title: Interactive voice response

text: IVRs will also log call detail information into its own database for auditing, performance report, and future IVR system enhancements. CTI allows a contact center or organization to gather information about the caller as a means of directing the inquiry to the appropriate agent. CTI can transfer relevant information about the individual customer and the IVR dialog from the IVR to the agent desktop using a screen-pop, making for a more effective and efficient service. Voice-activated dialing (VAD) IVR systems are used to automate routine inquiries to a switchboard or PABX (Private Automatic Branch exchange) operators, and are used in many hospitals and large businesses to reduce the caller waiting time. An additional function is the ability to allow external callers to page staff and transfer the inbound call to the paged person. IVR can be used to provide a more sophisticated voice mail experience to the caller.


title: Interactive voice response

text: Banking institutions are reliant on IVR systems for customer engagement and to extend business hours to a 24/7 operation. Telephone banking allows customers to check balances and transaction histories as well as to make payments and transfers. As online channels have emerged, banking customer satisfaction has decreased.


title: Interactive voice response

text: IVR systems are used by pharmaceutical companies and contract research organizations to conduct clinical trials and manage the large volumes of data generated. The caller will respond to questions in their preferred language and their responses will be logged into a database and possibly recorded at the same time to confirm authenticity. Applications include patient randomization and drug supply management. They are also used in recording patient diaries and questionnaires.


title: Interactive voice response

text: IVR systems allow callers to obtain data relatively anonymously. Hospitals and clinics have used IVR systems to allow callers to receive anonymous access to test results. This is information that could easily be handled by a person but the IVR system is used to preserve privacy and avoid potential embarrassment of sensitive information or test results. Users are given a passcode to access their results.


title: Interactive voice response

text: Some of the largest installed IVR platforms are used for televoting on television game shows, such as "Pop Idol" and "Big Brother", which can generate enormous call spikes. The network provider will often deploy "call gapping" in the PSTN to prevent network overload. IVR may also be used by survey organizations to ask more sensitive questions where the investigators are concerned that a respondent might feel less comfortable providing these answers to a human interlocutor (such as questions about drug use or sexual behavior). In some cases, an IVR system can be used in the same survey in conjunction with a human interviewer.


title: Interactive voice response

text: By allowing low-literacy populations to interact with technology, IVR systems form an avenue to build technological skills in developing countries. Developing countries have a prevalence of mobile phones even in rural areas, which allows room for IVR technology to support social good projects. However, most IVR technology is designed in resource-rich domains hence research is necessary to contextualize and adapt this technology for developing countries. Research in ICTD has helped tailor IVR towards social impact has created innovative applications in health, agricultural, entertainment and citizen journalism.


title: Interactive voice response

text: In the context of tuberculosis, patients need to adhere to the medicine daily basis for a period of few months to completely heal. In public sector, there is a scheme called DOTS (Directly Observed Therapy Short Course) which was the most effective source for poor population. However, this method requires the patient to commute to the clinic everyday which adds financial and time constraints to the patient.


title: Interactive voice response

text: 99DOTS is a project that uses good ICTD principles to use IVR technology to benefit TB patients. Patients have a customized packet of tablets that they receive from the healthcare official who trains them to take the medicine in the sequence daily. Opening the packet in a sequence reveals a phone number that the patient needs to dial to acknowledge that they have taken the medicine. This research project was based out of Microsoft Research India by Bill Theis and who received MacArthur Fellowship for the project. The project has spun off as Everwell Technologies which now works closely with the Government of India to scale this technology to patients throughout India.


title: Interactive voice response

text: Although radio is a very popular means of entertainment, IVR provides interactivity, which can help listeners engage in novel ways using their phones. ICTD research has used IVR entertainment as a mechanism to support communities and provide information to populations that are hard to reach by traditional methods.


title: Interactive voice response

text: IVR has been used for community generated content which NGOs and social organizations can tailor to spread relevant content to hard to reach population.


title: Interactive voice response

text: The introduction of Session Initiation Protocol (SIP) means that point-to-point communications are no longer restricted to voice calls but can now be extended to multimedia technologies such as video. IVR manufacturers have extended their systems into IVVR (interactive voice and video response), especially for the mobile phone networks. The use of video gives IVR systems the ability to implement multimodal interaction with the caller.


title: Interactive voice response

text: The introduction of full-duplex video IVR in the future will allow systems the ability to read emotions and facial expressions. It may also be used to identify the caller, using technology such as Iris scan or other biometric means. Recordings of the caller may be stored to monitor certain transactions and can be used to reduce identity fraud.


title: Interactive voice response

text: With the introduction of SIP contact centers, call control in a SIP contact center can be implemented by CCXML scripting, which is an adjunct to the VXML language used to generate modern IVR dialogues. As calls are queued in the SIP contact center, the IVR system can provide treatment or automation, wait for a fixed period, or play music. Inbound calls to a SIP contact center must be queued or terminated against a SIP end point; SIP IVR systems can be used to replace agents directly by the use of applications deployed using BBUA (back-to-back user agents).


title: Interactive voice response

text: Due to the introduction of instant messaging (IM) in contact centers, agents can handle up to 6 different IM conversations at the same time, which increases agent productivity. IVR technology is being used to automate IM conversations using existing natural language processing software. This differs from email handling as email automated response is based on key word spotting and IM conversations are conversational. The use of text messaging abbreviations and smilies requires different grammars to those currently used for speech recognition. IM is also starting to replace text messaging on multimedia mobile handsets.


title: Interactive voice response

text: With the introduction of web services into the contact center, host integration has been simplified, allowing IVR applications to be hosted remotely from the contact center. This has meant hosted IVR applications using speech are now available to smaller contact centers across the globe and has led to an expansion of ASP (application service providers).


title: Interactive voice response

text: IVR applications can also be hosted on the public network, without contact center integration. Services include public announcement messages and message services for small business. It is also possible to deploy two-prong IVR services where the initial IVR application is used to route the call to the appropriate contact center. This can be used to balance loading across multiple contact centers or provide business continuity in the event of a system outage.


title: Interactive voice response

text: Surveys show IVR is generally unpopular with customers. It is difficult to use and unresponsive to the caller. Many customers object to talking to an automated system. There is a perception that IVR is adopted because it allows companies to save money and allow the hiring of fewer employees to answer the phone. Additionally, as basic information is now available online, the calls coming into a call center are more likely to be complex problems and not ones that can be resolved in an automated fashion, thus requiring the attention of a live agent.


title: Looney Tunes and Merrie Melodies filmography (1940–1949)

text: This is a listing of all the animated shorts released by Warner Bros. under the "Looney Tunes" and "Merrie Melodies" banners between 1940 and 1949.


text: This year marks the beginning of production of color Looney Tunes. For this year and the next, most would still be in black and white.


text: The Blue Ribbon "Merrie Melodies" re-release program starts this year. Previous color "Merrie Melodies" shorts would be re-released with the original credits cut. In addition, four more "Looney Tunes" shorts were produced in 3-hue Technicolor. The series would go into full color the following year.


text: Leon Schlesinger sold his cartoon studio to Warner Bros. in 1944; Eddie Selzer took over as producer after "Buckaroo Bugs" was released.


text: With the exceptions of "A Pest in the House", "Mexican Joyride" and "Catch as Cats Can", every non-Bugs Bunny cartoon released this year was ultimately reissued as a Blue Ribbon Merrie Melodies cartoon.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In 1989–1991, Poland engaged in a democratic transition which put an end to the Polish People's Republic and led to the foundation of a democratic government, known as the Third Polish Republic (Polish: "III Rzeczpospolita Polska"), following the First and Second Polish Republic. After ten years of democratic consolidation, Poland joined NATO in 1999 and the European Union on 1 May 2004.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: Tension grew between the people of Poland and its communist government, as with the rest of the Eastern bloc as the influence of the Soviet Union faded. With the advent of "perestroika" in the Soviet Union under Mikhail Gorbachev, the opportunity arose to change the system of government, after the harsh period of martial law (1981-83) imposed by general Wojciech Jaruzelski.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: The government's inability to forestall Poland's economic decline led to waves of strikes across the country in April, May and August 1988. In an attempt to take control of the situation, the contemporary government gave "de facto" recognition to the Solidarity union, and Interior Minister Czesław Kiszczak began talks with Solidarity's leader Lech Wałęsa on August 31. These talks broke down in October, but a new series of negotiations, the "round table" talks, began in February 1989. These talks produced an agreement in April for partly open parliamentary elections. The June election produced a Sejm (lower house), in which one-third of the seats went to the communist party and one-third went to the two parties which had hitherto been their coalition partners. The remaining one-third of the seats in the Sejm and all those in the Senate were freely contested; the majority of these were by candidates supported by Solidarity. The failure of the communist party at the polls produced a political crisis. The round-table agreement called for a communist president, and on July 19, the National Assembly, with the support of a number of Solidarity deputies, elected General Wojciech Jaruzelski to that office. However, two attempts by the communists to form governments failed.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: On August 19, President Jaruzelski asked journalist/Solidarity activist Tadeusz Mazowiecki to form a government; on September 12, the Sejm voted approval of Prime Minister Mazowiecki and his cabinet. For the first time in more than 40 years, Poland had a government led by non-communists.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In December 1989, the Sejm approved the government's reform program to transform the Polish economy rapidly from centrally planned to free-market, amended the constitution to eliminate references to the "leading role" of the Communist Party, and renamed the country the "Republic of Poland". The communist Polish United Workers' Party dissolved itself in January 1990, creating in its place a new party, Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland. Most of the property of the former Communist Party was turned over to the state.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: The May 1990 local elections were entirely free. Candidates supported by Solidarity's Citizens' Committees won most of the elections they contested, although voter turnout was only a little over 40%. The cabinet was reshuffled in July 1990; the national defence and interior affairs ministers (hold-overs from the previous communist government) were among those replaced.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In October 1990, the constitution was amended to curtail the term of President Jaruzelski. In December, Lech Wałęsa became the first popularly elected President of Poland.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In the early 1990s, Poland made progress towards achieving a democratic government and a market economy. In November 1990, Lech Wałęsa was elected president for a 5-year term. Jan Krzysztof Bielecki, at Wałęsa's request, formed a government and served as its Prime Minister until October 1991, introducing world prices and greatly expanding the scope of private enterprise.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: Poland's first free parliamentary elections were held in 1991. More than 100 parties participated, representing the full spectrum of political views. No single party received more than 13% of the total vote. The government of Prime Minister Jan Olszewski was the first fully free and democratic Polish government since 1926. This cabinet was supported by the Kaczyński brothers. Olszewski was replaced by Hanna Suchocka as the first woman Prime Minister of Poland in 1992 after Janusz Korwin-Mikke wanted all members of the Sejm who had cooperated with the communist secret police to be revealed. After a rough start, 1993 saw the second group of elections, and the first parliament to serve a full term. The Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) received the largest share of votes. Also in 1993 the Soviet Northern Group of Forces finally left Poland.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: After the election, the SLD and Polish People's Party (PSL) formed a governing coalition. Waldemar Pawlak, leader of the junior partner PSL, became Prime Minister. Relations between President Wałęsa and the Prime Minister remained poor throughout the Pawlak government, with the President charging Pawlak with furthering personal and party interests while neglecting matters of state importance. Following a number of scandals implicating Pawlak and increasing political tension over control of the armed forces, Wałęsa demanded Pawlak's resignation in January 1995. A crisis resulted and the coalition removed Pawlak from office and replaced him with the SLD's Józef Oleksy as the new Prime Minister.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In November 1995, Poland held its second post-war free presidential elections. SLD leader Aleksander Kwaśniewski defeated Wałęsa by a narrow margin—51.7% to 48.3%. Soon after Wałęsa's defeat, Interior Minister Andrzej Milczanowski accused then-Prime Minister Oleksy of a longtime collaboration with Soviet and later Russian intelligence. In the ensuing political crisis, Oleksy resigned. For his successor, The SLD-PSL coalition turned to deputy Sejm speaker Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz — who was linked to, but not a member of, the SLD. Polish prosecutors subsequently decided that there was insufficient evidence to charge Oleksy, and a parliamentary commission decided in November 1996 that the Polish intelligence services may have violated rules of procedure in gathering evidence in the Oleksy case.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: Poland's new Constitution of 1997 redefined the concept of the Polish nation in civic rather than ethnic terms. Article 35 guaranteed the rights of national and ethnic minorities, while other provisions prohibited discrimination and political organizations that spread racial hatred.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In 1997 parliamentary elections two parties with roots in the Solidarity movement — Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS) and the Freedom Union (UW) — won 261 of the 460 seats in the Sejm and formed a coalition government. Jerzy Buzek of the AWS became Prime Minister. The AWS and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) held the majority of the seats in the Sejm. Marian Krzaklewski was the leader of the AWS, and Leszek Miller led the SLD. In April 1997, the first post-communist Constitution of Poland was finalized, and in July put into effect. In June 2000, UW withdrew from the governing coalition, leaving AWS at the helm of a minority government.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In the presidential election of 2000, Aleksander Kwaśniewski, the incumbent former leader of the post-communist SLD, was re-elected in the first round of voting, with 53.9% of the popular vote. Second place, with only 17.3%, went to Andrzej Olechowski. It is thought that the opposition campaign was hindered by their inability to put forward a charismatic (or even a single major) candidate, as well as falling support for the centre-right AWS government. This was related to internal friction in the ruling parliamentary coalition.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: The 1997 Constitution and the reformed administrative division of 1999 required a revision of the electoral system, which was passed in April 2001. The most important changes included:


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In the September 2001 parliamentary elections, the SLD triumphed on the back of voter disillusionment with the AWS government and internal bickering within that bloc. So much so that this former ruling party did not enter parliament due to falling below the 8% threshold for coalitions. (Symptomatically, they had failed to form a formal political party, which has only a 5% threshold, and formally remained a "coalition" of parties).


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: The SLD went on to form a coalition with the agrarian PSL and leftist Labour Union (UP), with Leszek Miller as Prime Minister. This government had the support of 256 of the 460 seats in the Sejm.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: A leading issue in the subsequent years was negotiations with the European Union regarding accession and internal preparation for this. Poland joined the EU in May 2004. Both President Kwaśniewski and the government were vocal in their support for this cause. The only party decidedly opposed to EU entry was the populist right-wing League of Polish Families (LPR).


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: Despite broad popular support for joining the EU, which was considered an overriding issue, the government rapidly lost popularity due to incompetence on various issues (e.g. building of motorways, and a botched reform of the health system and numerous corruption scandals). The most famous of these were the Rywin affair (an alleged attempt to interfere with the legislative process, so named after the main suspect Lew Rywin) -- this case was investigated by a special parliamentary committee, whose proceedings were televised and widely followed), and the Starachowice affair (government ministers informed friends with links to an organized crime about an impending raid).


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In March some prominent SLD politicians and MPs (including the then Speaker of the Sejm: Marek Borowski) formed a split, creating the new Social Democracy of Poland party. The cabinet led by Leszek Miller resigned on May 2, 2004, just after Poland joined the European Union.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: A new cabinet was formed, with Marek Belka as prime minister. After two initial unsuccessful attempts, it eventually won parliamentary support (24 June) and governed until the parliamentary elections in late 2005. Several of the new ministers were seen as non-partisan experts, and the government was considered a marked improvement upon the previous cabinet. This did not carry over into any rise in voter support for the SLD, however, even despite an economic upturn through 2005. Part of the reason is that this government was considered to be largely apart from the party backbone, and only held in an office by the fear of early elections by the majority of the MPs.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: A fear not unfounded, as the SLD saw its support drop by three-fourths to only 11% in the subsequent elections.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In the autumn of 2005 Poles voted in both parliamentary and presidential elections. September's parliamentary poll was expected to produce a coalition of two centre-right parties, PiS (Law and Justice) and PO (Civic Platform). During the increasingly bitter campaign, however, PiS launched a strong attack on the liberal economic policies of their allies and overtook PO in opinion polls. PiS eventually gained 27% of votes cast and became the largest party in the Sejm ahead of PO on 24%. The out-going ruling party, the social democratic SLD, achieved just 11%. This continues the trend that in every free parliamentary election the Polish electorate has voted against the current government, turning to the left in 1993 and 2001, and to the right in 1997 and 2005.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: Presidential elections in October followed a similar script. The early favourite, Donald Tusk, leader of the PO, saw his opinion poll lead slip away and was beaten 54% to 46% in the second round by the PiS candidate Lech Kaczyński (one of the twins, founders of the party).


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: Both elections were blighted by low turn-outs: only 51% in the second and deciding round of the presidential election and just over 40% in the parliamentary election. The suggested cause of the low turnout is popular disillusionment with politicians.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: Coalition talks ensued simultaneously with the presidential elections. However, the severity of the campaign attacks and the willingness of PiS to court the populist vote had soured the relationship between the two largest parties and made the creation of a stable coalition impossible. The ostensible stumbling blocks were the insistence of PiS that it controls all aspects of law enforcement: the Ministries of Justice and Internal Affairs, and the special forces; as well as the forcing through of a PiS candidate for the head of the Sejm with help of several smaller populist parties. The PO decided to go into opposition.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: PiS then formed a minority government with the previously little-known Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz as Prime Minister instead of party leader, Jarosław Kaczyński who remained influential in the background. This government relied on the tacit and rather stable support of smaller populist and agrarian parties (Samoobrona, LPR) to govern.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: The new government enjoyed quite strong public support (which was expected during the first few months after the election), while the popularity of the populist parties giving it support, significantly waned. A parliamentary crisis appeared to loom in January 2006, with these small populist parties fearing that PiS was about to force new elections (on which they would lose out) by using the pretext of failing to pass the budget within the constitutional timeframe. However, a crisis was abated.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In May 2006 a coalition agreement for the majority government was formed between PiS, Samoobrona and League of Polish Families (LPR). In July 2006, following a rift with his party leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, Marcinkiewicz tendered his resignation as Prime Minister and was replaced by Jarosław Kaczyński. The following 15 months were erratic and not without controversy, as the government pursued lustration policies, established a Central Anticorruption Bureau with far-reaching powers and was embroiled in a case relating to the suicide of an MP who was under investigation for corruption. The new government also modified Polish foreign relations relating to the EU by adopting a more eurosceptical stance, where Polish governments had in the past adopted a very pro-EU position.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: The uneasy alliance between the three coalition partners came to a head in July 2007 when Samoobrona leader, Andrzej Lepper, was dismissed from his position as Minister for Agriculture following a secret investigation by the Central Anticorruption Bureau (CBA) which attempted to link him and his department to corruptive practices. Lepper protested his innocence and claimed to have been the victim of a politically motivated 'sting' operation, initiated by PM Kaczynski and PiS. The coalition agreement collapsed over the following month, with both the LPR and Samoobrona levelling accusations against PiS. In September, the Sejm voted to dissolve itself (supported by PiS but opposed by Samoobrona and LPR), paving the way for elections in October.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In the October parliamentary elections, the Civic Platform (PO), the largest opposition party, gained more than 41% of the popular vote. PiS's vote increased, from 2005, but insufficiently to gain reelection, whilst both Samoobrona and LPR lost all representation, each having gained only a little over 1% of the vote. PO proceeded to form a majority governing coalition with the agrarian Polish People's Party (PSL), with PO leader, Donald Tusk, taking over the prime ministerial office in November 2007.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: On August 14, 2008, the United States and Poland agreed to have 10, two-stage Orbital Sciences Corp missile interceptors placed in Poland, as part of a missile shield to defend Europe and the US from a possible missile attack by Iran. In return, the US agreed to move a battery of MIM-104 Patriot missiles to Poland. The missile battery would be staffed - at least temporarily - by US Military personnel. The US also pledged to defend Poland - a NATO member - quicker than NATO would in the event of an attack. After the agreement was announced, Russian officials - who viewed the missile shield as a threat - released a statement indirectly threatening Poland, and said that the missile defence system would greatly harm future US/Russia relations.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: Russia later threatened nuclear attack against "new US assets in Europe", referring to Poland. The US has pledged to back Warsaw in the event of Russian aggression towards Poland.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: On 10 April 2010, numerous high-ranking Polish statesmen died in the Smolensk air crash, including Lech Kaczyński, the President of Poland at the time. At the 2010 Polish presidential election, Donald Tusk decided not to stand. At PO primary elections, Bronisław Komorowski defeated the Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski, at the second round of voting on 4 July 2010, he defeated PiS's Jarosław Kaczyński. and on 6 August 2010 he was sworn in as president. At the November 2010 local elections, PO won 31 percent of the votes and PiS 23 percent, an increase for the former and a drop for the latter compared to the 2006 elections.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In October 2011, Donald Tusk became the first ever Polish Prime Minister to be re-elected in post-communist Poland. PO won a record of four consecutive elections. PO's dominance was seen as a reflection of right-wing divisions, with PiS splitting in autumn 2010.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: After two rounds of elections in May 2015, opposition Law and Justice (PiS) candidate Andrzej Duda became President by a 3% margin. In October 2015, the PiS won the simple majority in the Sejm, was able to form the first single-party government since the fall of communism in 1989.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: Since the PiS control the presidency and have the majority in both houses, it aims to make judiciary reforms in the Constitutional Court. (See Polish Constitutional Court crisis, 2015)


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In the context of rising tensions with the EU, the Polish government is being accused of leading Poland towards democratic backsliding. Media outlets fully controlled by capital from outside the EU are now facing the risk to sell parts of their Polish channels, as is already common in other EU countries (like Germany or France). As there are no legal objections, critics and the primarily concerned US mass media outlet (Discovery, Inc.) raise that this would be an attack on the expression of free speech. The newly appointed US ambassador Mark Brzezinski stated that he is concerned by this and plans to support freedom of speech.


title: History of Poland (1989–present)

text: In December 2017, Mateusz Morawiecki was sworn in as the new Prime Minister, succeeding Beata Szydlo, in office since 2015. They both represented the ruling Law and Justice party, led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: The Bureau of Corrections (, literally "Bureau of Prisons", which was the name of the agency from 1905 to 1989; abbreviated BuCor) is an agency of the Department of Justice which is charged with the custody and rehabilitation of national offenders, who have been sentenced to three years of imprisonment or more. The agency has its headquarters in the New Bilibid Prison Reservation in Muntinlupa.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: It is currently headed by Gregorio Catapang Jr. in an Officer-in-Charge capacity. The bureau has 2,862 employees, 61% of whom are custodial (uniformed) officers, 33% are non-uniformed personnel and 6% are members of the medical service.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: TO PROTECT THE PUBLIC BY SAFEKEEPING AND REFORMING PERSONS UNDER OUR CUSTODY ADHERING TO INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS OF CORRECTIONS SERVICE.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: The following ranks are in force in the BuCor. While the Bureau forms part of the Department of Justice, its ranks follow those of the uniformed services in the Department of the Interior and Local Government.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: While the BuCor reports to the Department of Justice, in the past it sported a military rank system mirroring the former Integrated National Police and therefore similar to the Chilean Gendarmerie and the Italian Corpo degli Agenti di Custodia. Until 1989 officers and agents sported "Prisons" in their rank title.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: The Old Bilibid Prison which was located on Oroquieta Street in Manila was established in 1847 and by a Royal Decree formally opened on April 10, 1866. On August 21, 1870, the San Ramon Prison and Penal Farm was established in Zamboanga City for Muslim and political prisoners opposed to the rule of Spain.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: The Iuhit penal Settlement now known as Iwahig Prison and Penal Farm was established in 1904 by the Americans in 28,072 hectares of land. The land areas expanded to 40,000 hectares in the late 1950s. and expanded again to 41,007 hectares by virtue of Executive Order No. 67 issued by Governor Newton Gilbert on October 15, 1912.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: The Bureau of Prisons was created under the Reorganization Act of 1905 as an agency under the Department of Commerce and Police. The Reorganization Act also re-established the San Ramon Prison in 1907 which was destroyed during the Spanish–American War in 1898. The prison was placed under the Bureau of Prisons and receive prisoners in Mindanao.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: The Correctional Institution for Women was founded on November 27, 1929, by virtue of Act No. 3579 as the first and only prison for women in the Philippines. Later, on January 21, 1932, the bureau opened the Davao Penal Colony in Southern Mindanao.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: Proclamation No. 72 issued on September 26, 1954, established the Sablayan Prison and Penal Farm in Occidental Mindoro, and the Leyte Regional Prison was established on January 16, 1973, under Proclamation No. 1101.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: The Administrative Code of 1987 and Proclamation No. 495, issued on November 22, 1989, changed the agency's name to the current Bureau of Corrections from Bureau of Prisons.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: The logo of the bureau represents the government agency's mandate, the rehabilitation of inmate. The logo focuses on the man in prison as the main concern of rehabilitation. It presents man behind bars, but who looks outwards with the hope of rejoining the free community. The 7 rays of the sun represent the 7 operating prisons and penal farms who carry out the reformation programs of the bureau. The color green symbolizes hope. The color orange is symbolic of happiness. The bar of justice represents the Philippine justice system.


title: Bureau of Corrections (Philippines)

text: When the Philippines had the death penalty, male inmates condemned to death were held at New Bilibid Prison and female inmates condemned to death were held at Correctional Institution for Women (Mandaluyong). The death chamber for inmates to be electrocuted was in Building 14, within the Maximum Security Compound of New Bilibid. The Bureau of Corrections (BuCor) Museum previously served as the lethal injection chamber.


title: Shroud

text: Shroud usually refers to an item, such as a cloth, that covers or protects some other object. The term is most often used in reference to "burial sheets", mound shroud, grave clothes, winding-cloths or winding-sheets, such as the famous Shroud of Turin, "tachrichim" (burial shrouds) that Jews are dressed in for burial, or the white cotton "kaffan" sheets Muslims are wrapped in for burial.


title: Shroud

text: A traditional Orthodox Jewish shroud consists of a tunic; a hood; pants that are extra-long and sewn shut at the bottom, so that separate foot coverings are not required; and a belt, which is tied in a knot shaped like the Hebrew letter "shin", mnemonic of one of God's names, Shaddai. Traditionally, mound shrouds are made of white cotton, wool or linen, though any material can be used so long as it is made of natural fibre. Intermixture of two or more such fibres is forbidden, a proscription that ultimately derives from the Torah, "viz.", Deut. 22:11. An especially pious Jewish man may next be enwrapped in either his kittel or his tallit, one tassel of which is defaced to render the garment ritually unfit, symbolizing the fact that the decedent is free from the stringent requirements of the 613 "mitzvot" (commandments). The shrouded body is wrapped in a winding sheet, termed a "sovev" in Hebrew (a cognate of "svivon", the spinning Hanukkah toy that is familiar under its Yiddish name, "dreidel"), before being placed either in a plain coffin of soft wood (where required by governing health codes) or directly in the earth.


title: Shroud

text: The Early Christian Church also strongly encouraged the use of winding-sheets, except for monarchs and bishops. The rich were wrapped in cerecloths, which are fine fabrics soaked or painted in wax to hold the fabric close to the flesh. Early Christian shrouds incorporated a cloth, the "sudarium", that covered the face, as depicted in traditional artistic representations of the entombed Jesus or His friend, Lazarus (John 11, "q.v."). An account of the opening of the coffin of Edward I says that the "innermost covering seems to have been a very fine linen cerecloth, dressed close to every part of the body". Their use was general until at least the Renaissance – clothes were very expensive, and they had the advantage that a good set of clothes was not lost to the family.


title: Shroud

text: In Europe in the Middle Ages, coarse linen shrouds were used to bury most poor without a coffin. In poetry shrouds have been described as of sable, and they were later embroidered in black, becoming more elaborate and cut like shirts or shifts.


title: Shroud

text: Orthodox Christians still use a burial shroud, usually decorated with a cross and the Trisagion. The special shroud that is used during the Orthodox Holy Week services is called an Epitaphios. Some Catholics also use the burial shroud particularly the Eastern Catholics and traditionalist Roman Catholics.


title: Shroud

text: Muslims as well use burial shrouds that are made of white cotton or linen. The Burying in Woollen Acts 1666–80 in England were meant to support the production of woollen cloth.


title: Maquiladora

text: A (), or (), is a word that refers to factories that are largely duty free and tariff-free. These factories take raw materials and assemble, manufacture, or process them and export the finished product. These factories and systems are present throughout Latin America, including Mexico, Paraguay, Nicaragua, and El Salvador. date back to 1964, when the Mexican government introduced the ('Border Industrialization Program'). Specific programs and laws have made Mexico's maquila industry grow rapidly.


title: Maquiladora

text: From 1942 to 1964, the Bracero program allowed men with farming experience to work on US farms on a seasonal basis, and its end ushered in a new era for the development of Mexico. The Border Industrialization Program (BIP) began in 1965 and allowed for a lowering in restrictions and duties on machinery, equipment and raw materials. Before this program, PRONAF, a national border program for infrastructure developments like building roads, parks, electricity, water, building factories, and cleaning up border cities, helped to improve situations along the US-Mexico Border. With BIP, foreign firms were able to use factories built under PRONAF to import raw materials and export goods for a cheaper cost than in other countries. One of the main goals of the Border Industrialization Program was to attract foreign investment.


title: Maquiladora

text: In 1989, the federal government put in place specific procedures and requirements for maquilas under the “Decree for Development and Operation of the Maquiladora Industry”. After the Mexican debt crisis of 1980 (see Latin American debt crisis), the economy liberalized and foreign investment increased. Factory jobs began to leave central Mexico, and workers followed the jobs from central Mexico to the maquilas in the north and on the border. In 1985, maquiladoras overtook tourism as the largest source of foreign exchange, and since 1996 they have been the second largest industry in Mexico behind the petroleum industry.


title: Maquiladora

text: With the introduction of NAFTA in 1994, Northern Mexico became an export processing zone. This allowed multinational corporations from the US to produce products cheaply. Corporations could use a maquila to import materials and produce a good more cheaply than in the US by paying Mexican laborers lower wages and paying less in duties. Mexicans work for approximately one-sixth of the U.S. hourly rate. During the five years before NAFTA, maquila employment had grown at a rate of 47%; this figure increased to 86% in the next five years. The number of factories also increased dramatically. Between 1989 and 1994, 564 new plants opened; in the five years following, 1460 plants opened. However, the maquiladora growth is largely attributable to growth in US demand and devaluation of the peso, not NAFTA itself. In the 1970s, most maquiladoras were located around the Mexico–United States border. By 1994, these were spread in the interior parts of the country, although the majority of the plants were still near the border.


title: Maquiladora

text: A 2011 Federal Reserve report indicated that the maquiladora industry affects U.S. border city employment in service sectors. Although the maquiladora industry suffered due to the early 2000s recession, maquiladoras constituted 54% of the US-Mexico trade in 2004, and by 2005, the maquiladora exports accounted for half of Mexico's exports. In the 2000s, the maquila industry faced competition due to rise of other countries with availability of cheap labor, including Malaysia, India, and Pakistan. The biggest threat came from China's Special Economic Areas.


title: Maquiladora

text: During the later half of the 1960s, maquiladora industries rapidly expanded geographically and economically and by 1985, had become Mexico's second largest source of income from exports, behind oil. Since 1973, maquiladoras have also accounted for nearly half of Mexico's export assembly. Between 1995 and 2000, exports of assembled products in Mexico tripled, and the rate of the industry's growth amounted to about one new factory per day. By the late twentieth century, the industry accounted for 25 percent of Mexico's gross domestic product, and 17 percent of total Mexican employment.


title: Maquiladora

text: Since globalization and physical restructuring have contributed to the competition and advent of low-cost offshore assembly in places such as China, and countries in Central America, maquiladoras in Mexico have been on the decline since 2000. According to federal sources, approximately 529 maquiladoras shut down and investment in assembly plants decreased by 8.2 percent in 2002 after the imposition of countervailing duties on Chinese products, not available in North America, that were part of the electronics supply chain. Despite the decline, over 3,000 maquiladoras still exist along the 2,000 mile-long United States–Mexico border, providing employment for approximately one million workers, and importing more than $51 billion in supplies into Mexico. Research indicates that maquiladoras' post-NAFTA growth is connected to changes in Mexican wages relative to those in Asia and in the United States, and to fluctuations in U.S. industrial production. As of 2006, maquiladoras still accounted for 45 percent of Mexico's exports. Maquiladoras, in general, are best represented among operations that are particularly assembly intensive.


title: Maquiladora

text: Women entered the labor force in Mexico in large numbers in the latter half of the 20th century. Devaluations of the peso in 1982 and 1994 pushed many Mexican women into the labor force. Between 1970 and 1995, 18% more women were part of the working force, and many of these women were working in maquila factories. Women looked for work in factories because they could get jobs with few credentials and receive on the job training. Men working in maquilas were given positions of supervision, management, engineers, and technical jobs, while women were relegated to low-skill jobs. Young women tended to be hired more often than older women, but it depended on the circumstances of the job and type of factory. However, young single women often ended up in factories with better working conditions, like the electronics plants, while older women and mothers worked in more dangerous apparel factories.


title: Maquiladora

text: Poverty is a key factor that motivates women to work in maquiladoras. The minimum wage set by the Mexican government is barely enough to help sustain a family even with both parents working. The minimum wage "buys only about a quarter of the basic necessities that are essential for a typical worker’s family". Maquilas pay at much higher rate than the minimum wage in most markets since there is a lot of competition for the best workers, and workers will not work without transportation and other bonuses. The 2015 minimum wage was 70.1 pesos per day in Tijuana (minimum wages vary by zone and worker classification) or about $0.55 per hour at the 2016 exchange rate of 16 pesos per dollar, while most entry-level positions in maquilas paid closer to $2 per hour including bonuses and 25% being paid to Social Security, housing, and retirement. Even in maquila factories, wages are still very low and in many families the children are encouraged to start working at an early age to support the family. In some maquiladoras, workers are cut and their responsibilities are given to a single worker. These workers are not given a higher pay, and are expected to maintain their output without a decrease in quality. They often work involuntary overtimes and are often not paid for their extra labor.


title: Maquiladora

text: Allegedly, women are not allowed to be pregnant while working. Some maquilas require female workers to take pregnancy tests. Some require that workers resign if they are pregnant. Female applicants are made to take pregnancy tests and are only hired if not pregnant, and women that become pregnant while working at maquila factories are given more strenuous tasks and forced to work unpaid overtime to influence them to resign. The Humans Rights Watch wrote a report in 1996 about the failures of the government to address this issue despite the fact that pregnancy testing violates Mexican federal labor law. These practices have continued into the 21st century. Once on the job, many women face sexual harassment by supervisors and find no help from human resources.


title: Maquiladora

text: Many women are injured in maquilas. Intense work pace and pressure on high production leads to injuries including upper back, neck, and shoulder pain. Many maquilas do not report accidents and workers are not compensated for injuries received on the job. Workplace hazards include toxic chemicals, and workplaces lack health and safety practices like ventilation and face masks.


title: Maquiladora

text: Labor unions exist in maquiladoras, but many are charro unions, which are government supported and not in the interest of the worker. Official unions discredit maquiladora workers by calling them "agitators". Workers who complain can be fired and blacklisted from other jobs. Many contracts are only for a few months, allowing companies to have a high turn-over rate in which workers never have the chance to organize for their rights. Many tried to organize independent unions, but often failed. In 1993, the Mexican labor federation, the Authentic Labor Front, and the United Electrical Workers worked together to improve conditions at the General Electric factory, but failed in the loss of an election. The Center for Labor Studies (CETLAC) was opened in the mid 1990s and worked to educate workers about their rights and activism decreased in light of violence against women. In Juarez, between 1993 and 2005, more than 370 women were murdered. In 2010, more than 370 women were murdered. A new wave of worker protests has emerged in the 21st Century as workers decide that enough is enough. In 2015 in Juarez, maquiladora workers set up encampments, plantons, to protest and demand independent unions.


title: Maquiladora

text: The Han Young maquiladora was a plant in Tijuana, MX, that manufactured car parts for Hyundai. In 1997, what started as a complaint by a single injured worker turned into a years-long conflict where employees protested for their right to unionize. The struggle put the NAFTA labor side agreement to the test, but despite the workers' efforts, nothing ever came of it. The case became increasingly political and news-worthy as time went on. However, despite various US NAO hearings and transnational labor rights organizing, the workers were never able to unionize. On the contrary, by the end of the conflicts, all of the laborers had been fired and the maquiladora had been moved to the other side of Tijuana. This was in the face of a Mexican federal court ruling that the strikes had been legal and in fact the corporation had violated the law.


title: Maquiladora

text: Both the United States and Mexican governments claim to be committed to environmental protection, yet environmental policies have not always been enforced despite the fact that maquilas are required to be certified and to provide an environmental impact statement. In Mexico, most maquiladoras are global players that use international standards for waste treatment and disposal that exceed Mexican requirements and that require any waste generated to be re-exported. The La Paz Agreement signed by Mexico and the United States in 1983 requires hazardous waste created by United States corporations to be transported back to the United States for disposal. However, the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) reports that only 91 of the 600 maquiladoras located along the Texas–Mexico border have returned hazardous waste to the United States since 1987. The United States Geological Survey, the state of California, and the Imperial County Health Department—among others—have all asserted that the New River, which flows from Mexicali, Baja California, Mexico near the Mexico–United States border into California's Salton Sea, is "the dirtiest river in America". The presence of toxic waste in towns near maquila factories has led to negative health outcomes for the people living there. Between 1988 and 1992, 163 children in Juarez were born without brains due to the toxic chemicals from factories.


title: Maquiladora

text: There have been some improvement at the corporate level of environmental policy. As of the early 2000s, around 90% of maquiladoras had attained an environmental certification. This push to improve environmental policy was led by the Mexican government, not the international companies themselves. The EPA's US–Mexico Border 2012 Program has an extensive plan to help with environmental issues along that border.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Derek Antony Parfit (; 11 December 1942 – 1 or 2 January 2017) was a British philosopher who specialised in personal identity, rationality, and ethics. He is widely considered one of the most important and influential moral philosophers of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Parfit rose to prominence in 1971 with the publication of his first paper, "Personal Identity". His first book, "Reasons and Persons" (1984), has been described as the most significant work of moral philosophy since the 1800s. His second book, "On What Matters" (2011), was widely circulated and discussed for many years before its publication.


title: Derek Parfit

text: For his entire academic career, Parfit worked at Oxford University, where he was an Emeritus Senior Research Fellow at All Souls College at the time of his death. He was also a visiting professor of philosophy at Harvard University, New York University, and Rutgers University. He was awarded the 2014 Rolf Schock Prize "for his groundbreaking contributions concerning personal identity, regard for future generations, and analysis of the structure of moral theories."


title: Derek Parfit

text: Parfit was born in 1942 in Chengdu, China, the son of Jessie (née Browne) and Norman Parfit, medical doctors who had moved to Western China to teach preventive medicine in missionary hospitals. The family returned to the United Kingdom about a year after Parfit was born, settling in Oxford. Parfit was educated at Eton College, where he was nearly always at the top of the regular rankings in every subject except maths. From an early age, he endeavoured to become a poet, but he gave up poetry towards the end of his adolescence.


title: Derek Parfit

text: He then studied Modern History at Balliol College, Oxford, graduating in 1964. In 1965–66 he was a Harkness Fellow at Columbia University and Harvard University. He abandoned historical studies for philosophy during the fellowship.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Parfit returned to Oxford to become a fellow of All Souls College, where he remained until he was 67, when the university’s mandatory retirement policy required him to leave both the college and the faculty of philosophy. He retained his appointments as regular Visiting Professor at Harvard, NYU, and Rutgers until his death.


title: Derek Parfit

text: In "Reasons and Persons", Parfit suggested that nonreligious ethics is a young and fertile field of inquiry. He asked questions about which actions are right or wrong and shied away from meta-ethics, which focuses more on logic and language.


title: Derek Parfit

text: In Part I of "Reasons and Persons" Parfit discussed self-defeating moral theories, namely the self-interest theory of rationality ("S") and two ethical frameworks: common-sense morality and consequentialism. He posited that self-interest has been dominant in Western culture for over two millennia, often making bedfellows with religious doctrine, which united self-interest and morality. Because self-interest demands that we always make self-interest our supreme rational concern and instructs us to ensure that our whole life goes as well as possible, self-interest makes temporally neutral requirements. Thus it would be irrational to act in ways that we know we would prefer later to undo.


title: Derek Parfit

text: As an example, it would be irrational for fourteen-year-olds to listen to loud music or get arrested for vandalism if they knew such actions would detract significantly from their future well-being and goals (such as having good hearing or an academic career in philosophy).


title: Derek Parfit

text: Most notably, the self-interest theory holds that it is irrational to commit any acts of self-denial or to act on desires that negatively affect our well-being. One may consider an aspiring author whose strongest desire is to write a masterpiece but who, in doing so, suffers depression and lack of sleep. Parfit argues that it is plausible that we have such desires which conflict with our own well-being, and that it is not necessarily irrational to act to fulfill these desires.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Aside from the initial appeal to plausibility of desires that do not directly contribute to one's life going well, Parfit contrived situations where self-interest is indirectly self-defeating—that is, it makes demands that it initially posits as irrational. It does not fail on its own terms, but it does recommend adoption of an alternative framework of rationality. For instance, it might be in my self-interest to become trustworthy to participate in mutually beneficial agreements, even though in maintaining the agreement I will be doing what will, other things being equal, be worse for me. In many cases self-interest instructs us precisely not to follow self-interest, thus fitting the definition of an indirectly self-defeating theory.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Parfit contended that to be indirectly individually self-defeating and directly collectively self-defeating is not fatally damaging for S. To further bury self-interest, he exploited its partial relativity, juxtaposing temporally neutral demands against agent-centred demands. The appeal to full relativity raises the question whether a theory can be consistently neutral in one sphere of actualisation but entirely partial in another. Stripped of its commonly accepted shrouds of plausibility that can be shown to be inconsistent, self-interest can be judged on its own merits. While Parfit did not offer an argument to dismiss S outright, his exposition lays self-interest bare and allows its own failings to show through. It is defensible, but the defender must bite so many bullets that they might lose their credibility in the process. Thus a new theory of rationality is necessary. Parfit offered the "critical present aim theory", a broad catch-all that can be formulated to accommodate any competing theory. He constructed critical present aim to exclude self-interest as our overriding rational concern and to allow the time of action to become critically important. But he left open whether it should include "to avoid acting wrongly" as our highest concern. Such an inclusion would pave the way for ethics. Henry Sidgwick longed for the fusion of ethics and rationality, and while Parfit admitted that many would avoid acting irrationally more ardently than acting immorally, he could not construct an argument that adequately united the two.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Where self-interest puts too much emphasis on the separateness of persons, consequentialism fails to recognise the importance of bonds and emotional responses that come from allowing some people privileged positions in one's life. If we were all pure do-gooders, perhaps following Sidgwick, that would not constitute the outcome that would maximise happiness. It would be better if a small percentage of the population were pure do-gooders, but others acted out of love, etc. Thus consequentialism too makes demands of agents that it initially deemed immoral; it fails not on its own terms, for it still demands the outcome that maximises total happiness, but does demand that each agent not always act as an impartial happiness promoter. Consequentialism thus needs to be revised as well.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Self-interest and consequentialism fail indirectly, while common-sense morality is directly collectively self-defeating. (So is self-interest, but self-interest is an "individual" theory.) Parfit showed, using interesting examples and borrowing from Nashian games, that it would often be better for us all if we did not put the welfare of our loved ones before all else. For example, we should care not only about our kids, but everyone's kids.


title: Derek Parfit

text: In his second book, Parfit argues for moral realism, insisting that moral questions have true and false answers. Further, he suggests that the three most prominent categories of views in moral philosophy—Kantian deontology, consequentalism, and contractarianism (or contractualism)—converge on the same answers to moral questions.


title: Derek Parfit

text: "One thing that greatly matters is the failure of we rich people to prevent, as we so easily could, much of the suffering and many of the early deaths of the poorest people in the world. The money that we spend on an evening’s entertainment might instead save some poor person from death, blindness, or chronic and severe pain. If we believe that, in our treatment of these poorest people, we are not acting wrongly, we are like those who believed that they were justified in having slaves. Some of us ask how much of our wealth we rich people ought to give to these poorest people. But that question wrongly assumes that our wealth is ours to give. This wealth is legally ours. But these poorest people have much stronger moral claims to some of this wealth. We ought to transfer to these people [...] at least ten per cent of what we earn."


title: Derek Parfit

text: In his book "On Human Nature", Roger Scruton criticised Parfit's use of moral dilemmas such as the trolley problem and lifeboat ethics to support his ethical views, writing, "These 'dilemmas' have the useful character of eliminating from the situation just about every morally relevant relationship and reducing the problem to one of arithmetic alone." Scruton believes that many of them are deceptive; for example, he does not believe one must be a consequentialist to believe that it is morally required to pull the switch in the trolley problem, as Parfit assumes. He instead suggests that more complex dilemmas, such as Anna Karenina's choice to leave her husband and child for Vronsky, are needed to fully express the differences between opposing ethical theories, and suggests that deontology is free of the problems that (in Scruton's view) beset Parfit's theory.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Parfit was singular in his meticulously rigorous and almost mathematical investigations into personal identity. In some cases, he used examples seemingly inspired by "Star Trek" and other science fiction, such as the teletransporter, to explore our intuitions about our identity. He was a reductionist, believing that since there is no adequate criterion of personal identity, people do not exist apart from their components. Parfit argued that reality can be fully described impersonally: there need not be a determinate answer to the question "Will I continue to exist?" We could know all the facts about a person's continued existence and not be able to say whether the person has survived. He concluded that we are mistaken in assuming that personal identity is what matters in survival; what matters is rather Relation R: psychological connectedness (namely, of memory and character) and continuity (overlapping chains of strong connectedness).


title: Derek Parfit

text: On Parfit's account, individuals are nothing more than brains and bodies, but identity cannot be reduced to either. (Parfit concedes that his theories rarely conflict with rival Reductionist theories in everyday life, and that the two are only brought to blows by the introduction of extraordinary examples, but he defends the use of such examples on the grounds that they arouse strong intuitions in many of us.) Identity is not as determinate as we often suppose it is, but instead such determinacy arises mainly from the way we talk. People exist in the same way that nations or clubs exist.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Following David Hume, Parfit argued that no unique entity, such as a self, unifies a person's experiences and dispositions over time. Therefore personal identity is not "what matters" in survival.


title: Derek Parfit

text: A key Parfitian question is: given the choice between surviving without psychological continuity and connectedness (Relation R) and dying but preserving R through someone else's future existence, which would you choose? Parfit argues the latter is preferable.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Fellow reductionist Mark Johnston of Princeton rejects Parfit's constitutive notion of identity with what he calls an "Argument from Above". Johnston maintains, "Even if the lower-level facts [that make up identity] do not in themselves matter, the higher-level fact may matter. If it does, the lower-level facts will have derived significance. They will matter, not in themselves, but because they constitute the higher level fact."


title: Derek Parfit

text: In this, Johnston moves to preserve the significance of personhood. Parfit's explanation is that it is not personhood itself that matters, but rather the facts in which personhood consists that provide it with significance. To illustrate this difference between himself and Johnston, Parfit used an illustration of a brain-damaged patient who becomes irreversibly unconscious. The patient is certainly still alive even though that fact is separate from the fact that his heart is still beating and other organs are still functioning. But the fact that the patient is alive is not an independent or separately obtaining fact. The patient's being alive, even though irreversibly unconscious, simply consists in the other facts. Parfit explains that from this so-called "Argument from Below" we can arbitrate the value of the heart and other organs still working without having to assign them derived significance, as Johnston's perspective would dictate.


title: Derek Parfit

text: In part four of "Reasons and Persons", Parfit discusses possible futures for the world. Parfit discusses possible futures and population growth in Chapter 17 of "Reasons and Persons". He shows that both average and total utilitarianism result in unwelcome conclusions when applied to population.


title: Derek Parfit

text: In the section titled "Overpopulation," Parfit distinguishes between average utilitarianism and total utilitarianism. He formulates average utilitarianism in two ways. One is what Parfit calls the "Impersonal Average Principle", which he formulates as "If other things are equal, the best outcome is the one in which people's lives go, on average, best." The other is what he calls the "Hedonistic version"; he formulates this as "If other things are equal, the best outcome is the one in which there is the greatest average net sum of happiness, per life lived." Parfit then gives two formulations of the total utilitarianism view. The first formulation Parfit calls the "Hedonistic version of the Impersonal Total Principle": "If other things are equal, the best outcome is the one in which there would be the greatest quantity of happiness—the greatest net sum of happiness minus misery." He then describes the other formulation, the "non-Hedonistic Impersonal Total Principle": "If other things are equal, the best outcome is the one in which there would be the greatest quantity of whatever makes life worth living.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Applying total utilitarian standards (absolute total happiness) to possible population growth and welfare leads to what he calls the repugnant conclusion: "For any possible population of at least ten billion people, all with a very high quality of life, there must be some much larger imaginable population whose existence, if other things are equal, would be better, even though its members have lives that are barely worth living." Parfit illustrates this with a simple thought experiment: imagine a choice between two possible futures. In A, 10 billion people would live during the next generation, all with extremely happy lives, lives far happier than anyone's today. In B, there are 20 billion people all living lives that, while slightly less happy than those in A, are still very happy. Under total utility maximisation we should prefer B to A. Therefore, through a regressive process of population increases and happiness decreases (in each pair of cases the happiness decrease is outweighed by the population increase) we are forced to prefer Z, a world of hundreds of billions of people all living lives barely worth living, to A. Even if we do not hold that coming to exist can benefit someone, we still must at least admit that Z is no worse than A. There have been a number of responses to Parfit's utilitarian calculus and his conclusion regarding future lives, including challenges to what life in the A-world would be like and whether life in the Z-world would differ very much from a normal privileged life; that movement from the A-world to the Z-world can be blocked by discontinuity; that rather than accepting the utilitarian premise of maximizing happiness, emphasis should be placed on the converse, minimizing suffering; challenging Parfit's teleological framework by arguing that "better than" is a transitive relation and removing the transitive axiom of the all-things-considered-better-than relation; proposing a minimal threshold of liberties and primary social goods to be distributed; and taking a deontological approach that looks to values and their transmission through time.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Parfit makes a similar argument against average utilitarian standards. If all we care about is average happiness, we are forced to conclude that an extremely small population, say ten people, over the course of human history is the best outcome if we assume that these ten people (Adam and Eve et al.) had lives happier than we could ever imagine. Then consider the case of American immigration. Presumably alien welfare is less than American, but the would-be alien benefits tremendously from leaving his homeland. Assume also that Americans benefit from immigration (at least in small amounts) because they get cheap labour, etc. Under immigration both groups are better off, but if this increase is offset by increase in the population, then average welfare is lower. Thus although everyone is better off, this is not the preferred outcome. Parfit asserts that this is simply absurd.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Parfit then discusses the identity of future generations. In Chapter 16 of "Reasons and Persons" he posits that one's existence is intimately related to the time and conditions of one's conception. He calls this "The Time-Dependence Claim": "If any particular person had not been conceived when he was in fact conceived, it is in fact true that he would never have existed".


title: Derek Parfit

text: Study of weather patterns and other physical phenomena in the 20th century has shown that very minor changes in conditions at time T have drastic effects at all times after T. Compare this to the romantic involvement of future childbearing partners. Any actions taken today, at time T, will affect who exists after only a few generations. For instance, a significant change in global environmental policy would shift the conditions of the conception process so much that after 300 years none of the same people that would have been born are in fact born. Different couples meet each other and conceive at different times, and so different people come into existence. This is known as the 'non-identity problem'.


title: Derek Parfit

text: We could thus craft disastrous policies that would be worse for nobody, because none of the same people would exist under the different policies. If we consider the moral ramifications of potential policies in person-affecting terms, we will have no reason to prefer a sound policy over an unsound one provided that its effects are not felt for a few generations. This is the non-identity problem in its purest form: the identity of future generations is causally dependent, in a very sensitive way, on the actions of the present generations.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Parfit met Janet Radcliffe Richards in 1982, and they then began a relationship that lasted until his death. They married in 2010. Richards believes Parfit had Asperger syndrome.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Parfit supported effective altruism. He was a member of Giving What We Can and pledged to donate at least 10% of his income to effective charities.


title: Derek Parfit

text: Parfit was an avid photographer who regularly traveled to Venice and St. Petersburg to photograph architecture.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie is a 1976 American neo-noir crime film written and directed by John Cassavetes and starring Ben Gazzara. A rough and gritty film, this is the second of their three collaborations, following "Husbands" and preceding "Opening Night""." Timothy Carey, Seymour Cassel, Morgan Woodward, Meade Roberts, and Azizi Johari appear in supporting roles.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: Gazzara's character of the formidable strip club owner Cosmo Vittelli was in part based on an impersonation he did for his friend Cassavetes in the 1970s. In an interview for the Criterion Collection in the mid-2000s, Gazzara stated that he believed that Vittelli, who cares deeply about the rather peculiar "art" aspect of his nightclub routines but is faced with patrons who are only there for naked girls and care little about the artistic value of any of the routines, was a double of sorts of Cassavetes himself.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: Cosmo Vittelli owns and operates a nightclub, Crazy Horse West, on the Sunset Strip in Los Angeles. Though Cosmo spends a great deal of time and effort designing and choreographing the venue's artistic burlesque act, he fears his customers are there only to see the naked bodies of his performers. Cosmo makes the final payment on a seven-year gambling debt to a loan shark named Marty, and in return invites him and his mob associates to the club's night act. Eager to celebrate his newfound freedom, Cosmo goes on a night on the town with his three favorite dancers (Margo, Rachel, and Sherry), and subsequently racks up a $23,000 poker debt, returning him to the position he'd just left. Although Cosmo insists he is good for the money over time, Marty's partners force Cosmo to sign over the Crazy Horse West as collateral. Troubled over how to retain his business and resolve the debt, Cosmo drops the girls off at their homes.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: The following night, gangster Mort and his associates arrive at the club and order Cosmo to find and kill a bookie named Harold Ling in exchange for wiping out his outstanding debt. When Cosmo procrastinates, Mort has one of his men rough him up and make it clear the killing must be completed immediately. Mort gives Cosmo a gun, a car, and the location of Ling's house. After they explain that the bookie’s house is guarded and booby-trapped, the men give Cosmo a receipt for the money he owes them and encourage him to tear it up, proving that the hit will cancel his debt. Though they insist the target is simply a low-level bookie, they inadvertently reveal his real name as Benny Wu, raising Cosmo's suspicions.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: On the freeway heading to Wu’s house, a tire on Cosmo’s car blows out but he finds a payphone and calls a cab. The cab takes Cosmo to a restaurant where, as instructed, he picks up hamburgers to distract the guard dogs at Wu’s home. Making his way to the bookie’s room, Cosmo finds Wu naked in his spa. As Cosmo takes aim at the old man, Wu confesses that he has been a bad person and tells Cosmo he is sorry. After killing Wu, Cosmo shoots several bodyguards and makes a run for it, but is shot by a stray bullet in the process.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: Cosmo takes a bus, then several cabs to Rachel’s house, where he collapses on the bed. Rachel’s mother, Betty, whom Cosmo calls “Mom,” tends to his wound, but she refuses his request to call a cab to take him to the club. Meanwhile, Mort learns of the successful hit but Cosmo's apparent survival, and orders his right-hand man Flo to kill Cosmo.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: Cosmo makes it back to the club, where Flo is waiting for him and tries to persuade him to leave. A topless Rachel approaches their table and a half-delirious Cosmo tells her that he is going to buy her a diamond ring and asks her to tell him that she loves him. Flo drags Cosmo to an empty parking garage where he admits he considers them friends before passing him on to Mort. Mort admits to Cosmo that Wu was actually a high-ranking Chinese Triad boss and Cosmo was set up to perform a task that Mort’s men found impossible to accomplish, a task he was never meant to survive. Mort claims he can protect Cosmo, but is only distracting him long enough for one of his men to get a clear shot. Cosmo kills Mort and escapes to Betty's house, asking where Rachel is before rambling on about his own mother and telling Betty that she's "wonderful". Betty tells Cosmo off, ordering him to leave her and Rachel's house and never come back.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: Cosmo returns to the club and talks to his performers, motivating them by telling them that each person has their own truths and sense of happiness. He confesses that he is only happy when he is angry, or when he is playing the role of a person that others want him to be. He encourages the troupe to take on their theatrical personalities so that those in the audience can escape their troubles and also pretend to be who they are not. Cosmo takes the stage and tells the audience they are running late because Rachel has left and confesses to the crowd that he loved her. He walks outside and observes blood dripping from his bullet wound as the show begins.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: For a restaurant scene late in the film, Cassavetes invited a number of prominent Hollywood studio executives to play extras, but then deliberately removed all their faces from the final cut.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: David Bowie sat in on much of the shoot, and is visible in some club audience footage. Cassavetes had a high opinion of Bowie as an actor and held his 1983 film "Merry Christmas, Mr. Lawrence", with co-star Ryuichi Sakamoto, as one of his favorite contemporary films.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: The film's original release, at 135 minutes in length, was a commercial disappointment and the film was pulled from distribution after only seven days. At a May 17, 2008, George Eastman House screening in Rochester, Gazzara said he "hated" the original cut; "it's too long", he had told Cassavetes.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: Eventually, Cassavetes decided to re-edit the film, and it was re-released in 1978 in a new 108-minute cut. The 1978 version is the one that has been in general release since that time, though both versions of the film were issued in The Criterion Collection's "John Cassavetes: Five Films" box set, marking the first appearance of the 1976 version since its original release.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: True to Cassavetes' form, the 108-minute version is not just a simple edit of the 135-minute version. The order of several scenes has been changed, there are different edits of a few scenes, and there are a few segments unique to the 108-minute version. The bulk of the cutting in the 1978 version removed many of the nightclub routines that were in the 1976 version.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: "The Killing of a Chinese Bookie" received mixed reviews upon its initial release, but has developed a cult following since. Jay Cocks of "Time" gave the film a positive review, explaining, "When John Cassavetes makes a gangster movie, you can be sure only that it will be like no other. A film maker of vaunting, demanding individuality, Cassavetes is like a jazz soloist, an improviser who tears off on wild riffs from a basic, familiar melody." Vincent Canby of "The New York Times" thought differently, saying, ""The Killing of a Chinese Bookie" is like the last three of the director's films ("A Woman Under the Influence", "Husbands" and "Minnie and Moskowitz") in the way it resolutely refuses to come to a point strong or interesting enough to support the loving care that's gone into its production, particularly on the part of the actors."


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: Review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes reports that 79% of 28 film critics have given the film a positive review, with a rating average of 6.45 out of 10.


title: The Killing of a Chinese Bookie

text: During the late 1990s director Brett Ratner acquired the rights to film a remake of "The Killing of a Chinese Bookie" and recruited John Cassavetes's son Nick to write the screenplay. However, the remake was never filmed.


title: Holographic weapon sight

text: A holographic weapon sight or holographic diffraction sight is a non-magnifying gunsight that allows the user to look through a glass optical window and see a holographic reticle image superimposed at a distance on the field of view. The hologram of the reticle is built into the window and is illuminated by a laser diode.


title: Holographic weapon sight

text: The first-generation holographic sight was introduced by EOTech—then an ERIM subsidiary—at the 1996 SHOT Show, under the trade name HoloSight by Bushnell (with whom the company was partnered with at the time), initially aiming for the civilian sport shooting and hunting market. It won the Optic of the Year Award from the Shooting Industry Academy of Excellence.


title: Holographic weapon sight

text: EOTech was the only company that manufactured holographic sights until early 2017 (possibly January 2017), when Vortex introduced the Razor AMG UH-1 into the market as a competing product.


title: Holographic weapon sight

text: Holographic weapon sights use a laser transmission hologram of a reticle image that is recorded in three-dimensional space onto holographic film at the time of manufacture. This image is part of the optical viewing window. The recorded hologram is illuminated by the collimated light of a laser diode built into the sight. The sight can be adjusted for range and windage by simply tilting or pivoting the holographic grating. To compensate for any change in the laser wavelength due to temperature, the sight employs a holography grating that disperses the laser light by an equal amount but in the opposite direction as the hologram forming the aiming reticle.


title: Holographic weapon sight

text: The optical window in a holographic weapon sight looks like a piece of clear glass with an illuminated reticle in the middle. The aiming reticle can be an infinitely small dot whose perceived size is given by the acuity of the eye. For someone with 20/20 vision, it is about 1 minute of arc (0.3 mrad).


title: Holographic weapon sight

text: Like the reflector sight, the holographic sight is not "parallax free", having an aim-point that can move with eye position. This can be compensated for by having a holographic image that is set at a finite distance with parallax due to eye movement being the size of the optical window at close range and diminishing to zero at the set distance (usually around the target range of 100 yards).


title: Holographic weapon sight

text: Since the reticle is a transmission hologram, illuminated by a laser shining through hologram presenting a reconstructed image, there is no need for the sight "window" to be partially blocked by a semi-silvered or dielectric dichroic coating needed to reflect an image such as in standard reflex sights. Holographic sights therefore have the potential for better light transmission than reflector sights.


title: Holographic weapon sight

text: Holographic sights are considerably more expensive than red dot sights, due to their complexity as well as there being only two manufacturers of holographic sights.


title: Holographic weapon sight

text: Holographic sights are generally bulkier than reflex sights and require a rifle to mount, while red dot sights have been made small enough to fit handguns.


title: Holographic weapon sight

text: Holographic sights have shorter battery life when compared to reflex sights that use LEDs, such as red dot sights. The laser diode in a holographic sight uses more power and has more complex driving electronics than a standard LED of an equivalent brightness, reducing the amount of time a holographic sight can run on a single set of batteries compared to a red dot sight (around 600 hours for typical holographic sights, compared to sometimes up to tens of thousands of hours for red dot sights). For example, the Vortex Razor AMG UH-1 holographic sight has been quoted as having an expected battery life of 1,000 to 1,500 hours (1½ to 2 months) on medium setting, while the Aimpoint CompM5s red dot sight has an expected battery life of around 8000 to hours (1 to 5 years) depending on setting.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Rio Haryanto (born 22 January 1993) is an Indonesian racing driver. He last competed in the 2019-20 Asian Le Mans Series and in the Blancpain GT World Challenge Asia for T2 Motorsports.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: He raced for Manor in Formula One for the first 12 races of the 2016 Formula One season. As of 2022, he is the only Indonesian driver to have competed in Formula One.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: He began his car racing career competing in three Asian-based series during 2008: the Asian Formula Renault Challenge, Formula Asia 2.0, and Formula BMW Pacific. He was most competitive in the FAsia 2.0 series, winning two races to finish third overall in the championship behind expatriate European drivers Felix Rosenqvist and Matthias Beche.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: In 2009 he again competed in a variety of series, including the Australian Drivers' Championship and the Asian Formula Renault Challenge once more. His main focus this year, however, was the Formula BMW Pacific championship, which he dominated with 11 victories from the 15 races (although five of these races were won outright by invitational drivers who were not entered in the championship), driving for the Malaysian Meritus team. This included a perfect run of four outright victories, pole positions and fastest laps in the four consecutive races held at his home circuit of Sentul. He also competed in a round of the equivalent European FBMW series, himself a guest driver on this occasion.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto stepped up to the more competitive European racing scene full-time for 2010 by joining the Manor Racing team for the Formula One-supporting GP3 Series. His three teammates during the season were James Jakes, Adrien Tambay and Adrian Quaife-Hobbs. In an impressive first season at this level, he won a race at Istanbul Park and took two further podium placings to finish fifth place in the drivers' championship, the leading Manor driver. His form was "one of the surprises of the season", according to the Autosport magazine. He remained with the team for 2011, now badged as Marussia Manor Racing, alongside Quaife-Hobbs and Matias Laine. Despite increasing his victory count to two, with wins at the Nürburgring and the Hungaroring, his inconsistency—including a run of seven races without scoring points at the start of the year—saw him slip to seventh place in the championship, behind Quaife-Hobbs. Both of his victories were in rainy conditions, giving him something of a reputation as a wet-weather specialist.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: In addition to his GP3 duties, Haryanto also drove for the DAMS team in the Auto GP series, competing in all but one round of the championship as it clashed with the GP3 schedule. Driving alongside Sergey Afanasyev and part-timer Tambay, he took a win at the Circuit Ricardo Tormo in Valencia and finished seventh in the drivers' standings. The efforts of Haryanto, Afanasyev, Tambay, and Haryanto's substitute, Kevin Korjus, were enough for DAMS to win the teams' championship.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto made his GP2 Series début with DAMS at the non-championship season finale at Yas Marina in 2011. He was in the series full-time for 2012 with the Marussia-backed Carlin team, where he partnered Max Chilton. He was the first Indonesian to compete at this level of motorsport since Ananda Mikola competed in International Formula 3000 during 2000 and 2001. In his first season of GP2, Haryanto secured a single fastest lap, a single pole position—in wet conditions at Spa, confirming his reputation as a wet-weather specialist—and a best race finish of fifth in the feature race at Valencia, securing 14th place in the championship at season's end.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: He raced in the 2013 GP2 Series for the Barwa Addax Team alongside teammate Jake Rosenzweig. On 30 June 2013, he gained his first podium in the GP2 Series at Silverstone and the same time, first podium for the Barwa Addax Team in the 2013 GP2 season.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: For the 2014 GP2 Series he moved to EQ8 Caterham Racing, partnering with Alexander Rossi. On 24 May 2014, he gained his second podium in the GP2 Series at Monaco and, at the same time, first podium in the 2014 GP2 season.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto switched to Campos for the 2015 GP2 Series season. After taking second place at the feature race in Bahrain, Haryanto took his first win in GP2 in the following day's sprint race. He achieved his second victory in the sprint race at the Red Bull Ring despite a damaged front wing. Haryanto finished the 2015 GP2 Series season in fourth place with 138 points.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto had been linked to the Virgin Racing/Marussia F1/Manor Racing team since his first GP3 season with Manor in 2010, as he had driven for junior teams with its backing since then. In the autumn of that year, he won the right to test with Virgin at the end of the 2010 season due to his finishing position as the highest ranked Manor driver in the GP3 final standings. He tested for Virgin in Abu Dhabi on 16 November. Suffering gearbox problems, he posted the slowest time of the thirteen runners in the morning session. He did not receive the prize test in 2011 because teammate Adrian Quaife-Hobbs beat him in the standings on this occasion.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto and 2012 GP2 Series teammate Max Chilton drove for Marussia in the first young driver tests of 2012, held in-season at Silverstone. Running over the course of two days, Haryanto completed three hundred kilometres of testing, satisfying one of the conditions to be eligible for a superlicence and becoming the first Indonesian driver to qualify for one.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: On 18 February 2016, Haryanto was confirmed as a driver of Manor Racing for the 2016 Formula One season alongside 2015 DTM Champion Pascal Wehrlein. He made his debut at the 2016 Australian Grand Prix, however got off to a rocky start with an incident involving Romain Grosjean when they collided in the pit lane during practice. Haryanto was later issued a three-place grid penalty for the incident, as well as two penalty points added to his licence. Haryanto retired from his debut race due to a drive link problem on the 18th lap. Amusingly, Haryanto was the most-voted driver in Formula One's newly-introduced Driver of the Day vote, before the award went to Romain Grosjean, who scored points for the debuting Haas team.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto was the second driver to be eliminated from qualifying for the 2016 Bahrain Grand Prix, ahead of Felipe Nasr. However, this meant a grid place of 20th due to Renault's Kevin Magnussen having to start from the pitlane after failing to stop for weighing during practice. He was the last car to finish the race, in 17th place and one lap down. He managed to beat the other Renault driver Jolyon Palmer to 21st in China, before he became tangled up in a first-lap crash in Russia that involved Nico Hülkenberg and Esteban Gutiérrez. Haryanto repeated his Bahrain performance in Spain, with his next race in Monaco bringing him a career-best 15th, albeit 4 laps down and once again the last classified finisher. He remained the last classified car in the next two races, with 19th and 18th places, before a 16th-place finish in Austria brought attention to the gap in talent between himself and teammate Wehrlein, who scored Manor's only point of the season in the same race. He spun off in the wet in Britain, whilst what would turn out to be his final two races again saw him the last classified finisher as his future became unclear due to a lack of sponsorship.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: On 10 August 2016, Manor confirmed that they were demoting Haryanto to reserve driver due to a lack of sponsorship. This was because the promised funds from the Indonesian Ministry of Youth and Sport had been blocked by the Parliament, citing invalid procedures of funding procurements by Minister of Youth and Sport Imam Nahrawi. Esteban Ocon was announced as his replacement. When the parent company of the team collapsed at the end of the season, Haryanto was the only driver of the team not to make the 2017 grid, with Ocon and Wehrlein moving to Force India and Sauber respectively.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto participated in the 2018 SIC888 Race at Shanghai International Circuit. He teamed up with fellow Indonesians, Anderson Tanoto and Audi R8 LMS Cup champion Andrew Haryanto (no relation), driving an Audi R8 LMS GT4. The trio finished the 6-hour race in 5th position.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto competed in the 2019 Blancpain GT World Challenge Asia with T2 Motorsports, driving the No. 75 Ferrari 488 GT3 alongside Indonesian compatriot David Tjiptobiantoro in all but the third round, where Tjiptobiantoro was replaced by Singaporean driver Gregory Teo. He finished 31st overall and 12th in the Pro-Am Cup.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto also raced in the 2019-20 Asian Le Mans Series, again with T2 Motorsports, driving the No. 75 Ferrari 488 GT3 with Tjiptobiantoro and Italian driver Christian Colombo. He finished 9th in the driver's championship.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto was born in Solo to Sinyo Haryanto and Indah Pennywati, both Surakarta locals of Chinese-Indonesian descent. His three older brothers are Roy, Ricky and Rian. The three of them also had careers in national racing events with their father who was also active in racing until 2003.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: In 2014, Haryanto earned a business degree from Anglia Ruskin University, studying at their Singaporean campus. At the beginning of 2017, he entered the business field as he was assigned by his father to oversee the security printing division at his family's printing company Kiky. During Haryanto's Formula One career, Kiky were involved in a lawsuit over copyright infringement with Spanish cartoonist "Adaco" as they were claimed to have used "Adaco"s' works in their printing without permission. Haryanto is also known to own a restaurant in Colomadu, Karanganyar.


title: Rio Haryanto

text: Haryanto and his family are devout Muslims. Whenever he races, he would adhere the Throne Verse on his car cockpit and read it as part of his race ritual.


title: Grant Mitchell (EastEnders)

text: Grant Mitchell is a fictional character from the British soap opera "EastEnders", played by Ross Kemp. He was introduced by producer Michael Ferguson to revamp the show, and originally served as one of the show's leading protagonists throughout the 1990s; with the character first appearing in 22 February 1990 and then departing on 25 October 1999 after Kemp had opted to leave the show. He then returned to the show on 24 October 2005 for a few weeks and returned again between March and June 2006. Kemp was persuaded to return to the role for brief stints during a period of heavy media criticism aimed at "EastEnders". The return proved to be a ratings success. Kemp reprised the role of Grant for various guest stints in 2016, appearing in twelve episodes between 13 May and 9 September. An archived recording of his voice was heard on 25 January 2022. On 26 July 2022, it was announced that Grant would feature in a flashback episode focusing on the Mitchell family in 1979. Teddy Jay played the role of Grant for this special episode, which aired on 5 September 2022.


title: Grant Mitchell (EastEnders)

text: Throughout the course of his 1990s duration, Grant established himself as one of the show's most prominent characters. He was portrayed as a tough persona, wildly known for his fiery temper and his tendency to resort to violence. Despite this, however, his family is important to him – particularly his relationship with his older brother Phil (Steve McFadden). Known as the "Mitchell brothers", Grant and Phil have become household names in the United Kingdom – due to their association with the stereotypical black leather jacket wearing bald and brutal thug. They have been parodied even in adverts where their gruff, tough talking, cockney accents have been impersonated. One of "EastEnders" most popular and highly rated storylines was "Sharongate", where Grant discovers that his wife Sharon Watts (Letitia Dean) has been having an affair with his brother. In light of this iconic revelation, Grant attacked Phil and exacted revenge on Sharon until she departed the programme following her betrayal. Grant then went on to embark on a second marriage with local barmaid Tiffany Raymond (Martine McCutcheon), up to the point where she gave birth to their daughter – Courtney. However, their marriage ended in tragedy when Grant's prolonging mistreatment towards Tiffany ultimately led to her being accidentally killed by his would-be stepfather Frank Butcher (Mike Reid).


title: Grant Mitchell (EastEnders)

text: The character has also become a prime suspect in the murder of Sharon's hated boss Eddie Royle (Michael Melia); sparked a longstanding feud with her best-friend Michelle Fowler (Susan Tully); clashed with Peggy's campaign rival George Palmer (Paul Moriarty); developed a close friendship with local shopkeeper Nigel Bates (Paul Bradley); formed a conflict with Sam's former boyfriend David Wicks (Michael French); slept with David's wife Lorraine Wicks (Jacqueline Leonard) they secretly harbored feelings for each other; cheated on Tiffany by having an affair with her mother Louise (Carol Harrison); triggered a rivalry with his archenemy Beppe di Marco (Michael Greco); disputed with Beppe's younger brother Gianni (Marc Bannerman); worked with Palmer's daughter Annie (Nadia Sawalha) on a jointed business venture at the local gym; established an antagonistic business partnership with Phil's would-be sworn nemesis, Steve Owen (Martin Kemp); had a one-night stand with Phil's estranged wife Kathy Beale (Gillian Taylforth); exonerated Sam for the murder of Sharon's adopted father, Den (Leslie Grantham), by proving to his ex-wife that her stepmother Chrissie (Tracy-Ann Oberman) was responsible for the crime; teamed up with Phil to confront their mother's gangland enemy, Johnny Allen (Billy Murray), and get justice for the death of Sharon's adopted brother-turned-second husband Dennis Rickman (Nigel Harman) in the Get Johnny Week scenario; infuriated Kathy's son Ian (Adam Woodyatt) after sleeping with his eventual lover Jane (Laurie Brett) prior to their wedding; ended his third ill-fated marriage to Carla (Christianne Oliveira) upon learning that she turned him against Courtney; and discovered that he is the father of Michelle's secret son, Mark (Ned Porteous), in light of coping with losing his mother Peggy to cancer.


title: Grant Mitchell (EastEnders)

text: Despite his tough nature, he is also a womanizer and has been involved in several relationships with an array of women – including Julie Cooper (Louise Plowright), Nina Harris (Troy Titus-Adams), Chelsea Fox (Tiana Benjamin) and Belinda Peacock (Carli Norris). While he has calmed down in recent years, Grant is still feared by people in and around Walford.