from high-quality clinical research that "Ganoderma" as a whole mushroom or its phytochemicals have any effect in humans, such as in treating cancer.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Michael F. Scheuer (pronounced "SHOY-er"), (born 1952) is an American former intelligence officer for the Central Intelligence Agency, blogger, author, commentator and former adjunct professor at Georgetown University's Center for Peace and Security Studies. One assignment during his 22-year career was serving as Chief of the Bin Laden Issue Station (the Osama bin Laden tracking unit at the Counterterrorism Center, known as "Alec Station") from 1996 to 1999. He also served as Special Advisor to the Chief of Alec Station from September 2001 to November 2004.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer became a public figure after being outed as the anonymous author of the book "Imperial Hubris" (2004), in which he criticized many of the United States' assumptions about Islamist insurgencies and particularly Osama bin Laden. Later in 2004, shortly after the "outing" of Scheuer's harsh criticism of America's close alliance with Israel, Scheuer resigned from his position at the CIA. In his book, Scheuer depicted bin Laden as a rational actor who was fighting to weaken the United States by weakening its economy, rather than merely combating and killing Americans.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer challenges the common assumption that terrorism is the threat facing the United States in the modern era, arguing rather that Islamist insurgency (and not "terrorism") is the core of the conflict between the U.S. and Islamist forces, who in places such as Kashmir, Xinjiang, and Chechnya are "struggling not just for independence but against institutionalized barbarism." Osama bin Laden acknowledged the book in a 2007 statement, suggesting that it revealed "the reasons for your losing the war against us".


title: Michael Scheuer

text: In February 2009, Scheuer was fired from his position as a senior fellow of the Jamestown Foundation by the foundation's president. In December 2013 and January 2014, Scheuer was criticized for seeming to advise American citizens to seriously consider assassinating U.S. President Barack Obama. In September 2014, in addition to earlier "praise" received from Al-Qaeda, the Islamic State issued a press release quoting Scheuer in order to appeal to an American audience. By 2019, Scheuer was endorsing QAnon conspiracy theories and advocating violence against various perceived enemies of Donald Trump, including former president Barack Obama, whom Scheuer falsely claimed was "Kenya-born."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer was born in Buffalo, New York, and graduated from Canisius College with a BA in History in 1974. He went on to earn an MA in American History from Niagara University in 1976 and another MA in American Canadian Relations from Carleton University in 1982. He also received a PhD in British Empire–U.S.–Canada–U.K. relations from the University of Manitoba in 1986.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer served in the CIA for 22 years before resigning in 2004. He was chief of the Bin Laden Issue Station at the CIA's Counterterrorism Center from 1996 to 1999, and worked as Special Adviser to the Chief of the bin Laden unit from September 2001 to November 2004. He is now known to have been the anonymous author of both the 2004 book "Imperial Hubris: Why the West is Losing the War on Terror" and the earlier anonymous work "Through Our Enemies' Eyes: Osama bin Laden, Radical Islam, and the Future of America". After his anonymously published books were publicly associated with his name, he was mentioned by Osama bin Laden in his statement of September 7, 2007. According to bin Laden, "If you want to understand what's going on and if you would like to get to know some of the reasons for your losing the war against us, then read the book of Michael Scheuer in this regard."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: After leaving the CIA in 2004, Scheuer worked as a news analyst for CBS News and a terrorism analyst for the Jamestown Foundation's online publication "Global Terrorism Analysis". He made radio and television appearances and taught a graduate-level course on Al-Qaeda at Georgetown University. He also participates in conferences on terrorism and national security issues, such as the New America Foundation's December 2004 conference, "Al Qaeda 2.0: Transnational Terrorism After 9/11."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: In 2009, Scheuer reported that he had lost his position as a Senior Fellow with the Jamestown Foundation, after "several major financial donors to Jamestown threatened to withdraw funding" if he continued in that role. The funding threats were pursuant to his criticism of Barack Obama's "dancing the Tel Aviv two-step" in allegedly kowtowing to the Israeli lobby, as well as Scheuer's disdaining of Obama's selection as Chief of Staff of Rahm Emanuel, "a U.S. citizen who during the 1991 Gulf War left America to serve in Israel's military."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: His first book, published anonymously, is an analysis of the public discourse available on al-Qaeda's ideology and strategy. In it, Scheuer explores the bin Laden phenomenon and its implications for U.S. security. He began the book in 1999 as an unclassified manual for counterterrorism officers. Due to the secrecy agreement he signed as an employee of the CIA, the book is based solely on unclassified intelligence or material available from open sources such as media reports. His main thesis in the work is that the view of bin Laden as a lunatic is a form of "myopia" that limits Western military thinkers' ability to respond to the bin Laden phenomenon. He writes that "the West's road to hell lies in approaching the bin Laden problem with the presumption that only the lunatic fringe could oppose what the United States is trying to accomplish through its foreign policy toward the Muslim world. Bin Laden's philosophy is slowly harnessing the two most powerful motivating forces in contemporary international affairs: religion and nationalism."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: [T]he crux of my argument is simply that America is in a war with militant Islamists that it cannot avoid; one that it cannot talk or appease its way out of; one in which our irreconcilable Islamist foes will have to be killed, an act which unavoidably will lead to innocent deaths; and one that is motivated in large measure by the impact of U.S. foreign policies in the Islamic world, one of which is unqualified U.S. support for Israel.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: In his second book, "Imperial Hubris", a New York Times bestseller, Scheuer writes that the Islamist threat to the United States is rooted in "how easy it is for Muslims to see, hear, experience, and hate the six U.S. policies bin Laden repeatedly refers to as anti-Muslim:


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer contends that Al-Qaeda is following a martial strategy that is more rational than it is given credit for among Western politicians and media. He cites Clausewitz's dictum that one must strike one's enemy's "center of gravity", and pairs it with an al-Qaeda writer's assertion that "the American economy is the American center of gravity".


title: Michael Scheuer

text: In a videotape released around September 7, 2007, Osama bin Laden stated, "If you want to understand what's going on and if you would like to get to know some of the reasons for your losing the war against us, then read the book of Michael Scheuer."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer's book "Marching Toward Hell: America and Islam After Iraq" was published on February 12, 2008. It details how the 2003 Iraq War has affected Al-Qaeda and the United States. He argues that the instability in the Iraq War has benefited Al-Qaeda without serving any U.S. interests.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer's views emphasized the danger of Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda, as well as the ineffectiveness of U.S. policy against these imminent threats. The threat to the United States, Scheuer has consistently maintained, continues to grow, and the U.S. continually fails to grasp the nature of the struggle in which it is engaged: Islamist and anti-American sentiment continue to grow around the world, and the bin Laden movement is aimed, not at killing or conquering Americans or reforming their internal political systems, but rather bankrupting them in order to reduce their worldwide influence and thereby liberate Muslims from the yoke of American political, military, and financial influence. The failure of the U.S. to apprehend this threat is, in part, rooted in a misunderstanding and underestimation of Osama bin Laden himself. To Scheuer, Osama bin Laden's "beliefs, goals, and intentions" were


title: Michael Scheuer

text: carefully chosen, plainly spoken, and precise. He has set out the Muslim world's problems as he sees them; determined that they are caused by the United States; explained why they must be remedied; and outlined how he will try to do so. Seldom in America's history has an enemy laid out so clearly the basis for the war he is waging against it.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer's criticism of U.S. foreign policy includes a sweeping condemnation of the invasion of Iraq, which he has characterized as a "Christmas present" to Osama bin Laden's Islamist recruitment efforts, and a validation of bin Laden's claims that the U.S. is at war with Islam. From his personal involvement in background research in the run-up to the war, Scheuer states that "there was no connection between [Al Qaeda] and Saddam."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: U.S. rhetoric about bin Laden having allegedly "hat[ed] freedom" has also irked Scheuer, who suggests that those "willing to give their lives to destroy the dictatorship in Saudi Arabia ... must want freedom in some kind of way." This erroneous rhetoric, according to Scheuer, is not only to be found in the media and among politicians, but even in the "9/11 Commission Report", in which bin Laden and his followers were identified "as takfiris, who kill Muslims if they don't agree with them. They're not takfiris. They're just very devout, severe Salafists and Wahhabis."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: The insistence on referring to al-Qaeda and the Islamist movement around it as a terrorist group or terrorist movement has also been a mistake, according to Scheuer. The U.S. is faced with an insurgency, rather than mere terrorism. Speaking on the BBC News on November 9, 2012, Scheuer criticized what he called the Obama administration's deceit about the threat from Islamic militants, and misleading the American people in his first administration by claiming that the word "jihad" had nothing to do with military affairs, and that it had to do with "self reform and community improvement", which Scheuer claims was a blatant lie.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer has been critical of the Clinton and Bush administrations for not having killed bin Laden, for costly and disastrous policy missteps, and for not taking decisive measures to defend the country. He states that Clinton had eight to ten opportunities to kill bin Laden prior to September 11, and Bush had one opportunity thereafter. Richard A. Clarke and the Clinton administration, according to Scheuer, thwarted the CIA's ambitions to kidnap or kill bin Laden when they had the chance. According to Scheuer,


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Clarke's book "Against All Enemies" is also a crucial complement to the September 11 panel's failure to condemn Mr. Clinton's failure to capture or kill bin Laden on any of the eight to 10 chances afforded by CIA reporting. Mr. Clarke never mentions that President Bush had no chances to kill bin Laden before September 11 and leaves readers with the false impression that he, Mr. Clinton and Mr. Clinton's national security adviser, Sandy Berger, did their best to end the bin Laden threat. That trio, in my view, abetted al Qaeda, and if the September 11 families were smart they would focus on the dereliction of Dick [Clarke], Bill [Clinton] and Sandy [Berger] and not the antics of convicted September 11 conspirator Zacarias Moussaoui.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Of the Bush administration, Scheuer warns against assigning it full responsibility for the nation's troubles since September 11, 2001. Although the "unprovoked attack of Iraq" will forever be remembered as "infamous", as will Dick Cheney's "reptilian contention that Americans who criticize U.S. foreign policy are 'validating the strategy of the terrorists'", according to Scheuer, a "bipartisan governing elite", both Democratic and Republican, is to blame for the nation's woes. (Notwithstanding the bipartisan responsibility, Scheuer comments, "the thought of what history will say about Donald Rumsfeld's tenure at the Department of Defense ought to make his relatives shudder down to their latest generation.")


title: Michael Scheuer

text: In 2007, Scheuer said "The Iranians are no threat to the United States unless we provoke them. They may be a threat to the Israelis. They're not a threat to the United States. The threat to the United States, inside the United States, comes from al Qaeda. ... These people are going to detonate a nuclear device inside the United States, and we're going to have absolutely nothing to respond against."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer has stated that the Mearsheimer and Walt paper "The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy" is essentially correct. Israel, according to Scheuer, has engaged in one of the most successful campaigns to influence public opinion in the United States ever conducted by a foreign government. Scheuer said to NPR that "They [Mearsheimer and Walt] should be credited for the courage they have had to actually present a paper on the subject. I hope they move on and do the Saudi lobby, which is probably more dangerous to the United States than the Israeli lobby."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: In "Marching Toward Hell", Scheuer laments "the war in Iraq that was instigated by U.S. citizen Israel-firsters and their evangelical Christian allies". He continues,


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Because both U.S. political parties are wholly owned subsidiaries of the American Israeli Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and the Israeli government, there is no large-scale U.S. military withdrawal from Iraq in the cards ... If you doubt this, keep in mind the name Rahm Emanuel. Slated to be the president-elect's chief of staff, Mr. Emanuel has labored as a volunteer for AIPAC's various anti-U.S. causes, strove to ensure the defeat of anti-Iraq War Democratic congressional candidates in 2006, and in 1991, as a 32-year-old U.S. citizen, chose to serve with the Israeli Defense Forces rather than volunteer to fight for the United States in the war against Saddam's Iraq.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: In April 2009, Scheuer participated in the Doha Debates at Georgetown University, where he debated for the motion "This house believes that it is time for the USA to get tough on Israel" with fellow speaker Avraham Burg. Speakers against the motion were Dore Gold and Alan Dershowitz. Burg and Scheuer won the debate, with 63% of the audience voting for the motion. During the debate, Scheuer suggested that "the war in Iraq is the responsibility of the American fifth column that supports Israel" and accused Dershowitz of being part of this "fifth column". Dershowitz responded that he opposed the war in Iraq, that "more Jews than any other ethnic group in America opposed the war in Iraq" and that Scheuer was engaging in "bigotry."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Thomas Joscelyn of "Weekly Standard" wrote a critical piece on Scheuer and an interview Scheuer did on "Hardball with Chris Matthews". According to Joscelyn, Scheuer's claims that "there was no evidence of a relationship between Saddam Hussein's Iraq and al Qaeda", in various interviews, "directly contradicted" Scheuer's earlier assertions, in his first book, in which Scheuer "cited numerous pieces of evidence showing that there was, in fact, a working relationship between Saddam and al Qaeda."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer wrote about a relationship between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda in his 2002 book. Yet when interviewed in 2004 he stated that he had found no evidence of a Saddam/al-Qaeda connection. Tim Russert asked Scheuer to explain the seeming contradiction on "Meet the Press" (30 November 2004):


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer explains more fully in the revised edition of his 2002 book the exhaustive study of the evidence of the alleged Iraq-al-Qaeda cooperation that eventually led him to the conclusion that there was no relationship between the two forces:


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer has stated his objection to any involvement by the U.S. in the Libyan insurgency, being particularly critical of the work of United States' UN representative Susan E. Rice, calling the whole affair "none of our business" and essentially a "recruiting tool for terrorists." His overall view is that the interests of U.S. foreign policy are far better served by the current status quo, whereby the existing autocratic regimes are better able to suppress the threat he perceives from Al-Qaeda incursion than Western-style democratic systems. Scheuer believes that, irrespective of NATO ostensibly leading the bombing operations, "in the Muslim world, this is Americans killing Muslims again, and it looks like it's for oil."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer penned an editorial in late December 2011 endorsing U.S. presidential candidate Ron Paul. He said, "Dr. Paul's precise use of history and common sense exposes the exorbitantly costly effort to build democracies in the Islamic world for what it is; namely, Washington throwing money down the drain for a cause that is impossibly lost from the start and one that will involve us in wars where we have no interests."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer expressed his support for U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump in multiple blog postings on non-intervention.com. Scheuer based his support on, in his view, Trump's strong support of the Second Amendment, Trump's proposed wall along the Southern Border, Trump's skepticism of NATO and military intervention in the Muslim World, and Trump's unpopularity with neoconservatives and their media outlets such as "The Weekly Standard", "National Review", and also much of the mainstream media. Scheuer also likes Trump's "America First" talk towards American statecraft.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: On December 23, 2013, Scheuer endorsed the extrajudicial killing of then-Prime Minister of Britain David Cameron and President Barack Obama, endorsing the view of Algernon Sidney that "by an established law among the most virtuous nations, every man might kill a tyrant; and no names are recorded in history with more honor, than of those who did it."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: In July 2018, Scheuer called upon "those millions of well-armed citizens who voted for Trump" to be ready to kill "a long and very precise list" of those who oppose Trump. His list included the entire mainstream media and two former Presidents. "If Trump does not act soon to erase" his opponents, he wrote, "the armed citizenry must step in and eliminate them."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer referred to Kyle Rittenhouse, who was charged with murder for shooting people demonstrating in George Floyd protests in Kenosha, Wisconsin a “young hero”, hoping that “Rittenhouse’s necessary, patriotic, and constitutional actions will power the formation of militias across the United States.” In July 2020, he wrote that “loyal Americans know their domestic enemies, as well as their locations, in detail, and will be able to act swiftly to eliminate them and the threat they pose.”


title: Michael Scheuer

text: In March 2018, Scheuer claimed that the European Union was in the process of "falling apart", saying that British Prime Minister Theresa May was "siding with the EU" during the future relation talks of the UK leaving the European Union.


title: Michael Scheuer

text: Scheuer has called for the public execution of European politicians, saying that "all European rulers are tyrants" adding that "they are a despicable bunch, the people that head the European Union, and they really deserve to be hung." He is critical of the EU's abolition of the death penalty and the implications it has on the deportation of terrorist suspects, saying that "the EU's policy of easily obtainable political asylum and its prohibition against deporting wanted or convicted terrorists to a country with a death penalty have made Europe a major, consistent and invulnerable source of terrorist threat to the United States." Scheuer sees the extraordinary renditions carried out by the U.S. government as being hindered by the European Union: "The extraordinary rendition programme should not be destroyed because of "venal and prize hungry reporters, grandstanding politicians and sanctimonious Europeans."


title: Michael Scheuer

text: In the Hulu miniseries, "The Looming Tower" (2018), Scheuer is the basis for the character of Martin Schmidt (portrayed by Peter Sarsgaard), depicted as one of two people primarily responsible for the lack of intelligence sharing between the CIA and the FBI in the lead up to 9/11.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: "Casey at the Bat: A Ballad of the Republic, Sung in the Year 1888" is a poem written in 1888 by Ernest Thayer. It was first published anonymously in "The San Francisco Examiner" (then called "The Daily Examiner") on June 3, 1888, under the pen name "Phin", based on Thayer's college nickname, "Phinney". Featuring a dramatic narrative about a baseball game, the poem was later popularized by DeWolf Hopper in many vaudeville performances. It has become one of the best-known poems in American literature.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: A baseball team from the fictional town of "Mudville" (the home team) is losing by two runs in its last inning. Both the team and its fans, a crowd of 5,000, believe that they can win if Casey, Mudville's star player, gets to bat. However, Casey is scheduled to be the fifth batter of the inning, and the first two batters (Cooney and Barrows) fail to get on base. The next two batters (Flynn and Jimmy Blake) are perceived to be weak hitters with little chance of reaching base to allow Casey a chance to bat.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: Surprisingly, Flynn hits a single, and Blake follows with a double that allows Flynn to reach third base. Both runners are now in scoring position and Casey represents the potential winning run. Casey is so sure of his abilities that he does not swing at the first two pitches, both called strikes. On the last pitch, the overconfident Casey strikes out swinging, ending the game and sending the crowd home unhappy.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: The text is filled with references to baseball as it was in 1888, which in many ways is not far removed from today's version. As a work, the poem encapsulates much of the appeal of baseball, including the involvement of the crowd. It also has a fair amount of baseball jargon that can pose challenges for the uninitiated.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: This is the complete poem as it originally appeared in "The Daily Examiner". After publication, various versions with minor changes were produced.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: Thayer said he chose the name "Casey" after a non-player of Irish ancestry he once knew named Daniel H. Casey, and it is open to debate whom, if anyone, he modeled the character after. It has been reported that Thayer's best friend Samuel Winslow, who played baseball at Harvard, was the inspiration for Casey.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: Another candidate is National League player Mike "King" Kelly, who became famous when Boston paid Chicago a record $10,000 for him. He had a personality that fans liked to cheer or jeer. After the 1887 season, Kelly went on a playing tour to San Francisco. Thayer, who wrote "Casey" in 1888, covered the San Francisco leg for the "San Francisco Examiner".


title: Casey at the Bat

text: Thayer, in a letter he wrote in 1905, mentions Kelly as showing "impudence" in claiming to have written the poem. The author of the 2004 definitive biography of Kelly—which included a close tracking of his vaudeville career—did not find Kelly claiming to have been the author.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: A month after the poem was published, it was reprinted as "Kelly at the Bat" in the "New York Sporting Times".


title: Casey at the Bat

text: Aside from omitting the first five verses, the only changes from the original are substitutions of Kelly for Casey, and Boston for Mudville. King Kelly, then of the Boston Beaneaters, was one of baseball's two biggest stars at the time (along with Cap Anson).


title: Casey at the Bat

text: In 1897, the magazine "Current Literature" noted the two versions and said, "The locality, as originally given, is Mudville, not Boston; the latter was substituted to give the poem local color."


title: Casey at the Bat

text: DeWolf Hopper gave the poem's first stage recitation on August 14, 1888, at New York's Wallack Theatre as part of the comic opera "Prinz Methusalem" in the presence of the Chicago and New York baseball teams, the White Stockings and the Giants, respectively; August 14, 1888 was also Thayer's 25th birthday. Hopper became known as an orator of the poem, and recited it more than 10,000 times (by his count—some tabulations are as much as four times higher) before his death.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: On stage in the early 1890s, baseball star Kelly recited the original "Casey" a few dozen times and not the parody. For example, in a review in 1893 of a variety show he was in, the "Indianapolis News" said, "Many who attended the performance had heard of Kelly's singing and his reciting, and many had heard De Wolf Hopper recite 'Casey at the Bat' in his inimitable way. Kelly recited this in a sing-song, school-boy fashion." Upon Kelly's death, a writer would say he gained "considerable notoriety by his ludicrous rendition of 'Casey at the Bat,' with which he concluded his 'turn' [act] at each performance."


title: Casey at the Bat

text: During the 1980s, the magic/comedy team Penn & Teller performed a version of "Casey at the Bat" with Teller (the "silent" partner) struggling to escape a straitjacket while suspended upside-down over a platform of sharp steel spikes. The set-up was that Penn Jillette would leap off his chair upon finishing the poem, releasing the rope which supported Teller, and send Teller to a gruesome death if Teller had failed to free himself by that time. Jillette enhanced the drama of the performance by drastically accelerating the pace of his recital after the first few stanzas, greatly reducing the time that Teller had left to work free from his bonds.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: On July 4, 2008, Jack Williams recited the poem accompanied by the Boston Pops during the annual Boston Pops Fireworks Spectacular at Boston's Fourth of July Celebration.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: On July 14, 2013, the jam rock band Furthur performed the poem as part of a second-set medley in center field of Doubleday Field in Cooperstown, New York.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: The first recorded version of "Casey at the Bat" was made by Russell Hunting, speaking in a broad Irish accent, in 1893; an 1898 cylinder recording of the text made for the Columbia Graphophone label by Hunting can be accessed from the Cylinder Preservation and Digitization Project at the University of California, Santa Barbara Library.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: In 1946, Walt Disney released a recording of the narration of the poem by Jerry Colonna, which accompanied the studio's animated cartoon adaptation of the poem (see below).


title: Casey at the Bat

text: In 1973, the Cincinnati Symphony Orchestra commissioned its former Composer-in-Residence, Frank Proto, to create a work to feature Baseball Hall-of-Famer Johnny Bench with the orchestra. The result "Casey At The Bat – an American Folk Tale for Narrator and Orchestra" was an immediate hit and recorded by Bench and the orchestra. It has since been performed more than 800 times by nearly every major and Metropolitan orchestra in the U.S. and Canada.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: In 1980, baseball pitcher Tug McGraw recorded "Casey at The Bat—an American Folk Tale for Narrator and Orchestra" by Frank Proto with Peter Nero and the Philly Pops.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: In 1996, actor James Earl Jones recorded the poem with Arranger/Composer Steven Reineke and the Cincinnati Pops Orchestra.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: On a 1997 CD set with memorable moments and stories from the game of baseball titled "Take Me Out to the Ball Game" produced by Jerry Hoffman and Douglas Duer, a Vincent Price oration of the poem is a slightly altered version of the original.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: In 1998, actor Sir Derek Jacobi recorded the poem with Composer/Arranger Randol Alan Bass and the National Symphony of London, with the composer conducting. This work, titled "Casey at the Bat" has been recorded by the Boston Pops Orchestra, Keith Lockhart conducting.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: In 2013, Dave Jageler and Charlie Slowes, both radio announcers for the Washington Nationals, each made recordings of the poem for the Library of Congress to mark the 125th anniversary of its first publication.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: In 2022 The Rose Theatre Co. recorded it as an episode on The Rose Rhapsody podcast featuring a performance by veteran DC actor and vocal artist Jim Brady.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: A rivalry of sorts has developed between two cities claiming to be the Mudville described in the poem.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: Residents of Holliston, Massachusetts, where there is a neighborhood called Mudville, claim it as the Mudville described in the poem. Thayer grew up in nearby Worcester, Massachusetts, where he wrote the poem in 1888; his family owned a wool mill less than from Mudville's baseball field.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: However, residents of Stockton, California—which was known for a time as Mudville prior to incorporation in 1850—also lay claim to being the inspiration for the poem. In 1887, Thayer covered baseball for "The Daily Examiner"—owned by his Harvard classmate William Randolph Hearst—and is said to have covered the local California League team, the Stockton Ports. For the 1902 season, after the poem became popular, Stockton's team was renamed the Mudville Nine. The team reverted to the Mudville Nine moniker for the 2000 and 2001 seasons. The Visalia Rawhide, another California League team, currently keeps Mudville alive playing in Mudville jerseys on June 3 each year.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: Despite the towns' rival claims, Thayer himself told the "Syracuse Post-Standard" that "the poem has no basis in fact."


title: Casey at the Bat

text: For a relatively short poem apparently dashed off quickly (and denied by its author for years), "Casey at the Bat" had a profound effect on American popular culture. It has been recited, re-enacted, adapted, dissected, parodied, and subjected to just about every other treatment one could imagine.


title: Casey at the Bat

text: There are three known translations of the poem into a foreign language, one in French, written in 2007 by French Canadian linguist Paul Laurendeau, with the title "Casey au bâton", and two in Hebrew. One by the sports journalist Menachem Less titled "התור של קייסי לחבוט" [Hator Shel Casey Lachbot], and the other more recent and more true to the original cadence and style by Jason H. Elbaum called קֵיסִי בַּמַּחְבֵּט [Casey BaMachbayt].


title: Casey at the Bat

text: Casey Stengel describes in his autobiography how his original nickname "K.C." (for his hometown, Kansas City, Missouri) evolved into "Casey". It was influenced not just by the name of the poem, which was widely popular in the 1910s, but also because he tended to strike out frequently in his early career so fans and writers started calling him "strikeout Casey".


title: Casey at the Bat

text: On July 11, 1996, the United States Postal Service issued a commemorative stamp depicting "Mighty Casey." The stamp was part of a set commemorating American folk heroes. Other stamps in the set depicted Paul Bunyan, John Henry, and Pecos Bill.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Anti-Turkish sentiment, also known as Anti-Turkism (), or Turkophobia () is hostility, intolerance, or xenophobia against Turkish people, Turkish culture and the Turkish language.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The term refers to intolerance, not only against Turks across all regions, but also against the subjects of the Ottoman Empire, as well as descendants of ethnic Turks such as Syrian Turkmen and Iraqi Turkmen. It is also applied to groups who developed in part under the influence of Turkish culture and traditions while converting to Islam, especially during the time of the Ottoman Empire, such as Albanians, Bosniaks and other smaller ethnic groups around Balkans.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In the Early modern period, the fall of Constantinople and the Ottoman wars in Europe—part of European Christians' effort to stem the expansion of the Ottoman Empire, the predecessor to Turkey—helped fuel the development of anti-Turkism. By the middle of the 15th century, special masses called "missa contra Turcos" (Latin for "mass against Turks") were held in various places in Europe to spread the message that victory over the Ottomans was only possible with the help of God and that a Christian community was therefore necessary to withstand the Turks.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: As the Ottomans expanded their empire west, Western Europe came into more frequent contact with the Turks, often militarily.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In the 16th century, around 2,500 publications about the Turks—including more than 1,000 in German—were released in Europe, spreading the image of the "bloodthirsty Turk". From 1480 to 1610, twice as many books were published about the Turkish threat to Europe than about the discovery of the New World. Bishop Johann Faber of Vienna claimed, "There are no crueler and more audacious villains under the heavens than the Turks, who spare no age or sex and mercilessly cut down young and old alike and pluck unripe fruit from the wombs of mothers."


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: During this time, the Ottoman Empire also invaded the Balkans and besieged Vienna, sparking widespread fear in Europe, and especially in Germany. Martin Luther, the German leader of the Protestant Reformation, took advantage of these fears by asserting that the Turks were "the agents of the Devil who, along with the Antichrist located in the heart of the Catholic Church, Rome, would usher in the Last Days and the Apocalypse".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Luther believed that the Ottoman invasion was God's punishment of Christians for allowing corruption in the Holy See and the Catholic Church. In 1518, when he defended his 95 Theses, Luther claimed that God had sent the Turks to punish Christians just as he had sent war, plague, and earthquakes. (In response, Pope Leo X issued a papal bull in which he threatened Luther with excommunication and portrayed him as a troublemaker who advocated capitulation to the Turks.) In his writings "On War Against the Turk" and "Military Sermon Against the Turks", Luther was "consistent in his theological conception of the Turks as a manifestation of God's chastising rod". He and his followers also espoused the view that the Ottoman–Habsburg Wars were a conflict "between Christ and Antichrist" or "between God and the devil".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Spurred by this argument, the Portuguese Empire, seeking to capture more land in East Africa and other parts of the world, used any encounter with the "Terrible Turk" as "a prime opportunity to establish credentials as champions of the faith on par with other Europeans".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Stories of the "dog-Turk" reinforced the negative image. The dog-Turk was claimed to be a man-eating being, half-animal and half-human, with a dog's head and tail. After the Battle of Vienna in 1683, the image of the dog-Turk became a figure used to ridicule Turks in carnival processions and masquerades, where "dog-Turk" characters began to appear alongside witches and clowns.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: According to some sympathetic Orientalist authors, negative accounts of Turkish customs and people written during the 17th and 18th centuries "served as an 'ideological weapon' during the Enlightenment's arguments about the nature of government", creating an image of the Turks that was "inaccurate but accepted". However, some contemporary reports documented brutality and corrupt governance against subjugated Christians, including the practice of Devshirme (); where Ottoman soldiers would take European Christian males, aged 8 to 20, forcibly recruiting soldiers from among the children of their Balkan Christian subjects in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, and relocate them to Istanbul. The devshirme was resented by locals for the fact that the children were taken forcibly from their parents.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In Sweden, the Turks were portrayed as the archenemies of Christianity. A book by the parish priest Erland Dryselius of Jönköping, published in 1694, was titled "Luna Turcica eller Turkeske måne, anwissjandes lika som uti en spegel det mahometiske vanskelige regementet, fördelter uti fyra qvarter eller böcker" ("Turkish moon showing as in a mirror the dangerous Mohammedan rule, divided into four quarters or books"). In sermons, the Swedish clergy preached about the Turks' cruelty and bloodthirstiness, and how they systematically burned and plundered the areas they conquered. In a Swedish schoolbook published in 1795, Islam was described as "the false religion that had been fabricated by the great deceiver Muhammad, to which the Turks to this day universally confess""."


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In 1718, James Puckle demonstrated two versions of his new invention, the Puckle gun: a tripod-mounted, single-barreled flintlock weapon fitted with a revolving cylinder, designed to prevent intruders from boarding a ship. The first version, intended for use against Christian enemies, fired conventional round bullets. The second, intended for use against the Muslim Ottomans, fired square bullets, designed by Kyle Tunis, which were believed to be more damaging and would, according to Puckle's patent, convince the Turks of the "benefits of Christian civilization".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Voltaire and other European writers described the Turks as tyrants who destroyed Europe's heritage; with Voltaire characterizing Turks as "tyrants of the women and enemies of arts" and "barbarian usurpers who must be chased out of Europe." In his book "Orientalism", Edward Said noted, "Until the end of the seventeenth century the 'Ottoman peril' lurked alongside Europe to represent for the whole of Christian civilization a constant danger, and in time European civilization incorporated that peril and its lore, its great events, figures, virtues, and vices, as something woven into the fabric of life."


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Within the ruling class, Ottomans, called themselves ""Osmanlı"", to note a person of higher intellect and education with proficiency in Persian and Arabic literature, while the word "Turk" was used to discriminate against the nomad Turkomans of the steppes and Khurasan, and the illiterate Anatolian peasantry, and ethnic slurs such as "Eşek Turk" (donkey Turk) and "Kaba Turk" (rude Turk) were used to describe them. Other expressions included were "Turk-head" and "Turk-person". Within the Ottoman Empire, the term of ""Etrak-i bi-idrak"" was sometimes used to denote the Yörük backwoodsmen, bumpkins, nomad Turkomans in Anatolia. ""Etrak-i bi-idrak"", an Ottoman play on words, meant "the ignorant Turk". Another similar phrase was ""Türk-i-bed-lika"" which meant "the ugly-faced Turk".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Özay Mehmet, an academic of Turkish Cypriot descent, wrote in his book "Islamic Identity and Development: Studies of the Islamic Periphery":


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Before the 1960s, Turkey had a relatively low rate of emigration. However, after the adoption of a new constitution in 1961, Turkish citizens began to migrate elsewhere. Gradually, Turks became a "prominent ethnic minority group" in some Western countries. But from the beginning, they were subject to discrimination. At times, when host countries adopted more immigrant-friendly policies, "only the Turkish workers were excluded" from them.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In various European languages, the word "Turk" has acquired a meaning similar to "barbarian" or "heathen", or is used as a slur or curse. As a result, the word also has some negative connotations in the United States.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The Arab World has a long history of mixed relations with the Turks back from the Ottoman Empire. In the past, the Ottoman conquest had absorbed a large number of Arab countries into its map, ultimately opened a chapter of a complicated relationship between Turks and Arabs. While both are Muslim majority, subsequent conflict of interests and the growing Turkification and nationalist movement had led to growing anti-Arabism among Turks, especially following the Arab Revolt during the First World War.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Since it gained its independence in 1956, Egypt has always had a mixed relationship with Turkey, in particular due to Turkey's relationship with Israel and Egypt had once allied itself with Syria, leading to tensions between Turkey and Egypt.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Since Abdel Fattah el-Sisi came to power in 2014, anti-Turkism has spread in Egypt, as retribution for Erdoğan's growing hostility towards the Egyptian administration. The Egyptian Government has targeted the Turkish state for criticism by opposing it on issues which are extremely sensitive to it, such as recognizing the Armenian genocide, Turkish military invasion in Syria as el-Sisi allied with Bashar al-Assad. There is a growing fear of Turkish interference in Egyptian affairs, which contributed to the growth of Turkophobia in Egypt.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The fear of Turkish influence has always dominated Iraq and as such, relationship between Iraq and Turkey has always been tense.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The position of the Iraqi Turkmen has changed from being administrative and business classes of the Ottoman Empire to an increasingly discriminated against minority. Since the demise of the Ottoman Empire, the Iraqi Turkmen have been victims of several massacres, such as the Kirkuk Massacre of 1959. Furthermore, under the Ba'ath Party, discrimination against the Iraqi Turkmen increased, with several leaders being executed in 1979 as well as the Iraqi Turkmen community being victims of Arabization policies by the state, and Kurdification by Kurds seeking to push them forcibly out of their homeland. Thus, they have suffered from various degrees of suppression and assimilation that ranged from political persecution and exile to terror and ethnic cleansing. Despite being recognized in the 1925 constitution as a constitutive entity, the Iraqi Turkmen were later denied this status; hence, cultural rights were gradually taken away and activists were sent to exile.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In 1924, the Iraqi Turkmen were seen as a disloyal remnant of the Ottoman Empire, with a natural tie to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's new Turkish nationalist ideology emerging in the Republic of Turkey. The Iraqi Turkmen living in the region of Kirkuk were perceived as posing a threat to the stability of Iraq, particularly as they did not support the ascendancy of King Faisal I to the Iraqi throne. On May 4, these tensions boiled over into violence when soldiers from the Iraq Levies- a levied force raised by the British government after the First World War and consisting primarily of Assyrians- clashed with Turkmen in a Kirkuk market square after a dispute between an Assyrian soldier and a Turkmen shopkeeper. In the ensuing fracas, 200 Turkmen were killed by Assyrian soldiers.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Around 20 Iraqi Turkmen civilians were killed by the Iraqi police including women and children on 12 July 1946 in Gavurbağı, Kirkuk.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The Kirkuk massacre of 1959 came about due to the Iraqi government allowing the Iraqi Communist Party, which in Kirkuk was largely Kurdish, to target the Iraqi Turkmen. With the appointment of Maarouf Barzinji, a Kurd, as the mayor of Kirkuk in July 1959, tensions rose following the 14 July revolution celebrations, with animosity in the city polarizing rapidly between the Kurds and Iraqi Turkmen. On 14 July 1959, fights broke out between the Iraqi Turkmen and Kurds, leaving some 20 Iraqi Turkmen dead. Furthermore, on 15 July 1959, Kurdish soldiers of the Fourth Brigade of the Iraqi army mortared Iraqi Turkmen residential areas, destroying 120 houses. Order was restored on 17 July by military units from Baghdad. The Iraqi government referred to the incident as a "massacre" and stated that between 31 and 79 Iraqi Turkmen were killed and some 130 injured.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In 1980, Saddam Hussein's government adopted a policy of assimilation of its minorities. Due to government relocation programs, thousands of Iraqi Turkmen were relocated from their traditional homelands in northern Iraq and replaced by Arabs, in an effort to Arabize the region. Furthermore, Iraqi Turkmen villages and towns were destroyed to make way for Arab migrants, who were promised free land and financial incentives. For example, the Ba'ath regime recognized that the city of Kirkuk was historically an Iraqi Arab city and remained firmly in its cultural orientation. Thus, the first wave of Arabization saw Arab families move from the center and south of Iraq into Kirkuk to work in the expanding oil industry. Although the Iraqi Turkmen were not actively forced out, new Arab quarters were established in the city and the overall demographic balance of the city changed as the Arab migrations continued.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Several presidential decrees and directives from state security and intelligence organizations indicate that the Iraqi Turkmen were a particular focus of attention during the assimilation process during the Ba'th regime. For example, the Iraqi Military Intelligence issued directive 1559 on 6 May 1980 ordering the deportation of Iraqi Turkmen officials from Kirkuk, issuing the following instructions: "identify the places where Turkmen officials are working in governmental offices [in order] to deport them to other governorates in order to disperse them and prevent them from concentrating in this governorate [Kirkuk]". In addition, on 30 October 1981, the Revolution's Command Council issued decree 1391, which authorized the deportation of Iraqi Turkmen from Kirkuk with paragraph 13 noting that "this directive is specially aimed at Turkmen and Kurdish officials and workers who are living in Kirkuk".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: As primary victims of these Arabization policies, the Iraqi Turkmen suffered from land expropriation and job discrimination, and therefore would register themselves as "Arabs" in order to avoid discrimination. Thus, ethnic cleansing was an element of the Ba'thist policy aimed at reducing the influence of the Iraqi Turkmen in northern Iraq's Kirkuk. Those Iraqi Turkmen who remained in cities such as Kirkuk were subject to continued assimilation policies; school names, neighborhoods, villages, streets, markets and even mosques with names of Turkic origin were changed to names that emanated from the Ba'th Party or from Arab heroes. Moreover, many Iraqi Turkmen villages and neighborhoods in Kirkuk were simply demolished, particularly in the 1990s.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The Kurds claimed "de facto" sovereignty over land that Iraqi Turkmen regards as theirs. For the Iraqi Turkmen, their identity is deeply inculcated as the rightful inheritors of the region as a legacy of the Ottoman Empire. Thus, it is claimed that the Kurdistan Region and Iraqi government has constituted a threat to the survival of the Iraqi Turkmen through strategies aimed at eradicating or assimilating them. The largest concentration of Iraqi Turkmen tended to be in Tal Afar. The formation of the Kurdistan Region in 1991 created high animosity between the Kurds and Iraqi Turkmen, resulting in some Iraqi Turkmen being victims of Kurdification, according to the Liam Anderson. The largest concentration of Iraqi Turkmen tended to be in the de facto capital of Erbil, a city in which they had assumed prominent administrative and economic positions. Thus, they increasingly came into dispute and often conflict with the ruling powers of the city, which after 1996 was the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Massoud Barzani.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: According to Anderson and Stansfield, in the 1990s, tension between the Kurds and Iraqi Turkmen inflamed as the KDP and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) were institutionalized as the political hegemons of the region and, from the perspective of the Iraqi Turkmen, sought to marginalize them from the positions of authority and to subsume their culture with an all-pervading Kurdistani identity. With the support of Ankara, a new political front of Turkmen parties, the Iraqi Turkmen Front (ITF), was formed on 24 April 1995. The relationship between the Iraqi Turkmen Front and the KDP was tense and deteriorated as the decade went on. Iraqi Turkmen associated with the Iraqi Turkmen Front complained about harassment by Kurdish security forces. In March 2000, the Human Rights Watch reported that the KDP's security attacked the offices of the ITF in Erbil, killing two guards, following a lengthy period of disputes between the two parties. In 2002, the KDP created an Iraqi Turkmen political organization, the Turkmen National Association, that supported the further institutionalization of the Kurdistan Region. This was viewed by pro-ITF Iraqi Turkmen as a deliberate attempt to "buy off" Iraqi Turkmen opposition and break their bonds with Ankara. Promoted by the KDP as the "true voice" of the Iraqi Turkmen, the Turkmen National Association has a pro-Kurdistani stance and has effectively weakened the ITF as the sole representative voice of the Iraqi Turkmen. Beginning in 2003, there were riots between Kurds and Turkmen in Kirkuk, a city that Turkmen view as historically theirs. According to United Nations reports, the KRG and Peshmerga were "illegally policing Kirkurk, abducting Turkmen and Arabs and subjecting them to torture". Between 2003 and 2006, 1,350 Turkmens in Tal A'far died and thousands of houses were damaged or demolished, resulting in 4,685 displaced families.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: As for the result of the current Libyan conflict since 2014, Libya was divided into two, where the Government of National Accord in Tripoli enjoys military support from Turkey. This has fueled tensions between Ankara and the Tobruk-based government, and anti-Turkish policies have been pursued by them, In 2019, the Tobruk-based army had arrested Turkish nationals, accusing them of sponsoring terrorism. In 2020, over 15 Turkish nationals have been taken into custody for the same reason. Haftar had also ordered shooting down any Turkish ships and interests, banning flights to Turkey.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Saudi Arabia has a very tense relationship with Turkey, owing it to Ottoman-Saudi War when the Saudis were defeated by the Ottomans, which contributed to the Turkish rule for another century before the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and its alliance with the Al-Rashid family against the Al-Saud. The tensions rekindled in the 21st century with Erdoğan's desire to "revive the Ottoman Empire", which draws Saudi Arabia to be more antagonistic to Turkey. Saudi Arabia has since then made numerous policies, such as labeling the Ottoman Empire as the occupants of Arabia, financing movies that are deemed anti-Turkish, and recently, banning Turkish websites and leading boycotts against Turkey.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: From the French mandate era to the Assad regime, the Turkish culture and language have perished for a section of the Syrian Turkmen community. Many Syrian Turkmen have become Arabized and assimilated in areas where they form a minority. Consequently, Arabization is mainly an exception in areas where the Syrian Turkmen live in areas where they form a significant population, where they have continued to maintain their Turkish identity and language despite discriminative state policies.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Since the Turkish annexation of Sanjak of Alexandretta, there is a strong anti-Turkish sentiment among the Syrian population. For the Syrians, the annexation of Alexandretta became a national wound and a symbol of increasing Turkish meddling of Syrian affairs. This had led to the beginning of anti-Turkish discrimination, intensified under the government of Hafez al-Assad and the Arabization process. Syrian Turkmen, suffered discrimination over employment and education and were forbidden from writing and publishing in their native Turkish dialect.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Syrian Turkmen occupied a low rung on the societal ladder, as reported by "Al Bawaba", it was stated that Assad always sought to benefit his politically dominant Shiite religious minority. The report quoted Bayırbucak Turkmen as highlighting, "They would take Alawites first no matter what, even if they had degrees, Turkmen couldn't find jobs".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: With the beginning of the Syrian Civil War, Syrian Turkmen had sided with the Syrian opposition, which fed the growth of anti-Turkism in Syria. The Syrian Armed Forces, with Russian support, often bombed Syrian Turkmen positions as well as increased xenophobic attacks against Turkmen, accusing them of being Ankara's stooge.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In May 2017, the UAE's Ambassador to the United States, Yousef Al Otaiba described Turkey under Erdoğan as a "long-term threat" to both the UAE and the United States.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In December 2017, the UAE's foreign minister, Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, shared a tweet that claimed an Ottoman general had robbed Medina during Ottoman rule. Emirati diplomat Anwar Gargash then added, "The sectarian and partisan view is not an acceptable alternative, and the Arab world will not be led by Tehran or Ankara."


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Further anti-Turkish policies led by the Emirates, such as arming the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, clashing of influence during the Syrian Civil War, the issue of Qatar crisis and Egypt, and aftermath of the failed 2016 Turkish coup, led to further deterioration of relations and facilitate stronger anti-Turkish tones in the Emirates.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: A 2013 study showed that 13.2% of the Kurds in Turkey had a negative view of Turks. Other numbers include 22.3% who would not accept a Turkish son/daughter-in-law and 5% who would not want to live next to a Turk. The study also showed that left-oriented Kurds were less likely to show tolerance towards Turks, while religious affiliation did not play any significance.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: According to Fatma Müge Göçek the main reasons for anti-Turkish sentiment in Western Europe are Armenian genocide denial and the role of Turkish migrant workers in the economy.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, Islamic culture and life was destroyed through state policies and a group of Albanian historians, often with nationalist perspectives promoted in their literature "the Turkish savagery" and Albanian Christian resistance toward the Ottoman Empire. Scholars who opposed anti-Turkish and anti-Muslim narratives were subjected to ostracism and penalties.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In the 2010s, opposition to Turkey building mosques in Albania or exerting its political influence exists among part of the population. They view Turkey as an interfering or autocratic power and Islam as a negative imposed Ottoman legacy.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Before 1878, Turks accounted for an estimated one-third of the population of Bulgaria. In 1876, approximately 70% of the country's arable land belonged to Turks. This number declined from 1923 to 1949, when an estimated 220,000 Turks moved from Bulgaria to Turkey, a migration encouraged by the Turkish government. Another wave of about 155,000 left Bulgaria from 1949 to 1951, many of them forcibly expelled.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In 1984, the government implemented Bulgarisation policies to culturally assimilate Bulgarian Turks. Approximately 800,000 Turks were forced to adopt Bulgarian names. Furthermore, Bulgarian Turks were not allowed to use their Muslim names, speak Turkish in public places, or attend Muslim ceremonies. This assimilation campaign was labelled as an attempt for national revival and was called "The Revival Process".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: On 24 December 1984, in the village of Mlechino, Bulgarian police and security forces shot at Turkish protesters when some 200 Turkish villagers from nearby smaller towns gathered to protest for the return of their passports and reinstatement of their Turkish names.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In many Turkish populated areas in Bulgaria, People from smaller towns and villages attempted to gather in larger towns with a government official with greater jurisdiction, to protest against the assimilation policies. These towns were often barricaded by Bulgarian security forces.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: On 25 December 1984, close to the town of Benkovski, some 3,000 Turkish protesters from the nearby smaller villages confronted Bulgarian security forces and demanded to have their original identification papers back. The Bulgarian security forces managed to disperse the crowd and urged them to go back to their villages and inquire from the local mayors. After returning to their towns and discovering that the local municipality didn't have their passports and ID documentation the crowd marched back towards the town of Benkovski on the next day (26 December 1984). About 500 armed personnel from Bulgarian security forces were in position. The police presence in the area was previously increased under the guise of "exercise manoeuvres". When the crowd of 2,000 Turkish villagers approached the Bulgarian security forces opened fire with automatic weapons, wounding 8 people and killing 4. One of the killed was a 17-month-old Turkish baby. The victims were from the villages of Kayaloba, Kitna and Mogiljane. The gunshot wounds suggest that the security force had been aiming at the midsection of the bodies. The captured demonstrators were faced down on the snow for 2 hours and blasted with cold water coming from the fire fighting trucks. In a report by Atanas Kadirev the head of the Ministry of Interior Forces in Kardzhali stated ""It was interesting how they endured the entire water from the fire fighters' cisterns"". The temperature that day was minus 15 degrees Celsius.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: On the same day, 26 December 1984, in the village of Gruevo, situated in Momchilgrad county, the Turkish community temporarily resisted the entry of security forces vehicles into the village by burning truck tires on the main road, but the security forces returned at night with reinforcements. The electricity to the village was cut. The villagers organized at the village entrance but were blasted with water from fire trucks. The security forces opened fire at the villagers and several civilians were wounded and killed. The wounded were refused medical treatment. There are reports of incarcerated Turks allegedly committing suicide while held for police questioning. In demonstrations in Momchilgrad at least one 16-year-old was shot and killed and there are reports of casualties also in Dzhebel.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The Bulgarian Ministry of Interior stated "during these few Christmas days there have been some 11 demonstrations in which approximately 11,000 Turks participated." A large number of the arrested protesters were later sent to the Belene labour camp at the gates of which it is written ""All Bulgarian citizens are equal under the laws of the People's Republic of Bulgaria""


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: One of the most notable confrontations between the ethnic Turk population and the Bulgarian State Security apparatus and army was in the village of Yablanovo during January 1985 where the Turkish population resisted the tanks of the 3rd Bulgarian Army for 3 days. When the village was overrun the town hall was made into a temporary Command Centre where imprisoned Turks were tortured. The torture and violation was later continued in the underground cellars of the Ministry of Interior in the city of Sliven. Over 30 people are reported killed during the events in Yablanovo.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: These events led to the beginning of the revival of the Turkish minority identity in Bulgaria and protests took place in some of the bigger settlements in the southern and northern Turk enclaves. Moreover, the Turkish community received the solidarity of Bulgarian intellectuals and opponents of the regime.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: This led, a few years later, to the biggest exodus in Europe since World War II: After the Bulgaria–Turkey border was opened in June 1989, approximately 350,000 Turks left Bulgaria on tourist visas in the span of three months. Eventually, more than 150,000 Turks returned to Bulgaria—especially after the removal of Todor Zhivkov from power—but more than 200,000 chose to remain in Turkey permanently.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Former Bulgarian prime minister, Boyko Borisov, has been accused of having anti-Turkish tendencies. In December 2009, he backed a referendum, proposed by the nationalist party Attack (Bulgarian: Атака), on whether to allow daily Turkish-language news broadcasts on Bulgarian National Television, although he later withdrew his support. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, then the Turkish prime minister, "expressed his concern of rising anti-Turkish sentiments in Bulgaria" to the Bulgarian prime minister. The Turkish Foreign Ministry also "expressed its concern over the rising heated rhetoric in Bulgaria". According to a report by Ivan Dikov, "not just Атака but a large number of Bulgarians have resented the news in Turkish".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Borisov also referred to Turks (and Romani) as "bad human material" in 2009. The vice president of the Party of European Socialists, Jan Marinus Wiersma, said Borisov had "crossed the invisible line between right wing populism and extremism".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Some Bulgarian historians consider Bulgars, a semi-nomadic Turkic people, as Iranian. According to Raymond Detrez, the Iranian theory is rooted in the periods of anti-Turkish sentiment in Bulgaria and is ideologically motivated. Since 1989, anti-Turkish rhetoric is now reflected in the theories that challenge the thesis of the proto-Bulgars' Turkic origin. Alongside the Iranian or Aryan theory, there appeared arguments favoring an autochthonous origin.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: There are approximately 290,000 Turkish citizens living in Belgium, The majority of whom left to Belgium in the 1950s. In the past several years, many right and left wings Belgian political parties criticized domestic Turkish politics and called for banning or deporting Turkish immigrants.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In 2015, a female employee shouted ""Dirty Turk"" ("in Dutch: 'Vuile Turk')" at a Supervisor of Turkish origin in the Volvo car factory in Ghent, which led to a Strike action by Turkish workers at the factory.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Filip Dewinter a right-wing Flemish nationalist party member said in May 2017 at TV-program De Zevende Dag,


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The island of Cyprus became an independent state in 1960, with power shared between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots under the London–Zürich Agreements. But in December 1963, in events that became known as Bloody Christmas in which 364 Turks were killed, Turkish Cypriots were ousted from the republic and Greek Cypriots began a military campaign against them, leading to 11 years of ethnic clashes. Turkish Cypriots bore the heavier cost in terms of casualties, and some 25,000—about a fifth of the population of Turkish Cypriots—were internally displaced. Thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses left behind were ransacked or completely destroyed. They lived as refugees for at least ten years, until the 1974 Turkish invasion. By the late 1960s, approximately 60,000 Turkish Cypriots had left their homes and moved into enclaves. This resulted in an exodus of Turkish Cypriots, with the majority migrating to the United Kingdom and others to Turkey, North America, and Australia.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: On 13 February 1963 Greeks and Greek Cypriots attacked the Turkish Cypriot quarter of Limassol with tanks killing 16 and injuring 35 Turks. Between 11 and 13 May 1964, Cypriot Police executed much as 28 Turkish Cypriot civilians in Famagusta and Akrotiri and Dhekelia. On 14 and 15 November 1967, Greek Cypriots murdered 26 Turkish Cypriots during their retreat from Kofinou.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Numerous atrocities against the Turkish Cypriot community were committed during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. In the Maratha, Santalaris and Aloda massacre by EOKA B, 126 people were killed on 14 August 1974. The United Nations described the massacre as a crime against humanity, by saying "constituting a further crime against humanity committed by the Greek and Greek Cypriot gunmen." In the Tochni massacre, 85 Turkish Cypriot inhabitants were massacred.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: "The Washington Post" covered another atrocity in which it is written that: "In a Greek raid on a small Turkish village near Limassol, 36 people out of a population of 200 were killed. The Greeks said that they had been given orders to kill the inhabitants of the Turkish villages before the Turkish forces arrived."


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In Limassol, upon the fall of the Turkish Cypriot enclave to the Cypriot National Guard on 20 July 1974, the Turkish Cypriot quarter was burned, women raped and children shot according to Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot eyewitness accounts. 1300 people were then led to a prison camp.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: On 12 July 2020, The primate of the Church of Cyprus, Archbishop Chrysostomos II has expressed his opinions regarding the reversion of the Hagia Sophia museum to a mosque stating that "The Turks have remained uncivilized, they are rude, and they will remain [this way]." He added that "Turkey has learned to destroy, it has learned to appropriate the cultures of others and sometimes, when it does not benefit it, it destroys them and falsely presents cultures as its own."


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Turks are "the most prominent ethnic minority group in contemporary Germany", and discrimination and violence against them are common. In public discourse and popular jokes, they are often portrayed as "ludicrously different in their food tastes, dress, names, and even in their ability to develop survival techniques".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The number of violent acts by right-wing extremists in Germany increased dramatically between 1990 and 1992. On November 25, 1992, three Turkish residents were killed in a firebombing in Mölln, a town in northern Germany. And on May 29, 1993, in an arson attack in Solingen, five members of a Turkish family that had resided in Germany for 23 years were burnt to death. Several neighbors heard someone shout "Heil Hitler!" before dousing the front porch and door with gasoline and setting fire to the home. Most Germans condemned these attacks, and many marched in candlelight processions.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: According to Greg Nees, "because Turks are both darker-skinned and Muslim, conservative Germans are largely against granting them citizenship".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: A member of the European parliament from the Greek far-right Golden Dawn party, former army lieutenant general Eleftherios Synadinos has been expelled from a European Parliament plenary session after a racist remark, stating that "As it has been expressed in scientific literature, the Turks are dirty and polluted. Turks are like wild dogs when they play but when they have to fight against their enemies they run away. The only effective way to deal with the Turks is with decisive and resolute attitudes."


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Ioannis Lagos, who has been a Greek lawmaker serving as a Member of the European Parliament, has tore a Turkish flag made of paper into pieces in January 2020 during a session of debate for the humanitarian situation on the Greek islands due to illegal immigrations.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The former Greek Minister for Foreign Affairs Theodoros Pangalos stated in 2002 that Turks have been being allowed "to drag their bloodstained boots across the carpet" in the European Union capitals and has labelled Turks as "bandits, murderers, and rapists."


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Turks are the largest ethnic minority group in the Netherlands. Although policies toward Turks in the Netherlands are more progressive than those in many other European countries, such as Germany, In a report on the Netherlands in 2008, the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance wrote that the Turkish minority had been particularly affected by "stigmatization of and discrimination against members of minority groups". The report also noted that "the tone of Dutch political and public debate around integration and other issues relevant to ethnic minorities has experienced a dramatic deterioration".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: According to the European Network Against Racism, an international organization supported by the European Commission, half of all Turks in the Netherlands report having experienced racial discrimination. The network also noted "dramatic growth" of Islamophobia. In 2001, another international organization, the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, highlighted a negative trend in Dutch attitudes towards minorities, compared with average European Union results. That analysis also noted that, compared to other Europeans, the Dutch were "more in favor of cultural assimilation of minorities" rather than "cultural enrichment by minority groups".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: The Maltese have a colourful vocabulary stemming from their fight against the Ottoman Empire during the Great Siege of Malta in 1565. For example, the expression "tgħammed tork" is used when the sun is visible during rainfall; it means "a Turk has been baptised", which was considered a rare event. The phrase "twieled tork" ("a Turk was born") is also used. Another expression is "ħaqq għat-torok" ("curse on the Turks"), used when something goes wrong.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Georgians look with a wary eye to Turkey's growing Neo-Ottomanism and the rise in popularity of irredentist maps showing Turkey with borders expanded into the former Ottoman Empire, usually including Adjara.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Although some Turks have since come back to Meskheti (which is near the Turkish-Georgian border), the Georgians and Armenians who settled in their homes have vowed to take up arms against any who return. Many Georgians have also argued that the Meskhetian Turks should be sent to Turkey, ""where they belong"".


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: Russia is a European Nation that had much conflict with not only the Ottoman Turks, but as well with other Turkic people in Asia and within the empire, for instance, Crimean Tatars under Russian Tsarist administration were forced to leave their houses for Turkey due to Russian colonial politics in the Crimean peninsula. Many Muslim Turks also formed a significant part of Russian Imperial administration and a major bulk of Russian army in its expansion.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: In the Soviet Union, the NKVD and the Red Army carried out ethnic cleansing during World War II through mass deportations of Turks. In June 1945, Vyacheslav Molotov, the Soviet minister of foreign affairs, formally demanded that Turkey surrender three provinces (Kars, Ardahan, and Artvin), and Moscow was also preparing to support Armenian claims to several other provinces. War against Turkey seemed possible, and Joseph Stalin wanted to drive out Turks (especially in Meskheti) who were likely to be hostile to Soviet intentions. The campaign is relatively poorly documented, but Soviet sources suggest that 115,000 Turks were deported, mainly to Central Asia. Most of them settled in Uzbekistan, but many others died along the way.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: More recently, some Turks in Russia, especially Meskhetian Turks in Krasnodar, have faced human rights violations, including deprivation of citizenship and prohibitions on employment and owning property. Since 2004, many Turks have left the Krasnodar region for the United States as refugees. They are still barred from full repatriation to Georgia.


title: Anti-Turkish sentiment

text: While Turkey and Uzbekistan have a fair relationship for being commonly Turkic, some tensions were witnessed.