title: N Seoul Tower

text: N Plaza has two floors. The first floor includes the ticket booth, N Terrace, N Gift and a burger shop. The second floor houses the Place Dining, an Italian restaurant, and the Roof Terrace where the "Locks of Love" can be found.


title: N Seoul Tower

text: The N Tower has four floors: 1F, 2F, 3F, and 5F (most buildings in Korea avoid having fourth floors). There are four observation decks (the 4th observation deck, which is the revolving restaurant, rotates at a rate of one revolution every 48 minutes), as well as gift shops and two restaurants. Most of the city of Seoul can be seen from the top. Close to N Seoul Tower is a second lattice transmission tower. The tower offers a digital observatory with a 360° panoramic view that showcases Korea's history through 32 LCD screens. This is located on the third floor of the N Tower.


title: N Seoul Tower

text: Many visitors ride the Namsan cable car up the Mt. Namsan to walk to the tower. The tower is renowned as a national landmark and for its cityscape views. The 236.7 m (777 ft) tower sits on the Namsan mountain (243m or 797 ft). It attracts thousands of tourists and locals every year, especially during nighttime when the tower lights up. Photographers enjoy the panoramic view the tower offers. Each year, approximately 8.4 million visit the N Seoul Tower, which is surrounded by many other attractions South Korea offers, including Namsan Park and Namsangol Hanok Village. Visitors may go up the tower for a fee that differs for the following groups: children, elderly and teenagers, and adults. Rates differ for each package and group size.


title: N Seoul Tower

text: In 2012, surveys conducted by Seoul City revealed foreign tourists ranked the N Seoul Tower as the number one tourist attraction. The N Seoul Tower is now also a symbol of Seoul.


title: N Seoul Tower

text: The N Seoul Tower is illuminated in blue from sunset to 23:00 (22:00 in winter) on days where the air quality in Seoul is 45 or less. During the spring of 2012, the Tower was lit up for 52 days, which is four days more than in 2011. The tower uses the latest LED technology to offer visitors a digital, cultural art experience through 'light art.' The N Seoul Tower puts on many different shows, including the "Reeds of Light" and "Shower of Light."


title: N Seoul Tower

text: An exception to this is Earth Day. On Earth Day, lights were held nationwide to promote awareness of energy conservation. At 8 p.m KST. on that day, lights at N Seoul Tower on Namsan disappear into darkness.


title: N Seoul Tower

text: In a poll of nearly 2,000 foreign visitors conducted by the Seoul Metropolitan Government in November 2011, 16 percent stated that hanging named padlocks on the Tower fence as a symbol of love was their favorite activity in Seoul. This attraction is situated on the 2nd floor of the N Plaza, at the Roof Terrace. The "Locks of Love" is a popular location for people to hang locks that symbolize eternal love, and has been depicted in many Korean television shows, dramas, and movies for this reason.


title: N Seoul Tower

text: 'Love padlocks' is a common couple activity consists of the purchasing of a padlock and key, where initials, messages and symbols can be personally inscribed onto the surface of the lock with markers and pens. Securing the padlocks on the fences filled with locks of previous participants, the key is often thrown away as a symbol of everlasting love. This is similar to the love locks in Paris, France, on the Pont Neuf bridge.


title: N Seoul Tower

text: The N Tower also holds many other attractions including the digital observatory and the Wishing Pond. The Wishing Pond can be found on the second floor of the tower, where people throw coins into the pond while making a wish. The coins are collected and donated to help develop schools in China and Southeast Asia, especially in underdeveloped areas. The observatory, renovated in 2011, is on the third floor. The observatory not only offers the 360° view of the city, but also exhibits 600 years of Korean history through 36 LCD screens. The fifth floor houses a French restaurant known as N Grill.


title: N Seoul Tower

text: In 2008, the Teddy Bear Museum was opened at the Tower, with a -tall Christmas tree made with 300 teddy bears to celebrate its opening. It showcases teddy bears in the past, present, and future of Seoul, as well as teddy bears models in Seoul attractions, such as the Cheonggyecheon Stream, Myeongdong, Insadong, and Dongdaemun.


title: N Seoul Tower

text: OLED panels are displayed all around the Namsan Seoultower from level 1 to 4. In level 1, red rose petals will be greeted by 9m OLED Tunnel with welcome messages. And we can see see the 15m x 3m Panorama OLED, a curved display of the view of the Gwanghwamun Gate and Gyeongbokgung Palace through the four seasons. On level 2, we can see the OLED Circle, shaped like a round belt hanging in the air. On level 4, there is a 24m long wavy structure decorated with images of wish lanterns, flames and patterns of dancheong to represent beautiful sky across Seoul. And next, we can experience '3D video world'.


Single-photon emission computed tomography (SPECT, or less commonly, SPET) is a nuclear medicine tomographic imaging technique using gamma rays. It is very similar to conventional nuclear medicine planar imaging using a gamma camera (that is, scintigraphy), but is able to provide true 3D information. This information is typically presented as cross-sectional slices through the patient, but can be freely reformatted or manipulated as required.


title: Single-photon emission computed tomography

text: The technique needs delivery of a gamma-emitting radioisotope (a radionuclide) into the patient, normally through injection into the bloodstream. On occasion, the radioisotope is a simple soluble dissolved ion, such as an isotope of gallium(III). Most of the time, though, a marker radioisotope is attached to a specific ligand to create a radioligand, whose properties bind it to certain types of tissues. This marriage allows the combination of ligand and radiopharmaceutical to be carried and bound to a place of interest in the body, where the ligand concentration is seen by a gamma camera.


text: Instead of just "taking a picture of anatomical structures", a SPECT scan monitors level of biological activity at each place in the 3-D region analyzed. Emissions from the radionuclide indicate amounts of blood flow in the capillaries of the imaged regions. In the same way that a plain X-ray is a 2-dimensional (2-D) view of a 3-dimensional structure, the image obtained by a gamma camera is a 2-D view of 3-D distribution of a radionuclide.


text: SPECT imaging is performed by using a gamma camera to acquire multiple 2-D images (also called projections), from multiple angles. A computer is then used to apply a tomographic reconstruction algorithm to the multiple projections, yielding a 3-D data set. This data set may then be manipulated to show thin slices along any chosen axis of the body, similar to those obtained from other tomographic techniques, such as magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), X-ray computed tomography (X-ray CT), and positron emission tomography (PET).


text: SPECT is similar to PET in its use of radioactive tracer material and detection of gamma rays. In contrast with PET, the tracers used in SPECT emit gamma radiation that is measured directly, whereas PET tracers emit positrons that annihilate with electrons up to a few millimeters away, causing two gamma photons to be emitted in opposite directions. A PET scanner detects these emissions "coincident" in time, which provides more radiation event localization information and, thus, higher spatial resolution images than SPECT (which has about 1 cm resolution). SPECT scans are significantly less expensive than PET scans, in part because they are able to use longer-lived and more easily obtained radioisotopes than PET.


text: Because SPECT acquisition is very similar to planar gamma camera imaging, the same radiopharmaceuticals may be used. If a patient is examined in another type of nuclear medicine scan, but the images are non-diagnostic, it may be possible to proceed straight to SPECT by moving the patient to a SPECT instrument, or even by simply reconfiguring the camera for SPECT image acquisition while the patient remains on the table.


text: To acquire SPECT images, the gamma camera is rotated around the patient. Projections are acquired at defined points during the rotation, typically every 3–6 degrees. In most cases, a full 360-degree rotation is used to obtain an optimal reconstruction. The time taken to obtain each projection is also variable, but 15–20 seconds is typical. This gives a total scan time of 15–20 minutes.


text: Multi-headed gamma cameras can accelerate acquisition. For example, a dual-headed camera can be used with heads spaced 180 degrees apart, allowing two projections to be acquired simultaneously, with each head requiring 180 degrees of rotation. Triple-head cameras with 120-degree spacing are also used.


text: Cardiac gated acquisitions are possible with SPECT, just as with planar imaging techniques such as multi gated acquisition scan (MUGA). Triggered by electrocardiogram (EKG) to obtain differential information about the heart in various parts of its cycle, gated myocardial SPECT can be used to obtain quantitative information about myocardial perfusion, thickness, and contractility of the myocardium during various parts of the cardiac cycle, and also to allow calculation of left ventricular ejection fraction, stroke volume, and cardiac output.


text: SPECT can be used to complement any gamma imaging study, where a true 3D representation can be helpful, such as tumor imaging, infection (leukocyte) imaging, thyroid imaging or bone scintigraphy.


text: Because SPECT permits accurate localisation in 3D space, it can be used to provide information about localised function in internal organs, such as functional cardiac or brain imaging.


text: Myocardial perfusion imaging (MPI) is a form of functional cardiac imaging, used for the diagnosis of ischemic heart disease. The underlying principle is that under conditions of stress, diseased myocardium receives less blood flow than normal myocardium. MPI is one of several types of cardiac stress test.


text: A cardiac specific radiopharmaceutical is administered, e.g., Tc-tetrofosmin (Myoview, GE healthcare), Tc-sestamibi (Cardiolite, Bristol-Myers Squibb) or Thallium-201 chloride. Following this, the heart rate is raised to induce myocardial stress, either by exercise on a treadmill or pharmacologically with adenosine, dobutamine, or dipyridamole (aminophylline can be used to reverse the effects of dipyridamole).


text: SPECT imaging performed after stress reveals the distribution of the radiopharmaceutical, and therefore the relative blood flow to the different regions of the myocardium. Diagnosis is made by comparing stress images to a further set of images obtained at rest which are normally acquired prior to the stress images.


text: MPI has been demonstrated to have an overall accuracy of about 83% (sensitivity: 85%; specificity: 72%) (in a review, not exclusively of SPECT MPI), and is comparable with (or better than) other non-invasive tests for ischemic heart disease.


text: Usually, the gamma-emitting tracer used in functional brain imaging is Technetium (99mTc) exametazime. Tc is a metastable nuclear isomer that emits gamma rays detectable by a gamma camera. Attaching it to exametazime allows it to be taken up by brain tissue in a manner proportional to brain blood flow, in turn allowing cerebral blood flow to be assessed with the nuclear gamma camera.


text: Because blood flow in the brain is tightly coupled to local brain metabolism and energy use, the Tc-exametazime tracer (as well as the similar Tc-EC tracer) is used to assess brain metabolism regionally, in an attempt to diagnose and differentiate the different causal pathologies of dementia. Meta-analysis of many reported studies suggests that SPECT with this tracer is about 74% sensitive at diagnosing Alzheimer's disease vs. 81% sensitivity for clinical exam (cognitive testing, etc.). More recent studies have shown the accuracy of SPECT in Alzheimer's diagnosis may be as high as 88%. In meta analysis, SPECT was superior to clinical exam and clinical criteria (91% vs. 70%) in being able to differentiate Alzheimer's disease from vascular dementias. This latter ability relates to SPECT's imaging of local metabolism of the brain, in which the patchy loss of cortical metabolism seen in multiple strokes differs clearly from the more even or "smooth" loss of non-occipital cortical brain function typical of Alzheimer's disease. Another recent review article showed that multi-headed SPECT cameras with quantitative analysis result in an overall sensitivity of 84-89% and an overall specificity of 83-89% in cross sectional studies and sensitivity of 82-96% and specificity of 83-89% for longitudinal studies of dementia.


text: Tc-exametazime SPECT scanning competes with fludeoxyglucose (FDG) PET scanning of the brain, which works to assess regional brain glucose metabolism, to provide very similar information about local brain damage from many processes. SPECT is more widely available, because the radioisotope used is longer-lasting and far less expensive in SPECT, and the gamma scanning equipment is less expensive as well. While Tc is extracted from relatively simple technetium-99m generators, which are delivered to hospitals and scanning centers weekly to supply fresh radioisotope, FDG PET relies on FDG, which is made in an expensive medical cyclotron and "hot-lab" (automated chemistry lab for radiopharmaceutical manufacture), and then delivered immediately to scanning sites because of the natural short 110-minute half-life of Fluorine-18.


text: In the nuclear power sector, the SPECT technique can be applied to image radioisotope distributions in irradiated nuclear fuels. Due to the irradiation of nuclear fuel (e.g. uranium) with neutrons in a nuclear reactor, a wide array of gamma-emitting radionuclides are naturally produced in the fuel, such as fission products (cesium-137, barium-140 and europium-154) and activation products (chromium-51 and cobalt-58). These may be imaged using SPECT in order to verify the presence of fuel rods in a stored fuel assembly for IAEA safeguards purposes, to validate predictions of core simulation codes, or to study the behavior of the nuclear fuel in normal operation,


text: Reconstructed images typically have resolutions of 64×64 or 128×128 pixels, with the pixel sizes ranging from 3–6 mm. The number of projections acquired is chosen to be approximately equal to the width of the resulting images. In general, the resulting reconstructed images will be of lower resolution, have increased noise than planar images, and be susceptible to artifacts.


text: Scanning is time-consuming, and it is essential that there is no patient movement during the scan time. Movement can cause significant degradation of the reconstructed images, although movement compensation reconstruction techniques can help with this. A highly uneven distribution of radiopharmaceutical also has the potential to cause artifacts. A very intense area of activity (e.g., the bladder) can cause extensive streaking of the images and obscure neighboring areas of activity. This is a limitation of the filtered back projection reconstruction algorithm. Iterative reconstruction is an alternative algorithm that is growing in importance, as it is less sensitive to artifacts and can also correct for attenuation and depth dependent blurring. Furthermore, iterative algorithms can be made more efficacious using the Superiorization methodology.


text: Attenuation of the gamma rays within the patient can lead to significant underestimation of activity in deep tissues, compared to superficial tissues. Approximate correction is possible, based on relative position of the activity, and optimal correction is obtained with measured attenuation values. Modern SPECT equipment is available with an integrated X-ray CT scanner. As X-ray CT images are an attenuation map of the tissues, this data can be incorporated into the SPECT reconstruction to correct for attenuation. It also provides a precisely registered CT image, which can provide additional anatomical information.


text: Scatter of the gamma rays as well as the random nature of gamma rays can also lead to the degradation of quality of SPECT images and cause loss of resolution. Scatter correction and resolution recovery are also applied to improve resolution of SPECT images.


text: In some cases a SPECT gamma scanner may be built to operate with a conventional CT scanner, with coregistration of images. As in PET/CT, this allows location of tumors or tissues which may be seen on SPECT scintigraphy, but are difficult to locate precisely with regard to other anatomical structures. Such scans are most useful for tissues outside the brain, where location of tissues may be far more variable. For example, SPECT/CT may be used in sestamibi parathyroid scan applications, where the technique is useful in locating ectopic parathyroid adenomas which may not be in their usual locations in the thyroid gland.


text: The overall performance of SPECT systems can be performed by quality control tools such as the Jaszczak phantom.


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: Shazam! is a half-hour live-action television program that was produced for Saturday Mornings by Filmation (the studio's first non-animated series), based on the superhero Captain Marvel, also known as Shazam, of Fawcett Comics' comic book series "Whiz Comics" (now owned by DC Comics). The program starred Michael Gray as Billy Batson, a teenage boy who can transform into the superhero Captain Marvel, originally played by Jackson Bostwick and later by John Davey, by speaking the magic word "Shazam!" With his guardian "Mentor" (Les Tremayne), Billy travels the country in a 1973 Dodge Open Road motorhome, looking for injustices to resolve.


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: The show ran from 1974 to 1976 on CBS's Saturday morning lineup. From 1975 to 1977 it was known as The Shazam!/Isis Hour and included "The Secrets of Isis", about an Ancient Egyptian superheroine resurrected in the body of a schoolteacher, as the second half of the hour.


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: The Mentor character, as played by Les Tremayne, was unique to the TV series and did not originate from the "Shazam!" comics. His background, and the origin of his relationship to Billy, were never explained.


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: In later issues of the 1970s "Shazam!" comics meant to tie-in with the TV show, Billy's Uncle Dudley grows a moustache, drives Billy around the country in an RV, and tells Billy that the Wizard Shazam chose him to be Billy's "mentor", essentially turning Dudley into the comic book version of Mentor. The Mentor character has not been used since, although Uncle Dudley is shown driving a similar RV in the 2010s animated series "Justice League Action".


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: Neither Mary nor Freddy appeared in this series, although the three main members of the Marvel Family did appear together in new stories in the tie-in era comics.


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: After "Shazam!" was paired with "The Secrets of Isis" in 1975, Joanna Cameron, the star of "Isis", appeared as Isis and her alter-ego Andrea Thomas on three episodes of "Shazam!", and John Davey likewise appeared as Captain Marvel in three episodes of "Isis".


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: "Shazam!" is one of the first Filmation productions to carry the trademark spinning executive producers' credit wheel ("Norm Prescott-Lou Scheimer") during the opening credits rather than the closing credits.


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: After its original network run, "Shazam!" was brought back for reruns from January 5 through August 30, 1980. A handful of episodes appeared on Nickelodeon/Nick@Nite’s sister network, TV Land infrequently throughout the 2000s, originally appearing on the "Ultimate Fan Hour" in early 2004 as part of the "TV Land Kitschen" late weekend night programming block. Since early March 2019, the series was available for streaming on the now defunt DC Universe streaming service.


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: The pilot episode, "The Joy Riders", was released as "Warner Bros. Television Commemorative DVD Volume 8: Shazam", part of a DVD series designed to promote 50 years of Warner Bros. Television and to promote other TV shows that were not yet released on DVD. It was included with the release of the third season of "Wonder Woman" in 2005 in North America. Meanwhile, the rights to "The Secrets of Isis" remained with Filmation's successors Entertainment Rights, Classic Media, and DreamWorks Classics; that series was released on DVD in its entirety in 2007, including the three episodes featuring Captain Marvel.


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: On October 23, 2012, Warner Bros. released "Shazam!—The Complete Series" on DVD via the Warner Archive burn on demand service.


title: Shazam! (TV series)

text: Warner Archive re-released the complete series in HD on a four-disc Blu-ray set on October 8, 2019. The new HD masters for "Shazam!" were created from restorations of the original Filmation 16 mm and 35 mm film elements by Warner Bros.' in-house post-production team. The series is also available at the iTunes Store.


title: Regions of the Czech Republic

text: Regions of the Czech Republic (, plural: "kraje") are higher-level territorial self-governing units of the Czech Republic. Every region is governed by a regional council, headed by a governor ("hejtman"). Elections to regional councils take place every four years.


title: Regions of the Czech Republic

text: According to the Act no. 129/2000 Coll. ("Law on Regions"), which implements Chapter VII of the Czech Constitution, the Czech Republic is divided into thirteen regions and one capital city with regional status as of 1 January 2000.


title: Regions of the Czech Republic

text: The first "kraje" were created in the Kingdom of Bohemia during the reign of Charles IV in the 14th century and they lasted till 1862/68. "Kraje" were reintroduced in 1949 in Czechoslovakia and still exist today (except for the early 1990s) in its successor states despite many rearrangements.


title: Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force

text: The Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force (acronym: CMSAF) is a unique non-commissioned rank in the United States Air Force. The holder of this rank and position of office represents the highest enlisted level of leadership in the Air Force, unless an enlisted airman is serving as the Senior Enlisted Advisor to the Chairman. The CMSAF provides direction for the enlisted corps and represents their interests, as appropriate, to the American public, and to those in all levels of government. The CMSAF is appointed by the Air Force Chief of Staff (AF/CC) and serves as the senior enlisted advisor to the Air Force Chief of Staff and the Secretary of the Air Force on all issues regarding the welfare, readiness, morale, and proper utilization and progress of the enlisted force.


title: Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force

text: The current Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force is Chief JoAnne S. Bass (/bæs/). On 14 August 2020, Chief Bass succeeded Chief Kaleth O. Wright, to become the 19th Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force.


title: Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force

text: Although the Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force is a non-commissioned officer, protocol states that the CMSAF has precedence over all lieutenant generals at joint events, and over all lieutenant generals except the Air Force Director of Staff at Air Force exclusive events.


title: Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force

text: On 1 November 2004, the CMSAF's rank insignia was updated to include the Great Seal of the United States of America and two stars in the upper field. This puts the insignia in line with those of the Army and Marine Corps which have similar insignia to denote their senior enlisted servicemen. The laurel wreath around the star in the lower field remained unchanged, to retain the legacy of the Chief Master Sergeants of the Air Force.


title: Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force

text: The CMSAF wears distinctive collar insignia. Traditionally, enlisted airmen's collar insignia was silver-colored "U.S." within a ring. The CMSAF's collar brass replaced the standard ring with a silver laurel wreath. The CMSAF also wears a distinctive cap device. Enlisted airmen's cap device is the Coat of Arms of the United States, surrounded by a ring, all struck from silver-colored metal. Much as with the position's distinctive collar brass, the ring is replaced with a laurel wreath for the CMSAF.


title: Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force

text: The Sergeant Major of the Army, Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force, Chief Master Sergeant of the Space Force, and the Senior Enlisted Advisor to the Chairman are the only members of the United States armed forces below the rank of brigadier general/rear admiral (lower half) to be authorized a positional color (flag). The Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force colors were authorized in January 2013.


Lady and the Tramp II: Scamp's Adventure is a 2001 American animated direct-to-video musical romance film produced by Walt Disney Television Animation, and the sequel to the 1955 Disney animated film "Lady and the Tramp". It was released on February 27, 2001, 46 years after its predecessor in 1955.


title: Lady and the Tramp II: Scamp's Adventure

text: The film centers on Lady and Tramp's only son, mischievous teen-like Scamp, who longs for freedom from house rules and dreams of becoming a "wild dog". One day, Scamp runs away from home and joins the "Junkyard Dogs", led by street-smart Buster. He also meets Angel, a lovely stray, but later finds himself forced to choose between the excitement and adventure of running wild and the love and devotion of his family back home, and struggles to decide which path to take.


text: Disney re-released the film in the United States on DVD after the Platinum Edition DVD release of the first film on June 20, 2006. The Special Edition DVD went back into the Disney Vault on January 31, 2007. The film was re-released on DVD, and for the first time on Blu-ray on August 21, 2012. The Blu-ray/DVD combo pack went back into the Disney Vault on April 30, 2013.


text: In 1911, just two days before the Fourth of July, Lady and Tramp have three well-mannered daughters, Annette, Collette, and Danielle, and a rambunctious son named Scamp. After Scamp makes a mess in the house, Jim Dear chains Scamp to the doghouse outside as punishment. His parents, Tramp and Lady, are distraught that their son cannot settle down and follow house rules. Tramp tries to reason with Scamp, but loses his temper at his son's insistent desire to be a wild dog. Later, Scamp sees a pack of stray dogs, named the Junkyard Dogs, harassing the dogcatcher outside the yard and becomes intrigued. Scamp breaks free from his chain and runs off to find the pack. He finds a young member of the pack, Angel, and she takes him to the rest of the Junkyard Dogs. Meanwhile, Lady notices that Scamp has run away, and alerts Tramp.


text: Scamp attempts to join the Junkyard Dogs right away, but their leader, Buster, gives him a test in the alley, in which Scamp must successfully grab a tin can from a savage bullmastiff named Reggie. This results in Reggie chasing Scamp, but Reggie ends up getting caught by the dogcatcher. The Junkyard Dogs then head to a park, where Sparky, another member, tells a story about Tramp escaping from a group of dogcatchers. Buster, who was once good friends with Tramp, angrily explains that Tramp fell in love with Lady and became a house pet. Scamp is in awe that his father used to be a Junkyard Dog. After Scamp and Angel narrowly escape from a train and fall into a river, they start to fall in love.


text: Meanwhile, Scamp and Angel find Scamp's parents, along with Jim Dear, Darling, Jock, and Trusty, as they search for him. Angel, who was once a house pet herself, is disgusted that Scamp would choose living on the streets over a loving family. The next day, Buster gives Scamp his final test: to steal food from his family’s picnic. Scamp succeeds, but is caught by his father. Scamp confronts him and Buster convinces Scamp to stay a wild dog. To prove this, Buster bites Scamp's collar off and a disheartened Tramp leaves. Scamp celebrates his newfound freedom until Angel scolds him for leaving his family. Annoyed, Scamp inadvertently reveals that Angel wants to be a house dog. She runs off, and Scamp tries to find her, to no avail. Scamp is caught by the dogcatcher, with a shocked Angel looking on. She runs to find Tramp; the two set off to rescue Scamp. At the pound, Scamp is placed in the same kennel as Reggie. Tramp arrives and manages to fight him off to rescue his son, and the dogcatcher is defeated by Angel. While walking home, Scamp apologizes to his father for running away, and Tramp then apologizes back for losing his temper at him. After getting his collar back, Scamp gets Buster trapped under a pile of junk. Tramp then returns home with Scamp, and the family decides to adopt Angel. In the end, Buster's former gang members all find loving homes with new owners, leaving him in the junkyard all alone.


text: The review aggregator website Rotten Tomatoes reported that the film received approval rating with an average rating of based on reviews.


text: The film received seven nominations and won one award. It received nominations from the "International Animated Film Association" (ASIFA) during the 29th Annie Awards in 2001, from "DVD Exclusive" during the 2001 DVD Exclusive Awards, and the "Academy of Science Fiction, Fantasy & Horror Films" during the 28th Saturn Awards in 2002. It won the Video Premiere Award in the 2001 DVD Exclusive Awards for Best Animated Character Performance for Scott Wolf as the speaking voice of Scamp).


text: The soundtrack of the film was released through Walt Disney Records. The score for it was mainly composed by Melissa Manchester and Norman Gimbel. But it was never released in stores for unknown reasons. The song Bella Notte from the original film is heard in the end credits sung by Joy Enriquez and Carlos Ponce.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: Tyler George Reddick (born January 11, 1996) is an American professional stock car racing driver. He competes full-time in the NASCAR Cup Series, driving the No. 45 Toyota Camry for 23XI Racing. He is a two-time champion in the NASCAR Xfinity Series, winning consecutive titles in 2018 and 2019. Reddick was the victor in the closest finish in NASCAR's top three series, edging out Elliott Sadler at Daytona International Speedway during the 2018 Xfinity Series season.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: Reddick began his racing career at the age of four, competing in Outlaw Karts; soon after he was competing in mini sprints, midgets, dirt late models, and sprint cars. He was the youngest driver to qualify for the pole position at Eldora Speedway World 100, the youngest driver to win at the East Bay Winter Nationals, and the youngest winning driver in the Lucas Oil Late Model Dirt Series. He is also the youngest driver ever to qualify for a feature race in World of Outlaws sprint car racing.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: Reddick made his debut in the ARCA Racing Series in 2012; in October of that year, Reddick won in his first career start in the NASCAR K&N Pro Series East at Rockingham Speedway.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: Reddick made his debut in the NASCAR Camping World Truck Series in April 2013, driving for Ken Schrader Racing at Rockingham Speedway; he was involved in an accident during the race, and finished 30th.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: In November 2013, it was announced that Reddick had been signed by Brad Keselowski Racing to compete in the Camping World Truck Series; he was scheduled to drive the team's No. 19 Ford in 16 events in the series in 2014, before running the full series schedule for the team in 2015. On February 20, 2015, Reddick got his first career victory in the Camping World Truck Series at Daytona. On May 29, Reddick got his second career victory in the Truck Series at Dover. He led the points during the later stages of the summer until wrecking at Mosport, at which point he surrendered the lead to eventual champion Erik Jones. Reddick would ultimately finish second in his first full year of competition.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: In 2016, Reddick returned to BKR switching the No. 19 to the No. 29, with his new BKR teammate Hemric using his previous No. 19. Reddick started the season with a crash at Daytona, finishing 18th.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: Reddick would have been a contention for the championship in 2016, but he failed to make it into the playoff. Reddick would win at Las Vegas, for his first victory of the season. On November 10, 2016, it was announced that Reddick would not return to BKR next season.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: Eight days after the BKR announcement, Reddick joined Chip Ganassi Racing to drive the No. 42 Chevrolet Camaro in the Xfinity Series on a part-time basis starting in 2017. In September that year, he won his first Xfinity race at Kentucky Speedway after leading 66 laps and winning with a 14-second advantage over teammate Brennan Poole. A month later, Reddick won his first Xfinity pole at Kansas Speedway.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: On September 14, 2017, Reddick was signed by JR Motorsports to a full-time schedule for the 2018 Xfinity season, replacing William Byron, who was promoted to the Monster Energy NASCAR Cup Series, in the No. 24 car. On February 17, 2018, Reddick beat teammate Elliott Sadler in a photo finish to win the season-opening race at Daytona. At a margin of .0004 seconds, it is the closest finish in NASCAR history. Although he did not win again for the remainder of the regular season, he qualified for the playoffs and reached the Championship Round. In the season finale at Homestead, Reddick won the race and his first Xfinity Series championship.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: On October 31, 2018, it was announced that Reddick will switch from JR Motorsports to Richard Childress Racing in 2019. Reddick explained that his move to RCR was for a better chance to run in the Monster Energy NASCAR Cup Series in the near future. In April 2019, Reddick won his first race with RCR in the MoneyLion 300 at Talladega. At the end of the Kansas race, Reddick got into a fight with Cole Custer on pit road. At the 2019 O'Reilly Auto Parts 300 at Texas Motor Speedway, Reddick scored his fourth pole of the season and would lead 32 laps before crashing and finishing 29th in the final order. Reddick won at Homestead to claim his second consecutive Xfinity Series championship.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: Reddick returned to the Xfinity Series for the 2021 season opener at Daytona, driving a newly-opened No. 03 car for Our Motorsports. However, the car missed the race as qualifying was rained out. Two weeks later at Homestead, Reddick moved to RSS Racing's No. 23 in a partnership with Our; he finished second behind RCR's Myatt Snider, but was disqualified when his car failed the rear height requirements during post-race inspection. In May, he signed with Jordan Anderson Racing to race at Circuit of the Americas.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: On February 1, 2019, it was announced that Reddick would make his Cup Series debut at the 2019 Daytona 500, driving the No. 31 car for RCR. After qualifying for the race as an open (non-charter) car, he started 39th. Reddick was involved in two incidents during the race: on lap 159, as he was about to pit, contact by Cody Ware sent him airborne before being hit by Jimmie Johnson, ripping Johnson's left side; on lap 191, he was involved in "The Big One" that collected 20 other drivers.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: In April, Reddick participated in qualifying at Talladega, driving the No. 62 Beard Motorsports car in place of Brendan Gaughan, who was attending his son's communion. Reddick was 29th fastest, but Gaughan started at the rear for the race under NASCAR's driver change rules. In only his second MENCS start at Kansas, Reddick finished ninth.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: On October 2, 2019, RCR officially announced Reddick as the driver of the No. 8 Chevrolet for the 2020 season.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: Reddick scored his first top ten of the 2020 season at the first Darlington spring race, finishing 7th. At Homestead, he ran in the top-five almost all day and finished 4th, his then best-career finish, despite almost losing the position on the last lap after thinking that the race ended a lap early.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: Reddick nearly won the 2020 GEICO 500 at Talladega, controlling the lead in the late stages but ultimately losing it with four laps to go and finishing 20th. Reddick also contended with RCR teammate Austin Dillon for the victory at Texas after opting not to pit during a caution caused by fellow rookie Quin Houff spinning out, which moved him to the lead with 23 laps to go as a result. Reddick finished a career-best 2nd-place to Dillon, marking an RCR 1–2 finish for the first time since the 2011 Good Sam Club 500. Reddick posted 3 top-5 finishes and 9 top-10 finishes. He was in playoff contention for most of the year, being 19th in points heading into the regular-season finale in the Coke Zero Sugar 400, the regular-season finale. He nearly won the race, but in the late stages, he attempted to clear the No. 18 of Kyle Busch, but had not fully passed him and instead collided with Busch. The contact lost Reddick the lead and he was caught up in another wreck, resulting in him missing the playoffs. He finished the season out 19th in points.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: In August 2020, Reddick announced that he would be returning to the No. 8 for RCR for a second year. Reddick again was close to winning, this time at Homestead-Miami Speedway. Reddick climbed up to fourth with roughly ten to go, and battled with Martin Truex Jr. and Kyle Larson. However, when he finally got by both of them for good, he did not have enough time to catch race winner William Byron, despite having the fastest car on the track. Reddick's consistency and a fifth-place finish at the 2021 Coke Zero Sugar 400 at Daytona enabled him to make the playoffs for the first time. Reddick was eliminated from the playoffs following the conclusion of the Round of 16 at Bristol. He finished the season 13th in the points standings.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: Reddick began the 2022 season with a 35th place finish at the 2022 Daytona 500. At the Bristol dirt race, he battled Chase Briscoe for the lead on the closing laps when Briscoe lost control and caused both cars to slide on the final turn, leading to Reddick finishing second to Kyle Busch. At Road America, Reddick held off Chase Elliott to score his first career Cup Series win. On July 12, 2022, it was announced that Reddick had signed with 23XI Racing for a full-time Cup ride in 2024. At the Indianapolis Road Course, Reddick held off the field in overtime to win his second race of the season. Reddick was eliminated in the Round of 16 after being involved in a multi-car pileup at the Bristol night race. Despite his elimination, he scored his third career win at Texas a week later. Reddick retired from the Martinsville playoff race early, as he was not feeling well. He finished the season 14th in the points standings.


title: Tyler Reddick

text: On October 15, 2022, 23XI Racing announced that it bought out the remainder of Reddick's contract from RCR to replace Kurt Busch in the No. 45 for the 2023 season.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Cheating in chess is a deliberate violation of the rules of chess or other behaviour that is intended to give an unfair advantage to a player or team. Cheating can occur in many forms and can take place before, during, or after a game. Commonly cited instances of cheating include: collusion with spectators or other players, use of chess engines during play, rating manipulation, and violations of the touch-move rule. Many suspiciously motivated practices are not comprehensively covered by the rules of chess. On ethical or moral grounds only, such practices may be judged by some as acceptable, and by others as cheating.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Even if an arguably unethical action is not covered explicitly by the rules, article 11.1 of the FIDE laws of chess states: "The players shall take no action that will bring the game of chess into disrepute." (This was article 12.1 in an earlier edition.) For example, while deliberately sneaking a captured piece back onto the board may be construed as an illegal move that is sanctioned by a time bonus to the opponent and a reinstatement of the last legal position, the rule forbidding actions that bring chess into disrepute may also be invoked to hand down a more severe sanction such as the loss of the game.


title: Cheating in chess

text: FIDE has covered the use of electronic devices and manipulating competitions in their Anti-Cheating Regulations, which must be enforced by the arbiter. Use of electronic devices by players is strictly forbidden. Further, the FIDE Arbiter's manual contains detailed anti-cheating guidelines for arbiters. Online play is covered separately.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Cheating at chess is almost as old as the game itself, and may even have caused chess-related deaths. According to one legend, a dispute over cheating at chess led King Cnut of the North Sea Empire to murder a Danish nobleman. One of the most anthologized chess stories is "Slippery Elm" (1929) by Percival Wilde, which involves a ruse to allow a weak player to beat a much stronger one, using messages passed on slippery-elm throat lozenges. Television shows have engaged the plot of cheating in chess, including episodes of "" and "Cheers". In televised shows based on humourist Tenali Rama (a real-life personality who lived under king Krishnadeva Raya, ruler of Vijaynagar during its most prosperous period), a loud-mouthed chess "unbeatable champion" (who mostly depends on winning by cheating) takes advantage of the emperor's sleep due to boredom and starts shouting along with followers (who have accompanied him from an opponent kingdom), successfully convincing the assembly that he has won.


title: Cheating in chess

text: In contrast to the modern methods of cheating by playing moves calculated by machines, in the 18th and 19th centuries, the public were hoaxed by the opposite deception in which machines played moves of hidden humans. The first and most famous of the chess automaton hoaxes was The Turk (1770), followed by Ajeeb (1868), and Mephisto (1886).


title: Cheating in chess

text: Over the years, there have been many accusations of collusion, either of players deliberately losing (often to help a friend or teammate get a title norm), or of players agreeing to draws to help both players in a tournament. One of the earliest evidences is with the Fifth American Chess Congress in 1880, when Preston Ware accused James Grundy of reneging on a deal to draw the game, with Grundy instead trying to play for a win. A newspaper article contemporary to the event stated, "Ware's avowal of his right to sell a game in a tourney was a novelty in chess ethics ... Ware's veracity has not been questioned, only his obliquity of moral vision ..." Six prior allegations of similar collusion and bribery, including another against Ware, were listed from 1876 to 1880 in that article on the Ware-Grundy affair, which was published in the "Brooklyn Eagle" on 8 February 1880.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Opinions differ over how effective collusion may be. For example, if a leading player draws his game, it may allow his rivals to gain ground on him by winning their games. During the Cold War, Soviet players were accused of colluding with each other as if they were playing for the same team - setting up easy draws with each other so that they could focus their attention and preparation on matches against non-Soviet players, or outright resignations if a favored player played a lesser player. The most famous alleged instance was at the 1962 Candidates Tournament for the 1963 World Chess Championship, where the three top-finishing Soviet players finished with draws in all their matches against each other. Journalist Nicholas Gilmore thought that Western Bloc accusations of Soviet collusion (especially by American Bobby Fischer) were "largely unfounded; but not completely", while a 2009 journal article by two economics professors argued that the Soviets did collude effectively during the period.


title: Cheating in chess

text: In 2011, IM Greg Shahade wrote that "prearrangement of results is extremely commonplace, even at the highest levels of chess. This especially holds true for draws... There is a bit of a code of silence at the top levels of chess." The subject had been partially broached (in the U.S. context) by Alex Yermolinsky a few years earlier, saying "It's no secret how people act when facing a last-round situation when a draw gives no prize ... People will just dump games, period." Concerning an incident involving 2006 US Championship qualification, Shahade blamed the Swiss system for creating perverse incentives. Frederic Friedel reported that the PCA had considered running a series of open tournaments in 1990s, but for similar reasons given by John Nunn ultimately declined, saying that deliberately losing games was "very real in the many open tournaments that are staged all over the world."


title: Cheating in chess

text: In chess, the "touch-move" rule states that if a player (whose turn it is to move) touches one of their pieces, it must be moved if it has a legal move. In addition, if a piece is picked up and released on another square, the move must stand if it is a legal move. If an opponent's piece is touched, it must be captured if it is legal to do so. These rules are often difficult to enforce when the only witnesses are the two players themselves. Nevertheless, violations of these rules are considered to be cheating.


title: Cheating in chess

text: In one famous instance, Garry Kasparov changed his move against Judit Polgár in 1994 after momentarily letting go of a piece. Kasparov went on to win the game. The tournament officials had video records proving that his hand left the piece, but refused to release the evidence. A factor counting against Polgár was that she waited a whole day before complaining, and such claims must be made during the game. The videotape revealed that Kasparov did let go of the piece for one-quarter of a second. Cognitive psychologist Robert Solso stated that it is too short a time to make a conscious decision.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Another famous incident occurred in a game between Milan Matulović and István Bilek at the Sousse Interzonal in 1967. Matulović played a losing move but then took it back after saying "J'adoube" ("I adjust"—which should be announced "before" adjusting pieces on their square). His opponent complained to the arbiter but the modified move was allowed to stand. This incident earned Matulović the nickname "J'adoubović".


title: Cheating in chess

text: The 2003 European Championship saw a "takeback game" between Zurab Azmaiparashvili and Vladimir Malakhov, who eventually finished first and second in the event. According to the book "Smart Chip" by Genna Sosonko:


title: Cheating in chess

text: Both grandmasters were fighting for the lead, and the encounter had huge sporting significance. In an ending that was favourable to him, Azmai[parashvili] picked up the bishop, intending to make a move with it instead of first exchanging rooks. Malakhov recalled: "Seeing that the rooks were still on the board, he said something like, "Oh, first the exchange, of course." put his bishop back, took my rook, and the game continued. I don't know what should have been done differently in this situation—in Azmai's place, some might have resigned immediately, and in my place, some would have demanded that he make a move with his bishop but I didn't want to ruin the logical development of the duel, so I didn't object when Azmai made a different move: the mistake was obviously nothing to do with chess! When we signed the score sheets, Azmai suggested to me that we consider the game a draw. After the game I was left with an unpleasant aftertaste, but that was due mainly to my own play."


title: Cheating in chess

text: A dishonest player can make an illegal move and hope their opponent does not notice. The rules of chess have had differing penalties for making an illegal move over time, varying from outright loss of the game on the spot to backing the game up and adding additional time to the other player's clock, but they only apply when the illegal move is noticed. Normally, illegal moves are simple mistakes from time pressure, but if made intentionally are considered cheating. Intentional use of an illegal move is rare in high level games. In all but the fastest matches, sufficiently skilled chess players have a strong mental picture of the board state such that a manipulation is obvious, and the penalties from making an illegal move mean that it is rarely worthwhile if the cheating player is caught.


title: Cheating in chess

text: A rare example where a high level player was accused of this was at the 2017 World Blitz Chess Championship in Riyadh. Ernesto Inarkiev was playing Magnus Carlsen, and with little time left on both players' clocks, Inarkiev made an illegal move by failing to remove Carlsen's preceding check. Instead, he checked Carlsen's king. Carlsen automatically moved his king out of check, but Inarkiev then claimed that Carlsen had made an illegal move, and that Carlsen's only legal play had been to point out Inarkiev's illegal move. The deputy arbiter agreed with Inarkiev's interpretation of the rules and awarded him the win. The decision was appealed and the initial ruling was overturned, with the new ruling to resume play. Inarkiev received criticism for gamesmanship for attempting to use his own illegal move as a way to win, and Carlsen took the win after Inarkiev refused to resume play.


title: Cheating in chess

text: An extreme example of illegal moves is to outright manipulate the board such as by adjusting pieces on the border to the wrong square, removing opponent's pieces, or adding extra pieces to the cheater's own position, perhaps while the opponent is not at the board to observe or via sleight-of-hand techniques borrowed from close-up magic. This almost never happens in tournaments, but can happen in casual games where there is essentially no penalty for getting caught. A few "chess hustlers" playing casual games of speed chess for money in public parks have been caught using such techniques, although it is agreed that most hustlers do not cheat.


title: Cheating in chess

text: A rare possible example of physical piece manipulation at the grandmaster level involved removing captured off-the-board pieces. At the 2017 Canadian Championship in Montreal, GM Bator Sambuev was playing IM Nikolay Noritsyn in a blitz match. Noritsyn was in a good position but was extremely low on time, having less than ten seconds left. He moved a pawn to the eighth rank to promote, and FIDE rules require that pawns are replaced by their promoted piece before the move is complete and the clock can be pressed. Sambuev had the black queen concealed in his hand, and the arbiters had not made any spare queens available. Pressed for time, Noritsyn opted to use an upside-down rook to indicate he wanted a queen, rather than pause the game to complain that the queen was missing from the supply and ask for a spare. The angle shooting aspect came after the arbiters paused; rather than inform the arbiter that he had the queen in his hand and had forgotten to place it with the other previously captured pieces by accident, Sambuev quietly put the queen back with the others, and let the arbiters come to the conclusion that Noritsyn had simply erred in taking a rook. The arbiters ruled that the rook promotion stood. Sambuev went on to win the game, and Noritsyn's appeal after video showing Sambuev holding then replacing the queen was denied.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Technology has been used by chess cheaters in several ways. The most common way is to use a chess program while playing chess remotely, such as on the Internet or in correspondence chess. Rather than play the game directly, the cheater simply inputs the moves so far into the program and follows its suggestions, essentially letting the program play for them. Electronic communication with an accomplice during face-to-face competitive chess is a similar type of cheating; the accomplice can either be using a computer program or else simply be a much better player than their associate. Modern chess websites will analyze games after the fact to give a probabilistic determination on whether a player received surreptitious help as part of an effort to detect and discourage such behaviors.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Attempting to compensate for latency in online play is a potential area for exploitation. Many chess programs attempt to make it so that a player's clock only starts running once they receive their opponent's move, to ensure fairness when two distant players are matched with each other. This allowed a number of stratagems if the client-side timing could be compromised, such as via pretending to have a very slow router, which would essentially put extra time on the cheater's clock. For example, the cheater might take 5 seconds to make a move after seeing their opponent's move, but their software would claim only 4 seconds were taken to the server - a significant advantage in rapidly paced games.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Due to the great multiplication of technological cheating incidents, the following examples concentrate only on those that are either at a high level, or are of historical significance.


title: Cheating in chess

text: In the sixth round a player came to me and said he suspected his opponent, W.S. from L., was using illicit aids during the game. He often left the board for protracted periods of time to go to the toilet, even when (especially when) it was his turn to play. He had done this in earlier rounds against other players as well. I watched W.S. and noticed that he played a number of moves very rapidly and then disappeared in the toilet. I followed him and could hear no sound coming from the stall. I looked under the door and saw that his feet were pointing sideways, so that he could not have been using the toilet. So I entered the neighbouring stall, stood on the toilet bowl and looked over the dividing wall. I saw W.S. standing there with a handheld PC which displayed a running chess program. He was using a stylus to operate it. I immediately disqualified the player. When confronted he claimed that he was only checking his emails, so I asked him to show me the computer, which he refused to do. There are witnesses for my investigation in the toilet, and we will ask the chess federation of our state to ban the player from playing in other tournaments.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Since the introduction of Elo ratings in the 1960s, a number of attempts have been made to manipulate the rating system, either to deliberately inflate one's rating or to disguise one's strength by deliberately losing rating points.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Sandbagging involves deliberately losing rated games in order to lower one's rating so that one is eligible to enter the lower-rated section of a tournament with substantial prize money. This is most common in the United States, where the prize money for large open tournaments can be over $10,000, even in the lower-rated sections. Sandbagging is very difficult to detect and prove, so USCF has included minimum ratings based on previous ratings or money winnings to minimize the effect.


title: Cheating in chess

text: A limited pool of players who rarely or never play against players from outside of that pool can cause distortions in the Elo rating system, especially if one or more of the players is significantly stronger than the others, or if the results are deliberately manipulated.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Claude Bloodgood was accused of manipulating the USCF rating system in this way; at his peak in 1996 his USCF rating was in excess of 2700, the second highest in the country at the time. As a long-term prison inmate, he was necessarily restricted in the range of opponents available to him. The USCF suspected that he had deliberately inflated the ratings of his opponents; Bloodgood denied this, attributing his inflated rating to a quirk in the rating system resulting from his regularly playing against a limited pool of much weaker players.


title: Cheating in chess

text: There was widespread reporting of anomalous Burmese (Myanmar) rating movements in the late 1990s, with Milan Novkovic giving an analysis of manipulation in "Schach" magazine.


title: Cheating in chess

text: The most notable international example of ratings manipulation involves Romanian Alexandru Crisan, who allegedly falsified tournament reports to gain a Grandmaster title and was ranked 33rd in the world on the April 2001 FIDE rating list. A committee overseeing the matter recommended his rating be erased and his Grandmaster title revoked. While the Romanian Chess Federation initially favored action against Crisan, eventually he became the RCF president and changed the policy, creating such a situation that FIDE intervened to broker a resolution regarding many problems in the RCF, including Crisan's rating. Crisan then was arrested and imprisoned on fraud charges relating to his management of the company Urex Rovinari and disappeared from chess, thus failing to fulfill the conditions of the resolution and so activating the above recommendations regarding title revocation. FIDE did not fully update its online information until August 2015, when all his titles were removed and his rating adjusted downwards to 2132. When writing about the Crisan case, Ian Rogers alleges that Andrei Makarov (at the time a FIDE vice-president and Russian chess federation president) had arranged an IM title for himself through nonexistent tournaments in 1994.


title: Cheating in chess

text: Rumors of rigged tournaments are not unheard of in the chess world. For instance, in 2005, FIDE refused to ratify norms from the Alushta (Ukraine) tournaments, claiming that the games did not meet ethical expectations. A number of players involved protested over the matter.


title: Cheating in chess

text: A different Ukrainian tournament in 2005 was found to be completely fake. Usually the strongest players are not involved in these, as they are more for careerist players to gain title norms or small rating gains, but Zurab Azmaiparashvili was alleged to have rigged the results of the Strumica tournament of 1995 to allow him to reach the chess elite. In 2003, Sveshnikov referred to these high-profile Crisan and Azmaiparashvili incidents as "open secrets", at a time when both purported culprits were heavily involved in FIDE politics.


title: Cheating in chess

text: A player with no knowledge of chess can achieve a 50% score in simultaneous chess by replicating the moves made by one of his white opponents in a match against a black opponent, and vice versa; the opponents in effect play each other rather than the giver of the simul. This may be considered cheating in some events such as Basque chess. This can be used against any even number of opponents. Stage magician Derren Brown used the trick against eight leading British chess players in his television show. In most simultaneous exhibitions, the player giving the exhibition always plays the same color (by convention white) in all matches, rendering this trick ineffective; even with a mixed group, attempting to use this in an in-person circle is rather obvious due to more delayed moves than usual, as the player must always look at a given board, not make a move immediately, mirror the move seen on the opposite board, wait for the reply, then send the reply back to the original board.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: Celebrity worship syndrome (CWS) is an obsessive addictive disorder in which a person becomes overly involved with the details of a celebrity's personal and professional life. Psychologists have indicated that though many people obsess over film, television, sport and pop stars, the only common factor between them is that they are all figures in the public eye. Written observations of celebrity worship date back to the 19th century.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: Simple obsessional stalking constitutes a majority of all stalking cases, anywhere from 69 to 79%, and is dominated by males. This form of stalking is generally associated with individuals who have shared previous personal relationships with their victims. However, this is not necessarily the case between a common member of the public exhibiting celebrity worship syndrome and the famous person with whom they are obsessed. Individuals that meet the criteria of being labeled as a "simple obsessional stalker" tend to share a set of characteristics including an inability to have successful personal relationships in their own lives, social awkwardness, feelings of powerlessness, a sense of insecurity, and very low self-esteem. Of these characteristics, low self-esteem plays a large role in the obsession that these individuals develop with their victim, in this case, the famous person. If the individual is unable to have any sort of connection to the celebrity with which they are obsessed, their own sense of self-worth may decline.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: This level of admiration is linked to a celebrity's ability to capture the attention of their fans. Entertainment-social celebrity worship is used to describe a relatively low level of obsession. An example of a typical entertainment-social attitude would be "My friends and I like to discuss what my favorite celebrity has done."


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: It may also be seen in the form of obsessively following celebrities on social media, although considered the lowest level of celebrity worship. It has been seen to have a number of negative effects with regards the development of unhealthy eating tendencies (eating disorders), anxiety, depression, poor body image and low self esteem, especially in young adolescents aged 13 to mid-20s. This can be supported by a study carried out on a group of female adolescents between the ages of (17–20).


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: This is an intermediate level of obsession that is associated with neuroticism as well as behaviors linked to psychoticism. An example of an intense-personal attitude toward a celebrity would include claims such as "I consider my favorite celebrity to be my soul mate." It has been found that in particular, people who worship celebrities in this manner often have low self-esteem with regards to their body type, especially if they think that the celebrity is physically attractive. The effects of intense-personal celebrity worship on body image are seen in some cases of cosmetic surgery. Females who have high levels of obsession are more accepting of cosmetic surgery than those who do not obsess over celebrities to this extent.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: As the name suggests, individuals who demonstrate this sort of stalking behavior develop a love obsession with somebody who they have no personal relation to. Love obsessional stalking accounts for roughly 20–25% of all stalking cases. The people that demonstrate this form of stalking behavior are likely to have a mental disorder, commonly either schizophrenia or paranoia. Individuals that are love obsessional stalkers often convince themselves that they are in fact in a relationship with the subject of their obsession. For example, a woman who had been stalking David Letterman for a total of five years claimed to be his wife when she had no personal connection to him. Other celebrities who have fallen victim to this form of stalking include Jennifer Aniston, Halle Berry, Jodie Foster, and Mila Kunis, along with numerous other A-list stars.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: Erotomanic, originating from the word erotomania, refers to stalkers who genuinely believe that their victims are in love with them. The victims in this case are almost always well known within their community or within the media, meaning that they can range from small-town celebrities to famous personalities from Hollywood. Comprising less than 10% of all stalking cases, erotomanic stalkers are the least common. Unlike simple-obsessional stalkers, a majority of the individuals in this category of stalking are women. Similar to love-obsessional stalkers, the behavior of erotomanic stalkers may be a result of an underlying psychological disorder such as schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, or major depression.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: Individuals who have erotomania tend to believe that the celebrity with whom they are obsessed with is utilizing the media as a way to communicate with them by sending special messages or signals. Although these stalkers have unrealistic beliefs, they are less likely to seek any form of face-to-face interaction with their celebrity obsession, therefore posing less of a threat to them.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: This classification is the most severe level of celebrity worship. It is characterized by pathological attitudes and behaviors, as a result of celebrity worship. This includes willingness to commit crime on behalf of the celebrity who is the object of worship, or to spend money on common items used by the celebrity at some point, such as napkins.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: Evidence indicates that poor mental health is correlated with celebrity worship. Researchers have examined the relationship between celebrity worship and mental health in United Kingdom adult samples. One study found evidence to suggest that the intense-personal celebrity worship dimension was related to higher levels of depression and anxiety. Similarly, another study in 2004, found that the intense-personal celebrity worship dimension was not only related to higher levels of depression and anxiety, but also higher levels of stress, negative affect, and reports of illness. Both these studies showed no evidence for a significant relationship between either the entertainment-social or the borderline-pathological dimensions of celebrity worship and mental health.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: Another correlated pathology examined the role of celebrity interest in shaping body image cognitions. Among three separate UK samples (adolescents, students, and older adults), individuals selected a celebrity of their own sex whose body/figure they liked and admired, and then completed the Celebrity Attitude Scale along with two measures of body image. Significant relationships were found between attitudes toward celebrities and body image among female adolescents only.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: The findings suggested that, in female adolescence, there is an interaction between intense-personal celebrity worship and body image between the ages of 14 and 16, and some tentative evidence suggest that this relationship disappears at the onset of adulthood, which is between the ages of 17 and 20. These results are consistent with the authors who stress the importance of the formation of relationships with media figures, and suggest that relationships with celebrities perceived as having a good body shape may lead to a poor body image in female adolescents. This can be again supported by a study carried out, which investigated the link between mass media and its direct correlation to poor self-worth/ body image in a sample group of females between the ages of 17 and 20.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: Within a clinical context the effect of celebrity might be more extreme, particularly when considering extreme aspects of celebrity worship. Relationships between the three classifications of celebrity worship (entertainment-social, intense-personal and borderline-pathological celebrity worship and obsessiveness), ego-identity, fantasy proneness and dissociation were examined. Two of these variables drew particular attention: fantasy proneness and dissociation. Fantasy proneness involves fantasizing for a duration of time, reporting hallucinatory intensities as real, reporting vivid childhood memories, having intense religious and paranormal experiences. Dissociation is the lack of a normal integration of experiences, feelings, and thoughts in everyday consciousness and memory; in addition, it is related to a number of psychiatric problems.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: Though low levels of celebrity worship (entertainment-social) are not associated with any clinical measures, medium levels of celebrity worship (intense-personal) are related to fantasy proneness (approximately 10% of the shared variance), while high levels of celebrity worship (borderline-pathological) share a greater association with fantasy proneness (around 14% of the shared variance) and dissociation (around 3% of the shared variance, though the effect size of this is small and most probably due to the large sample size). This finding suggests that as "celebrity worship becomes more intense, and the individual perceives having a relationship with the celebrity, the more the individual is prone to fantasies."


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: Celebrity worship syndrome can lead to the manifestation of unhealthy tendencies such as materialism and compulsive buying, which can be supported by a study carried out by Robert. A. Reeves, Gary. A. Baker and Chris. S. Truluck. The results of this study link high rates of celebrity worship to high rates of materialism and compulsive buying.


title: Celebrity worship syndrome

text: A number of historical, ethnographic, netnographic and auto-ethnographic studies in diverse academic disciplines such as film studies, media studies, cultural studies and consumer research, which – unlike McCutcheon et al. focused mainly on a student sample (with two exceptions) – have actually studied real fans in the field, have come to very different conclusions that are more in line with Horton & Wohl's original concept of parasocial interaction or an earlier study by Leets.


title: History of concubinage in the Muslim world

text: The history of concubinage in the Muslim world encompassed the practice of a men living with a woman without marriage, where the woman was a slave, though sometimes free. If the concubine gave birth to a child, she attained a higher status known as Umm walad.


text: The sexual exploitation of slaves by their owners was a common practice in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean societies, and had persisted among the three Abrahamic religions, with distinct legal differences, since antiquity. Islamic law has traditionalist and modern interpretations: the former allowed men to have sexual relations with their female slaves, while most modern Muslims do not consider slave concubinage to be acceptable in the modern world. Concubinage was widely practiced by the Umayyads, Abbasids, Mamluks, Ottomans, Timurids and Mughals. The practice declined with the abolition of slavery.


text: Classifications of concubinage often define practices in Islamic societies as a distinct variant. In one reading, there are three cultural patterns of concubinage: European, Islamic and Asian. Concubinage has also been categorised in terms of form and function, which in the Islamic world varied between times and places. "The International Encyclopedia of Anthropology" gives four distinct forms of concubinage, three of which are applicable to the Muslim Word: 'elite concubinage', where concubine ownership was primarily related to social status, such as under the Umayyads;


text: royal concubinage, where concubines became consorts to the ruler and perpetuated the royal bloodline and politics and reproduction were deeply intertwined, including under the Abbasids and in the Ottoman empire; and concubinage as a patriarchal function where concubines were of low status and the children of concubines became permanently inferior to the children of wives, such as in Mughal India.


text: The expansion of various Muslim dynasties resulted in the acquisitions of concubines, through purchase, gifts from other rulers, and captives of war. To have a large number of concubines became a symbol of status. While Muslim soldiers in the early Islamic conquests were given female captives as a reward for military participation, they were later frequently purchased and men were permitted to have as many concubines as they could afford. As slaves for pleasure were expensive, they were typically the preserve of privileged elites.


text: The concubines of Islamic rulers could achieve considerable power, and often enjoyed higher status than other slaves. Abu Hanifa and others argued for the extension of Islamic modesty practices to concubines, recommending that the concubine be established in the home and their chastity be protected from friends or kin. Most Islamic schools of thought restricted concubinage to a relationship where the female slave was required to be monogamous to her master. While scholars exhorted masters to treat their slaves equally, a master was allowed to show favoritism towards a concubine. Some scholars recommended holding a banquet ("walima") to celebrate the concubinage relationship, though not required by the teachings of Islam.


text: In slave-owning societies, most concubines were slaves, but not all. Concubines were typically freed after giving birth in the Muslim world, as in about one-third of non-Islamic slave-holding societies. In Islamic culture, a slave who bore a child to a free man was known as an "umm al-walad", could not be sold, and, in most circumstances, at her owner's death, was freed. The children of concubines in Islamic societies were generally declared as legitimate. Among societies that did not legally require the manumission of concubines, it was often done anyway.


text: Almost all Abbasid caliphs were born to concubines and several Twelver Shia imams were also born to concubines. The Ottoman sultans also appeared to have preferred concubinage to marriage, and for a time all royal children were born of concubines. Over time, the concubines of the Imperial Harem came to exercise a considerable degree of influence over Ottoman politics. The consorts of Ottoman sultans were often neither Turkish, nor Muslim by birth, and it has been argued that this was intentional so as to limit the political leverage a concubine might possess as compared to a princess or a daughter of the local elite. Ottoman sultans also appeared to have only one son with each concubine, and after a concubine gave birth to a son, would no longer have intercourse with them. This also limited the power of each concubine and son. Even so, many concubines developed social networks, and accumulated personal wealth, both of which allowed them to rise in terms of social status. The practice declined with the abolition of slavery, starting in the 19th century.


text: Islamic law obliged slave owners to provide their female slaves with food, clothing, and shelter, and gave female slaves protection from sexual exploitation by anyone who was not their owner. If she bore her master a child and if he accepted paternity she could obtain the position of an Umm walad. Separately, if someone bought a woman with child, they could not be separated until, according to Ibn Abi Zayd, the child was six years old. However, while slave concubines could rise to positions of influence, these position did not legally protect them from forced labour, forced marriage and sex, and even elite slaves were still traded as chattel.


text: As sexual commodities, female slaves were, in some historical periods, not allowed to cover themselves in the fashion of free women. The Caliph Umar prohibited slave girls from resembling free women and forbade them from covering their face. Slave women were also not required to cover their arms, hair or legs below the knees. Myrne writes Islamic jurists required female slaves to cover their whole body (except face and hands). There is disagreement over what Hanafi jurists allowed: according to Ibn Abidin most Hanafi scholars did not allow the exposure of a female slave's body (including chest or back), but Myrne writes they allowed this in the case of potential male buyers. Amira Bennison writes that, during the Abbasid period, male buyers could not in practice examine female slaves (except her face and hands), but could request her examination by other women.


text: In accordance with their lesser status, if a slave fornicated they received less punishment than a free woman. Female slaves could also be traded freely among many men, with few, if any, apparent restrictions. While bearing a master's child could lead to freedom for a slave-girl, the motive that this gave female slaves to have sex with their owners was a cause of regular opposition to concubinage from free wives, and early moral stories depicted wives as the victims of concubinage. While a free Muslim woman was considered to be a man's honour, a slave-girl was merely property and not a man's honour.


text: Medieval Muslim literature and legal documents show that those female slaves whose main use was for sexual purposes were distinguished in markets from those whose primary use was for domestic duties. The term "suriyya" was used for female slaves with whom masters enjoyed sexual relations. The Arabic term "surriyya" has been widely translated in Western scholarship as "concubine" or "slave concubine". In other texts they are referred to as "slaves for pleasure" or "slave-girls for sexual intercourse". It was not a secure status as the concubine could be traded as long as the master had not impregnated her. Many female slaves became concubines to their owners and bore their children. Others were just used for sex before being transferred. The allowance for men to use contraception with female slaves assisted in thwarting unwanted pregnancies. Islamic law and Sunni ulama historically recognised two categories of concubines.


text: During the early Muslim conquests, capture in war was the most important source of concubines, but this source declined to a very small proportion later on. In times of war, non-Muslims who were captured in battle could be enslaved, and the population of a conquered territory could also be enslaved, paving the way for concubinage. Enslavement was intended both as a form of humiliation to the defeated for previous or continuing disbelief, and as a debt. However, non-Muslims could not be enslaved if they were either residents of a Muslim state ("dhimmis") or protected foreign visitors ("mustamin"). The sexual relationship between a concubine and her master was viewed as a debt upon the woman until she gave birth to her master's child and the master's later death. Some men purchased female slaves, whereas Muslim soldiers in the early Islamic conquests were given female captives as a reward for military participation. Men were permitted to have as many concubines as they could afford, but a slaves for pleasure were expensive, they were typically an elite privilege.


text: At the same time, the Qur'an and the hadith traditions hailed the manumission of slaves as a virtue that would be rewarded in the afterlife. Some jurists argued that prisoners were either to be enslaved or killed. Others maintained that a Muslim military commander could choose between unconditionally releasing, ransoming or enslaving these war captives. Later on in Muslim history, the purchase of slaves from outside the Muslim world became the most important source of concubines. Hereditary slavery, though technically possible, was rarely practiced in the Muslim world. Slave-girls by descent are these are born to slave mothers. Although a slave girl who bore children to their master bore free children, owners who would marry off their female slaves to someone else, would be the masters of any children born from that marriage too.


text: "Umm walad" () was the title given to a slave-concubine in the Muslim world after she had born her master a child. She could not be sold, and became automatically free on her master's death. The offspring of an "umm walad" were free and considered legitimate children of their father, including full rights of name and inheritance. The Sunni law schools disagreements existed among some of the four major schools of Sunni law regarding the concubine's entitlement to this status. Hanafi jurists state that the "umm walad" status is contingent on the master acknowledging paternity of the child. If he does not accept that he is the father of the child then both the mother and child remain slaves. Maliki jurists ruled that the concubine becomes entitled to the status of "umm walad" even if her master did not acknowledge that the child is his. This is decidedly different from the case of enslaved women who bore children to their masters in Mediterranean Christian cultures: there the child retained the same slave status as his mother. The offspring of slave relationships could rise to great eminence, with no prejudice attached to their origins: most of the caliphs of the Abbasid Caliphate were born from relationships with enslaved concubines as were half of the imams of Imami Shi'ism.


text: Classical Islamic family law generally recognized marriage and the creation of a master–slave relationship as the two legal instruments rendering permissible sexual relations between people and classical Islamic jurists made an analogy between the marriage contract and sale of concubines. They state that the factor of male ownership in both is what makes sex lawful with both a wife and female slave.


text: Hina Azam notes that in Islamic law "coercion within marriage or concubinage may be repugnant, but it remained fundamentally legal". According to Kecia Ali, "Jurists define zina as vaginal intercourse between a man and a woman who is neither his wife nor his slave. Though seldom discussed, forced sex with one's wife might (or, depending on the circumstances, might not) be an ethical infraction, and conceivably even a legal one like assault if physical violence is involved. One might speculate that the same is true of forced sex with a slave. This scenario is never, however, illicit in the jurists' conceptual world". The book "Al Fiqh 'ala Al Madhahib Al Arba'ah" ("Islamic Jurisprudence According To The Four Sunni Schools") says that according to the followers of Imam Abu Hanifah, men own the right to sexual pleasure and are allowed to force the woman sexually. Ali also states that the Hanafis allowed the husband to forcibly have sex with his wife if she did not have a legitimate reason to refuse sex. She says this particular Hanafi position was not prevalent in other schools of thought who neither authorized forced sex in marriage nor penalized it.


text: Another viewpoint is of Rabb Intisar, who argues that according to the Quran, sexual relations with a concubine were subject to both parties' consent. Similarly Tamara Sonn writes that consent of a concubine was necessary for sexual relations. However, Ali calls such assertions "surprising" and notes that such views are not found in any pre-modern classical Islamic legal text, as there is no discussion about the topic of consent. Jonathan Brown argues that the modern conception of sexual consent only came about since the 1970s, so it makes little sense to project it backwards onto classical Islamic law. Brown notes that premodern Muslim jurists rather applied the harm principle to judge sexual misconduct, including between a master and concubine. He further states that historically, concubines could complain to judges if they were being sexually abused and that scholars like al-Bahūtī require a master to set his concubine free if he injures her during sex.


text: All four law schools also have a consensus that the master can marry off his female slave to someone else without her consent. A master can also practice coitus interruptus during sex with his female slave without her permission. A man having sex with someone else's female slave constitutes zina. According to Imam Shafi'i, if someone other than the master coerces a slave-girl to have sex, the rapist will be required to pay compensation to her master. If a man marries off his own female slave and has sex with her even though he is then no longer allowed to have sexual intercourse with her, that sex is still considered a lesser offence than zina and the jurists say he must not be punished. It is noteworthy that while formulating this ruling, it is the slave woman's marriage and not her consent which is an issue.


text: Islam prohibited sexual relations between Muslim men and pagan female captives. In the early Muslim period, this appeared to delegitimize Muslim captors who wished to form relationships with female captives. To resolve this, coercion into Islam was tacitly permitted. Ibn Hanbal noted that if idolatrous women could be coerced into becoming Muslim, sexual relations with them were permissible, while if they did not embrace Islam, they could be used as servants, but not for sexual relations. Hasan al-Basri recalled that Muslims achieved this objective through various methods, including pointing a pagan slave-girl towards the Kaaba, ordering them to recite the shahada and perform and ablution. Other scholars specified that slave-girls must be taught to pray and perform ablutions by themselves before being considered eligible for sexual relations.


text: While Muslim cultures acknowledged concubinage, as well as polygamy, as a man's legal right, in reality, these were usually practiced only by the royalty and elite sections of society. The large-scale availability of women for sexual slavery had a strong influence on Muslim thought, even though the "harem" culture of the elite was not mirrored by most of the Muslim population.


text: Concubinage was rare in Arabia in the period immediate preceding the advent of Islam. One analysis of the information found there were only a few cases of children being born from concubines in the time of Muhammad's father and grandfather. With the early Muslim conquests, concubinage expanded rapidly as a practice due to the wealth and power they brought to the Quraysh tribes. Due to these conquests, a large number of female slaves became available and births from concubines arose. A study of the Arab genealogical text Nasab Quraysh records the maternity of 3,000 Quraishi tribesmen, most of whom lived in between 500 and 750 CE. The data shows that there was a massive increase in the number of children born to concubines with the emergence of Islam.


text: The Banu Thaqif and Banu Hawazin tribes decided to go to war against Muhammad under the leadership of Malik ibn Awf. Malik had the unfortunate idea of bringing the women, children and livestock with his army. He believed that by bringing their women and children with the army, all his soldiers would fight more courageously to defend them. When Muhammad was informed that the Hawazin had brought their women, children and livestock with them, he smiled and said "Inshaa Allah, all these will become the booty of war for the Muslims."


text: The Muslim army defeated the Hawazin and captured their women and children and the pagan soldiers fled. The war booty which the Muslims obtained was 24,000 camels, more than 40,000 goats, 160,000 dirhams worth of silver and 6,000 women and children. Muhammad waited ten days for the Hawazin to repent and reclaim their families and properties. However, none of them came. Finally, Muhammad distributed the war booty among the Muslim soldiers. Anecdotes include those of one woman was given to Abd al-Rahman ibn Awf who resisted having sexual intercourse with her until her menses were over and then he had sex with her by virtue of her being his property. Jubayr bin Mu'tim also received a slave girl, who was not impregnated. Talha ibn Ubaydullah had sexual intercourse with the female captive given to him. Abu Ubaydah ibn Jarrah impregnated the slave girl he was given.


text: A delegation from the Hawazin tribe came to Muhammad and converted to Islam. Once they had given allegiance to Muhammad they asked about their captured families and property. They said "Those who you have brought as captives are our mothers, sisters and aunts and they alone bring disgrace to peoples. O Prophet, we ask for your kindness and generosity. Free our women." Muhammad gave them a choice between reclaiming their property or their women and children. The Hawazin tribesmen responded that if they had to choose between reclaiming their property or their honour, they would choose their honour (their womenfolk).


text: Muhammad returned their women and children to them. The girl who had been given to Abd al-Rahman ibn Awf was given a choice to stay with him or return to her family. She chose her family. Likewise, the girls given to Talha, Uthman, Ibn Umar and Safwan bin Umayya were also returned to their families. Zaynab chose to return to her husband and cousin. However, the girl who had been given to Saad ibn Abi Waqas chose to stay with him. Uyanya had taken an old woman. Her son approached him to ransom her for 100 camels. The old woman asked her son why would he pay 100 camels when Uyanya would leave her anyway without taking ransom. This angered Uyanya. Uyaynah had earlier said at the Siege of Ta'if that he only came to fight for Muhammad so he could get a Thaqif girl and impregnate her so that she might bear him a son because Thaqif are clever (or fortunate) people. When Umar told Muhammad about Uyayna's comment, Muhammad smiled and said "[The man exhibits] an acceptable foolishness".


text: The expansion of concubinage under the Umayyad period was motivated mainly by the Umayyad tribal desire for sons rather than sanction for it in the Quran and Prophetic practice. Concubinage was allowed among the Sassanian elites and the Mazdeans but the children from such unions were not necessarily regarded as legitimate. The position of Jewish communities is unclear although slave concubinage is mentioned in Biblical texts. Apparently, the practice had declined long before Muhammad. Some Jewish scholars during Islamic rule would forbid Jews from having sex with their female slaves. Leo III in his letter to Umar II accused Muslims of "debauchery" with their concubines who they would sell "like dumb cattle" after having tired of using them. One Umayyad ruler, Abd al-Rahman III, was known to have possessed more than 6000 concubines.


text: The royals and nobles during the Abbasid Caliphate kept large numbers of concubines. The Caliph Harun al-Rashid possessed hundreds of concubines in his harem. The Caliph al-Mutawakkil was reported to have owned four thousand concubines. Slaves for pleasure were costly and were a luxury for wealthy men. In his sex manual, Ali ibn Nasr promoted experimental sex with female slaves on the basis that free wives were respectable and would feel humiliated by the use of the sex positions described in his book because they show low esteem and a lack of love from the man. Women preferred that their husbands keep concubines instead of taking a second wife. This was because a co-wife represented a greater threat to their position. Owning many concubines was perhaps more common than having several wives.


text: In Al-Andalus, the concubines of the Almoravid and Almohad Muslim elite were usually non-Muslim women from the Christian areas of the Iberian peninsula. Many of these had been captured in raids or wars and were then gifted to the elite Muslim soldiers as war booty or were sold as slaves in Muslim markets. In Muslim society in general, monogamy was common because keeping multiple wives and concubines was not affordable for many households. The practice of keeping concubines was common in the Muslim upper class. Muslim rulers preferred having children with concubines because it helped them avoid the social and political complexities arising from marriage and kept their lineages separate from the other lineages in society.


text: The Mamluk governor of Baghdad, Umar Pasha, died childless because his wife prevented him from having a concubine. Writing in the early 18th century, one visitor noted that from among the Ottoman courtiers, only the imperial treasurer kept female slaves for sex and others thought of him as a lustful person. Edward Lane, who visited Egypt in the 1830s, noted that very few Egyptian men were polygamous and most of the men with only one wife did not keep concubines, usually for the sake of domestic peace. However, some kept Abyssinian slaves who were less costly than maintaining a wife. While white slave-girls would be in the keep of wealthy Turks, the concubines kept by upper and middle class Egyptians were usually Abyssinians.


text: The Ottoman rulers would keep hundreds, even thousands, of concubines in the Imperial harem. Most slaves in the Ottoman harem comprised women who had been kidnapped from Christian lands. Some had been abducted during raids by the Tatars while others had been captured by maritime pirates. Female war captives were often turned into concubines for the Ottoman rulers. Ambitious slave families associated with the palace would also frequently offer their daughters up as concubines. The most highly desired slave-concubines in the Muslim world were not African women, but white girls, typically of Circassian or Georgian origin. However, they were very expensive. Both Circassian and Georgian women were systematically trafficked to eastern harems. This practice lasted into the 1890s. Fynes Moryson noted that some Muslim men would keep their wives in various cities while others would keep them in a single house and would keep adding as many women as their lusts permitted. He wrote that "They buy free women to be their wives, or they buy 'conquered women' at a lesser price to be their concubines." Ottoman society had provided avenues for men who wished to have extramarital sex. They could either marry more wives while wealthy men could possess slaves and use them for sex.


text: Since the late 1300s Ottoman sultans would only permit heirs born from concubines to inherit their throne. Each concubine was only permitted to have one son. Once a concubine would bear a son she would spend the rest of her life plotting in favour of her son. If her son was to successfully become the next Sultan, she would become an unquestionable ruler. After the 1450s the Sultans stopped marrying altogether. Because of this there was great surprise when Sultan Sulayman fell in love with his concubine and married her. An Ottoman Sultan would have sexual relationships with only some women from his large collection of slave girls. This meant that a lot of the concubines were not given a family life if they were not desired by the Sultan. This effectively meant these women would have to spend the rest of their lives in virtual imprisonment. Some of these women would break the sharia by having homosexual relations.


text: Research into Ottoman records show that polygamy was absent or rare in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Concubinage and polygamy were quite uncommon outside the elite. Goitein says that monogamy was a feature of the "progressive middle class" Muslims. Elite men were required to leave their wives and concubines if they wished to marry an Ottoman princess. Enslaved European men also narrated accounts of women who "apostasised". The life stories of these women were similar to Roxelana, who rose from being a Christian slave-girl into the chief advisor of her husband, Sultan Suleyman of the Ottoman Empire. There are several accounts of such women of humble birth who associated with powerful Muslim men. While the associations were initially forced, the captivity gave women a taste for access to power. Diplomats wrote with disappointment about apostate women who wielded political influence over their masters-turned-husbands. Christian male slaves also recorded the presence of authoritative convert women in Muslim families. Christian women who converted to Islam and then became politically assertive and tyrannical were regarded by Europeans as traitors to the faith.


text: In the Ottoman Empire, repudiating the contract of dhimmah could always result in enslavement or other consequences. Rebellion was seen as the ultimate form of repudiating the contract. If non-Muslim subjects broke their contract with the Islamic state they were punished by enslavement but only with the approval of the state and in turn from the sharia. During the Greek Revolt, the Ottoman Empire enslaved former dhimmis. Local communities were dealt on a case by case basis, only those sections who had broken the contract were enslaved. The rest would not be affected as long as they retained their status as dhimmis. Rebels who had been pardoned by the state could also not be legally enslaved.


text: The kadi of Ruscuk acknowledged receiving a general order in May 1821 that the enslavement of the wives and children of Greek rebels was legal because their crime had been treason. A "hukum" issued to the authorities in Izmir and Kusadasi endorsed the enslavement of the former dhimmis of Samos because they had rebelled and killed Muslims on the island. A Maliki scholar in late 19th- century Cairo ruled that it was legitimate to enslave or kill the Jews and Christians who broke their pacts with Muslims, but Ebussuud Efendi disagreed with the enslavement of certain dhimmis such as those who committed robbery or defaulted on their taxes.


text: During the Armenian genocide, which climaxed around 1915–16, numerous Armenian women were raped and subjected to sexual slavery, with women forced into prostitution or forcibly married to non-Armenians, or sold as sex slaves to military officials. International reports at the time testified to the imprisonment of Armenian women as sex slaves and the complicity of the authorities in the setting up of slave markets and sale of Armenians.


text: During Barbary pirate raids, Muslims enslaved an estimated 50-75,000 Christian women from Europe. Many such women were consigned to household service, with some European concubines achieved significant political power through their masters. For example, one 17th century British diplomat reported that a European concubine had become the "de facto" ruler of the city state of Algiers.