title: Kebaya

text: The detailed description of "cabaya" can be seen in the 19th-century Hobson-Jobson dictionary. The Anglo-Indian dictionary describes "cabaya" as a word of Asian origin, referring to a surcoat or a long tunic of muslin worn by the Indian upper classes. The term was likely to be introduced into the subcontinent by the Portuguese. Several Portuguese records published in the 16th and 17th century also noted "caba", "cabaya" and "cabaia" as a Muslim long robe worn by the ruling class of India as well as the Middle East. The earliest use of the word dates to the 1540s when the Portuguese explorer, Fernão Mendes Pinto visited India. It was also mentioned that the Prince Dharmapala of Kotte was the first to be introduced to the "cabaya" by the Portuguese, where it was worn by the Portuguese royalty during royal occasions. Later, King Vimaladharmasuriya of Kandy established it as the upper garment for Sri Lankan royalty signifying the changing of attitudes and loyalty to the Portuguese. Once Goa was occupied by the Portuguese in 1510, the Portuguese influences extended from the India Subcontinent to the Southeast Asia Archipelago. The term was then introduced to the archipelago to refer to a light cotton surcoat worn by both European men and women.


title: Kebaya

text: After the capture of Malacca in 1511, the "cabaya" worn by the Portuguese settlers in Portuguese Malacca (1511–1641) took the fancy of local Malay women, especially in Johore and the east coast of Malay Peninsula. It was popularized by the Chinese Peranakan in Malacca. This perhaps encouraged by their Chinese husbands as this style of clothing was considered appropriate and not that different from Chinese style clothing. The Malaccan-Portuguese explorer, Manuel Godinho de Erédia, even suggests that the wearing of "cabayas" (plural of "cabaya") were brought to Southeast Asia by Arab and Egyptian merchants as early as 1618. Peter Mundy, a British writer who visited Goa in the 1630s, also stated that women in Malacca dressed similar to women in Goa. The influences of the Portuguese and Indian can be observed by the kebaya worn in Malacca, thus the possibilities that the term "cabaya" and the wearing of the dress was introduced to Malacca by the Portuguese or Portuguese Eurasians from India is higher than by the Arabs or Chinese.


title: Kebaya

text: Some sources also stated that kebaya is in fact a "Malay dress", predating the Portuguese arrival in the archipelago. Soon after the Portuguese captured Malacca (1400–1511), kebaya emerged as a favourite among Portuguese settlers that led to the adoption of kebaya as one of their costumes. Historical evidence also suggests that a substantial number of skilled craftsmen were brought by the Portuguese from Malacca to Cochin as early as Afonso de Albuquerque's return to Cochin and Goa in 1512. In Cochin, the "kavaya thuni" was introduced by Portuguese Malays and Portuguese Chinese from Malacca and Macau to local Portuguese Indians, many of who were brought there as wives to the Portuguese settlers. Besides "kebaya", this style of clothing was also known by the Malays as ""baju belah labuh besar"" (long baggy dress) and by the Peranakans as ""baju panjang"" (long tunic). From Malacca, kebaya made its way to Java, likely to be brought by the Chinese and Portuguese Peranakans and by the 17th century, kebaya was worn by men and women across the Malay Archipelago, even in the Spice Islands further east.


title: Kebaya

text: Some resources also claimed that kebaya originated from Majapahit (1293–1527), as a mean to blend the existing "kemben", women torso wrap, to be more modest and acceptable as Islamic influence began to grow in coastal Javanese towns. The kebaya perhaps served to provide body coverage to court women and elites in reactions to Islamic strictures on modesty. When the Portuguese tried to assume spice trade in Indonesia in the early 16th century, some women in Java already wore kebaya on their upper body. During this time, kebaya in Java was considered as reserved clothing to be worn only by royalties and nobilities. Majapahit was the first that formally adopted the kebaya, and subsequently it has become the official dress of its successors, Cirebon (1445–1926), Surakarta (1745–1946) and Yogyakarta. Nevertheless, the use of kebaya among peasant women in Java only became widespread in the late 18th century when it was encouraged by the Dutch.


title: Kebaya

text: Southeast Asia has traded with China, India and the Middle East since the middle of the first millennia, which possibly responsible for the introduction of this style of clothing into the archipelago. Foreign influences have been suggested, such as Chinese Ming tunic worn by the Chinese settlers between the 14th to 16th century, possibly led to the creation of kebaya in Java and Malacca. Concurrently, the emergence of kebaya as the traditional costume of the Javanese and Malays originated from the integration of the style of Chinese Ming, the Arab merchants and the Portuguese settlers. Thus, there are various styles of sarong kebaya throughout Southeast Asia with each named after its famous wearer, place of origin or modification.


title: Kebaya

text: In the 16th and 17th century, the craft of lacework came to Asia by way of Goa and became popular among the local people of coastal India, Sri Lanka, and Malacca. In Cocos Islands, the Cocos Malays modified the kebaya with European inspired elements especially the frill collar because textiles and clothes were brought by the Clunies-Ross family during the early 19th century. By the mid-19th century, wearing an outfit consisting of a white lace ornamented kebaya and a lavish batik sarong was regarded as a privilege of the European and Eurasian women in the Dutch East Indies.


title: Kebaya

text: In 1872, the Dutch administration issued a rule which required every resident of the colony to use its ethnic clothing in public areas. The ordinance perhaps served as an effort to differentiate one individual from the others and identify someone of a specific ethnic group. From 1872 until 1920, kebaya had been adopted as the preferred women's clothing of the Dutch East Indies, either worn by native women, European and Eurasians.


title: Kebaya

text: During this colonial period, the Dutch kebaya flourished in the Dutch East Indies, often using luxurious fabric embellished with imported white lace since it can block the tropics' hot air. On February 10, 1910, the colonial government issued a regulation for the Chinese Peranakan, an "equalization" that led the wealthy Peranakan women to wear kebaya and batik sarong similar to the Dutch and Indo women's. Thus, the Peranakan women began to wear white lace kebaya while the European and Eurasian women who used to prefer this style of kebaya started to shift to European clothing.


title: Kebaya

text: By the early 20th century, the long kebaya has evolved and the new "short kebaya", shaped and length above the hip emerged in various colonial centres, mainly in Java and the Straits Settlements. During this time, long kebaya was seen as conservative and staid, worn only by the elderly women of the Peranakan community. As an option, the young Peranakans began to modify the form of a long kebaya and turned it into a short kebaya that the Europeans and Eurasians had adopted earlier. The Peranakans would often recycle the fabrics of their long kebayas into short kebayas.


title: Kebaya

text: The short kebaya worn by Peranakan is a tighter-fitting sheer blouse as opposed to the loose-fitting, knee-length tunic of its predecessor. The earliest example of a short kebaya worn by the community is the lace kebaya. This style is noted with the outstanding use of popular European lace to trim along the front opening hems and sleeves. Similar to a long kebaya, it has no buttons and needs to be fastened with pins or brooches. Even though lace kebaya has existed since at least the early 19th century, worn primarily by the Europeans and Eurasians, but it was only a century later, the Peranakan women began to wear this type of kebaya.


title: Kebaya

text: Further transformation of kebaya can also be attributed to European influences. By the 1910s, the base materials for kebaya began to change from fine white cotton to bright and transparent fabrics such as voile and organdie imported from France and Switzerland. By the 1920s, the German organdie and colourful printed voiles became popular. Through the introduction of European fabrics, kebaya became increasingly luxurious and glamorous while the sarong overflowed with vivid colours. By the 1930s, the kebaya turned to be more colourful, decorated with cutwork, suitable for local ethnic taste.


title: Kebaya

text: By the late 1930s, the lace kebaya then evolved to cutwork kebaya with decorated scallops and cutwork embroidery at the edge as the technological growth began to introduce fabric stencil sewing machines. The widespread use of sewing machines did not only speed up the embroidery process but also opened up more kebaya design possibilities. This kebaya style is made by perforating the edging of the kebaya at the front, embroidering it with colourful threads to make it look like lace. It is considered the first kebaya to feature embroidery, an upgraded version of lace kebaya.


title: Kebaya

text: By the late 1940s, the cutwork kebaya then evolved to embroidered kebaya, the quintessential Nyonya kebaya that is very popular until today. The embroidered kebaya is made of plain voile or gauze instead of the printed fabrics of a long kebaya. This style of kebaya stands out for its exquisite stencil that highlighted the beautiful colours of the blouse, with famous designs include floral, figural and geometric motifs. This style of kebaya started to appear widespread during World War I as the rise in the price of lace led to the adoption of machine embroidery.


title: Kebaya

text: Although Peranakan kebaya has Javanese and Malay roots, it has evolved into a Peranakan community's distinctive outfit. The development of embroidered kebaya is regarded as a Peranakan identity. The use of sarong kebaya in other Peranakan communities, namely Chetti Melaka, Jawi Pekan and Kristang also shows the influence of the Chinese Peranakans which had started to wear the outfit much earlier in the 1920s and 1930s. Nevertheless, there are some slight differences between the kebaya worn by each community.


title: Kebaya

text: There are four types of kebaya worn by women in Brunei, namely "kebaya panjang", "kebaya labuh", "kebaya pendek" and "kebaya Bandung". Most of the material used for "kebaya panjang" and "kebaya labuh" is imported either from Malaysia, Singapore or Indonesia. In contrast with the first two styles, "kebaya pendek" and "kebaya Bandung" were introduced to Bruneian much later in the early 1950s, and were popular during the 1960s and 1970s.


title: Kebaya

text: During the colonial time up to the earlier times of the republic, kebaya was the Indonesian women's everyday dress in various regions. The wardrobe collections of elderly Indonesian always included kebaya as daily wear. After Indonesian independence from the Dutch, Sukarno, Indonesia's first president appointed kebaya as a national costume of Indonesia. Kebaya as the national costume was often featured by Indonesian first ladies, notably Fatmawati and Dewi Sukarno, the wives of Sukarno. Nevertheless, the more democratic consensus of kebaya as the national costume took place in Jakarta, decades later in 1978, where kebaya was selected among four candidates.


title: Kebaya

text: In contrast with the long kebaya, the short kebaya has been popular in Malaysia since 1920. The short kebaya does not only refer to the Nyonya kebaya, but it is also used to refer to other short kebayas like "kebaya Bandung" and "kebaya Kota Bharu" that appeared around the same era. Short kebaya generally consists of a figure-hugging blouse and is made to emphasize the shape of the body that is popular among young women, especially in major cities like Singapore, Kuala Lumpur and Penang.


title: Kebaya

text: By the late 1990s, during the era where Muslim women began to dress conservatively, "kebarung", a new style of clothing that combined the elements of "baju kurung" and kebaya emerged as its modest look was preferred by the Malays.


title: Kebaya

text: The quintessential Javanese kebaya as known today is essentially unchanged as noted by Raffles in 1817. It consists of the blouse ("kebaya") with the central opening of the blouse fastened by a central brooch ("kerongsang") where the flaps of the blouse meet, wore over a "kain", and secured with "angkin" waist sash. The order of wear is: first undergarments, followed with "kain panjang" skirt, secured with "angkin" sash, then the kebaya blouse is worn and usually secured with "kerongsang". In Java, a certain hairdo is required in harmony with a traditional kebaya — the "konde" or "sanggul" hairbun, either of natural hair, or adding artificial extensions. The Javanese "konde" is secured with ornamented "tusuk konde" hairpin made of gold, silver or iron. The traditional kain kebaya costume with "konde" hairdo is considered as the epitome of Javanese ladies' elegance. On the other hand, among the Peranakan communities, the ideal "kebaya sulam" also includes decorative accessories such as a hairpin ("cucuk sanggul"), a silver belt for securing the sarong ("pending"), as well as a pair of beaded slippers ("kasut manik").


title: Kebaya

text: The type of kebaya used by aristocratic Javanese women, especially during the lifetime of Raden Ajeng Kartini, circa 19th century. Often the term "Javanese kebaya" is synonymous with the kebaya Kartini, although slightly different. Kebaya Kartini usually made from a fine but non-transparent fabrics, and white is a favoured colour. Basic Kebaya Kartini might be plain. The adornment is quite minimal, only stitching or applied laces along the edges. The V-shaped collar cut of this type of kebaya is quite similar to the Peranakan Encim kebaya, however it is distinguishes by its distinctive fold on the chest. Another feature of the Kartini kebaya is the length of the kebaya that covers the hips, and the collar folds with a vertical line shape, which creates the tall and slender impression of the wearer. The Kartini-style kebaya inspired the cut and style of Garuda Indonesia's flight attendants' uniform.


title: Kebaya

text: The basic form of Kutubaru kebaya is quite similar to other types of kebaya. What distinguishes it is the additional fabric called "bef" to connect the left and right side of the kebaya in the chest and abdomen. This create a square or rectangle shaped collar. This type of kebaya was meant to recreate the look of unsecured kebaya wore over matching "kemben" (torso wrap) undergarment. Kebaya Kutubaru is believed to be originated from Central Java. Usually to wear this type of kebaya, "stagen" (cloth wrapped around the stomach), or rubber-enforced black corset is worn under the kebaya, thus the wearer will look more slender.


title: Kebaya

text: This type of kebaya from Java has a simple shape with a V-neck. This straight and simple cut gives an impression of simple elegance. Usually a Javanese kebaya is made of semi-transparent fine fabric patterned with floral stitching or embroidery, sometimes adorned with sequins. Other fabrics might be used, including cotton, brocade, silk and velvet. The semi-transparent kebaya is worn over matching underwear, either corset, bra or camisole.


title: Kebaya

text: Keraton kebaya also known as Solo kebaya, is an aristocratic kebaya typically worn by noble women of the court of Surakarta Hadiningrat kingdom of the Solo city in Central Java. Despite popularly being called as Solo (Surakarta) kebaya, this type of kebaya is actually also commonly worn as aristocratic dress for noble ladies in neighboring Javanese courts, including Yogyakarta, Pakualaman and Mangkunegaran.


title: Kebaya

text: Solo kebaya usually use dark coloured fabrics, with black velvet as the most favoured material. The edge around the sleeves and along the collar up to the front opening and bottom edges are decorated with golden or silver beads and sequins. The cut of Solo kebaya is longer than common Javanese kebaya, usually up to the knee of the wearer. Solo kebaya is known for its elegance, and usually used for Javanese Solo Putri style wedding dress.


title: Kebaya

text: Tight-fitting brocade Sundanese kebaya allows more freedom in design, and much applied in modern kebaya and wedding kebaya in Indonesia. The semi-transparent fabrics is patterned with floral stitching or embroidery. The main difference with other kebaya style is the U collar neckline, often applying broad curves to cover shoulders and chest. Another difference is the extra long lower parts of kebaya, with hanging edges which covers hips and thigh. Furthermore, they are known to very colourful and brightly coloured. The contemporary wedding kebaya dress even has sweeping long train. Historically, the Sundanese kebaya is separated into 3 different categories based on a person's social standing: the aristocrats, middle class workers, and the commoners, where they each have their own stylistic conventions that would have been followed by members of the class.


title: Kebaya

text: This kebaya design originated from the city of Bandung in the 1950s. The distinctive feature of this kebaya is the "kerah setali" (shawl collar) that folds up to the chest. The cut is also unique in that the back is shorter than the front. The Bandung kebaya design is a very short kebaya with a length only up to the waist or a few centimetres below the waist, exposing the curved hips of the wearer. This rather daring design was meant for young maiden and considered as one of the most chic kebaya variant. It is often applied in modern kebaya fashion, unorthodoxly combined with tight kain sarong, pants or short skirts. Kebaya Bandung usually uses a shawl collar that forms a V-neckline with a slit on the front secured with buttons. The material used for the Bandung Kebaya is brocade combined with a long batik cloth.


title: Kebaya

text: Balinese kebaya is quite similar to Javanese kebaya, but slightly different. The Balinese kebaya usually has V neck line with folded collar sometimes decorated with laces. They are usually tight-fitting made with colorful semi-transparent or plain fabrics either cotton or brocade, patterned with floral stitching or embroidery. Unlike traditional Javanese kebaya, Balinese kebaya might add buttons in the front opening, and kerongsang brooch is seldom used. The main difference is Balinese kebaya add obi-like sash upon kebaya, wrap around the waist.


title: Kebaya

text: The Balinese kebaya is part of "busana adat" or customary dress, Balinese women are required to wear kebaya during Balinese Hindu rituals and ceremony in pura. White kebaya are favoured for Balinese religious rituals. Other than religious ceremony, contemporary Balinese women also often wear kebaya for their daily activities. Because most Balinese people are Hindus, the Balinese kebaya usually has shorter sleeves compared to Javanese kebaya.


title: Kebaya

text: "Kebaya Madura" is the style of kebaya from the island of Madura off coast of East Java. It is also known as "kebaya rancongan", it has a characteristic on the neck collar in the V shape. In addition, this kebaya is also equipped with jewelry to cover the neck and chest. The length of this kebaya is only up to the waist and tapers at the bottom. Kebaya Madura shows the curves of wearer's body, to create elegant silhouette.


title: Kebaya

text: "Kebaya Labuh" is a style of Malay kebaya which is quite similar to "baju kurung". This type of kebaya used in Sumatra, particularly on Malay-populated provinces, including North Sumatra, Riau, the Riau Islands, Jambi, the Bangka Belitung Islands, and South Sumatra. "Kebaya labuh" is actually more specifically associated with the Melayu Lingga culture. The "kebaya labuh" consists of a loose, knee-length tunic and is usually made of semi-transparent fabrics. The central opening of the blouse-dress is usually wrapped by brooches and is traditionally worn with "kemban", along with a sarong or "songket" around the hips.


title: Kebaya

text: Batak kebaya are variant of kebaya adopted by Batak people of North Sumatra. Traditionally Batak people wear ulos clothes wrapped around their body in similar fashion to Javanese "kemben", and also draped around the shoulders. However, kebaya was relatively recent being adopted into Batak culture, mainly owed to national culture of Indonesia that promote the use of kebaya among Indonesians.


title: Kebaya

text: The cuts and materials of Batak kebaya is similar to Sundanese kebaya, which is brocade decorated with sequins, with U-shaped neckline and allows freedom in design. The favourite colours for Batak kebaya, especially for weddings are red, white, gold and black. There are three types of Batak kebayas; they are Batak Toba kebaya, Batak Karo kebaya, and Batak Mandailing kebaya. Batak kebaya usually wore as wedding dress or as formal dress, combined with traditional ulos cloth put around the shoulder, songket skirt, "sortali" head band of Batak Toba, traditional Karo head dress, or "bulang" golden crown of Mandailing style.


title: Kebaya

text: Ambon kebaya refer to a type of kebaya being used in Eastern Indonesia, especially associated with Ambon city of Maluku Islands. During colonial times of VOC rules, the prevalence of kebaya in Dutch East Indies has led to the adoption of kebaya outside of its traditional realms in Java, including the Dutch possessions in Eastern Indonesia, such as in Minahasa and Amboina. Traditionally Ambonese ladies wear "baju cele" which is simple loose dress with neck hole has only three or four buttons near the front neckline. Ambon kebaya for women has two types; the "kebaya putih panjang" (long sleeved white kebaya) and "kebaya hitam gereja" (black church kebaya). Long sleeved white kebaya is made from white brocade with front opening secured either with buttons or golden pins. Black kebaya for church has cuts akin to "baju cele" shirt, it has long sleeves and made of black brocade, the sarong is also made of black brocade. Ambon kebaya usually worn combined with black "cenela" slippers with white socks, and the ladies usually also bring "lenso" laced handkerchief.


title: Kebaya

text: Minahasa kebaya is a type of kebaya used by Minahasan people of North Sulawesi. This Eastern Indonesian kebaya has common origin with Ambon kebaya and colonial noni indo kebaya, which was adopted during colonial era of VOC and Dutch East Indies. The cut is similar to Ambon and Dutch Noni kebaya, with white lace or brocade as the preferred materials.


title: Kebaya

text: White kebaya combined with kain batik sarong imported from Java used to be wore everyday in the past, but now usually confined for special occasion such as church or weddings. While for brides, white Minahasa kebaya is combined with white brocade long skirt with design resembles a fish tail called "baju ikan duyung", thus the Minahasan bride resembles a mermaid.


title: Kebaya

text: Mongondow kabaya, or simply called "kabaya", is a type of kebaya of Mongondow people of North Sulawesi and Gorontalo. Kabaya refer to blouse for the top, while the bottom skirt is called "daing". If the kabaya is in the same colour as the "daing" it is usually called "kabaya pasere". Usually kabaya of Mongondow has small flowers patterns.


title: Kebaya

text: Jumputan kebaya refer to kebaya that is made from "kain jumputan" or Javanese tie-dye. The "jumputan" patterns usually took forms of dots created from tie-die technique that represents small flowers akin to jasmines. The cut of kebaya may be kutubaru or Javanese style. The characteristic of this outfit is the addition of contrast coloured "angkin" or "stagen" waist cloths. "Angkin" is a type of sash or belt made of long clothes wrapped around the belly.


title: Kebaya

text: Lurik kebaya refer to kebaya that is made from "kain lurik" or Javanese woven clothes. Kain lurik usually has dark earthy tone, ranged from light brown to dark brown and black. Unlike fine Javanese batik tulis or fine brocade, traditionally "lurik" are considered as simple and rather coarse clothes commonly wore by Javanese farmers or peasants. It is most specifically associated with Yogyakarta.


title: Kebaya

text: Kerancang kebaya refer to kebaya made from "bordir kerancang" or kerancang embroidery, a traditional craft of Betawi from Jakarta. Betawi culture has several types of kebaya, they are kebaya encim, kebaya kerancang, and kebaya panjang nyak Betawi. Kebaya kerancang are usually worn as the formal dress for the wedding party by the mothers of the bride and groom. The cut may be akin to kartini model with a "sondai" tip, tapering down at the front measuring 20 to 30 centimetres from the flat part of the hip, or it can be kebaya panjang nyak Betawi, which is a long kebaya with flat bottom edge measuring 3 to 5 centimetres above the knees. Kebaya kerancang usually has bright and vivid colours.


title: Kebaya

text: Indo kebaya is also known as "kebaya Noni", derived from the term "noni" or "nona" which literally means "miss" to refer a young girl or unmarried woman of European descent. During the Dutch East Indies era of Indonesia, Indo (Eurasian) women also colonial European women of high status adopted the kebaya, which provided less restrictive and cooler clothing, as a formal or social dress. Colonial ladies abandon their tight corset and wear light and comfortable undergarment under their kebaya. Indos and colonials probably adopted kebaya inherited from the clothing worn by Njai, native women kept as housekeepers, companions, and concubines in the colonial households. Njai ladies were the ancestors of Indo people (mixed European and Asian ancestry).


title: Kebaya

text: The cut and style of kebaya worn by the Dutch and Indo ladies were actually derived from Javanese kebaya. Nevertheless, there are some slight differences, European women wore shorter sleeves and total length cotton in prints, adorned with laces often imported from Europe. The kebaya worn by colonials and Indo ladies mostly are white and has light fabrics, this was meant to provide pleasant and cooler clothing in hot and humid tropical climate, since dark colored fabrics attract and retain heat.


title: Kebaya

text: The day kebaya of the Indo people was of white cotton trimmed with oriental motif handmade lace, either locally made in East Indies, or imported from Bruges or the Netherlands. While black silk kebaya is used for evening wear.


title: Kebaya

text: In Java, the kebaya worn by ladies of Chinese ancestry is called "kebaya encim", derived from the name "encim" or "enci" to refer to a married Chinese woman. It was commonly worn by Chinese ladies in Javan coastal cities with significant Chinese settlements, such as Semarang, Lasem, Tuban, Surabaya, Pekalongan and Cirebon. Encim kebaya is also adopted as the traditional costumes of Betawi people of Jakarta, thus it is no longer worn solely by Chinese Indonesians, but also by local Betawi people. It marked differently from Javanese kebaya with its smaller and finer embroidery, lighter fabrics and more vibrant colors, made from imported materials such as silk and other fine fabrics. The encim kebaya fit well with vibrant-colored kain batik pesisiran (Javan coastal batik).


title: Kebaya

text: It was this "encim" kebaya from coastal north Java, together with vibrant coloured Javanese coastal "batik pesisir" that has been exported to Straits Settlements of Singapore and Penang since colonial times in the 19th century, thus created the kebaya wearing culture among nyonyas of Peranakan Chinese in the Malay peninsula. The light and vibrant coloured "encim" kebaya has become the traditional dress of overseas Chinese ladies in the archipelago, from coastal Java to Sumatran port cities such as Medan, also Singapore, Malacca and Penang, and considered suitable for tropical climate of Southeast Asia.


title: Kebaya

text: For decades kebaya has inspired Indonesian fashion designers in their works. Indonesian fashion designers such as Anne Avantie, Adjie Notonegoro, Oscar Lawalata and Obin are known has experimented and created contemporary design of modern kebayas.


title: Kebaya

text: In term of design, the new category of "modern kebaya" itself is quite a broadly identified, since they can be inspired by Indonesian traditional kebaya, combined with foreign influences and designs, or made entirely in new modern fashion ideas. The modern kebaya may experimented with the collar cuts, the length of sleeves; with some has only one sleeve or no sleeves at all, the use fabrics and its patterns such as applying polka dots pattern, combining them with short skirts or pants, etc.


title: Kebaya

text: Although Malay women are famous for their Baju Kurung, kebaya sometimes is also being worn for both formal or informal occasions. The "kebaya panjang" is a knee-length, long-sleeved blouse, worn over a sarong. It is often elaborately embroidered with floral motifs on the cuffs and the front lapel, with a neckline that is usually 'V'-shaped. "Kebaya panjang" resembles "baju kurung" in many ways. The only differentiation is it splits and fits in front of the dress, secured with "kerongsang" brooch. The original "kebaya panjang" was designed to reach the ankle, only an inch from the bottom of the sarong, with sleeves that were wide and long.


title: Kebaya

text: Another variety of the "kebaya panjang" is known as the "kebaya labuh". This kebaya is a loose-fitting long blouse, worn with an undergarment known as "baju pontong". The dress is designed with several small buttons as fasteners. Both "kebaya panjang" and "kebaya labuh" do not accentuate the shape of the body of the wearer as compared to the other Kebaya, namely "kebaya nyonya". This style of kebaya is commonly worn by Malay women in Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei and are cherished by society as recent trends show that this dress is becoming more popular, although it is normally worn by older women.


title: Kebaya

text: Back in the old days, kebaya was considered common everyday attire for Malay women besides "baju kurung", although the latter is more popular. However, the status has changed as it is now worn mostly to formal events and weddings. Still, this style of Malay kebaya continues to grow according to time with its characteristics of a split at the front that is covered with buttons or brooches still remains. In term of fabric choice, Malay kebaya is usually made of traditional textiles like tenun or songket.


title: Kebaya

text: In Pahang, the local style kebaya is known as "kebaya Riau Pahang" or sometimes also known as Turkish kebaya. The difference between this style of kebaya and other kebayas is that it has a buttoned "baju kurung" "cekak musang"-like collar. "Kebaya Riau Pahang" is believed to have existed since the era of Johor-Riau-Lingga-Pahang in the 19th century or even earlier, during the time of Malacca Sultanate by researchers. It is not just a dress, it is also a sign of the good relationship between the Pahang and Riau-Lingga in the past. "Kebaya Riau Pahang" is also said to have originated from Turkey shaped-like robe where the dress extends to the level of the ankle and splits in front. It was said that Abu Bakar of Johor and his family often visited Turkey for a long vacation, from there the "kebaya Turki" was inspired.


title: Kebaya

text: Nevertheless, western influence can also be seen in modern wearers where the dress and the level of the sleeves have been shortened. This style of kebaya is usually made of locally produced Pahang woven fabric or songket. The difference in the status of the wearer is shown by the number of buttons, where the number seven and nine, decorated with semi-precious stones used to reserved for Pahang nobility."Kebaya Riau Pahang" is usually worn with "ombak mengalun" style sarong with the "kepala" of the "kain" at the back, similar to the "baju kurung". The status of the wearers can also be seen by the wearing of jewellery on the chest and scarf on the shoulder.


title: Kebaya

text: Selangor also has its own kebaya. "Kebaya Selangor" is the result of assimilation through the marriages between the Selangor royal family with their relatives of Perak and Kedah royal families as well as Bugis traditions of Sulawesi. In Selangor, the use of long and loose kebaya dress has been seen worn when doing daily activities as well as attending weddings since the beginning of the 19th century and spread throughout the districts of Selangor. It is also known as "The Malay Dress", matched with sarong cloth made from "songket", batik or Bugis woven fabric, with the "kepala" of the sarong at the front. It shares the same characteristics as a kebaya but has a straight and lower hemline that usually reaches below the knees. The kebaya is also looser at the waistline than the ordinary kebaya and has four pleats in front. It is folded slightly around the neck and pinned with a "kerongsang" brooch.


title: Kebaya

text: "Kebaya Selangor" is matched with "songket", batik or Bugis woven fabric, according to the ability or status of the wearer. There is indeed a difference in the fabric material used by the people as compared to the royal family. A cotton cloth that is matched with batik cloth or Bugis weaving was usually worn by the Selangor nobility while "songket" is only worn by the bride and groom. Nowadays, the use of "kebaya Selangor" has been varied according to the taste of the wearer. This style of kebaya was once displayed by Michelle Yeoh when attending the Datukship ceremony of Sultan Azlan Shah, the Sultan of Perak, in recognition of the fame she brought to the state.


title: Kebaya

text: "Kebaya setengah tiang" is a traditional clothing of Negeri Sembilan. It is known as "setengah tiang" (half-mast) because it is a little longer than a short kebaya, but not as long as a long kebaya. This style of kebaya has its origins from "kebaya panjang". The "kebaya panjang" was shortened to make it easier and comfortable for women to move while carrying out daily activities at home or outside. In the past, it was often used by women when they were at home, working in the fields or attending wedding ceremonies. Normally, it is paired with batik sarong. In the early 1950s, this style of kebaya was very popular and often styled at public gatherings. It has a "pola potongan sembilan", the hem of the blouse is straight and the front of the dress looks like a long kebaya. Differs from other kebayas, "kebaya setengah tiang" has bell-sleeves.


title: Kebaya

text: The significant difference between formal and informal occasions is the choice of fabric materials used. For daily activities like working in the field, the kebaya is usually made of cotton cloth with flower motifs while for attending weddings, it is made of more expensive fabrics such as brocade, gauze, or woven songket of gold and silver thread. Women who style "kebaya setengah tiang" will often use "kerongsang" brooches, "dokoh" or necklaces as accessories as well as a headdress known as "telepok".


title: Kebaya

text: "Kebaya Perlis" was very popular during the reign of Raja Syed Alwi in the 1930s where it was worn by the Perlis royal family and the state aristocrats for public gatherings and special occasions. This style of kebaya is not only comfortable to wear but also symbolises the identity and modesty of Malay women. "Kebaya Perlis" does not show the shape of the body and is suitable to be worn at work and official functions. One of the special features of the "kebaya Perlis" is that it is sewn from a whole piece of cloth without any stitches at the shoulders.


title: Kebaya

text: If seen from the front view, "kebaya Perlis" is similar to the shape of other kebayas but if seen from the rearview, it looks like a kebaya that has the same gussets as a "baju kurung" with no stitch on the shoulders. The size of "kebaya Perlis" is also loose, which make it suitable for people of plus size. In the past, it was made mainly using "Kasa Rubia" fabric as songket was totally prohibited except for the brides and royal families. Since the fabric was not easily available anymore, chiffon and songket fabric were made common.


title: Kebaya

text: Similar to other kebayas, "kebaya Perlis" also uses a decorative "kerongsang" brooch on the front fold of the blouse to secure the dress, often inserted diagonally. There are two versions of how to wear "kebaya Perlis". The first style is by securing the folded front of the blouse with a brooch decoration while the other style is by stacking the front without folding it and secured it with a brooch decoration.


title: Kebaya

text: Apart from being famous for Cik Siti Wan Kembang's style clothing, Kelantan also has another popular traditional clothing, namely "kebaya Kota Bharu". Named "kebaya Kota Bharu" because this style of kebaya is widely worn by women in Kota Bharu and the state of Kelantan as a whole. The difference between the "kebaya Kota Bharu" and other kebayas is that it has an extra fabric known as "lidah baju" that connects the left and right side of the kebaya at the front of the kebaya. Differs from other kebayas, it does not need to be fastened with "kerongsang" but with snap fasteners that were sewed at the "lidah baju". This style of kebaya is also known as "kebaya bandung" and might have been originated from kebaya Kutu Baru from Java. During the 1950s, "kebaya Kota Bharu" was very popular among women in Kelantan, where it is also known as "baju potong medan". This style of kebaya has been modified into fashion icons with a various combination style of "kebaya Kota Bharu" and sarong exists.


title: Kebaya

text: Saloma can be considered as the main trigger of the fashion and style trends of Malayan women in the 1950s and 1960s since appearing as a singer and actress of many adored Malay films. Saloma was a trendsetter. During the 1950s in which the Malays gripped firmly to the Asian values, Saloma occurs in a dress "alien" to the conservative Malay community at the time where she popularized western-style tights, body and chest revealing dresses with cuts across the shoulders. She started the tight-fitting "kebaya ketat" style, also known as "kebaya Saloma" with its wide neck and low back.


title: Kebaya

text: Details such as a front open slit on the sarong or a low-back tight-fitting kebaya were also popular even though would probably have not passed the Malay modesty standard these days. There are several examples of Saloma style kebaya, made from sheer polyester fabric, that she would wear over a black corset and paired with tight-fitting sarongs. This classic "kebaya Saloma" is not only becoming a staple for Malayan women at the time but also became an inspiration for the flight attendants of Malaysia Airlines (MAS) and Singapore Airlines (SIA).


title: Kebaya

text: In the straits settlements of Malacca, Penang and Singapore, a different style of kebaya also exists, usually worn by those of Peranakan and Chinese ancestry. The Nyonya kebaya is very unique as it is famous for the use of lace and elaborate embroidery techiques that is traditionally worn with matching jewelleries and a pair of hand-beaded shoes. The Nyonya kebaya is a tighter-fitting sheer embroidered blouse that is traditionally paired with a batik sarong either drawn by hand or machine-printed.


title: Kebaya

text: The styles of Nyonya kebaya can be classified into three main periods, each style has a design that is connected with the fashion and technology trends at that moment. The three styles of Nyonya kebaya are "kebaya renda", "kebaya biku" and "kebaya sulam". "Kebaya renda", the earliest Nyonya kebaya uses lace, "kebaya biku", an improved version of "kebaya renda" uses embroidery only at the hem of the dress while the "kebaya sulam" is the quintessential Nyonya kebaya that we know today. Among popular embroidery motifs for "kebaya sulam" include flowers, butterflies, phoenixes, dragons and insects. The sarong on the other hand often uses hand-drawn batik cloths from Java.


title: Kebaya

text: Being semi-transparent, the Nyonya kebaya is usually worn over a camisole and secured at the front by a set of three interlinked "kerongsang" brooches. The traditional Nyonya kebaya outfit is completed with decorative accessories such as a "cucuk sanggul" hairpin, a silver "pending" belt for securing the sarong, as well as a pair of "kasut manik" beaded slippers. Traditionally, there also exists a kebaya that is worn specifically for mourning, known as "kebaya tuaha". The colour of "kebaya tuaha" represents the different stages of a mourning period.


title: Kebaya

text: Some resources claim that Nyonya kebaya originated from Java, Medan or Surabaya. Conversely, the are some writers who claim that Penang or Malacca was indeed the origin of the Nyonya Kebaya, having adopted the dress independently. Nevertheless, similar Nyonya Kebaya can also be found in Phuket and Medan, where they shared the similar Peranakan culture.


title: Kebaya

text: The use of kebaya and sarong in Chetti Melaka culture shows the influence of the Baba and Nyonya which had started to use the dress in the 1920s and 1930s. There are some differences between the kebaya worn by Indian and Chinese Peranakan. The Chetti women are generally more conservative, in favour of opaque material for their kebaya, compared to Nyonya kebaya which prefers semi-transparent fabric. It also tends to be plainer, with fine or no embroidery at all.


title: Kebaya

text: This style of kebaya is also different from the Malay kebaya. Kebaya wore by Chetti women often have the form of a deduction 'V' neck while the kebaya wore by Malay women usually straight down. This style of kebaya is also worn with three brooches in various shapes and patterns as well as a pair of "kasut manik" to complete the look for more formal occasions.


title: Kebaya

text: Nevertheless, the Chetti women would wear the sarong kebaya just as the Peranakan Chinese would, incorporating Indian elements such as a "thali", "pottu" as well as a gold chain for married women. The wearing of kebaya on Deepavali morning has also become a cultural practice among Chetti community, a tradition passed for generations.


title: Kebaya

text: In Penang, apart from being popular with Nyonya kebaya, there is also a style of kebaya from the Jawi Pekan, the locally born Malay-speaking Muslims of mixed Indian, Malay as well as Arab ancestry. The Jawi Pekan community is very similar to the Mamak community but can be distinguished through their names, facial features, as well as the Malay dialect used. There are subtle differences in cut and design that distinguish the kebaya of Jawi Pekan from that of Mamak.


title: Kebaya

text: The Jawi Pekan generally prefers kebaya that is made of lace with decorated sequins while Mamak prefers kebaya that is made of sari cloth that was directly imported from India. The choice of material is largely influenced by the historical ties between the Jawi Pekan with their colonial heritage and the Indian Muslims with India. Among the Jawi Pekan community, a married woman will usually wear a long kebaya while unmarried women will often opt for the short kebaya. Women from this community are often seen wearing matching colours for their clothes.


title: Kebaya

text: There are two types of kebayas among the Kristang community in Malacca, namely the "kebaya kompridu" and the "dabaia kurtu". During the early 16th century, the Portuguese settlers married local Malay women. With this maternal influence, Kristang women also wore the "kebaya panjang" and the sarong kebaya. Nevertheless, kristang dancers continue to wear traditional Portuguese dance costumes for performances. "Kebaya kompridu" means long kebaya while "dabaia kurtu" means short kebaya. "Kebaya kompridu" is considered as the traditional formal dress for special occasions while the latter is usually worn by the younger generation.


title: Kebaya

text: The difference between these two forms of dress lies in the blouse. "Kebaya kompridu" is a three-quarter-length blouse while the blouse used with sarong kebaya is short. Both kebayas are fastened with a set of three gold "kerongsang" pins and are worn over a "saias", a sarong, similar to the other kebayas. For weddings, the bride may also opt to wear a white kebaya and "saias" with an elaborate golden headdress and ornate necklace. Both forms of kebaya show Malaysian origin and link the women of the Portuguese Settlement to their neighbours of Baba Nyonya and Chetti Melaka rather than the continental Portuguese.


title: Kebaya

text: The Cocos Malays of Sabah also have their own traditional style of kebaya, believed to have been influenced by their Javanese ancestors. They were originally from the Cocos Islands who settled in Sabah in the 1950s. Along with them, they brought their unique blend of English-Scottish traditions and Malay cultural practices.


title: Kebaya

text: When attending weddings, ceremonies or performing traditional dances, Cocos Malay females are often dressed in "kebayak", a type of kebaya with a frill collar influenced by the European style of clothing in the 1600s. "Kebayak" is worn over a white corset and kain sarong. The front of the "kebayak" is fastened with "kerongsang" brooch, similar to other kebayas.


title: Kebaya

text: The is no much different between "kebayak" and "baskat", the kebaya-like dress worn by the Cocos Malay males during performing traditional dances. The male "baskat" designs are almost identical to the woman "kebayak", but is made shorter and worn along with a "sabok", a belt. A "sabok" functioned as a belt to fasten the sarong as well as an accessory to the costume. The costume then completed with a songkok pinned with flowers and black leather shoes.


title: Kebaya

text: For weddings, the bride needs to wear a blue "kebayak" and three "sabok" to fasten the sarong, usually in blue, red and yellow. The wedding dress then completed with a yellow "selendang" that is tied at the upper torso of the bride. The colour blue and yellow are the official colours of "Jukong" where the blue represents loyalty and the ocean and the yellow represents cheerfulness within the community.


title: Kebaya

text: As one of the indigenous tribes of Borneo, the Murut community also has a unique kebaya-like traditional dress known as "kuyu kebaya". This dress is made of black coloured velvet fabric and can be divided into two parts, the kebaya and the sarong. In the past, the kebaya was made plain, however, according to change of time, the kebaya is now made with additional stitches of colourful fine beads or with sequins designed with traditional tribal motifs like flower, leaves or bamboo shoots. Kebaya with decorated beads is usually worn by married women. The colours of the beads are usually white, yellow, red and green while the colours of the sequins are usually more colourful, preferred by the younger generation.


title: Kebaya

text: This style of kebaya is also worn by the female dancers during traditional performances at wedding or festivals. "Kuyu kebaya" usually worn with other traditional accessories like "peta uluh", a traditional headdress, or "siraung", a traditional hat made with decorated beads as well as a belt, necklaces, bracelets and anklet made with decorated beads.


title: Kebaya

text: Kebarung is a combination of the acronyms of "kebaya" and "Kurung". This style of clothing originated from Selangor and was very popular in the early 1990s throughout Malaysia. Its popularity is mainly credited to its loose and long top which is preferred by the more conservative Malays. It is considered to be both modest and elegant at the same time. Traditionally, textiles such as songket, cottons, and woven fabric were frequently used but imported silk or other textiles may also be used instead. The common accessory is "dokoh", a piece of jewellery with three brooches made of tin, gold, or silver. Among the local artists who have been fashion icons of kebarung are Ziana Zain and Erra Fazira.


title: Kebaya

text: In WWII internment camps of the Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies, Indonesian female prisoners refused to wear the Western dress allocated to them and instead wore kebaya as a display of nationalist and racial solidarity to separate them from fellow Chinese, Europeans and Eurasian inmates. In fact, the only woman present during Proclamation of Indonesian Independence, Dutch-educated activist S. K. Trimurti wore kebaya, cementing it as the female dress of nationalism.


title: Kebaya

text: After the Independence of Indonesia in 1945, Indonesia's first president, Sukarno has chosen kebaya as the national costumes for Indonesian women. Subsequently, kebaya is encouraged to be worn by Indonesian first ladies, the wives of state officials, and also common Indonesian women during official functions and events. Kebayas as the national costume of Indonesian women were often featured by Indonesian first ladies. Fatmawati and Dewi Sukarno, the wives of Sukarno, Indonesia's first president, were known to wear kebaya every day. Subsequently, it has become a norm for Indonesian first ladies to wear kebaya on formal occasions.


title: Kebaya

text: Nevertheless, the more democratic consensus of kebaya as the national costumes actually took place in 1978. The determination of Indonesia's national dress originated from a 1978 conference and workshop in Jakarta, which was attended by representatives of all provinces in Indonesia. In this workshop, fashion and cultural observers gathered to determine one national dress of the republic. From many types of clothing in Indonesia, at that time, there were four candidates for the national dress, namely "kemben", kebaya, "baju kurung", and "baju bodo".


title: Kebaya

text: At that time "kemben" was most strongly associated with Java, "baju kurung" with Sumatra and Kalimantan and "baju bodo" with Sulawesi and eastern Indonesia. Kebaya is considered the most neutral and commonly accepted candidate. It has always been a part of people's lives in every region in Indonesia for ages, even during the colonial era, the early independence era to the modern era. Thus, it has become the official national costume of Indonesia, and one of the country's national identities.


title: Kebaya

text: The Suharto-era bureaucrat wives' social organisation "Dharma Wanita" wears a uniform of gold kebaya, with a red sash ("selendang") and stamped batik pattern on the "kain" unique to "Dharma Wanita". The late Indonesian first lady and also a minor aristocrat Siti Hartinah was a prominent advocate of the kebaya.


title: Kebaya

text: Former President Megawati Sukarnoputri is a public champion of kebaya and wears fine red kebaya whenever possible in public forums and 2009 presidential election debates.


title: Kebaya

text: The 21st of April is celebrated in Indonesia as National Kartini Day where Kartini, the female suffragist and education advocate, is remembered by schoolgirls wearing traditional dress according to their region. In Java, Bali and Sunda, it is the kebaya.


title: Kebaya

text: Kebaya has been one of the important parts of oriental style of clothing that heavily influenced the world of modern fashion. Lace dresses are one of the best examples of Kebaya influence.


title: Kebaya

text: Apart from traditional kebaya, fashion designers are looking into ways of modifying the design and making kebaya a more fashionable outfit. Casual designed kebaya can even be worn with jeans or skirts. For weddings or formal events, many designers are exploring other types of fine fabrics like laces to create a bridal kebaya.


title: Kebaya

text: Modern-day kebaya now incorporate modern tailoring innovations such as clasps, zippers and buttons zippers, being a much appreciated addition for ladies' that promptly need a toilet break, without requiring being literally unwrapped by a helper—to the extent the true traditional kain is near unanimously rejected. Other modern innovations have included the blouse "baju kebaya" worn without the restrictive kemben, and even the kebaya blouse worn with slacks or made of the fabric usually for the "kain panjang". The female flight attendants of Malaysia Airlines and Singapore Airlines also feature batik kebaya as their uniforms.


title: Kebaya

text: The female uniform of Garuda Indonesia flight attendants is a more authentic modern interpretation. The kebaya is designed in simple yet classic Kartini-style kebaya derived from 19th century kebaya of Javanese noblewomen. The kebaya made from fire-proof cotton-polyester fabrics, with batik sarongs in "parang" or "lereng gondosuli" motif, which also incorporate garuda wing motifs and small dots representing jasmine.


title: Kebaya

text: In 2019, there is a surge of "kebaya" popularity among modern Indonesian women. At MRT stations in Jakarta, a number of kebaya enthusiasts campaigned to promote kebaya as an everyday fashion for work as well as for casual clothing on weekend. The movement sought to make wearing kebaya the norm among Indonesian women. After quite a long time losing to compete with Western and Muslim fashion, kebaya saw a revival in 2019 in Indonesia, as rising numbers of kebaya enthusiasts proudly don the kebaya in public space. Kebaya began to come out of its "cultural cage" — namely wedding receptions and other traditional events — to public places. Kebaya is starting to appear again in government and private offices, at bus stops, commuter train stations, Transjakarta shelters, in cafes, and malls in Jakarta and other areas. During "Hari Kemerdekaan" (independence day) ceremony on 17 August 2019 in Merdeka Palace, kebaya being proudly worn by VVIP and elites of Indonesian society; namely from first lady, female state ministers, to the wives of state officials and distinguished guests.


title: Kebaya

text: Currently, Indonesia is making efforts for kebaya to be recognised as a Intangible Cultural Heritage to the UNESCO. There are some efforts to return the kebaya to its honorable place as Indonesia's fashion icon; by urging Indonesian women to wear kebaya for daily use. Efforts including ""Selasa Berkebaya"" (Tuesday Kebaya) movement among Indonesian women to popularise the daily use of kebaya. However, some conservative Islamic clerics have condemned the movement as a "veiled apostasy", aimed to demote the use of hijab among Indonesian Muslim women. Indeed, some suggested that the kebaya-wearing movement is actually a counter-action against the increasing conservatism and Arabization within Indonesian society, that warily saw the increase of niqāb-wearing among local women.


title: Kebaya

text: "Kebaya" has traditionally regarded with a feminine appeal, with "Miss Kebaya" pageants being very popular throughout the region and abroad.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: Father Guido Sarducci is a fictional character created by American comedian Don Novello. Sarducci is a chain-smoking priest with tinted glasses, who works in the United States as gossip columnist and rock critic for the Vatican newspaper "L'Osservatore Romano" (sometimes mentioned as "The Vatican Enquirer", a take-off of the "National Enquirer" tabloid).


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: Novello created the character in 1973, after he purchased the outfit (consisting of big floppy black hat, white clerical collar, and a long, red-trimmed black coat with cape) for $7.50 at a St. Vincent de Paul Thrift Store. The character was featured in 1970s cartoons by the underground cartoonists Dave Sheridan and Fred Schrier, appearing in person in the early 1970s on "Rowan & Martin's Laugh-In" and later in the 1975 "Smothers Brothers" TV show. His most prominent appearances were on "Saturday Night Live" in the late 1970s, during which time Novello was also a writer for the show. In the late 1970s, Father Guido Sarducci was featured on radio commercials for "High Times" magazine, where he offered to perform blessings for a fee.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: On his first appearance on "Saturday Night Live", a sketch called "How to Pay for Your Sins" on a 1978 episode hosted by Richard Dreyfuss, he was on crutches from an injury suffered during a dress rehearsal sketch about hockey players. Most of his appearances on "SNL" have been on "Weekend Update", including one where he reported that "The take at the shrines in Italy has gone down", which he suggested correcting by creating "Shrinemobiles" and thus taking the shrines to where the people were, and another where he is sent to London to try to wake up Paul McCartney at 4:30 in the morning (11:30 in New York) by throwing coins, obnoxiously singing The Beatles and Wings songs, and finally, throwing a rock at the window — he says it works every time.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: Sarducci appeared in four cold opens in the 1979–1980 season (on episodes hosted by Steve Martin, Teri Garr, Elliott Gould, and Rodney Dangerfield), two commercial parodies ("MX-5 Tampons" on the 1981–1982 Christmas episode hosted by Bill Murray and "Bocce Ball My Way" on the last episode of the 1985–1986 season hosted by Anjelica Huston and Billy Martin), and two monologues on the 1985–86 season (the first hosted by Madonna in a pretaped sketch showing Madonna's wedding to Sean Penn (played by Robert Downey, Jr.) and the second on the Christmas episode of the 1985–86 season hosted by Garr as Sarducci's alter ego, Pope Maurice).


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: Sarducci also hosted two "SNL" episodes during the 1983–1984 season (when Dick Ebersol was executive producer) and cameoed during two 1990s episodes, most notably on a "Weekend Update" segment where he reports on Pope John Paul II's missing wallet. Father Guido Sarducci has 31 appearances on "SNL", the most of any of the recurring characters.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: In 1981 Novello made newspaper headlines when he visited Vatican City wearing the Father Guido Sarducci costume to do a photo shoot for "Time" magazine. After taking pictures in an area where photography was prohibited, he and his photographer, Paul Solomon, were arrested by the Swiss Guards and Novello was charged with "impersonating a priest". Although the guards attempted to confiscate the film from the shoot, Solomon managed to hand them the wrong film. The charges were later dropped. In the early 1980s, Novello was featured in advertisements promoting candidates for the priesthood. He listed one advantage of being a priest as getting first pick at the annual parish garage sale.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: During the 1980s and 1990s Sarducci appeared on other television shows, including "Fridays", "Late Night with David Letterman", "The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson", "Married... with Children", "Unhappily Ever After", "Blossom", "It's Garry Shandling's Show", the "Tales of the City" miniseries, and "Square Pegs". In 1980, Sarducci appeared in "Gilda Live", a film and an album recording based on Gilda Radner's successful one-woman show that had been playing on Broadway. In 1983, he appeared in a music video for the Rodney Dangerfield song "Rappin' Rodney", where he gave Rodney his last rites on death row, and helped himself to Rodney's french fries from his last meal. In 1984, he appeared in a music video for the Jefferson Starship song "No Way Out". In 1995, he appeared as a priest trying to perform an exorcism in the movie "Casper". The same movie featured a cameo by his fellow "SNL" alumnus Dan Aykroyd as the Ghostbuster Ray Stantz.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: He appeared on the 2002 album "A Classic Rock Christmas" performing the song "Santa's Lament" featuring Joe Walsh and Joe Vitale.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: The character also appeared on the Handsome Boy Modeling School albums "So... How's Your Girl?" and "White People", telling biographical stories of the life of a professional male model in the latter. Novello also released two comedy albums as Sarducci: "Breakfast in Heaven" and "Live at St. Douglas Convent."


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: He also appeared on the MSNBC show "Countdown with Keith Olbermann" on March 19, 2005, discussing "The Da Vinci Code" and his DaVinci Code Decoder Ring.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: In the 2001 Disney animated film "", Novello uses the voice and speech style of Father Sarducci to portray the character of demolitions expert Vinny Santorini.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: Sarducci was present at the First Annual "Geno Roast" at the Aqua Turf in Southington, Connecticut. He gave the prayer of invocation and roasted the UConn Huskies women's basketball coach Geno Auriemma. He also made a guest appearance on the April 30, 2005, broadcast of NPR and Chicago Public Radio's "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" news quiz show, commenting on the ascension of Pope Benedict XVI.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: He appeared on "The Colbert Report" on June 23, 2010, claiming to have conducted an interview with Glenn Beck while visiting the Vatican.


title: Father Guido Sarducci

text: He delivered the benediction at the Stewart/Colbert Rally to Restore Sanity and/or Fear from the National Mall in Washington, D.C. on October 30, 2010. He was wearing his classic white clerical collar, a long red-trimmed black coat with cape, zebra vest/jacket and black beret.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: Catherine Breillat (; born 13 July 1948) is a French filmmaker, novelist and professor of auteur cinema at the European Graduate School. In the film business for over 40 years, Catherine Breillat chooses to normalize previously taboo subjects in cinema. Taking advantage of the medium of cinema, Breillat juxtaposes different perspectives to highlight irony found in society.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: Breillat was born in Bressuire, Deux-Sèvres, but grew up in Niort. She decided to become a writer and director at the age of twelve after watching Ingmar Bergman's "Gycklarnas afton", believing she had found her "fictional body" in Harriet Andersson's character, Anna.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: She started her career after studying acting at Yves Furet's "Studio d'Entraînement de l'Acteur" in Paris together with her sister, actress Marie-Hélène Breillat (born 2 June 1947) in 1967. At the age of 17, she had her novel published," l'Homme facile" ("A Man for the Asking"). The French government banned it for readers under 18 years old. A film based on the novel was made shortly after the publication of the book, but the producer went bankrupt and the distributor Artedis blocked any commercial release of the film for twenty years although it had been given an R rating.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: Breillat is known for films focusing on sexuality, intimacy, gender conflict, and sibling rivalry. Breillat has been the subject of controversy for her explicit depictions of sexuality and violence. She cast the porn actor Rocco Siffredi in her films "Romance" ("Romance X", 1999) and "Anatomie de l'enfer" ("Anatomy of Hell", 2004). Her novels have been best-sellers.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: Her work has been associated with the cinéma du corps/cinema of the body genre. In an interview with "Senses of Cinema", she described David Cronenberg as another filmmaker she considers to have a similar approach to sexuality in film.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: Though Breillat spends most of her time behind the camera, she has acted in a handful of movies. She made her film debut in Bernardo Bertolucci's "Last Tango in Paris" (1972) as Mouchette, a dressmaker, alongside her sister Marie-Hélène Breillat.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: In 2004, Breillat suffered a cerebral hemorrhage, causing a stroke that paralyzed her left side. After five months of hospitalization and a slow rehabilitation, she gradually returned to work, producing "Une vieille maîtresse" ("The Last Mistress") in 2007. This film was one of three French films officially selected for the Cannes Film Festival of that year.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: In 2007, Breillat met notorious conman Christophe Rocancourt, and offered him a leading role in a movie that she was planning to make, based on her own novel "Bad Love", and starring Naomi Campbell. Soon after, she gave him €25,000 to write a screenplay titled "La vie amoureuse de Christophe Rocancourt" ("The Love Life of Christophe Rocancourt"), and over the next year and a half, gave him loans totalling an additional €678,000. In 2009, a book written by Breillat was published, in which she alleged that Rocancourt had taken advantage of her diminished mental capacity, as she was still recovering from her stroke. The book is titled "Abus de faiblesse", a French legal term usually translated as "abuse of weakness". In 2012, Rocancourt was convicted of "abus de faiblesse" for taking Breillat's money, and sentenced to prison.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: In September 2010, Breillat's second fairy-tale based film, "La belle endormie" ("Sleeping Beauty"), opened in the Orizzonti sidebar in the 67th Venice Film Festival.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: , although Breillat had moved on to other projects, she still hoped to film "Bad Love", but had not yet been able to find financing to do so. However, a film adaptation of her book "Abus de faiblesse", directed by Breillat and starring Isabelle Huppert, began production in 2012, and was screened at the 2013 Toronto International Film Festival.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: It has been noted that "Breillat remains committed to the long take, particularly during scenes of sexual negotiation, a technique that showcases her performers' virtuosity as well as emphasizes the political and philosophical elements of sex. In both "Fat Girl" and "Romance", for example, key sex scenes possess shots lasting over seven minutes."


title: Catherine Breillat

text: in 2018, Breillat made controversial remarks on Asia Argento, who starred in 2007's "The Last Mistress", calling Argento a "traitor" for accusing Harvey Weinstein of sexual assault.


title: Catherine Breillat

text: Through film, Breillat attempts to redefine the female narrative in cinema by showing female characters who undergo similar experiences as their male counterparts. Many of Breillat's films explore the transition between girlhood and adulthood. The females of her films attempt to escape their adolescence by seeking individuality. There is an unsaid silence in society for girls to hide their sexuality and desires unless directly confronted about them. Breillat offers a platform to discuss female pleasure and sexual responsibility by exposing social and sexual conflicts in her films' themes.


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: providing a biased interpretation of an event or campaigning to influence public opinion about some organization or public figure. While traditional public relations and advertising may manage their presentation of facts, "spin" often implies the use of , deceptive, and manipulative tactics.


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: Because of the frequent association between spin and press conferences (especially government press conferences), the room in which these conferences take place is sometimes described as a "spin room". Public relations advisors, pollsters and media consultants who develop deceptive or misleading messages may be referred to as "spin doctors" or "spinmeisters".


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: A standard tactic used in "spinning" is to reframe or modify the perception of an issue or event to reduce any negative impact it might have on public opinion. For example, a company whose top-selling product is found to have a significant safety problem may "reframe" the issue by criticizing the safety of its main competitor's products or by highlighting the risk associated with the entire product category. This might be done using a "catchy" slogan or sound bite that can help to persuade the public of the company's biased point of view. This tactic could enable the company to refocus the public's attention away from the negative aspects of its product.


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: Spinning is typically a service provided by paid media advisors and media consultants. The largest and most powerful companies may have in-house employees and sophisticated units with expertise in spinning issues. While spin is often considered to be a private-sector tactic, in the 1990s and 2000s some politicians and political staff were accused of using deceptive "spin" tactics to manipulate or deceive the public. Spin may include "burying" potentially negative new information by releasing it at the end of the workday on the last day before a long weekend; selectively cherry-picking quotes from previous speeches made by their employer or an opposing politician to give the impression that they advocate a certain position; or purposely leaking misinformation about an opposing politician or candidate that casts them in a negative light.


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: Edward Bernays has been called the "Father of Public Relations". Bernays helped tobacco and alcohol companies make consumption of their products more socially acceptable, and he was proud of his work as a propagandist. Throughout the 1990s, the use of spin by politicians and parties accelerated, especially in the United Kingdom; the emergence of 24-hour news increased pressures placed upon journalists to provide nonstop content, which was further intensified by the competitive nature of British broadcasters and newspapers, and content quality declined due to 24-hour news' and political parties' techniques for handling the increased demand. This led to journalists relying more heavily on the public-relations industry as a source for stories, and advertising revenue as a profit source, making them more susceptible to spin.


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: Spin in the United Kingdom began to break down with the high-profile resignations of the architects of spin within the New Labour government, with Charlie Whelan resigning as Gordon Brown’s spokesman in 1999 and Alastair Campbell resigning as Tony Blair’s Press Secretary in 2003. As information technology has increased since the end of the 20th century, commentators like Joe Trippi have advanced the theory that modern Internet activism spells the end for political spin, in that the Internet may reduce the effectiveness of spin by providing immediate counterpoints.


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: “Spin doctors” can either command media attention or remain anonymous. Examples from the UK include Jamie Shea during his time as NATO's press secretary throughout the Kosovo War, Charlie Whelan, and Alastair Campbell.


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: Campbell, previously a journalist before becoming Tony Blair's Press Secretary, was the driving force behind a government that was able to produce the message it wanted in the media. He played a key role in important decisions, with advisors viewing him as a ‘Deputy Prime Minister’ inseparable from Blair. Campbell trusted various journalists such as Tony Bevins and Denis Murray, with whom he had a close relationship, to write stories about Blair in a positive light; Campbell identifies how he was able to spin Rupert Murdoch, during a meeting in July 1995, into positively reporting an up incoming Blair speech, gathering the support from "the Sun" and "the Times", popular British newspapers. Campbell later acknowledged that his and the government's spinning had contributed to the electorate's growing distrust of politicians, and he asserted that spin must cease.


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: “Spin doctors” such as Shea praised and respected Campbell's work. In 1999, during the beginning of NATO's intervention in Kosovo, Shea's media strategy was non-existent before the arrival of Campbell and his team. Campbell taught Shea how to organise his team to deliver what he wanted to be in the media, which led to Shea being appreciated for his work by President Bill Clinton.


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: For years, businesses have used fake or misleading customer testimonials by editing/spinning customers to reflect a much more satisfied experience than was actually the case. In 2009, the Federal Trade Commission updated their laws to include measures to prohibit this type of "spinning" and have been enforcing these laws as of late.


title: Spin (propaganda)

text: The extent of the impact of “spin doctors’” is contested, though their presence is still recognized in the political environment. The 1997 General election in the United Kingdom saw a landslide victory for New Labour with a 10.3% swing from Conservative to Labour, with help from newspapers such as "the Sun" towards which Campbell focused his spinning tactics as he greatly valued their support. The famous newspaper headline ‘The Sun Backs Blair’ was a key turning point in the campaign which provided New Labour with a lot of confidence and hope of increased electoral support. The change in political alignment had an impact on the electorate, with the number of individuals voting for Labour that read switching newspapers rising by 19.4%, compared to only 10.8% by those that did not read switching newspapers; a study conducted by Ladd and Lenz.


title: Charles Domery

text: Charles Domery ( 1778 – after 1800), later also known as Charles Domerz, was a Polish soldier serving in the Prussian and French armies, noted for his unusually large appetite. Serving in the Prussian Army against France during the War of the First Coalition, he found that the rations of the Prussians were insufficient and deserted to the French Army in return for food. Although generally healthy, he was voraciously hungry during his time in the French service, and ate any available food. While stationed near Paris, he was recorded as having eaten 174 cats in a year, and although he disliked vegetables, he would eat of grass each day if he could not find other food. During service on the French ship "Hoche", he attempted to eat the severed leg of a crew member hit by cannon fire, before other members of the crew wrestled it from him.


title: Charles Domery

text: In February 1799, the "Hoche" was captured by British forces and the crew, including Domery, were interned in Liverpool, where he shocked his captors with his voracious appetite: despite being put on ten times the usual rations, he ate the prison cat and at least 20 rats, and would often eat the prison candles. In one experiment, over the course of a day he ate of raw cow's udder, raw beef and tallow candles and four bottles of porter, all of which he ate and drank without defecating, urinating, or vomiting.


title: Charles Domery

text: Almost everything known about Domery comes from a 1799 account by Dr. J. Johnston in the "Medical and Physical Journal", based largely upon information provided by Dr. Thomas Cochrane.


title: Charles Domery

text: Charles Domery (later also known as Charles Domerz) was born in Benche, Poland, in around 1778. From the age of 13, Domery had an unusually large appetite. He was one of nine brothers, all of whom Domery said suffered from the same condition. Domery recalled that his father was a hearty eater and generally ate his meat half-boiled, but was too young to recall the quantity. The only illness Domery was aware of in the family was an outbreak of smallpox in his youth, which was survived by all the family.


title: Charles Domery

text: Despite his unusual diet and behaviour in the presence of food, doctors described Domery as of a normal build, and tall for the period at . He had long, brown hair and grey eyes, was smooth-skinned, and was described as having a "pleasant countenance". Doctors observing Domery saw no signs of mental illness and although illiterate, he was considered of normal intelligence by his crewmates and by the prison doctors who studied him. Despite eating vast amounts of food, it was noted by the doctors studying him that he never vomited, other than when fed large amounts of roasted or boiled meat. He showed no outward signs of ill health, and doctors observing him noted that his eyes were lively and his tongue clean. His pulse was regular at around 84 BPM, and his body temperature normal. His muscles were normally formed, but observed by doctors to be weaker than usual, although during his time in the army, he had marched 14 French leagues (approximately 25 mi/42 km) in a day with no ill effects.


title: Charles Domery

text: It was observed that immediately after going to bed, generally at about 8:00 pm, Domery would begin to sweat profusely. After one to two hours lying awake and perspiring, he would fall asleep before waking at around 1:00 am extremely hungry, regardless of what he had eaten before going to bed. At this time, he would eat any available food, or if no food was available, he would smoke tobacco. At around 2:00 am, he would go back to sleep, and wake again at between 5:00 and 6:00 am, sweating heavily; as soon as he got out of bed, the sweating would cease, starting again whenever he ate.


title: Charles Domery

text: By the age of 13, Domery had enlisted in the Prussian Army, and became part of an army besieging Thionville during the War of the First Coalition. The Prussian Army was suffering from food shortages which Domery found intolerable; he entered the town and surrendered to the French commander who rewarded him with a large melon, which Domery immediately ate, including the rind. He was then given a wide variety of other foodstuffs by the French general, all of which he ate straight away.


title: Charles Domery

text: Domery then enlisted with the French Revolutionary Army, and shocked his new comrades with his unusual eating habits and voracious appetite. Granted double rations, and using his pay to buy additional food whenever possible, he nonetheless suffered from extreme hunger; while based in an army camp near Paris, Domery ate 174 cats in a single year, leaving only the skins and bones, and ate of grass each day if other food was unavailable.


title: Charles Domery

text: He preferred raw meat to cooked; while his favourite dish was a raw bullock's liver, he would eat any available meat. While in service on board the French ship "Hoche", a sailor's leg was shot off by cannon fire, and Domery grabbed the severed limb and began to eat it until a crew member wrestled it from him and threw it into the sea.


title: Charles Domery

text: In October 1798, a Royal Navy squadron under the command of Sir John Borlase Warren captured the "Hoche" off the coast of Ireland, and those on board, including Domery, were interned in a prison camp near Liverpool. The British guards were shocked by Domery's appetite, and agreed to place him on double rations. These were insufficient, and his rations were increased until eventually he was granted the rations of ten men each day. Rations for prisoners of war in this period were paid for by the country in whose army the prisoners had served. The standard daily ration for a French prisoner of war was of bread, half a pound (230 g) of vegetables and of butter or of cheese.


title: Charles Domery

text: Domery remained hungry, and was recorded as having eaten the prison cat and at least 20 rats which had strayed into his cell. Domery also ate the medicines of those prisoners in the camp's infirmary who refused to take them, suffering no apparent adverse effects as a result. It was also recorded that he would regularly eat the prison's candles, and that if his ration of beer was exhausted, he would resort to drinking water to wash down his food. (To reduce the risk of water-borne disease, troops were issued rations of mildly alcoholic beverages such as small beer and diluted rum, and drinks such as tea and coffee which involved boiling water before drinking.)


title: Charles Domery

text: The prison commander brought his unusual captive to the attention of the Sick and Hurt Commissioners, the body then responsible for all medical services in the Royal Navy and for overseeing the welfare of prisoners of war. , a member of the commission, and Dr Cochrane, Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, performed an experiment to test Domery's eating capacity and tolerance for unusual foods. At 4:00 am, Domery was awakened and fed 4 lbs (1.8 kg) of raw cow's udder, which was eaten without hesitation. At 9:30 am, he was given a meal of 5 lbs (2.3 kg) of raw beef, twelve large tallow candles totalling one pound (453 g), and a bottle of porter, all of which were consumed. At 1:00 pm, Domery was given another meal of a further 5 lbs of beef, a pound (453 g) of candles, and three large bottles of porter, all of which were also eaten and drunk. During the course of the experiment, he did not defecate, urinate or vomit at any point, his pulse remained regular and his skin did not change temperature. Upon Domery's return to his quarters at 6:15 pm following the conclusion of the experiment, he was recorded as being of "particularly good cheer", and danced, smoked his pipe and drank a further bottle of porter.


title: Charles Domery

text: The cause of Domery's appetite is not known. While there are other documented cases of similar behaviour from this period none of the subjects other than Domery's contemporary Tarrare were autopsied, and there have been no modern documented cases of polyphagia (excessive appetite) as extreme as Domery. Hyperthyroidism can induce an extreme appetite and rapid weight loss, while Bondeson (2006) speculates that Domery possibly suffered from a damaged amygdala or ventromedial nucleus; it is known that injuries to the amygdala or ventromedial nucleus in animals can induce polyphagia.


title: Charles Domery

text: It is not recorded what became of Domery, or of the other "Hoche" captives, following their internment, and it is not known if he returned to Poland or remained in Liverpool. The case of Charles Domery briefly returned to public notice in 1852 when it came to the attention of Charles Dickens, who wrote of Domery that "Now, it is my opinion, that a man like this, dining in public on the stage of Drury Lane, would draw much better than a mere tragedian, who chews unsubstantial words instead of wholesome beef".


title: Canna indica

text: Canna indica, commonly known as Indian shot, African arrowroot, edible canna, purple arrowroot, Sierra Leone arrowroot, is a plant species in the family Cannaceae. It is native to much of South America, Central America, the West Indies, and Mexico. It is also naturalized in the southeastern United States (Florida, Texas, Louisiana, and South Carolina), and much of Europe, sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast Asia, and Oceania. "Canna indica" (achira in Hispanic America, cana-da-índia in Brazil) has been a minor food crop cultivated by indigenous peoples of the Americas for thousands of years.


title: Canna indica

text: "Canna indica" is a perennial growing to between , depending on the variety. It is hardy to zone 10 and is frost tender. The flowers are hermaphrodite.


title: Canna indica

text: It forms branched rhizomes long that are divided into bulbous segments and covered in two lines by pale green or purple flaky leaves. The very large grains of starch stored there can supposedly be seen with the naked eye. The plants form an upright, unbranched stem or the overlapping leaf sheaths form a pseudo trunk.