title: Michael O'Neill (actor)

text: With a career stretching through three decades, he usually portrays senior law enforcement or military officers. He played Special Agent Ron Butterfield, the head of President Josiah Bartlet's Secret Service detail, on "The West Wing", and CTU Administrative Director Richard Walsh in the first two episodes of "24". He played Sgt. Maj. Ron Cheals in CBS' action drama series "The Unit". He starred in the Season 6 two-part finale of "Grey's Anatomy" as Gary Clark, the broken widower who holds the hospital hostage with a 9mm while pursuing the doctors responsible for unplugging his wife's life support. He portrayed Nick Ford on the second season of "Bates Motel", and Alan Sparks on "Extant". His most notable film performances occur in "Seabiscuit", "Secondhand Lions", "Transformers", "Dancer, Texas Pop. 81", "Traffic", "Sea of Love", "A Quiet Little Marriage", "Nothing but the Truth", "Green Zone", "J. Edgar" (directed by Clint Eastwood), and "Dallas Buyers Club".


title: Michael O'Neill (actor)

text: O'Neill splits his time between Los Angeles and Birmingham, Alabama, where he lives with his wife, Mary, and three daughters, Ella, Annie, and Molly.


title: Sabeer Bhatia

text: Sabeer Bhatia (born 30 December 1968) is an Indian businessman who co-founded the webmail company Hotmail.com.


title: Sabeer Bhatia

text: Bhatia briefly worked for Apple Computer, as a hardware engineer and Firepower Systems Inc. He, along with his colleague Jack Smith, set up Hotmail on 4 July 1996, American Independence Day, symbolizing "freedom" from ISP-based e-mail and the ability to access a user's inbox from anywhere in the world.


title: Sabeer Bhatia

text: As president and CEO, Bhatia led Hotmail until its eventual acquisition by Microsoft in 1998 for an estimated $400 million. Bhatia worked at Microsoft for one year after the Hotmail acquisition and in April 1999, left Microsoft to start another venture, Arzoo Inc, an e-commerce firm with investment from Mohammed Asif, a top Indian-American banker at JP Morgan.


title: Sabeer Bhatia

text: Bhatia started a free messaging service called JaxtrSMS. He said that JaxtrSMS would do to SMS what Hotmail did for e-mail. Claiming it to be a disruptive technology, he says that the operators will lose revenue on the reduction in number of SMSes on their network but will benefit from the data plan that the user has to buy. To date, JaxtrSMS service has failed to replicate the success of Hotmail. Recently, he invested in email collaboration software, ccZen and another e-commerce technology provider E-junkie.


title: Sabeer Bhatia

text: Bhatia is of Sindhi heritage. His father, Baldev Bhatia, was a captain in the Indian Army and his mother worked for the Central Bank of India. He did his schooling from Bishops School, Pune.


title: Sabeer Bhatia

text: Bhatia married Tanya Sharma in 2008 and they have a daughter together. Later, they filed for divorce in January 2013 in a court in San Francisco, citing "irreconcilable differences".


title: In Bloom

text: "In Bloom" is a song by American rock band Nirvana, written by vocalist and guitarist Kurt Cobain. It appears as the second track on the band's second album, "Nevermind", released by DGC Records in September 1991.


title: In Bloom

text: The album version is the second of two versions of the song that were released in 1991, the earlier of which was recorded in 1990, while the band was still signed to their original record label, Sub Pop. This version was initially released as a music video only, on the "Sub Pop Video Network Volume 1" VHS compilation.


title: In Bloom

text: "In Bloom" was released as the album's fourth and final single in November 1992 and generated heavy American airplay, reaching number 5 on the US Mainstream Rock chart, despite never being released as a physical single in the United States. The international release of the single made the top 10 in Ireland and Portugal, as well as the top 20 in Finland and New Zealand and the top 30 in Sweden and the United Kingdom. It was accompanied by a new music video, directed by American filmmaker Kevin Kerslake, which won Best Alternative Video at the 1993 MTV Video Music Awards.


title: In Bloom

text: According to Nirvana's bassist Krist Novoselic, "In Bloom" "originally sounded like a Bad Brains song," before being slowed down and reworked by Cobain at home. In a 2002 "Rolling Stone" interview with David Fricke, Novoselic recalled that Cobain "went home and [he] hammered it. He kept working on it. Then he called me on the phone and said, 'Listen to this song.' He started singing it on the phone. You could hear the guitar. It was the 'In Bloom' of "Nevermind", more of a pop thing."


title: In Bloom

text: The song was first performed live on April 1, 1990 at the Cabaret Metro in Chicago. The following day, the band began work on recording a new release for their then-label Sub Pop, at Smart Studios in Madison, Wisconsin with producer Butch Vig. Among the eight songs recorded during the five-day session was "In Bloom," which originally featured a bridge that Vig removed by physically cutting it out of the 16-track master tape with a razor blade, and throwing in the garbage. The original plan of releasing the songs recorded during this session on a single release were abandoned later in the year, after the exit of drummer Chad Channing. The band instead used the material as a demo tape, which circulated amongst the music industry and generated interest in the group among major record labels. However, a few songs from the session still appeared on various official releases in 1990 and 1991. "In Bloom" was released as a music video only, on the "Sub Pop Video Network Volume 1" VHS compilation in 1991.


title: In Bloom

text: The song was re-recorded by Vig at Sound City Studios in Van Nuys, California in May 1991, during the sessions for the band's second album and major label debut, "Nevermind". It was one of the first songs worked on during the sessions, due to Vig's familiarity with it from his previous session with the band. Like the other songs recorded at Smart Studios, the arrangement for "In Bloom" was left mostly unchanged, with the band's new drummer Dave Grohl staying close to what Channing had played.


title: In Bloom

text: According to Vig, Cobain's impatience with recording multiple vocal takes made it difficult to acquire a master vocal take. In the 2005 documentary "", Vig revealed the methods he used to get Cobain to record multiple takes, which included tricking him into believing that certain parts were not properly recorded and needed to be done again, and reminding him that the Beatles' John Lennon double-tracked his vocals in the studio. The varying intensity of Cobain's vocals from one take to the next, and from the verses to the choruses, also presented a problem for Vig, who had to adjust the input levels "on the fly" while recording Cobain. Ultimately, Vig was able to edit several takes together into a single master, due to the consistency of Cobain's vocal phrasing.


title: In Bloom

text: Vig also decided to have Grohl sing high harmonies, double-tracking them as he did with Cobain's. Grohl initially had difficulty hitting the proper notes, but ultimately was able to sing what Vig wanted. The original studio version of "In Bloom" featured no harmonies, possibly due to time constraints.


title: In Bloom

text: "In Bloom" was performed for the final time live on March 1, 1994 at Terminal Einz in Munich, Germany, Nirvana's last show.


title: In Bloom

text: Like many Nirvana songs, "In Bloom" shifts back and forth between quiet verses and loud choruses. Cobain uses a Mesa Boogie guitar amplifier for the verses, and during the chorus he switches to a Fender Bassman amp (suggested by Vig) for a heavier, double-tracked fuzztone sound. The rhythm section of Novoselic and Grohl kept its parts simple; Grohl stated it was "an unspoken rule" to avoid unnecessary drum fills, while Novoselic said he felt his role was about "serving the song". During the choruses, vocalist Cobain and drummer Grohl harmonize while singing "He's the one/Who likes all our pretty songs/And he likes to sing along/And he likes to shoot his gun/But he knows not what it means". The song's intro reappears at the end of each chorus.


title: In Bloom

text: According to the 1993 Nirvana biography "" by Michael Azerrad, "In Bloom" was originally written about "the jocks and shallow mainstream types" of the underground music scene the band began to find in their audience after the release of their 1989 debut album, "Bleach". As Azerrad points out, the song's lyrics "translated even better to the mass popularity the band enjoyed" following the breakthrough success of their second album, "Nevermind". "The brilliant irony," Azerrad wrote, "is that the tune is so catchy that millions of people actually do sing along to it." English journalist Everett True suggested the song may also have addressed the band's discomfort with being part of the grunge movement of the early 1990s, saying that "I assumed it was directed towards the fans who would show up at concerts with signs saying Even Flow [a Pearl Jam song] on one side and Rape Me – I think – on the other: the fans who did not understand there was a point of difference between Nirvana and other Seattle bands or media representations of grunge. I've always associated the song with [In Utero single] Rape Me. Like they're a pair."


title: In Bloom

text: In his biography of Cobain, "Heavier Than Heaven", Charles R. Cross asserted that the song was a "thinly disguised portrait" of Cobain's friend Dylan Carlson.


title: In Bloom

text: Originally Cobain wanted to release In Bloom on a promotional EP as well as their first major label debut single after signing with DGC, for the then-second album sessions with Sub Pop, entitled Sheep. The EP would've been titled "NIRVANA Sings Songs of the Vaselines, the Wipers, Devo, & Nirvana".


title: In Bloom

text: "In Bloom" was released as the fourth and final single from "Nevermind" on November 30, 1992. The commercial single was only released in Europe, while promotional copies were released in the United States. The 12-inch vinyl and CD versions of the commercial single featured live versions of "Polly" and "Sliver," from the band's show at Del Mar Fairgrounds in Del Mar, California on December 28, 1991, as b-sides. The 7-inch vinyl and cassette versions featured only "Polly." The single peaked at number 28 on the British singles chart. Despite the lack of a commercial release domestically, the song reached number five on the "Billboard" Album Rock Tracks chart.


title: In Bloom

text: Music journalist Everett True wrote an uncharacteristically unfavorable review of the single in "Melody Maker", accusing it of "milking" the success of "Nevermind". "Whoop whoop bloody whoop", wrote True, "forgive me if I don't sound too thrilled. This release is stretching even my credulity beyond repair. Like, milking a still-breathing (sacred) cow, or what? Badly inferior live versions of 'Polly' and 'Sliver' on the flip don't help matters either."


title: In Bloom

text: In 2011, "Rolling Stone" magazine ranked "In Bloom" at number 415 on their list of the "500 Greatest Songs of All Time". In 2019, they ranked the song number two on their ranking of 102 Nirvana songs. According to Nielsen Music's year-end report for 2019, "In Bloom" was the seventh most-played song of the decade on mainstream rock radio with 131,000 spins. All of the songs in the top 10 were from the 1990s.


title: In Bloom

text: In 2019, Cobain was given a songwriting credit on the single "Panini" by American rapper and singer Lil Nas X, due to the song having a similar chorus melody as "In Bloom". As Nas X explained in a SiriusXM interview, "I put out the snippet [of 'Panini'] and everyone was like, 'Wow, he's sampling Nirvana.' I was like, 'Where? I'm not sampling Nirvana, this beat doesn't have Nirvana in it.' Then, I listened to 'In Bloom' in full, and I was like, 'Oh, okay.'" Nas X revealed that the song was approved by Kurt's daughter, Frances Bean Cobain, and that the experience "actually got me into "[Nevermind]" for the first time."


title: In Bloom

text: In a 2021 interview with the "Los Angeles Times", Cobain's widow, Courtney Love, said she was "very firmly in the club that says ‘In Bloom’ should have been the first single" from "Nevermind", calling it "a far better song" than "Smells Like Teen Spirit."


title: In Bloom

text: The first music video for "In Bloom", for the Smart Studios version, was directed by Steve Brown, and filmed in New York City in April 1990, shortly after the song had been recorded. It features footage of the band walking around lower Manhattan, including the South Street Seaport, the Lower East Side, and Wall Street, as well as rehearsal footage and clips from the band's show at Maxwell's in Hoboken, New Jersey on April 28. Novoselic had shaved his head as punishment for what he perceived to be a bad performance at the Pyramid Club in New York City on April 26, and appears with hair in some shots, and with a shaved head in others.


title: In Bloom

text: The video was first released in 1991 on the "Sub Pop Video Network Volume 1" compilation. It was re-released on the DVD of the band's rarities box set, "With the Lights Out", in November 2004. The audio of this version appeared on some copies of the promotional EP, "Selections from With the Lights Out", which was released shortly before the box set, but not on the box set itself. It did not appear on a commercial release until the full Smart session was included on disc two of the 20th anniversary "Deluxe" and "Super Deluxe" versions of "Nevermind" in September 2011.


title: In Bloom

text: The second music video for "In Bloom", for the "Nevermind" version, was directed by Kevin Kerslake, who had directed the videos for the band's previous two singles from album "Nevermind", "Come as You Are" and "Lithium". The video was first aired in late November 1992, about a month after it was filmed. According to "Come As You Are", Cobain's original concept for the video was "a surrealistic fable about a little girl who is born into a Ku Klux Klan family and one day realizes how evil her parents are." This proved to be "too ambitious," so Cobain instead came up with the idea of making a video that parodied the musical performances of bands on early 1960s variety shows, such as "The Ed Sullivan Show".


title: In Bloom

text: The video was filmed on old Kinescope cameras, following Cobain's request that Kerslake use authentic cameras from the period, and the band's performance was improvised. The satirical tone was a result of Cobain being "so tired for the last year of people taking us so seriously . . . I wanted to fuck off and show them that we have a humorous side to us". The video begins with an unnamed variety show host, played by Doug Llewelyn, former host of American reality show "The People's Court", introducing Nirvana to an in-studio crowd of young fans, whose screaming is heard throughout the duration of the song. The band members, whom the host refers to as "thoroughly all right and decent fellas," perform dressed in suits, while Cobain wears glasses that made him dizzy. As Cobain explained in a 1992 "Melody Maker" interview, "We wanted to be like The Beatles – no, The Dave Clark Five, I was wearing glasses – we would never make fun of The Beatles." Novoselic had cut his hair short for the video, and liked it so much he kept it that way afterwards. As the video progresses, the band destroys the set and its instruments.


title: In Bloom

text: Three edits of the Kerslake video were made. Cobain wanted MTV to first play the first edit, featuring the band in suits only, and eventually replace it with a second edit featuring the band wearing dresses and performing in their traditional manner, which included destroying the set. However, Cobain was skeptical that MTV's alternative rock show "120 Minutes", which insisted on premiering the video, would properly convey the humor of the "pop idol" version. As a result, the familiar third edit was produced which contained shots of the band in both suits and dresses. The original edit of the video never aired.


title: In Bloom

text: The "In Bloom" music video won the award for Best Alternative Video at the 1993 MTV Video Music Awards, and topped the music video category in the 1992 "Village Voice" Pazz & Jop critics' poll.


title: In Bloom

text: Country musician Sturgill Simpson covered "In Bloom" as a country song on his 2016 album "A Sailor's Guide to Earth", while Lil Nas X interpolated it for his 2019 song "Panini" (which was approved by Frances Bean Cobain).


title: Robert Galbraith Heath

text: Robert Galbraith Heath (May 9, 1915 – September 21, 1999) was an American psychiatrist. He followed the theory of biological psychiatry that organic defects were the sole source of mental illness, and that consequently mental problems were treatable by physical means. He published 425 papers and three books. One of his first papers is dated 1946. He was profiled as a "famous American psychiatrist" in 1983 by "Psychiatric Annals".


title: Robert Galbraith Heath

text: Heath founded the Department of Psychiatry and Neurology at Tulane University, New Orleans, in 1949 and remained its chairman until 1980. He performed many experiments there involving electrical stimulation of the brain via surgically implanted electrodes. He placed deep brain stimulation (DBS) electrodes into the brains of more than 54 patients. Indeed, he has been cited as the first, or one of the first, researcher(s) to have placed electrodes deep into the brains of living human patients. It has been suggested that this work was financed in part by the government, particularly the CIA or U.S. military.


title: Robert Galbraith Heath

text: In 1972, he claimed to have converted a homosexual man to heterosexuality using DBS. Heath also experimented with the drug bulbocapnine to induce stupor, and LSD, using prisoners in the Louisiana State Penitentiary as experimental subjects. He worked on schizophrenia patients, which he regarded as an illness with a physical basis. Today Heath's work is considered highly controversial and is only rarely used as reference material.


title: Robert Galbraith Heath

text: Heath was born on May 9, 1915 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He was encouraged by his father, who was a general medical practitioner, to enter the medical field as well. He received medical and undergraduate education from the University of Pittsburgh, where he graduated in 1938. He became determined to find his career in neurology after his father died. He then trained in neurology at the Neurological Institute of New York, and became a fellow at Pennsylvania Hospital. During World War II, he was drafted into the U.S. Navy to work as a psychiatrist. After returning from the war, he studied at the College of Physicians and Surgeons, at Columbia University. Heath married and had five children. He died on September 21, 1999 in St. Petersburg, Florida at the age of 84.


title: Robert Galbraith Heath

text: Heath began electrical brain stimulation experiments on schizophrenia patients in 1950. In 1954, Heath published a monograph called "Studies in Schizophrenia" detailing his deep brain stimulation experiments on 25 schizophrenic patients. The study's methodology was met with much criticism at the time. Some of the patients experienced seizures or fatal brain abscess. In 1956, he published findings claiming the ability to induce symptoms of schizophrenia by injecting the blood of schizophrenia patients into the bodies of healthy patients. In particular, he claimed to have isolated a protein ("taraxein") that could induce this effect. His findings produced widespread attention, both within the scientific community and the general public. The scientific community tended towards skepticism of his claims, and attempts to replicate his findings ensued. However, these attempts to confirm his findings mostly failed. Psychiatry textbooks in the 1960s lent some credence to his claims, though this ceased to be the case by the 1970s and 1980s. Heath continued to defend his findings and theory of schizophrenia until at least 1996.


title: Robert Galbraith Heath

text: Heath was experimenting in 1953 on inducing paroxysms through brain stimulation. During the course of his experiments in deep brain stimulation, Heath experimented with gay conversion therapy, and claimed to have successfully converted a homosexual patient, labeled in his 1972 paper as Patient B-19. At the time, homosexuality was considered a psychiatric disorder under the DSM-II. The patient, who had been arrested for marijuana possession, was implanted with electrodes into the septal region (associated with feelings of pleasure), and many other parts of his brain. The septal electrodes were then stimulated while he was shown heterosexual pornographic material. The patient was later encouraged to have intercourse with a sex worker recruited for the study. As a result, Heath claimed the patient was successfully converted to heterosexuality. This research would be deemed unethical today for a variety of reasons. The patient was recruited for the study while under legal duress, and further implications for the patient's well-being, including indications that electrode stimulation was addictive, were not considered. In 1973, his ethical conduct during these studies was questioned by a subcommittee of the U.S. Senate. Heath's experiment was also criticized by Fred Mettler, who was previously his mentor.


title: Robert Galbraith Heath

text: Heath conducted a study on two rhesus macaques trained to smoke "the equivalent of one marijuana cigarette a day, five days a week for six months" and concluded that cannabis causes permanent changes in the brain. Nonetheless, he supported cannabis decriminalization. He later conducted a National Institutes of Health-funded study on 13 rhesus monkeys, with one rotating group representing "heavy smokers" whose cannabis dosage was believed to be comparable to three marijuana cigarettes smoked daily, a "moderate" group that was given the equivalent of one joint a day, and a third group that puffed inactive cannabis. He concluded, "Alcohol is a simple drug with a temporary effect. Marijuana is complex with a persisting effect." According to the BBC, "His findings of permanent brain damage have been dismissed by similar, independently conducted studies. But other scientists have argued these methods of animal research are inconclusive." According to NORML, Heath's "work was never replicated and has since been discredited by a pair of better controlled, much larger monkey studies, one by Dr. William Slikker of the National Center for Toxicological Research and the other by Charles Rebert and Gordon Pryor of SRI International."


title: Old Uyghur alphabet

text: The Old Uyghur alphabet was a Turkic script used for writing the Old Uyghur, a variety of Old Turkic spoken in Turpan and Gansu that is the ancestor of the modern Western Yugur language. The term "Old Uyghur" used for this alphabet is misleading because Qocho, the Uyghur (Yugur) kingdom created in 843, originally used the Old Turkic alphabet. The Uyghur adopted this "Old Uyghur" script from local inhabitants when they migrated into Turfan after 840. It was an adaptation of the Aramaic alphabet used for texts with Buddhist, Manichaean and Christian content for 700–800 years in Turpan. The last known manuscripts are dated to the 18th century. This was the prototype for the Mongolian and Manchu alphabets. The Old Uyghur alphabet was brought to Mongolia by Tata-tonga.


title: Old Uyghur alphabet

text: The Old Uyghur script was used between the 8th and 17th centuries primarily in the Tarim Basin of Central Asia, located in present-day Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, China. It is a cursive-joining alphabet with features of an abjad and


title: Old Uyghur alphabet

text: is written vertically. The script flourished through the 15th century in Central Asia and parts of Iran, but it was eventually replaced by the Arabic script in the 16th century. Its usage was continued in Gansu through the 17th century.


title: Old Uyghur alphabet

text: Like the Sogdian alphabet (technically, an abjad), the Old Uyghur tended to use "matres lectionis" for the long vowels as well as for the short ones. The practice of leaving short vowels unrepresented was almost completely abandoned. Thus, while ultimately deriving from a Semitic abjad, the Old Uyghur alphabet can be said to have been largely "alphabetized".


title: Old Uyghur alphabet

text: The Old Uyghur alphabet was added to the Unicode Standard in September, 2021 with the release of version 14.0.


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: an alternating series. It is also called the Madhava–Leibniz series as it is a special case of a more general series expansion for the inverse tangent function, first discovered by the Indian mathematician Madhava of Sangamagrama in the 14th century, the specific case first published by Leibniz around 1676. The series for the inverse tangent function, which is also known as Gregory's series, can be given by:


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: It also is the Dirichlet -series of the non-principal Dirichlet character of modulus 4 evaluated at formula_5, and, therefore, the value of the Dirichlet beta function.


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: If formula_13 approaches formula_14 so that it is continuous and converges uniformly, the proof is complete. From Leibniz's test, formula_15 converges, also formula_13 approaches formula_14 from within the Stolz angle, so from Abel's theorem this is correct.


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: Leibniz's formula converges extremely slowly: it exhibits sublinear convergence. Calculating to 10 correct decimal places using direct summation of the series requires precisely five billion terms because for (one needs to apply Calabrese error bound). To get 4 correct decimal places (error of 0.00005) one needs 5000 terms. Even better than Calabrese or Johnsonbaugh error bounds are available.


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: However, the Leibniz formula can be used to calculate to high precision (hundreds of digits or more) using various convergence acceleration techniques. For example, the Shanks transformation, Euler transform or Van Wijngaarden transformation, which are general methods for alternating series, can be applied effectively to the partial sums of the Leibniz series. Further, combining terms pairwise gives the non-alternating series


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: which can be evaluated to high precision from a small number of terms using Richardson extrapolation or the Euler–Maclaurin formula. This series can also be transformed into an integral by means of the Abel–Plana formula and evaluated using techniques for numerical integration.


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: If the series is truncated at the right time, the decimal expansion of the approximation will agree with that of for many more digits, except for isolated digits or digit groups. For example, taking five million terms yields


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: where the underlined digits are wrong. The errors can in fact be predicted; they are generated by the Euler numbers according to the asymptotic formula


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: where is an integer divisible by 4. If is chosen to be a power of ten, each term in the right sum becomes a finite decimal fraction. The formula is a special case of the Boole summation formula for alternating series, providing yet another example of a convergence acceleration technique that can be applied to the Leibniz series. In 1992, Jonathan Borwein and Mark Limber used the first thousand Euler numbers to calculate to 5,263 decimal places with the Leibniz formula.


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: The Leibniz formula can be interpreted as a Dirichlet series using the unique non-principal Dirichlet character modulo 4. As with other Dirichlet series, this allows the infinite sum to be converted to an infinite product with one term for each prime number. Such a product is called an Euler product. It is:


title: Leibniz formula for π

text: In this product, each term is a superparticular ratio, each numerator is an odd prime number, and each denominator is the nearest multiple of 4 to the numerator.


title: Consignment

text: Consignment involves selling one's personal goods (clothing, furniture, etc.) through a third-party vendor such as a consignment store or online thrift store. The owner of the goods pays the third-party a portion of the sale for facilitating the sale. Consignors maintain the rights to their property until the item is sold or abandoned. Many consignment shops and online consignment platforms have a set day limit before an item expires for sale. Within the time of contract, reductions of the price are common to promote the sale of the item, but vary on the type of item sold (usually depends on the price point, or if it is considered luxury.)(usually 60–90 days).


title: Consignment

text: Consignment stock is stock legally owned by one party, but held by another, meaning that the risk and rewards regarding to the said stock remains with the first party while the second party is responsible for distribution or retail operations.


title: Consignment

text: The verb ""consign"" means "to send" and therefore the noun ""consignment"" means "sending goods to another person". In the case of ""retail consignment"" or ""sales consignment"" (often just referred to as a "consignment"), goods are sent to the agent for the purpose of sale. The ownership of these goods remains with the sender. The agent sells the goods on behalf of the sender according to instructions. The sender of goods is known as the ""consignor"" and the agent entrusted with the custody and care of the goods is known as the ""consignee"".


title: Consignment

text: Consignment (Latin "consignatio": securitization, document) is a traditional legal and accounting technical term for logistics and business management and describes a special form of delivery of goods.


title: Consignment

text: 1.) The supplier makes goods physically available to the sales agent in contracted quantities for trade or consumption.


title: Consignment

text: 2.) The sales agent always receives the payment from the third party (else it is another form of sales schemes)


title: Consignment

text: Internationally, this previously common form of international consignment trade is now quite rare. This is because there are major legal, tax-related, and accounting difficulties in conducting cross-border consignment trade. Modern uses of consignment are typically domestic.


title: Consignment

text: It is important for the lawyer and the bookkeeper to have a clear idea of what consignment trade is, in order to be able to report it correctly, and assert the parties' rights and obligations, even if the concept of consignment trade is not specified in the agreements.


title: Consignment

text: Consignment inventory is a stock control model whereby the retailer sells the goods but the ownership remains with the supplier only till the products are sold. The retailer therefore only pays for the products he has sold and he is not required to purchase the goods. Beforehand, the two parties may have sign a consignment agreement with the terms like how long will the unsold goods take before being returned.


title: Consignment

text: A consignor who consigns goods to a consignee transfers only possession, not ownership, of the goods to the consignee. The consignor retains title to the goods. The consignee takes possession of the goods subject to a trust. If the consignee converts the goods to a use not contemplated in the consignment agreement, such as by selling them and keeping the proceeds of the sale for the consignee, the crime of conversion has been committed.


title: Consignment

text: The word "consignment" comes from the French "consigner", meaning "to hand over or transmit", originally from the Latin "consignor" "to affix a seal", as it was done with official documents just before being sent.


title: Consignment

text: "Consignment shop" is an American term for shops, usually second-hand, that sell used goods for owners (consignors), typically at a lower cost than new goods. Not all second-hand shops are consignment shops, and not all consignment shops are second-hand shops. In consignment shops, it is usually understood that the consignee (the seller) pays the consignor (the person who owns the item) a portion of the proceeds from the sale. Payment is not made until and unless the item sells. Such shops are found around the world. They can be chain stores, like the Buffalo Exchange or individual boutique stores. The consignor retains title to the item and can end the arrangement at any time by requesting its return. A specified time is commonly arranged after which if the item does not sell, the owner is expected to reclaim it (if it is not reclaimed within a specified period, the seller can dispose of the item at discretion).


title: Consignment

text: Merchandise often sold through consignment shops includes antiques, athletic equipment, automobiles, books, clothing (especially children's, maternity, and wedding clothing, which are often not worn out), furniture, firearms, music, musical instruments, tools, paragliders and toys. eBay, drop-off stores and online sellers often use the consignment model of selling. Art galleries, as well, often operate as consignees of the artist.


title: Consignment

text: The consignment process can be further facilitated by the use of vendor managed inventory (VMI) and customer managed inventory (CMI) applications. VMI is a business model that allows the vendor in a vendor-customer relationship to plan and control inventory for the customer, and CMI allows the customer in the relationship to have control of inventory.


title: Consignment

text: Consignment shops differ from charity or thrift shops in which the original owners surrender both physical possession and legal title to the item as a charitable donation, and the seller retains all proceeds from the sale. They also differ from pawn shops in which the original owner can surrender physical possession (but not legal title) of the item in exchange for a loan and then reclaim the item upon repayment of the loan with interest (or else surrender legal title to the item), or alternatively can surrender both physical possession and legal title for an immediate payment; the pawn shop would retain all proceeds from any subsequent sale.


title: Consignment

text: In the UK, the term "consignment" is not used, and consignment shops that sell women's clothing are called "dress agencies". Although the other types of consignment shop exist, there is no general term for them.


title: Consignment

text: After the review, the consignee will return those items deemed unsuitable for resale to the consignor (such as torn or dirty items or items deemed to be fakes, which cannot be sold in some jurisdictions), accept those to be resold, and establish the target resale price, the consignee's share of it, and the length of time the items will be held for sale.


title: Consignment

text: When a consignor's items sell (or in some cases, after the agreed-upon period ends), the consignee takes a share of the profits and pays the consignor the share. Items that are not sold are returned to the consignor (who must retrieve them within a set time or forfeit title to them; in some cases, the consignor may agree ahead of time to allow the consignee to donate them to charity).


title: Consignment

text: When a vendor (consignor) provides goods on consignment to a distributor (consignee) then revenue cannot be recognized when control has transferred. This could occur at the expiration of a specified consignment period, or the sale of an item to an end-consumer. The SEC has provided examples of consignment arrangements in question 2 of SAB Topic 13.A.2 including the following:


title: Consignment

text: Accounting Standards Codification (ASC) 606-10-55-80 (implemented for public companies December 15, 2017) provides three indicators of the presence of consignment arrangement that provides the principles behind the examples that the SEC has outlined. These indicators are as follows:


title: Consignment

text: This list of indicators of a consignment arrangement is not all-inclusive, so companies should also consider other indicators of the transfer of control found in ASC 606-10-25-30.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Noam Chomsky (born December 7, 1928) is an intellectual, political activist, and critic of the foreign policy of the United States and other governments. Noam Chomsky describes himself as an anarcho-syndicalist and libertarian socialist, and is considered to be a key intellectual figure within the left wing of politics of the United States.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky is often described as one of the best-known figures of the American Left, although he doesn't agree with the usage of the term. He has described himself as a "fellow traveller" to the anarchist tradition, and refers to himself as a libertarian socialist, a political philosophy he summarizes as challenging all forms of authority and attempting to eliminate them if they are unjustified for which the burden of proof is solely upon those who attempt to exert power. He identifies with the labor-oriented anarcho-syndicalist current of anarchism in particular cases, and is a member of the Industrial Workers of the World. He also exhibits some favor for the libertarian socialist vision of participatory economics, himself being a member of the Interim Committee for the International Organization for a Participatory Society.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: He believes that libertarian socialist values exemplify the rational and morally consistent extension of original unreconstructed classical liberal and radical humanist ideas in an industrial context.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky has further defined himself as having held Zionist beliefs, although he notes that his definition of Zionism would be considered by most as anti-Zionism these days, the result of what he perceives to have been a shift (since the 1940s) in the meaning of Zionism ("Chomsky Reader").


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky is considered "one of the most influential left-wing critics of American foreign policy" by the "Dictionary of Modern American Philosophers".


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky has taken strong stands against censorship and for freedom of speech, even for views he personally condemns. He has stated that "with regard to freedom of speech there are basically two positions: you defend it vigorously for views you hate, or you reject it and prefer Stalinist/fascist standards".


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky made early efforts to critically analyze globalization. He summarized the process with the phrase "old wine, new bottles", maintaining that the motive of the elites is the same as always: they seek to isolate the general population from important decision-making processes, the difference being that the centers of power are now transnational corporations and supranational banks. Chomsky argues that transnational corporate power is "developing its own governing institutions" reflective of their global reach.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: According to Chomsky, a primary ploy has been the co-opting of the global economic institutions established at the end of World War II, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, which have increasingly adhered to the "Washington Consensus", requiring developing countries to adhere to limits on spending and make structural adjustments that often involve cutbacks in social and welfare programs. IMF aid and loans are normally contingent upon such reforms. Chomsky claims that the construction of global institutions and agreements such as the World Trade Organization, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and the Multilateral Agreement on Investment constitute new ways of securing élite privileges while undermining democracy.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky believes that these austere and neoliberal measures ensure that poorer countries merely fulfill a service role by providing cheap labor, raw materials and investment opportunities for the developed world. This means that corporations can threaten to relocate to poorer countries, and Chomsky sees this as a powerful weapon to keep workers in richer countries in line.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky takes issue with the terms used in discourse on globalization, beginning with the term "globalization" itself, which he maintains refers to a corporate-sponsored economic integration rather than being a general term for things becoming international. He dislikes the term anti-globalization being used to describe what he regards as a movement for globalization of social and environmental justice. Chomsky understands what is popularly called "free trade" as a "mixture of liberalization and protection designed by the principal architects of policy in the service of their interests, which happen to be whatever they are in any particular period."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In his writings, Chomsky has drawn attention to globalization resistance movements. He described Zapatista defiance of NAFTA in his essay "The Zapatista Uprising." He also criticized the Multilateral Agreement on Investment, and reported on the activist efforts that led to its defeat. Chomsky's voice was an important part of the critics who provided the theoretical backbone for the disparate groups who united for the demonstrations against the World Trade Organization in Seattle in November 1999.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky is deeply critical of what he calls the "corporate state capitalism" that he believes is practiced by the United States and other Western states. He supports many of Mikhail Bakunin's anarchist (or libertarian socialist) ideas. Chomsky has identified Bakunin's comments regarding the totalitarian state as predictions for the brutal Soviet police state that would come in essays like "The Soviet Union Versus Socialism". He has also defined Soviet communism as another form of "state capitalism", particularly because any socialism worthy of the name requires authentic democratic control of production and resources as well as public ownership. He has said that contrary to what many in America claim, the collapse of the Soviet Union should be regarded as "a small victory for socialism", not capitalism. Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, Chomsky explicitly condemned Soviet imperialism; for example in 1986 during a question/answer following a lecture he gave at Universidad Centroamericana in Nicaragua, when challenged by an audience member about how he could "talk about North American imperialism and Russian imperialism in the same breath", Chomsky responded: "One of the truths about the world is that there are two superpowers, one a


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: huge power which happens to have its boot on your neck, another, a smaller power which happens to have its boot on other people's necks. And I think that anyone in the Third World would be making a grave error if they succumbed to illusions about these matters."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky was also impressed with socialism as practiced in Vietnam. In a speech given in Hanoi on April 13, 1970, and broadcast by Radio Hanoi the next day, Chomsky spoke of his "admiration for the people of Vietnam who have been able to defend themselves against the ferocious attack, and at the same time take great strides forward toward the socialist society." Chomsky praised the North Vietnamese for their efforts in building material prosperity, social justice, and cultural progress. He also went on to discuss and support the political writing of Lê Duẩn.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In his 1973 essay collection "For Reasons of State", Chomsky argues that instead of a capitalist system in which people are "wage slaves" or an authoritarian system in which decisions are made by a centralized committee, a society could function with no paid labor. He argues that a nation's populace should be free to pursue jobs of their choosing. People will be free to do as they like, and the work they voluntarily choose will be both "rewarding in itself" and "socially useful." Society would be run under a system of peaceful anarchism, with no state or other authoritarian institutions. Work that was fundamentally distasteful to all, if any existed, would be distributed equally among everyone.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky was always critical of the Soviet Union. In a 2016 interview he said that Mao's revolution in China was responsible for "a huge death toll, in the tens of millions" during the Great Leap Forward; but he also gave the revolution credit for saving 100 million lives between 1949 and 1979 through rural health and development programs. In 1960s, Chomsky noted what he considered to be grassroots elements within both Chinese and Vietnamese communism. In December 1967, during a forum in New York, Chomsky responded to criticisms of the Chinese revolution as follows, "I don't feel that they deserve a blanket condemnation at all. There are many things to object to in any society. But take China, modern China; one also finds many things that are really quite admirable." Chomsky continued: "There are even better examples than China. But I do think that China is an important example of a new society in which very interesting positive things happened at the local level, in which a good deal of the collectivization and communization was really based on mass participation and took place after a level of understanding had been reached in the peasantry that led to this next step." He said of Vietnam: "Although there appears to be a high degree of democratic participation at the village and regional levels, still major planning is highly centralized in the hands of the state authorities."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky is critical of Marxism's dogmatic strains, and the idea of Marxism itself, but still appreciates Marx's contributions to political thought. Unlike some anarchists, Chomsky does not consider Bolshevism "Marxism in practice", but he does recognize that Marx was a complicated figure who had conflicting ideas; while he acknowledges the latent authoritarianism in Marx he also points to the libertarian strains which developed into the council communism of Rosa Luxemburg and Pannekoek. His commitment to libertarian socialism however has led him to characterize himself as an anarchist with radical Marxist leanings.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In practice Chomsky has tended to emphasize the philosophical tendency of anarchism to criticize all forms of illegitimate authority. He has been reticent about theorizing an anarchist society in detail, although he has outlined its likely value systems and institutional framework in broad terms. According to Chomsky, the variety of anarchism which he favors is:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: On the question of the government of political and economic institutions, Chomsky has consistently emphasized the importance of grassroots democratic forms. Accordingly, current Anglo-American institutions of representative democracy "would be criticized by an anarchist of this school on two grounds. First of all because there is a monopoly of power centralized in the state, and secondly – and critically – because the representative democracy is limited to the political sphere and in no serious way encroaches on the economic sphere."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky believes anarchism is a direct descendant of liberalism, further developing the ideals of personal liberty and minimal government of the Enlightenment. He views libertarian socialism thus as the logical conclusion of liberalism, extending its democratic ideals into the economy, making anarchism an inherently socialist philosophy.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Noam Chomsky has described libertarianism, as it is understood in the United States, as, "extreme advocation of total tyranny" and "the extreme opposite of what's been called libertarian in every other part of the world since the Enlightenment."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky is scathing in his opposition to the view that anarchism is inconsistent with support for "welfare state" measures, stating in part that


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In a 2004 interview with Jennifer Bleyer published in "Ugly Planet", issue two and in "Heeb Magazine", Chomsky engaged in the following exchange:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky is a vocal advocate against the use of the death penalty. When asked his opinion on capital punishment in "Secrets, Lies, and Democracy", he stated:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: He has commented on the use of the death penalty in Texas as well as other states. On August 26, 2011 he spoke out against the execution of Steven Woods in Texas.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky has criticized copyright laws as well as patent laws. On copyright he argued in a 2009 interview:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky has been a consistent and outspoken critic of the United States government, and criticism of the foreign policy of the United States has formed the basis of much of his political writing. Chomsky gives reasons for directing his activist efforts to the state of which he is a citizen. He believes that his work can have more impact when directed at his own government, and that he holds a responsibility as a member of a particular country of origin to work to stop that country from committing crimes. He expresses this idea often with a comparison of other countries holding that every country has flexibility to address crimes by unfavored countries, but is always unwilling to deal with their own. Speaking in Nicaragua in 1986, Chomsky was asked "We feel that through what you say and write you are our friend but at the same time you talk about North American imperialism and Russian imperialism in the same breath. I ask you how you can use the same arguments as reactionaries?" to which Chomsky responded,


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: He also contends that the United States, as the world's remaining superpower, acts in the same offensive ways as all superpowers. One of the key things superpowers do, Chomsky argues, is try to organize the world according to the interests of their establishment, using military and economic means. Chomsky has repeatedly emphasized that the overall framework of US foreign policy can be explained by the domestic dominance of US business interests and a drive to secure the state capitalist system. Those interests set the political agenda and the economic goals that aim primarily at US economic dominance.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: His conclusion is that a consistent part of the United States' foreign policy is based on stemming the "threat of a good example." This 'threat' refers to the possibility that a country could successfully develop outside the US-managed global system, thus presenting a model for other countries, including countries in which the United States has strong economic interests. This, Chomsky says, has prompted the United States to repeatedly intervene to quell "independent development, regardless of ideology" in regions of the world where it has little economic or safety interests. In one of his works, "What Uncle Sam Really Wants", Chomsky argues that this particular explanation accounts in part for the United States' interventions in Guatemala, Laos, Nicaragua, and Grenada, countries that pose no military threat to the US and have economic resources that are not important to the US establishment.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky claims that the US government's Cold War policies were not primarily shaped by anti-Soviet paranoia, but rather toward preserving the United States' ideological and economic dominance in the world. In his book "Deterring Democracy" he argues that the conventional understanding of the Cold War as a confrontation of two superpowers is an "ideological construct." He insists that to truly understand the Cold War one must examine the underlying motives of the major powers. Those underlying motives can only be discovered by analyzing the domestic politics, especially the goals of the domestic elites in each country:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky says the US economic system is primarily a state capitalist system, in which public funds are used to research and develop pioneering technology (the computer, the internet, radar, the jet plane etc.) largely in the form of defense spending, and once developed and mature these technologies are turned over to the corporate sector where civilian uses are developed for private control and profit.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky often expresses his admiration for the civil liberties enjoyed by US citizens. According to Chomsky, other Western democracies such as France and Canada are less liberal in their defense of controversial speech than the US. However, he does not credit the American government for these freedoms but rather mass social movements in the United States that fought for them. The movements he most often credits are the abolitionist movement, the movements for workers' rights and trade union organization, and the fight for African-American civil rights. Chomsky is often sharply critical of other governments who suppress free speech, most controversially in the Faurisson affair but also of the suppression of free speech in Turkey.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: At the fifth annual Edward W. Said Memorial Lecture hosted by the Heyman Center for the Humanities in December 2009, Chomsky began his speech on "The Unipolar Moment and the Culture of Imperialism" by applauding Edward Said for calling attention to America's "culture of imperialism".


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: When the US establishment celebrated the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 2009, Chomsky said this commemoration ignored a forgotten human rights violation that occurred only one week after that event. On November 16, 1989, the US-armed Atlácatl Battalion in El Salvador assassinated six leading Latin American Jesuit priests, he explained. He contrasted the US' "self-congratulation" of the Berlin Wall destruction with the "resounding silence" that surrounds the assassination of these priests, contending that the US sacrifices democratic principles for its own self-interest, and without any self-criticism it tends to "focus a laser light on the crimes of enemies, but crucially we make sure to never look at ourselves."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In response to US declarations of a "War on Terrorism" in 1981 and the redeclaration in 2001, Chomsky has argued that the major sources of international terrorism are the world's major powers, led by the United States government. He uses a definition of terrorism from a US army manual, which defines it as "the calculated use of violence or threat of violence to attain goals that are political, religious, or ideological in nature. This is done through intimidation, coercion, or instilling fear." In relation to the US invasion of Afghanistan he stated:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: As regards support for condemnation of terrorism, Chomsky opines that terrorism (and violence/authority in general) is generally bad and can only be justified in those cases where it is clear that greater terrorism (or violence, or abuse of authority) is thus avoided. In a debate on the legitimacy of political violence in 1967, Chomsky argued that the "terror" of the Vietnam National Liberation Front (Viet Cong) was not justified, but that terror could in theory be justified under certain circumstances:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky believes that acts he considers terrorism carried out by the US government do not pass this test, and condemnation of United States foreign policy is one of the main thrusts of his writings which he has explained is because he lives in the United States, and thus holds a responsibility for his country's actions.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky maintains that a nation is only democratic to the degree that government policy reflects informed public opinion. He notes that the US does have formal democratic structures, but they are dysfunctional. He argues that presidential elections are funded by concentrations of private power and orchestrated by the public relations industry, focusing discussion primarily on the qualities and the image of a candidate rather than on issues. Chomsky makes reference to several studies of public opinion by pollsters such as Gallup and Zogby and by academic sources such as the Program on International Policy Attitudes at the University of Maryland (PIPA). Quoting polls taken near the 2004 election, Chomsky points out that only a small minority of voters said they voted because of the candidate's "agendas/ideas/platforms/goals." Furthermore, studies show that the majority of Americans have a stance on domestic issues such as guaranteed health care that is not represented by either major party. Chomsky has contrasted US elections with elections in countries such as Spain, Bolivia, and Brazil, where he claims people are far better informed on important issues.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Since the 2000 election, with regards to third-party voting, Chomsky has maintained "if it's a swing state, keep the worst guys out. If it's another state, do what you feel like." When asked if he voted in the 2008 election, he responded:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky has at times been outspokenly critical of scholars and other public intellectuals; while his views sometimes place him at odds with individuals on particular points, he has also denounced intellectual sub-communities for what he sees as systemic failings. Chomsky sees two broad problems with academic intellectuals generally:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky is elsewhere asked what "theoretical" tools he feels can be produced to provide a strong intellectual basis for challenging hegemonic power, and he replies: "if there is a body of theory, well tested and verified, that applies to the conduct of foreign affairs or the resolution of domestic or international conflict, its existence has been kept a well-guarded secret", despite much "pseudo-scientific posturing." Chomsky's general preference is, therefore, to use plain language in speaking with a non-elite audience.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: The American Intellectual climate is the focus of "The Responsibility of Intellectuals", the essay which established Chomsky as one of the leading political philosophers in the second half of the 20th century. Chomsky's extensive criticisms of a new type of post-WW2 intellectual he saw arising in the United States were the focus of his book "American Power and the New Mandarins". There he described what he saw as the betrayal of the duties of an intellectual to challenge received opinion. The "new Mandarins", who he saw as responsible in part for the Vietnam War, were apologists for United States as an imperial power; he wrote that their ideology demonstrated


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky has shown cynicism towards the credibility of postmodernism and poststructuralism. In particular he has criticised the Parisian intellectual community; the following disclaimer may be taken as indicative: "I wouldn't say this if I hadn't been explicitly asked for my opinion – and if asked to back it up, I'm going to respond that I don't think it merits the time to do so" ("ibid"). Chomsky's lack of interest arises from what he sees as a combination of difficult language and limited intellectual or "real world" value, especially in Parisian academe: "Sometimes it gets kind of comical, say in post-modern discourse. Especially around Paris, it has become a comic strip, I mean it's all gibberish ... they try to decode it and see what is the actual meaning behind it, things that you could explain to an eight-year old child. There's nothing there." (Chomsky on Anarchism, pg. 216). This is exacerbated, in his view, by the attention paid to academics by the French press: "in France if you're part of the intellectual elite and you cough, there's a front-page story in "Le Monde". That's one of the reasons why French intellectual culture is so farcical – it's like Hollywood" (Understanding Power, pg. 96).


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky made a 1971 appearance on Dutch television with Michel Foucault, the full text of which can be found in "Foucault and his Interlocutors", Arnold Davidson (ed.), 1997 (). Of Foucault, Chomsky wrote that:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Another focus of Chomsky's political work has been an analysis of mainstream mass media (especially in the United States), which he accuses of maintaining constraints on dialogue so as to promote the interests of corporations and the government.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Edward S. Herman and Chomsky's book "" explores this topic and presents their "propaganda model" hypothesis as a basis to understand the news media with several case studies to support it. According to their propaganda model, more democratic societies like the U.S. use subtle, non-violent means of control, unlike totalitarian societies, where physical force can readily be used to coerce the general population. Chomsky asserts that "propaganda is to a democracy what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state" ("Media Control").


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: The model attempts to explain such a systemic bias in terms of structural economic causes rather than a conspiracy of people. It argues the bias derives from five "filters" that all published news must pass through which combine to systematically distort news coverage.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: The model therefore attempts to describe how the media form a decentralized and non-conspiratorial but nonetheless very powerful propaganda system that is able to mobilize an "élite" consensus, frame public debate within "élite" perspectives and at the same time give the appearance of democratic consent.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In May 2017, Chomsky endorsed Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn in the forthcoming UK general election saying, "If I were a voter in Britain, I would vote for him [Jeremy Corbyn]." He claimed that Corbyn would be doing better in opinion polls if it was not for the "bitter" hostility of the mainstream media, he said, "If he had a fair treatment from the media – that would make a big difference."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In November 2019, along with other public figures, Chomsky signed a letter supporting Corbyn describing him as "a beacon of hope in the struggle against emergent far-right nationalism, xenophobia and racism in much of the democratic world" and endorsed him in the 2019 UK general election. In December 2019, along with 42 other leading cultural figures, he signed a letter endorsing the Labour Party under Corbyn's leadership in the 2019 general election. The letter stated that "Labour's election manifesto under Jeremy Corbyn's leadership offers a transformative plan that prioritises the needs of people and the planet over private profit and the vested interests of a few."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: The Massachusetts Institute of Technology is a major research center for US military technology. As Chomsky says: "[MIT] was a Pentagon-based university. And I was at a military-funded lab." Having kept quiet about his anti-militarist views in the early years of his career at MIT, Chomsky became more vocal as the war in Vietnam intensified. For example, in 1968, he supported an attempt by MIT's students to give an army deserter sanctuary on campus. He also gave lectures on radical politics.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Throughout this period, MIT's various departments were researching helicopters, smart bombs and counterinsurgency techniques for the war in Vietnam. Jerome Wiesner, the military scientist who had initially employed Chomsky at MIT, also organised a group of researchers from MIT and elsewhere to devise a barrier of mines and cluster bombs between North and South Vietnam. By his own account, back in the 1950s, Wiesner had "helped get the United States ballistic missile program established in the face of strong opposition". He then brought nuclear missile research to MIT – work which, as Chomsky says "was developed right on the MIT campus." Until 1965, much of this work was supervised by a Vice-President at MIT, General James McCormack, who had earlier played a significant role supervising the creation of the US's nuclear arsenal. Meanwhile, Professor Wiesner played an important advisory role in organising the US's nuclear command and control systems.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky has rarely talked about the military research done at his own lab but the situation has been made clear elsewhere. In 1971, the US Army's Office of the Chief of Research and Development published a list of what it called just a "few examples" of the "many RLE research contributions that have had military applications". This list included: "helical antennas", "microwave filters", "missile guidance", "atomic clocks" and "communication theory". Chomsky never produced anything that actually worked for the military. However, by 1963 he had become a "consultant" for the US Air Force's MITRE Corporation who were using his linguistic theories to support "the design and development of U.S. Air Force-supplied command and control systems."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: The MITRE documents that refer to this consultancy work are quite clear that they intended to use Chomsky's theories in order to establish natural languages such as English "as an operational language for command and control". According to one of his students, Barbara Partee, who also worked on this project, the military justification for this was: "that in the event of a nuclear war, the generals would be underground with some computers trying to manage things, and that it would probably be easier to teach computers to understand English than to teach the generals to program."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky's complicated attitude to MIT's military role was expressed in two letters published in the "New York Review Books" in 1967. In the first, he wrote that he had "given a good bit of thought to ... resigning from MIT, which is, more than any other university associated with the activities of the Department of 'Defense'." He also stated that MIT's "involvement in the [Vietnam] war effort is tragic and indefensible." Then, in the second letter written to clarify the first, Chomsky said that "MIT as an institution has no involvement in the war effort. Individuals at MIT, as elsewhere, have direct involvement and that is what I had in mind."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: By 1969, MIT's student activists were actively campaigning "to stop the war research" at MIT. Chomsky was sympathetic to the students but disagreed with their immediate aims. In opposition to the radical students, he argued that it was best to keep military research on campus rather than having it moved away. Against the students' campaign to close down all war-related research, he argued for restricting such research to "systems of a purely defensive and deterrent character". MIT's student president at this time, Michael Albert, has described this position as, in effect, "preserving war research with modest amendments".


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: During this period, MIT had six students sentenced to prison terms, prompting Chomsky to say that MIT's students suffered things that "should not have happened". Despite this, he has described MIT as "the freest and the most honest and has the best relations between faculty and students than at any other ... [with] quite a good record on civil liberties." Chomsky's differences with student activists at this time led to what he has called "considerable conflict". He described the rebellions across US campuses as "largely misguided" and he was unimpressed by the student uprising of May 1968 in Paris, saying, "I paid virtually no attention to what was going on in Paris as you can see from what I – rightly, I think." On the other hand, Chomsky was also very grateful to the students for raising the issue of the war in Vietnam.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky's particular interpretation of academic freedom led him to give support to some of MIT's more militaristic academics, even though he disagreed with their actions. For example, in 1969, when he heard that Walt Rostow, a major architect of the Vietnam war, wanted to return to work at the university, Chomsky threatened "to protest publicly" if Rostow was "denied a position at MIT." In 1989, Chomsky then gave support to a long-standing Pentagon adviser, John Deutch, by backing his candidacy for President of MIT. Deutch was an influential advocate of both chemical and nuclear weapons and later became head of the CIA. The "New York Times" quoted Chomsky as saying, "He has more honesty and integrity than anyone I've ever met in academic life, or any other life. ... If somebody's got to be running the C.I.A., I'm glad it's him."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky became one of the most prominent opponents of the Vietnam War in February 1967, with the publication of his essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals" in the "New York Review of Books".


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: A contemporary reaction came from New York University Professor of Philosophy Emeritus Raziel Abielson:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky also participated in "resistance" activities, which he described in subsequent essays and letters published in the "New York Review of Books": withholding half of his income tax, taking part in the 1967 march on the Pentagon, and spending a night in jail. In the spring of 1972, Chomsky testified on the origins of the war before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, chaired by J. William Fulbright.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky's view of the war is different from orthodox anti-war opinion which holds the war as a tragic mistake. He argues that the war was a success from the US point of view. According to Chomsky's view the main aim of US policy was the destruction of the nationalist movements in the Vietnamese peasantry. In particular he argues that US attacks were not a defense of South Vietnam against the North but began directly in the early 1960s (covert US intervention from the 1950s) and at that time were mostly aimed at South Vietnam. He agrees with the view of orthodox historians that the US government was concerned about the possibility of a "domino effect" in South-East Asia. At this point Chomsky diverts from orthodox opinion – he holds that the US government was not so concerned with the spread of state Communism and authoritarianism but rather of nationalist movements that would not be sufficiently subservient to US economic interests.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In July 1978, Chomsky and his collaborator, Edward S. Herman reviewed three books about Cambodia. Two of the books by John Barron (and Anthony Paul) and François Ponchaud were based on interviews with Cambodian refugees and concluded that the Khmer Rouge had killed or been responsible for the death of hundreds of thousands of Cambodians. The third book, by scholars Gareth Porter and George Hildebrand, described the Khmer Rouge in highly favorable terms. Chomsky and Herman called Barron and Paul's book "third rate propaganda" and part of a "vast and unprecedented propaganda campaign" against the Khmer Rouge. He said Ponchaud was "worth reading" but unreliable. Chomsky said that refugee stories of KR atrocities should be treated with great "care and caution" as no independent verification was available. By contrast, Chomsky was highly favorable toward the book by Porter and Hildebrand, which portrayed Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge as a "bucolic idyll." Chomsky also opined that the documentation of Gareth Porter's book was superior to that of Ponchaud's, despite almost all of the references cited by Porter coming from Khmer Rouge documents while Ponchaud's came from speaking to Cambodian refugees.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky and Herman later co-authored a book about Cambodia titled "After the Cataclysm" (1979), which appeared after the Khmer Rouge regime had been deposed. The book was described by Cambodian scholar Sophal Ear as "one of the most supportive books of the Khmer revolution" in which they "perform what amounts to a defense of the Khmer Rouge cloaked in an attack on the media". In the book, Chomsky and Herman acknowledged that "The record of atrocities in Cambodia is substantial and often gruesome", but questioned their scale, which may have been inflated "by a factor of 100". Khmer Rouge agricultural policies reportedly produced "spectacular" results."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Contrary to Chomsky and Herman, the reports of massive Khmer Rouge atrocities and starvation in Cambodia proved to be accurate and uninflated. Many deniers or doubters of the Cambodian genocide recanted their previous opinions, but Chomsky continued to insist that his analysis of Cambodia was without error based on the information available to him at the time. Herman addressed critics in 2001: "Chomsky and I found that the very asking of questions about ... the victims in the anti-Khmer Rouge propaganda campaign of 1975–1979 was unacceptable, and was treated almost without exception as 'apologetics for Pol Pot'."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky's biographers look at this issue in different ways. In "Noam Chomsky: A life of dissent", Robert Barsky focuses on Steven Lukes' critique of Chomsky in "The Times Higher Education Supplement". Barsky cites Lukes' claim that, obsessed by his opposition to the United States' role in Indochina, Chomsky had "lost all sense of perspective" when it came to Pol Pot's Cambodia. Barsky then cites a response by Chomsky in which he says that, by making no mention of this, Lukes is demonstrating himself to be an apologist for the crimes in Timor and adds on this subject, "Let us say that someone in the US or UK... did deny Pol Pot atrocities. That person would be a positive saint as compared to Lukes, who denies comparable atrocities for which he himself shares responsibility and know how to bring to an end, if he chose". Barsky concludes that the vigor of Chomsky's remarks "reflects the contempt that he feels" for all such arguments.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In "Decoding Chomsky", Chris Knight takes a rather different approach. He claims that because Chomsky never felt comfortable about working in a military-funded laboratory at MIT, he was reluctant to be too critical of any regime that was being targeted by that same military. Knight writes that "while Chomsky has denounced the Russian Bolsheviks of 1917, he has been less hostile towards the so-called communist regimes which later took power in Asia. ... He also seemed reluctant to acknowledge the full horror of the 'communist' regime in Cambodia. The explanation I favour is that it pained Chomsky's conscience to denounce people anywhere who were being threatened by the very war machine that was funding his research."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In 1975, the Indonesian army, under the command of President Suharto, invaded East Timor, occupying it until 1999, which resulted in between 80,000 and 200,000 East Timorese deaths. A detailed statistical report prepared for the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor cited a lower range of 102,800 conflict-related deaths in the period 1974–1999, namely, approximately 18,600 killings and 84,200 'excess' deaths from hunger and illness. The former figure is considered "proportionately comparable" to the Cambodian genocide though the total deaths in the latter were incomparably more.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky argued that decisive military, financial and diplomatic support was provided to Suharto's regime, by successive U.S. administrations; beginning with Gerald Ford who, with Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State, provided a 'green light' to the invasion. Prior to the invasion, the U.S. had supplied the Indonesian army with 90% of its arms, and "by 1977 Indonesia found itself short of weapons, an indication of the scale of its attack. The Carter Administration accelerated the arms flow. Britain joined in as atrocities peaked in 1978, while France announced that it would sell arms to Indonesia and protect it from any public "embarrassment". Others, too, sought to gain what profit they could from the slaughter and torture of Timorese." This humanitarian catastrophe went virtually unnoticed by the international community.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Noam Chomsky attempted to raise consciousness about the crisis at a very early stage. In November 1978 and October 1979, Chomsky delivered statements to the Fourth Committee of the U.N. General Assembly about the East Timor tragedy and the lack of media coverage.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In 1999, when it became clear that the majority of Timorese people were poised to vote in favour of their national independence in U.N. sponsored elections, Indonesian armed forces and paramilitary groups reacted by attempting to terrorize the population. At this time Chomsky chose to remind Americans of the three principal reasons why he felt they should care about East Timor:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Weeks later, following the independence vote, the Indonesian military drove "hundreds of thousands from their homes and destroying most of the country. For the first time the atrocities were well publicized in the United States."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Australian historian Clinton Fernandes, writes that "When Indonesia invaded East Timor with US support in 1975, Chomsky joined other activists in a tireless campaign of international solidarity. His speeches and publications on this topic were prodigious and widely read, but his financial support is less well known. When the US media were refusing to interview Timorese refugees, claiming that they had no access to them, Chomsky personally paid for the airfares of several refugees, bringing them from Lisbon to the US, where he tried to get them into the editorial offices of "The New York Times" and other outlets. Most of his financial commitment to such causes has – because of his own reticence – gone unnoticed. A Timorese activist says, "we learnt that the Chomsky factor and East Timor were a deadly combination" and "proved to be too powerful for those who tried to defeat us".


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Standing before The UN Independent Special Commission of Inquiry for Timor-Leste whose major report was released in 2006. Arnold Kohen a U.S activist vitally important to the raising of Western consciousness of the catastrophe since 1975, testified that,


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: When José Ramos-Horta and Bishop Carlos Belo of East Timor were honored with the Nobel Peace Prize, Chomsky responded "That was great, a wonderful thing. I ran into José Ramos-Horta in São Paulo. I haven't seen his official speech yet, but certainly he was saying in public that the prize should have been given to Xanana Gusmão, who is the leader of the resistance to Indonesian aggression. He's in an Indonesian jail. But the recognition of the struggle is a very important thing, or will be an important thing if we can turn it into something."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky "grew up ... in the Jewish-Zionist cultural tradition" (Peck, p. 11). His father was one of the foremost scholars of the Hebrew language and taught at a religious school. Chomsky has also had a long fascination with and involvement in Zionist politics. As he described:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: He is highly critical of the policies of Israel towards the Palestinians and its Arab neighbors. His book "The Fateful Triangle" is considered one of the premier texts on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict among those who oppose Israel's policies in regard to the Palestinians as well as American support for the state of Israel. He has also accused Israel of "guiding state terrorism" for selling weapons to apartheid South Africa and Latin American countries that he characterizes as U.S. puppet states, e.g. Guatemala in the 1980s, as well as U.S.-backed paramilitaries (or, according to Chomsky, terrorists) such as the Nicaraguan Contras. ("What Uncle Sam Really Wants", Chapter 2.4) Chomsky characterizes Israel as a "mercenary state", "an Israeli Sparta", and a militarized dependency within a U.S. system of hegemony. He has also fiercely criticized sectors of the American Jewish community for their role in obtaining U.S. support, stating that "they should more properly be called 'supporters of the moral degeneration and ultimate destruction of Israel'" ("Fateful Triangle", p.  4). He says of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL):


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In a 2004 interview with Jennifer Bleyer published The Ugly Planet, issue two and in Heeb magazine, Chomsky stated:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In May 2013, Chomsky, along with other professors such as Malcolm Levitt, advised Stephen Hawking to boycott an Israeli conference.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In February 2009, Chomsky described the publicly stated U.S. goal of bringing "democracy to the Cuban people" as "unusually vulgar propaganda". In Chomsky's view, the U.S. embargo of Cuba has actually achieved its stated purpose. The goal of the embargo according to Chomsky has been to implement "intensive U.S. terror operations" and "harsh economic warfare" in order to cause "rising discomfort among hungry Cubans" in the hope that out of desperation they would overthrow the regime. In lieu of this goal, Chomsky believes that "U.S. policy has achieved its actual goals" in causing "bitter suffering among Cubans, impeding economic development, and undermining moves towards more internal democracy." In Chomsky's view, the real "threat of Cuba" is that successful independent development on the island might stimulate others who suffer from similar problems to follow the same course, thus causing the "system of U.S. domination" to unravel.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky has been very critical of Turkey's policies in regards to their Kurdish population, while also denouncing the military aid given to the Turkish government by the United States. Such aid Chomsky states allowed Turkey during the 1990s to conduct "US-backed terrorist campaigns" in southeast Turkey, which Chomsky believes "rank among the most terrible crimes of the grisly 1990s", featuring "tens of thousands dead" and "every imaginable form of barbaric torture." In 2016 he was one of the signatories of a petition of the Academics for Peace called “We will not be a party to this crime!” demanding a peaceful solution for the Kurdish Turkish conflict.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In 2002 the Turkish state indicted a Turkish publisher, Fatih Tas, for distributing a collection of Chomsky's essays under the title "American Intervention". The state charged that the book "promoted separatism" violating Article 8 of the Turkish Anti-Terror Law. One essay in the book was a reprint of a speech that Chomsky had made in Toledo, Ohio containing material claiming that the Turkish state had brutally repressed its Kurdish population. Prosecutors cited the following passages as particularly offensive:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: At the request of Turkish activists, Chomsky petitioned the Turkish courts to name him as a co-defendant. He testified at the court trial in Istanbul in 2002. Fatih Tas was acquitted. After the trial the BBC reported Tas as saying, "If Chomsky hadn't been here we wouldn't have expected such a verdict."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: While Chomsky was in Turkey for the trial he traveled to the southern city of Diyarbakır, the unofficial capital of the Kurdish population in Turkey, where he delivered a controversial speech, urging the Kurds to form an autonomous, self-governing community. Police handed recorded cassettes and translations of the speech over to Turkish courts for investigation a few days later.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In June 2006, Turkish publisher Tas was again prosecuted, along with two editors and a translator, for publishing a Turkish translation of "Manufacturing Consent", authored by Chomsky and Edward S. Herman. The defendants were accused under articles 216 and 301 of the Turkish Penal Code for "publicly denigrating Turkishness, the Republic and the Parliament" and "inciting hatred and enmity among the people". In December 2006, the four defendants were acquitted by Turkish courts.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In 2003, in the "New Humanist", Chomsky wrote about repression of free speech in Turkey and "the courage and dedication of the leading artists, writers, academics, journalists, publishers and others who carry on the daily struggle for freedom of speech and human rights, not just with statements but also with regular acts of civil disobedience. Some have spent a good part of their lives in Turkish prisons because of their insistence on recording the true history of the miserably oppressed Kurdish population."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky supports the Tamils' right to self-determination in Tamil Eelam, their homeland in the North and East of Sri Lanka. In a February 2009 interview, he said of the Tamil Eelam struggle: "Parts of Europe, for example, are moving towards more federal arrangements. In Spain, for example, Catalonia by now has a high degree of autonomy within the Spanish state. The Basque Country also has a high degree of autonomy. In England, Wales and Scotland in the United Kingdom are moving towards a form of autonomy and self-determination and I think there are similar developments throughout Europe. Though they're mixed with a lot of pros and cons, but by and large I think it is a generally healthy development. I mean, the people have different interests, different cultural backgrounds, different concerns, and there should be special arrangements to allow them to pursue their special interests and concerns in harmony with others."


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In a September 2009 submitted Sri Lankan Crisis Statement, Chomsky was one of several signatories calling for full access to internment camps holding Tamils, the respect of international law concerning prisoners of war and media freedom, the condemnation of discrimination against Tamils by the state since independence from Britain, and to urge the international community to support and facilitate a political solution that addresses the self-determination aspirations of Tamils and protection of the human rights of all Sri Lankans. A major offensive against the Tamils in the Vanni region of their homeland in 2009 resulted in the deaths of at least 20,000 Tamil civilians in 5 months, amid widespread concerns war crimes were committed against the Tamil population. At a United Nations forum on R2P, the Responsibility to Protect doctrine established by the UN in 2005, Chomsky said:


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky was responding to a question that referred to Jan Egeland, former head of the UN's Humanitarian Affairs' earlier statement that R2P was a failure in Sri Lanka.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In December 2021, Chomsky participated in a discussion with Ógra Shinn Féin, the youth wing of the Irish Republican political party, Sinn Féin. During the discussion, Chomsky voiced his support for the re-unification of Ireland, describing it as, “…part of the forward march of history; a long time coming in the case of Ireland - 800 years in fact” and that, “A United Ireland, sooner or later, will come. The signs are there. These artificial divisions can’t survive.”


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky has dismissed 9/11 conspiracy theories, stating that there is no credible evidence to support the claim that the United States government was responsible for the attacks.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: In addition, Chomsky said he would not be surprised if the conspiracy theory movement is being fueled by the government establishment to distract the public from more pressing matters.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: He faced criticism from all quarters including from Ukrainian writer Artem Chapeye for his failure to realise and acknowledge imperialistic inclinations in Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Chomsky has, rarely, appeared in popular media outlets in the United States such as CNN, "Time" magazine, "Foreign Policy," and others. However, his recorded lectures are regularly replayed by NPR stations in the United States that carry the broadcasts of Alternative Radio, a syndicator of progressive lectures. Critics of Chomsky have argued his mainstream media coverage is adequate, and not unusual considering the fact that academics in general often receive low priority in the American media.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: When CNN presenter Jeff Greenfield was asked why Chomsky was never on his show, he claimed that Chomsky might "be one of the leading intellectuals who can't talk on television. ... If you['ve] got a 22-minute show, and a guy takes five minutes to warm up, ... he's out". Greenfield described this need to "say things between two commercials" as the media's requirement for "concision". Chomsky has elaborated on this, saying that "the beauty of [concision] is that you can only repeat conventional thoughts. If you repeat conventional thoughts, you require zero evidence, like saying Osama Bin Laden is a bad guy, no evidence is required. However, if you say something that is true, although not a conventional truth, like the United States attacked South Vietnam, people are going to rightfully want evidence, and a whole lot of it, as they should. The format of the shows do not allow this type of evidence which is one of the reasons concision is critical." He's continued that if the media were better propagandists they would invite dissidents to speak more often because the time restraint would stop them from properly explaining their radical views and they "would sound like they were from Neptune." For this reason, Chomsky rejects many offers to appear on TV, preferring the written medium.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Since his book "9-11" became a bestseller in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks, Chomsky has attracted more attention from the mainstream American media. For example, "The New York Times" published an article in May 2002 describing the popularity of "9-11". In January 2004, the "Times" published a highly critical review of Chomsky's "Hegemony or Survival" by Samantha Power, and in February, the "Times" published an op-ed by Chomsky himself, criticizing the Israeli West Bank Barrier for taking Palestinian land.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Despite his marginalization in the mainstream US media, Chomsky is one of the most globally famous figures of the left, especially among academics and university students, and frequently travels across the United States, Europe, and the Third World. He has a very large following of supporters worldwide as well as a dense speaking schedule, drawing large crowds wherever he goes. He is often booked up to two years in advance. He was one of the main speakers at the 2002 World Social Forum. He is interviewed at length in alternative media.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: The 1992 film "Manufacturing Consent", was shown widely on college campuses and broadcast on PBS. It is the highest-grossing Canadian-made documentary film in history.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Many of his books are bestsellers, including "9-11", which was published in 26 countries and translated into 23 languages; it was a bestseller in at least five countries, including Canada and Japan. Chomsky's views are often given coverage on public broadcasting networks around the world – in marked contrast to his rare appearances in the US media. In the UK, for example, he appears periodically on the BBC.


title: Political positions of Noam Chomsky

text: Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez was known to be an admirer of Chomsky's books. He held up Chomsky's book "Hegemony or Survival" during his speech to the United Nations General Assembly in September 2006.


title: Rajasthani languages

text: Rajasthani (Devanagari: ) refers to a group of Indo-Aryan languages and dialects spoken primarily in the state of Rajasthan and adjacent areas of Haryana, Gujarat, and Madhya Pradesh in India. There are also speakers in the Pakistani provinces of Punjab and Sindh. Rajasthani varieties are closely related to and partially intelligible with their sister languages Gujarati and Sindhi. It is spoken by 65.04% of the population of Rajasthan. The comprehensibility between Rajasthani and Gujarati goes from 60 to 85% depending on the geographical extent of its dialects.


title: Rajasthani languages

text: The term "Rajasthani" is also used to refer to a literary language mostly based on Marwari, which is being promoted as a standard language for the state of Rajasthan.


title: Rajasthani languages

text: Rajasthani has a literary tradition going back approximately 1500 years. The Vasantgadh Inscription from modern day Sirohi that has been dated to the 7th century AD uses the term Rajasthaniaditya in reference to the official or maybe for a poet or a bhat who wrote in Rajasthani. The ancient astronomer and mathematician Brahmagupta of Bhinmal composed the "Brāhmasphuṭasiddhānta". In 779 AD, Udhyotan Suri wrote the Kuvalaya Mala partly in Prakrit and partly in Apabhraṃśa. Texts of this era display characteristic Gujarati features such as direct/oblique noun forms, post-positions, and auxiliary verbs. It had three genders as Gujarati does today. During the medieval period, the literary language split into Medieval Marwari and Gujarati.


title: Rajasthani languages

text: By around 1300 AD a fairly standardised form of this language emerged. While generally known as Old Gujarati, some scholars prefer the name of Old Western Rajasthani, based on the argument that Gujarati and Rajasthani were not distinct at the time. Also factoring into this preference was the belief that modern Rajasthani sporadically expressed a neuter gender, based on the incorrect conclusion that the [ũ] that came to be pronounced in some areas for masculine [o] after a nasal consonant was analogous to Gujarati's neuter [ũ]. A formal grammar of the precursor to this language was written by Jain monk and eminent scholar Hemachandra Suri in the reign of Solanki king Jayasimha Siddharaja. Maharana Kumbha wrote "Sangeet Raj", a book on musicology and a treatise on Jai Deva’s Geet Govinda.


title: Rajasthani languages

text: Most of the Rajasthani languages are chiefly spoken in the state of Rajasthan but are also spoken in Gujarat, Haryana and Punjab. Rajasthani languages are also spoken in the Bahawalpur and Multan sectors of the Pakistani provinces of Punjab and Tharparkar district of Sindh. It merges with Riasti and Saraiki in Bahawalpur and Multan areas, respectively. It comes in contact with Sindhi from Dera Rahim Yar Khan through Sukkur and Ummerkot. This language is common in many areas of Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan. Many linguists (Shackle, 1976 and Gusain, 2000) agree that it shares many phonological (implosives), morphological (future tense marker and negation) and syntactic features with Riasti and Saraiki. A distribution of the geographical area can be found in 'Linguistic Survey of India' by George A. Grierson.


title: Rajasthani languages

text: The Rajasthani languages belong to the Western Indo-Aryan language family. However, they are controversially conflated with the Hindi languages of the Central-Zone in the Indian national census, among other places. The main Rajasthani subgroups are:


title: Rajasthani languages

text: India's National Academy of Letters, the Sahitya Akademi, and University Grants Commission recognize Rajasthani as a distinct language, and it is taught as such in both Jodhpur's Jai Narain Vyas University and Udaipur's Mohanlal Sukhadia University. The state Board of Secondary Education included Rajasthani in its course of studies, and it has been an optional subject since 1973. National recognition has lagged, however.


title: Rajasthani languages

text: In 2003, the Rajasthan Legislative Assembly passed a unanimous resolution to insert recognition of Rajasthani into the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India. In May 2015, a senior member of the pressure group Rajasthani Bhasha Manyata Samiti said at a New Delhi press conference: “Twelve years have passed, but there has absolutely been no forward movement.”