title: Mediation (statistics)

text: The bootstrapping method provides some advantages to the Sobel's test, primarily an increase in power. The Preacher and Hayes bootstrapping method is a non-parametric test. As such, the bootstrap method does not violate assumptions of normality and is therefore recommended for small sample sizes. Bootstrapping involves repeatedly randomly sampling observations with replacement from the data set to compute the desired statistic in each resample. Computing over hundreds, or thousands, of bootstrap resamples provide an approximation of the sampling distribution of the statistic of interest. The Preacher–Hayes method provides point estimates and confidence intervals by which one can assess the significance or nonsignificance of a mediation effect. Point estimates reveal the mean over the number of bootstrapped samples and if zero does not fall between the resulting confidence intervals of the bootstrapping method, one can confidently conclude that there is a significant mediation effect to report.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: As outlined above, there are a few different options one can choose from to evaluate a mediation model.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Bootstrapping is becoming the most popular method of testing mediation because it does not require the normality assumption to be met, and because it can be effectively utilized with smaller sample sizes ("N" < 25). However, mediation continues to be most frequently determined using the logic of Baron and Kenny or the Sobel test. It is becoming increasingly more difficult to publish tests of mediation based purely on the Baron and Kenny method or tests that make distributional assumptions such as the Sobel test. Thus, it is important to consider your options when choosing which test to conduct.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: While the concept of mediation as defined within psychology is theoretically appealing, the methods used to study mediation empirically have been challenged by statisticians and epidemiologists and interpreted formally.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Experimental approaches to mediation must be carried out with caution. First, it is important to have strong theoretical support for the exploratory investigation of a potential mediating variable.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: A criticism of a mediation approach rests on the ability to manipulate and measure a mediating variable. Thus, one must be able to manipulate the proposed mediator in an acceptable and ethical fashion. As such, one must be able to measure the intervening process without interfering with the outcome. The mediator must also be able to establish construct validity of manipulation.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: One of the most common criticisms of the measurement-of-mediation approach is that it is ultimately a correlational design. Consequently, it is possible that some other third variable, independent from the proposed mediator, could be responsible for the proposed effect. However, researchers have worked hard to provide counter-evidence to this disparagement. Specifically, the following counter-arguments have been put forward:


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Mediation can be an extremely useful and powerful statistical test; however, it must be used properly. It is important that the measures used to assess the mediator and the dependent variable are theoretically distinct and that the independent variable and mediator cannot interact. Should there be an interaction between the independent variable and the mediator one would have grounds to investigate moderation.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Another model that is often tested is one in which competing variables in the model are alternative potential mediators or an unmeasured cause of the dependent variable. An additional variable in a causal model may obscure or confound the relationship between the independent and dependent variables. Potential confounders are variables that may have a causal impact on both the independent variable and dependent variable. They include common sources of measurement error (as discussed above) as well as other influences shared by both the independent and dependent variables.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: In experimental studies, there is a special concern about aspects of the experimental manipulation or setting that may account for study effects, rather than the motivating theoretical factor. Any of these problems may produce spurious relationships between the independent and dependent variables as measured. Ignoring a confounding variable may bias empirical estimates of the causal effect of the independent variable.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: A suppressor variable increases the predictive validity of another variable when included in a regression equation. Suppression can occur when a single causal variable is related to an outcome variable through two separate mediator variables, and when one of those mediated effects is positive and one is negative. In such a case, each mediator variable suppresses or conceals the effect that is carried through the other mediator variable. For example, higher intelligence scores (a causal variable, "A") may cause an increase in error detection (a mediator variable, "B") which in turn may cause a decrease in errors made at work on an assembly line (an outcome variable, "X"); at the same time, intelligence could also cause an increase in boredom ("C"), which in turn may cause an "increase" in errors ("X"). Thus, in one causal path intelligence decreases errors, and in the other it increases them. When neither mediator is included in the analysis, intelligence appears to have no effect or a weak effect on errors. However, when boredom is controlled intelligence will appear to decrease errors, and when error detection is controlled intelligence will appear to increase errors. If intelligence could be increased while only boredom was held constant, errors would decrease; if intelligence could be increased while holding only error detection constant, errors would increase.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: In general, the omission of suppressors or confounders will lead to either an underestimation or an overestimation of the effect of "A" on "X", thereby either reducing or artificially inflating the magnitude of a relationship between two variables.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Other important third variables are moderators. Moderators are variables that can make the relationship between two variables either stronger or weaker. Such variables further characterize interactions in regression by affecting the direction and/or strength of the relationship between "X" and "Y". A moderating relationship can be thought of as an interaction. It occurs when the relationship between variables A and B depends on the level of C. See moderation for further discussion.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Mediation and moderation can co-occur in statistical models. It is possible to mediate moderation and moderate mediation.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Moderated mediation is when the effect of the treatment "A" on the mediator and/or the partial effect "B" on the dependent variable depend in turn on levels of another variable (moderator). Essentially, in moderated mediation, mediation is first established, and then one investigates if the mediation effect that describes the relationship between the independent variable and dependent variable is moderated by different levels of another variable (i.e., a moderator). This definition has been outlined by Muller, Judd, and Yzerbyt (2005) and Preacher, Rucker, and Hayes (2007).


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: In addition to the models mentioned above, a new variable can also exist which moderates the relationship between the independent variable and mediator (the A path) while at the same time have the new variable moderate the relationship between the independent variable and dependent variable (the C Path).


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Mediated moderation is a variant of both moderation and mediation. This is where there is initially overall moderation and the direct effect of the moderator variable on the outcome is mediated. The main difference between mediated moderation and moderated mediation is that for the former there is initial (overall) moderation and this effect is mediated and for the latter there is no moderation but the effect of either the treatment on the mediator (path "A") is moderated or the effect of the mediator on the outcome (path "B") is moderated.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: In order to establish mediated moderation, one must first establish moderation, meaning that the direction and/or the strength of the relationship between the independent and dependent variables (path "C") differs depending on the level of a third variable (the moderator variable). Researchers next look for the presence of mediated moderation when they have a theoretical reason to believe that there is a fourth variable that acts as the mechanism or process that causes the relationship between the independent variable and the moderator (path "A") or between the moderator and the dependent variable (path "C").


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Participants were presented with an initial stimulus (a prime) that made them think of morality or made them think of might. They then participated in the Prisoner's Dilemma Game (PDG), in which participants pretend that they and their partner in crime have been arrested, and they must decide whether to remain loyal to their partner or to compete with their partner and cooperate with the authorities. The researchers found that prosocial individuals were affected by the morality and might primes, whereas proself individuals were not. Thus, social value orientation (proself vs. prosocial) moderated the relationship between the prime (independent variable: morality vs. might) and the behaviour chosen in the PDG (dependent variable: competitive vs. cooperative).


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: The researchers next looked for the presence of a mediated moderation effect. Regression analyses revealed that the type of prime (morality vs. might) mediated the moderating relationship of participants’ social value orientation on PDG behaviour. Prosocial participants who experienced the morality prime expected their partner to cooperate with them, so they chose to cooperate themselves. Prosocial participants who experienced the might prime expected their partner to compete with them, which made them more likely to compete with their partner and cooperate with the authorities. In contrast, participants with a pro-self social value orientation always acted competitively.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Muller, Judd, and Yzerbyt (2005) outline three fundamental models that underlie both moderated mediation and mediated moderation. "Mo" represents the moderator variable(s), "Me" represents the mediator variable(s), and "ε" represents the measurement error of each regression equation.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Moderation of the relationship between the independent variable (X) and the dependent variable (Y), also called the overall treatment effect (path "C" in the diagram).


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Moderation of both the relationship between the independent and dependent variables (path "A") and the relationship between the mediator and the dependent variable (path "B").


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: Such an operator, denoted do("M" = "m"), was defined in Pearl (1994) and it operates by removing the equation of "M" and replacing it by a constant "m". For example, if the basic mediation model consists of the equations:


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: The power of these definitions lies in their generality; they are applicable to models with arbitrary nonlinear interactions, arbitrary dependencies among the disturbances, and both continuous and categorical variables.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: analysis, and the mediation formulas identify how various interactions coefficients contribute to the necessary and sufficient components of mediation.


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: where the parameter formula_21 quantifies the degree to which "M" modifies the effect of "X" on "Y". Even when all parameters are estimated from data, it is still not obvious what combinations of parameters measure the direct and indirect effect of "X" on "Y", or, more practically, how to assess the fraction of the total effect formula_22 that is "explained" by mediation and the fraction of formula_22 that is "owed" to mediation. In linear analysis, the former fraction is captured by the product formula_24, the latter by the difference formula_25, and the two quantities coincide. In the presence of interaction, however, each fraction demands a separate analysis, as dictated by the Mediation Formula, which yields:


title: Mediation (statistics)

text: mechanically with the help of the Mediation Formula. Significantly, due to interaction, a direct effect can be sustained even when the parameter formula_29 vanishes and, moreover, a total effect can be sustained even when both the direct and indirect effects vanish. This illustrates that estimating parameters in isolation tells us little about the effect of mediation and, more generally, mediation and moderation are intertwined and cannot be assessed separately.


title: The Kid Stays in the Picture

text: The Kid Stays in the Picture is a 1994 print autobiography by film producer Robert Evans. A film adaptation of the book was released in 2002.


title: The Kid Stays in the Picture

text: The title comes from a line attributed to studio head Darryl F. Zanuck, who was defending Evans after some of the actors involved in the film "The Sun Also Rises" (1957) had recommended he be removed from the cast.


title: The Kid Stays in the Picture

text: The film adaptation was directed by Nanette Burstein and Brett Morgen and released by USA Films. It was screened out of competition at the 2002 Cannes Film Festival.


title: The Kid Stays in the Picture

text: The book chronicles Evans' rise from childhood to radio star to film actor to production chief of Paramount Pictures to independent producer, his marriage to Ali MacGraw, his downfall including his 1980 cocaine bust and implication in the murder of Roy Radin, aka "The Cotton Club Murder", his banishment from Paramount Pictures, and his return to the studio in the early 1990s.


title: The Kid Stays in the Picture

text: A revised edition of the book, published in 1995, adds several chapters of new material, including material on his projects after his return to Paramount Pictures.


title: The Kid Stays in the Picture

text: The film version, released in 2002, uses Evans' narration interspersed mostly with photographs from Evans' life as well as brief film footage from films such as "Love Story", "The Sun Also Rises", "Rosemary's Baby", "Chinatown", and "The Godfather", along with interviews to tell the story from his discovery by Norma Shearer for "Man of a Thousand Faces" (1957) to his return to Paramount Pictures.


title: The Kid Stays in the Picture

text: According to the commentary by directors Burstein and Morgen on the DVD, many elements from the book, such as Evans' childhood and his other marriages (the film concentrates only on his marriage to Ali MacGraw), were dropped because they felt they did not move the story along.


title: The Kid Stays in the Picture

text: On review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes, the film holds an approval rating of 91% based on 112 reviews, with an average rating of 7.69/10. The website's critical consensus reads, "Though not objective by any means, The Kid Stays in the Picture is irresistibly entertaining."


title: The Kid Stays in the Picture

text: An adaptation of the book—along with material from a further, unpublished volume of Evans' memoirs—for the Broadway stage was announced in 2010, to be written by Jon Robin Baitz and directed by Richard Eyre, but the production was canceled in 2011.


title: The Kid Stays in the Picture

text: Another stage adaptation of the book was first performed at the Royal Court Theatre in London in 2017. It was adapted by the Complicite theatre company and directed by Simon McBurney. The cast included Danny Huston, son of John Huston, who worked with Evans on "Chinatown" in 1974.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: In computer software, a general-purpose programming language (GPL) is a programming language for building software in a wide variety of application domains. Conversely, a domain-specific programming language is used within a specific area. For example, SQL was specifically designed for querying relational databases.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: Early programming languages were designed either for scientific computing (numerical calculations) or commercial data processing, as was computer hardware. Scientific languages such as Fortran and Algol supported floating-point calculations and multidimensional arrays, while business languages such as COBOL supported fixed-field file formats and data records. Much less widely used were specialized languages such as IPL-V and LISP for symbolic list processing; COMIT for string manipulation; APT for numerically controlled machines. Systems programming requiring pointer manipulation was typically done in assembly language, though JOVIAL was used for some military applications.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: IBM's System/360, announced in 1964, was designed as a unified hardware architecture supporting both scientific and commercial applications, and IBM developed PL/I for it as a single, general-purpose language that supported scientific, commercial, and systems programming. Indeed, a subset of PL/I was used as the standard systems programming language for the Multics operating system.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: Since PL/I, the distinction between scientific and commercial programming languages has diminished, with most languages supporting the basic features required by both, and much of the special file format handling delegated to specialized database management systems.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: Many specialized languages were also developed starting in the 1960s: GPSS and Simula for discrete event simulation; MAD, BASIC, Logo, and Pascal for teaching programming; C for systems programming; JOSS and APL\360 for interactive programming.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: The distinction between general-purpose programming languages and domain-specific programming languages is not always clear. A programming language may be created for a specific task, but used beyond that original domain and thus be considered a general purpose programming language.  For example, COBOL, Fortran, and Lisp were created as DSLs (for business processing, numeric computation, and symbolic processing), but became GPL’s over time. Inversely, a language may be designed for general use but only applied in a specific area in practice. A programming language that is well suited for a problem, whether it be general-purpose language or DSL, should minimize the level of detail required while still being expressive enough in the problem domain. As the name suggests, general-purpose language is “general” in that it cannot provide support for domain-specific notation while DSLs can be designed in diverse problem domains to handle this problem. General-purpose languages are preferred to DSLs when an application domain is not well understood enough to warrant its own language. In this case, a general-purpose language with an appropriate library of data types and functions for the domain may be used instead. While DSLs are usually smaller than GPL in that they offer a smaller range of notations of abstractions, some DSLs actually contain an entire GPL as a sublanguage. In these instances, the DSLs are able to offer domain-specific expressive power along with the expressive power of GPL.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: General Purpose programming languages are all Turing complete, meaning that they can theoretically solve any computational problem. Domain-specific languages are often similarly Turing complete but are not exclusively so.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: General-purpose programming languages are more commonly used by programmers.  According to a study, C, Python, and Java were the most commonly used programming languages in 2021. One argument in favor of using general-purpose programming languages over domain-specific languages is that more people will be familiar with these languages, overcoming the need to learn a new language.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: Additionally, for many tasks (e.g., statistical analysis, machine learning, etc.) there are libraries that are extensively tested and optimized. Theoretically, the presence of these libraries should bridge the gap between general-purpose and domain-specific languages.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: An empirical study in 2010 sought to measure problem-solving and productivity between GPLs and CSLs by giving users problems who were familiar with the GPL (C#) and unfamiliar with the DSL (XAML).  Ultimately, users of this specific domain-specific language performed better by a factor of 15%, even though they were more familiar with GPL, warranting further research.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: The predecessor to C, B, was developed largely for a specific purpose: systems programming. By contrast, C has found use in a variety of computational domains, such as operating systems, device drivers, application software, and embedded systems.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: C is suitable for use in a variety of areas because of its generality. It provides economy of expression, flow control, data structures, and a rich set of operators, but does not constrain its users to use it in any one context. As a result, though it was first used by its creators to rewrite the kernel of the Unix operating system, it was easily adapted for use in application development, embedded systems (e.g., microprocessor programming), video games (e.g., Doom), and so on. Today, C remains one of the most popular and widely-used programming languages.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: Conceived as an extension to C, C++ introduced object-oriented features, as well as other conveniences like references, operator overloading, and default arguments. Like C, C++’s generality allowed it to be used in a wide range of areas. While its C++’s core area of application is in systems programming (because of C++’s ability to grant access to low-level architecture), it has been used extensively to build desktop applications, video games, databases, financial systems, and much more. Major software and finance companies, such as Microsoft, Apple, Bloomberg, and Morgan Stanley, still widely use C++ in their internal and external applications.


title: General-purpose programming language

text: Python was conceived as a language that emphasized code readability and extensibility. The former allowed non-software engineers to easily learn and write computer programs, while the latter allowed domain specialists to easily create libraries suited to their own use cases. For these reasons, Python has been used across a wide range of domains.


title: Just a Girl

text: "Just a Girl" is a song by American band No Doubt for their third studio album, "Tragic Kingdom" (1995). Released as the record's lead single in the United States on September 21, 1995, it was written by Gwen Stefani and Tom Dumont, and produced by Matthew Wilder. It has also made an appearance on their 2003 greatest hits album, "The Singles 1992–2003". Lyrically, "Just a Girl" is about Stefani's perspective of life as a woman and her struggles with having strict parents. "Just a Girl" was the first song Stefani wrote without the assistance of her brother Eric.


title: Just a Girl

text: "Just a Girl" received positive reviews from music critics, who commended the feminist lyrics and Stefani's vocals. The single is typically regarded as being the breakthrough that popularized No Doubt. "Just a Girl" became No Doubt's first charting single in the United States, peaking at number 23 on the "Billboard" Hot 100 and entering the Alternative Songs, Hot Rock Songs, and Mainstream Top 40 component charts. It also reached the top ten in several other countries, including Australia, Ireland, New Zealand, Norway, Scotland, and the United Kingdom.


title: Just a Girl

text: An accompanying music video was directed by Mark Kohr and features Stefani singing in a clean and organized restroom while the male members play their instruments in a dirty and unkept one. Separated by a wall, the men eventually climb over into the ladies' restroom and begin dancing. Stefani's attire in the music video for "Just a Girl" was a popular talking point for critics. No Doubt, and Stefani individually, has performed the song in a number of live appearances, including at the group's first concert series Tragic Kingdom World Tour (1995–1997), during the middle portion of the 2002 Rock Steady Tour, and as part of the encore during the 2016 This Is What the Truth Feels Like Tour. Stefani named her 2018–2020 concert residency in Las Vegas after the single. It has also been covered and sampled in other works by several musicians.


title: Just a Girl

text: In 1992, No Doubt released their eponymous debut album with Interscope Records, which was commercially unsuccessful and caused their record label to cancel funding for further albums and projects. In response, the band independently recorded "The Beacon Street Collection" (1995). Impressed by the album, Interscope agreed to resume funding for a third album, which became "Tragic Kingdom" (1995). "Just a Girl" was written by Gwen Stefani and Tom Dumont, with production handled by Matthew Wilder. Unlike previous songs written by the band, "Just a Girl" was not co-written by Gwen's brother Eric Stefani, who left No Doubt due to creative differences in early 1995. In response to reviewers criticizing No Doubt for changing their sound and selling out during this time, Dumont said:


title: Just a Girl

text: Well, there is a reason that the sound of our music has changed and it's not because we've sold out, easy for me to say. Eric [...] used to write most of our songs. [This] was Gwen's first time really writing all the lyrics herself so to me, it went the opposite from selling out. We have done something that is even more personal. In the past, Eric was writing songs about his life and having Gwen sing them. Now we have Gwen singing and writing about her own experiences. It makes it more natural. She's a singer, she should sing about herself or sing what she wants to sing. I think that is the main reason why our musical style has changed.


title: Just a Girl

text: The first song written for "Tragic Kingdom", "Just a Girl" was penned by Stefani after her father reprimanded her for driving from her bandmate Tony Kanal's house late at night. Commenting on her first experience with writing a song by herself, she explained: "I just wanted to write a song to express how I was feeling in that moment and I never in my wildest dreams thought that anyone would hear it. I remember coming up with every single line [and] I have a really bad memory but I really, really remember that moment and feeling I could really relate to myself and this song … I felt like it really echoed exactly how I felt." "Just a Girl" was the first song mixed with newcomer David J. Holman, founder of Trauma Records. Following this, Holman co-signed No Doubt to his label and began working on more songs to be featured on "Tragic Kingdom".


title: Just a Girl

text: The song was first released in the United States on September 21, 1995. It was distributed on 7-inch records, cassettes, and CDs. The B-side pairing for the American release was album track "Different People", which was written by Eric Stefani, Gwen Stefani, and Tony Kanal. A two-part CD single series released in the United Kingdom includes "The Beacon Street Collection" track "Open the Gate", "Tragic Kingdom" tracks "Different People", "End It on This" and "Hey You", and a cover of the Beatles' song "Ob-La-Di-Ob-La-Da" (1968). On March 24, 1997, "Just a Girl" was re-released in Europe as a CD maxi single and features the album and live versions of "Just a Girl", in addition to live versions of "Don't Speak" and "Hey You". An enhanced CD released in the United States includes the official music video to "Just a Girl".


title: Just a Girl

text: Musically, "Just a Girl" is a ska punk, pop-punk, alternative rock, and new wave song with sarcastic lyrics. It was described by Stephen Thomas Erlewine as a "pseudo-new wave" track. In addition, the song takes influence from pop and ska music, implying a "spacey" sound to the listener. Susan Christian Goulding from "Orange Coast" compared Stefani's vocals to both Cyndi Lauper and cartoon character Minnie Mouse; she also described "Just a Girl" as the "flip-side" of Lauper's 1983 single "Girls Just Want to Have Fun". Stefani sings in a "smoky alto" vocal range with dramatic "pouts and simpering" in order to exemplify her irritation with sexism in the music industry. The title of the song itself serves as a "sarcastic rebuke to the helpless-female cliche". Josh Tyrangiel from "Time" felt Stefani sang with a "hyperactive ball of energy" in "Just a Girl".


title: Just a Girl

text: According to Musicnotes.com, "Just a Girl" is set in common time and has a fast tempo of 184 beats per minute. The key of the song is in D major, with Stefani's vocal range spanning nearly an octave and a half, from B to E in scientific pitch notation. The song progresses in the chord progressions of Bm–A–D–A in the verses and Bm–A–G–A in the chorus. According to the liner notes for No Doubt's 2003 greatest hits album, "The Singles 1992–2003", the opening riff that Dumont uses for "Just a Girl" was taken from an earlier demo created by Eric Stefani.


title: Just a Girl

text: Lyrically, the song is written from the perspective of a girl who is frustrated with her parents. Inspiration for the songwriting came to Stefani when driving home from Kanal's house: "I can remember thinking, 'Wow, I'm in the car right now, I'm driving home, it's like one in the morning and if something did happen to me, I'm vulnerable because I'm a girl.' And you start to think, 'Wow, maybe people actually look at me different because I am a female'." Other themes of "Just a Girl" display Stefani's exasperation over stereotypical female portrayals; Stefani sings: "Don't you think I know exactly where I stand? / This world is forcing me to hold your hand". She gathered examples from her sister and female friends of how being "just a girl" is patronizing. Through "sustained sarcasm", she sings: "I'm just a girl in the world / That's all that you'll let me be / I'm just a girl, all pretty and petite / So don't let me have any rights".


title: Just a Girl

text: Critiques of "Just a Girl" during its release era were positive. Steve Baltin from "Cash Box" noted that the song "has a rich blend of styles, from techno to punk, that has quickly captured the attention of listeners." He added, "Delightful, energetic and winning, "Just A Girl" offers an introduction to a band worth getting to know." Dimitri Ehrlich from "Entertainment Weekly" gave the song an B, adding, "With tingling synth lines, a cheery melody, and polyester production values, this single has a kitschy appeal rooted firmly in the pop of a decade ago. But the neo-feminist bent of the lyrics makes the song more than just another fun novelty item." Mike Boehm wrote in the "Los Angeles Times" that Stefani's lyrics of "irony and indirection" make the serious subject matter of "Just a Girl" more appealing to the listener. A reviewer from "Music Week" rated the song three out of five, adding, "This Californian quartet sound quirky enough with Bolanesque vocals, an ear for a good song and a spiky punk image." David Sinclair from "The Times" commented, "Feisty challenge to sexual stereotypes with a bopping beat from the new Blondie."


title: Just a Girl

text: In addition to several other tracks from "Tragic Kingdom", Nick Levine from Noisey praised "Just a Girl" for having a chorus "that will bounce round your brain for days".


title: Just a Girl

text: Contemporary critics described "Just a Girl" as No Doubt's breakthrough single. It was also considered a major contribution to the success of "Tragic Kingdom". Kenneth Partridge from "Billboard" recognized "Just a Girl" as the song that made No Doubt popular and secured Stefani's role in the music industry as the opposite of "some delicate flower who needs protecting or tolerates special treatment". Mic's Tom Barnes found that "Just a Girl" helped popularize the ska genre and called it part of a "potentially serious music movement". Ilana Kaplan from "Observer" wrote that "it was 'Just a Girl' that really set things into motion for No Doubt"; she continued:


title: Just a Girl

text: The song was featured in '90s cult hits "Clueless" and "Romy & Michelle's High School Reunion"—movies that served as power-players for unlikely female heroes. Stefani's aim at a male-centric world ended up being one of the most prominent feminist anthems of the '90s—it's a song that stands out now as the music industry's misogynistic outlook continues on.Stefani's sarcasm for a lack of equality made "Just a Girl" one of the catchiest feminist anthems of the '90s.


title: Just a Girl

text: In honor of the 20th anniversary of "Tragic Kingdom", a group of critics from "The A.V. Club" reanalyzed the album. Marah Eakin noted that "Just a Girl" was able to "age [...] surprisingly well". Although Alex McCown disliked Stefani's pouty vocals on the track, Annie Zaleski thought her "exaggerated pouts and simpering" were intentional and dealt with the song's subject matter.


title: Just a Girl

text: "Just a Girl" was commercially successful, becoming No Doubt's first entry on a record chart in the United States and reaching the top ten in several countries. In the United States, "Just a Girl" debuted at number 84 on the "Billboard" Hot 100 on the issue dated December 16, 1995, as that week's fourth-highest debut. On the issue dated May 4, 1996, the song reached a peak of number 23 on the "Billboard" Hot 100, during its 21st consecutive week on the chart. It spent a total of 29 weeks on the "Billboard" Hot 100 and served as No Doubt's highest-charting effort until 2002's "Hey Baby" peaked at number five. "Just a Girl" was ranked number 68 on the "Billboard" Hot 100's 1996 year-end list. The single also received heavy airplay rotation on alternative and mainstream pop radio stations. On "Billboard"s Alternative Songs chart, "Just a Girl" peaked at number ten, becoming their first of five entries within the top ten. It also reached number 24 on the Mainstream Top 40 chart. In March 2021, the Recording Industry Association of America certified "Just a Girl" platinum for combined sales and streaming figures of 1,000,000 units.


title: Just a Girl

text: "Just a Girl" did not enter the "RPM" singles chart in Canada, but reached the Top Rock/Alternative Tracks chart, where it debuted at number 28 and reached a peak of number 25 the following week. In Australia, the song peaked at number three on the ARIA Singles Chart, becoming No Doubt's first of six top ten entries. It was present within the top ten of the chart for 11 consecutive weeks. On the 1996 year-end chart in Australia, "Just a Girl" was ranked as the 22nd most-successful song of the year. The single also received a Platinum certification that same year for physical single shipments of 70,000 copies. In New Zealand, "Just a Girl" peaked at number nine and was 1996's 25th best-selling single.


title: Just a Girl

text: In the United Kingdom, "Just a Girl" debuted at number 38 on the issue dated October 26, 1996. It dropped to number 61 the following week and departed from the chart the week afterwards. "Just a Girl" gave No Doubt their first top 40 entry in the United Kingdom. Following a wave of CD singles for the re-release of "Just a Girl" in 1997, the single entered the singles chart as a separate, new entry at number three on the issue dated July 5, 1997. It became No Doubt's second top ten single, following "Don't Speak" which topped the charts in the February of the same year. According to the Official Charts Company, "Just a Girl" was No Doubt's second-best selling single with 150,000 copies sold since "Don't Speak" sold 830,000 copies in 1997. As of March 2016, the single has sold 222,000 copies in the United Kingdom, remaining No Doubt's second-biggest and Gwen Stefani's fifth-biggest selling single combined. The song entered "Billboard"s European Hot 100 Singles chart, where it reached a peak at number 77 in November 1996. "Just a Girl" also reached the top ten in Ireland and Norway.


title: Just a Girl

text: An accompanying music video for "Just a Girl" was produced and acts as No Doubt's second video overall. Unlike the video for 1992's "Trapped in a Box" which was funded completely at the expense of No Doubt, the video for "Just a Girl" received funding from Interscope Records and was directed by Mark Kohr. However, the project remained low in budget in comparison to other music videos from the time. The opening scene to "Just a Girl" was filmed in the driveway of Stefani's grandparents' house. Like in the lyrics of "Just a Girl", the music video features female stereotypes and serves as a "commentary on society". Dumont and Kanal both stated that it represents equality between the sexes.


title: Just a Girl

text: The video opens with No Doubt loading instruments into the trunk of a 1965 Buick LeSabre. Stefani stands in front of a nearby wrecked Chevrolet Monte Carlo and starts singing "Just a Girl", shortly before sitting in the backseat of the other car with Dumont and Kanal. The group travels to Los Angeles and arrives at two public restrooms – one for males and one for females. Stefani enters the latter one carrying a boombox while the men enter the former carrying various musical equipment. The ladies' room is clean, brightly decorated and well-furnished with flowers, fruit and two female assistants; the men's room is dark, dirty and bare-walled. The male band members set up and play their instruments in their restroom while Stefani sings in the ladies' restroom. Various men and women enter their respective bathrooms; the men use the urinals and the women check their make-up, before dancing with the band. Eventually, the men take to lifting each other through the ceiling tiles in order to get into the other bathroom. The video ends showing everyone dancing together in the same restroom.


title: Just a Girl

text: Stefani's choice of clothing and makeup in the video was discussed by critics, who pointed out her choices to display her midriff and wear a bindi on her forehead. MTV's Gil Kaufman wrote "from her platinum blonde hair, forehead bindi, ruby red lips and crop tops to the push-ups she bangs out at the end, the video was the world's first glimpse at what would become Stefani's iconic look and stage persona". The video was largely successful and was frequently shown on various music-related television networks, including MTV. In 2004, the video was featured on No Doubt's compilation "The Videos 1992–2003".


title: Just a Girl

text: In 1995, No Doubt played the first-ever Warped Tour and performed "Just a Girl" to begin the promotion of "Tragic Kingdom". They opened a concert at the Virgin Megastore in Los Angeles with the song in October 1995. Immediately before this performance of "Just a Girl", Stefani promised her mother that she would not curse while singing; however, Stefani did and as a consequence, her mother refused to speak to her for a week. In January 1996, No Doubt performed "Just a Girl" on the American TV show "Late Night with Conan O'Brien", marking their first appearance on late night television. Later that year, on March 28, they sang "Just a Girl" on "Late Show with David Letterman". After the performance, the band was delighted to learn that David Letterman had been seen "tapping his foot" against the ground as they performed.


title: Just a Girl

text: "Just a Girl" was performed as the seventh song during their 1995–97 Tragic Kingdom World Tour. According to "Rolling Stone"s Chris Heath, the "greatest moment" on the concert appears during this performance: during the refrain of the song, Stefani asked the men in the crowd to sing along; after they sing "I'm just a girl" to her amusement, she then asks for the females in the audience to join her. Stefani questions: "What about all the sweet, cute, little girls? Sweet, little, tiny, sweet girls. You want to sing?" before screaming "Fuck you, I'm a girl!" The performance of the song at the July 1, 1997, show in Anaheim, at The Arrowhead Pond, was recorded and released in No Doubt's first live album, "Live in the Tragic Kingdom" (1997). For the 2002 Rock Steady Tour, "Just a Girl" was performed during the concert's middle segment, following singing "Simple Kind of Life" and preceding "Hey Baby". Stefani engaged the audience with questions like "Wanna know something?" and then answered in the form of a song lyric: "I'm just a girl because that's all that you'll let me be!" "The New York Times"s Kelefa Sanneh found this as Stefani either "addressing her fans [and] joking about the demands of stardom" or "addressing a lover [and] lodging a bitter complaint about a relationship gone awry". The performance of "Just a Girl" at the November 22–23 and 29, 2002 shows in Long Beach at the Long Beach Convention and Entertainment Center was recorded and featured on the group's second live album, "Rock Steady Live" (2003).


title: Just a Girl

text: The song was performed as the opening song of No Doubt and Blink-182's Summer Tour 2004. The tour occurred specifically at amphitheaters around the United States. Prior to the performance of "Just a Girl", Queen's "We Will Rock You" was played over the PA system to welcome No Doubt. Stefani then joined the crowd from the stage wearing oversized green, plaid pants and a brown sweatshirt that emphasized her midriff. During the second iHeartRadio Music Festival in 2012, American singer Pink joined No Doubt on stage for a duetted version of "Just a Girl". The staff at "Entertainment Tonight" was impressed by the performance, calling it a "rad moment".


title: Just a Girl

text: For Stefani's solo This Is What the Truth Feels Like Tour of 2016, "Just a Girl" was performed as part of the concert's encore, alongside performances of "Truth" (2016) and "The Sweet Escape" (2006). Stefani changed outfits, prior to returning to the stage, and wore a white corset that displaying the words "Blond Rebel" for the performance. In April 2018, Stefani announced a concert residency titled Just a Girl that would occur at the Planet Hollywood Resort Las Vegas. During the show, the singer performs a number including "Just a Girl" during the concert's encore. Stefani wears a "sparkly cowgirl getup" which serves as a nod to her boyfriend Blake Shelton.


title: Just a Girl

text: American country duo Bomshel included a cover of "Just a Girl" on their 2009 debut album "Fight Like a Girl". JC Chasez's girl band Girl Radical recorded a cover of "Just a Girl" in 2013, which served as their official debut single. They filmed a corresponding music video for the song which was released on August 15, 2013. On a 2017 episode of "MTV Unplugged", Japanese singer-songwriter Kaela Kimura covered "Just a Girl" live as the seventh song of her 14-track set list.


title: Just a Girl

text: In 2018, Pink sampled "Just a Girl" and Nirvana's 1991 single "Smells Like Teen Spirit" during performances of her singles "Just like a Pill" (2002) and "Who Knew" (2006) for her 2018–19 Beautiful Trauma World Tour. During Pink's appearance in Los Angeles at the Staples Center, Stefani joined the singer for a surprise duet to the fans. "Just a Girl" has also been included on the scores to "Clueless" (1995) and "Romy & Michelle's High School Reunion" (1997). The song also appears in the film "Captain Marvel" (2019).


title: Languages of Algeria

text: The official languages of Algeria are Arabic and Tamazight (Berber), as specified in its constitution since 1963 for the former and since 2016 for the latter. Berber has been recognized as a "national language" by constitutional amendment since 8 May 2002. In February, 2016, a constitutional resolution was passed making Berber an official language alongside Arabic. Algerian Arabic and Berber are the native languages of over 99% of Algerians, with Algerian Arabic spoken by about 90% and Berber by 10%. French, though it has no official status, is still used in media (some newspapers) and education (from primary school), due to Algeria's colonial history. Kabyle, the most spoken Berber language in the country, is taught and partially co-official (with a few restrictions) in parts of Kabylie.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: Malika Rebai Maamri, author of "The Syndrome of the French Language in Algeria," said "The language spoken at home and in the street remains a mixture of Algerian dialect and French words." Due to the number of languages and complexity involving those languages, Maamri argued that "[t]oday the linguistic situation in Algeria is dominated by multiple discourses and positions."


title: Languages of Algeria

text: According to Canadian ethnolinguist (*1943), 72% of Algerians in 2008 spoke Arabic: 60% spoke Algerian Arabic (83% of Arabic speakers); 11.3% of Arabic speakers spoke Hassaniyya; 0.4% spoke Moroccan Arabic; 0.1% spoke Saharan Arabic; a smaller number spoke Egyptian Arabic or Iraqi Arabic. Non-native speakers learn Literary Arabic at school, and as such a relative majority of the population understands Standard Arabic or the Algerian Arabic dialect. Algerian Arabic (or "darija") is spoken by 60% of the total population (83% of Arab speakers).


title: Languages of Algeria

text: The 1963 constitution of Algeria made Arabic the official language, and this was retained in the 1976 constitution. The 1976 constitution states in Article 3 "Arabic is the national and official language". Neither constitution mentions Berber. The Permanent Committee on Geographical Names for British Official Use (PCGN) stated "Arabic was chosen at the outset as the language which was to represent Algeria’s identity and religion, and official attitudes towards both Berber and French have been largely negative." The PCGN stated that French, not Arabic, is the actual lingua franca of Algeria. Arabic is not commonly used in the Kabylie region.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: In Algeria, as elsewhere, spoken Arabic differs very substantially from written Arabic; Algerian Arabic has a much-simplified vowel system, a substantially changed vocabulary and does not have the case endings of the written Arabic. Algerian Arabic does not necessarily stem from written Arabic. Within Algerian Arabic itself, there are significant local variations; Jijel Arabic, in particular, is noteworthy for its pronunciation of "qaf" as "kaf" and its profusion of Berber loanwords, and the dialects of some ports show influence from Andalusi Arabic brought by refugees from al-Andalus. Algerian Arabic is part of the Maghrebi Arabic dialect continuum, and fades into Moroccan Arabic and Tunisian Arabic along the respective borders.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: In the Sahara, more conservative Bedouin dialects, grouped under the name Saharan Arabic, are spoken; in addition, the many Sahrawi refugees at Tindouf speak Hassaniya Arabic. Most Jews of Algeria once spoke dialects of Arabic specific to their community, collectively termed Judeo-Arabic.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: After Algeria became independent in 1962, it tried to improve fluency by importing Arabic teachers from Egypt and Syria. Martin Regg Cohn of the "Toronto Star" said that many of the instructors were unqualified. In 1963, of the 1,300,000 literate people in Algeria, an estimate of 300,000 read literary Arabic. Mohamed Benrabah, author of "Language maintenance and spread: French in Algeria," said that during that year, "linguistic competence in Standard Arabic was relatively low." Malika Rebai Maamri, author of "The Syndrome of the French Language in Algeria," said that as of 2009, "classical Arabic is still not mastered even at higher educational levels" and that "dialectical Arabic cannot express things in writing."


title: Languages of Algeria

text: As of 2012, remaining generations educated under the French colonial system are unable to read or write Arabic.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: The Berber languages are considered the native language of Algeria since antiquity. They are spoken in five major dialects in many parts of the territory, but mainly in Kabylia, in the Awras, and in the Algerian Sahara desert (by Algerian Tuaregs).


title: Languages of Algeria

text: Before, during and after Phoenician settlers' arrival, Berber remained spoken throughout ancient Algeria (Numidia), as later attested by early Tifinagh (or Libyco-Berber) inscriptions, and as understood from Latin and Greek historical sources. Despite the presence or growth of Latin, and later Arabic, in some urban areas, Berber remained the majority language of Algeria since ancient times until well after the French invasion in 1830.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: Arabic remained Algeria's only official language until 2002, when Berber was recognized as a second national language. And in 2016 Berber was recognized as a second official language of Algeria.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: The 1963 constitution and the 1976 constitution do not mention Berber and French. The Permanent Committee on Geographical Names for British Official Use (PCGN) stated "official attitudes towards both Berber and French have been largely negative" and "The Algerian authorities have even at times rejected use of the very word “Berber”, either on the secular grounds that the term undermines national unity, or on the religious grounds that it is a term hostile to Identity and prefer to call it Tamazight another name for Berber." Berber and French are the two languages commonly used in the Kabylie region.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: The CIA World Factbook states that French is a lingua franca of Algeria. The Permanent Committee on Geographical Names for British Official Use (PCGN) states "In reality, French is the "lingua franca" of Algeria", and that despite government efforts to remove French, it has never ceased being the lingua franca. Algeria is the second largest Francophone country in the world in terms of speakers. In 2008, 11.2 million Algerians (33%) could read and write in French.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: The 1963 and 1976 constitutions do not mention Berber and French. The PCGN stated "official attitudes towards both Berber and French have been largely negative". French and Berber are the two languages commonly used in the Kabylie region.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: French is a part of the standard school curriculum, and is widely understood (18 million Algerians can write and read French, which is 50% of the population, and the figure is higher if those who can only speak and understand it are included; Ethnologue estimates indicate that 10 200 people in Algeria speak it as their native language, mostly pied-noirs who stayed behind and people raised in French-speaking households.) Some two-thirds of Algerians have a "fairly broad" grasp of French, and half speak it as a second language. French is widely used in media and commerce. French is widely used and spoken in everyday life in Algeria's larger cities, in diglossic combination with Algerian Arabic. Malika Rebai Mammri, author of "The Syndrome of the French Language in Algeria," said "French continues to be the dominant language in business and professional circles" and that "certain aspects of formal education and research are still carried in the French language and a great part of the economic and industrial sectors and press still use French extensively."


title: Languages of Algeria

text: French is the most widely studied foreign language in the country, and a majority of Algerians can understand it and speak it. Since independence, the government has pursued a policy of linguistic Arabization of education and bureaucracy, which has resulted in limiting the use of Berber and the Arabization of many Berber-speakers. The strong position of French in Algeria was little affected by the Arabization policy. All scientific and business university courses are still taught in French. Recently, schools have begun to incorporate French into the curriculum as early as children are taught written classical Arabic. French is also used in media and business. After a political debate in Algeria in the late 1990s about whether to replace French with English in the educational system, the government decided to retain French. English is taught in the first year of middle schools.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: In spite of its widespread use of French, Algeria has not joined the "Organisation internationale de la Francophonie", an international organization of French-speaking countries. Although not a member, they attend for it.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: In 2014, 76% of Facebook users in Algeria posted in French, while 32% posted in Arabic. In 2016 68% used Facebook in French, while 43% used it in Arabic.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: According to the Algerian envoy to India, only five percent of the population are able to speak "good English". That led the Government to invite Indians to teach the language in Algerian universities in 2012. Some 100 institutes affiliated to 13 Algerian universities needed nearly 250 English teachers in early 2012.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: The Korandje language of the Saharan oasis of Tabelbala is a heavily Berber-influenced variety of Songhay. A Nilo-Saharan language, it is more widely spoken far to the south in Niger.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: Phoenician, particularly in its North African Punic form, was brought to Algeria by Carthage's influence, it was an influential language in the region; Augustine learned it, and quotes occasional phrases. However, by his time the language was losing ground to Latin, and no trace of it survives now (apart from occasional names of places).


title: Languages of Algeria

text: Latin (which later developed into the brief-existent, little-known African Romance language) was the language of the Roman occupation; it became widely spoken in the coastal towns, and Augustine attests that in his day it was gaining ground over Punic. However, it gave way to Arabic and Berber after the Umayyads' conquest, leaving only a few loanwords in those two languages.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: Ottoman rule after the 16th century brought a dominant minority of Turks to Algeria, particularly concentrated in the large cities; for a while, Ottoman Turkish became a major governmental language. However, over time these Turks gradually assimilated, and, while many families of partial Turkish descent remain in Algeria, none speak the language.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: Mohamed Benrabah, author of "Language maintenance and spread: French in Algeria," said that as of 2007, "Arabization is either complete or almost complete" in the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Religious Affairs and registry offices in Algerian town halls. He also said that the Ministry of Education had been affected to a "lesser extent." Official documents of ministries which had not been affected partially or fully to Arabization are often written in French, and Arabic translations of these documents are provided when needed. Benrabah said that as of 2007 "the use of French in a number of higher domains has diminished since the colonial era when the language held an unassailable position in the media, education, government, and administration."


title: Languages of Algeria

text: In 1968 the Algerian government decreed that all civil positions use the Arabic language. In 1990 the government ruled that Arabic is the only language to be used in institutions and public service, and imprisonment was a penalty for violating this law. Around 1997 the Algerian government had passed laws prohibiting officials from speaking any language other than Arabic publicly. The government laws called for a fine for officials who prepared government documents not in Arabic. The government mandated that all textbooks and lectures must be Arabic, with French ones being phased out. The laws also stated that all television broadcasts must be in Arabic only. In 1997, Slimane Chikh, the Minister of Education, said that French needed to be phased out because it was preventing Arabic from reaching prominence and because it was leading Algerians away from English, the primary international language of commerce, computers, and science.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: Of the documents submitted by the Algerian government to the sessions of the United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names and the United Nations Conference on the Standardization of Geographical Names, all were in French, and the government used French in its participation in almost all of the conferences associated with these groups.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: As of 2007, Arabization has mainly affected primary and secondary education, while in university education French retained a higher social prestige and class and is the language used in scientific studies. As of 2002, French was taught as a foreign language from the fourth year of primary school until the final year of secondary school. French is used in the high school level in the exact sciences, the medical sciences, and technology studies. Some specialized fields offer courses in French and courses in Arabic. Almost all students prefer the French courses in those fields. Over 60% of university students in Algeria are educated in French. In graduate programmes in social sciences, French is used.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: The first President of Algeria, Ahmed ben Bella, introduced Arabization in the education system in 1962. The Arabic language was introduced in all levels and all programmes in the 1963-1964 period. As time passed, the time in the educational system spent on French gradually declined. In 1964-1965 primary grade one was fully Arabized with all other levels each receiving ten hours of Arabic per period. The plans were complicated by the flight of 25,000 European teachers from Algeria and the illiteracy rate of 90%. The demographics also complicated the plans. Of 10 million Algerians, about 300,000 were fluent in Modern Standard Arabic while 1 million were able to read French and 6 million were able to speak French. To remedy this, the Algerian government hired 10,988 academic monitors. C. F. Gallagher, author of "North African problems and prospects: Language and identity", said that the monitors' "intellectual horizons [were] at times only slightly less limited than their pupils". In 1963 the government recruited 1,000 Egyptians as Arabic teachers. Mohamed Benrabah, author of "Language-in-Education Planning in Algeria: Historical Development and Current Issues", said "Most of these teachers turned out to be unqualified for teaching and totally ignorant of the Algerian social reality" and that "Their spoken Egyptian Arabic was incomprehensible to Algerians in general and Tamazight-speaking populations in particular and their traditional pedagogy (learning by rote and class recitation, physical punishment and so on) proved inadequate". In addition the teachers were members of the Muslim Brotherhood and introduced Islamist thought in Algeria. In September 1967 Minister of Education Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi completely Arabized primary level two, so many parents delayed registration of their children in school until grade three when they could have a higher educational quality and where the French language was still dominant.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: The Algerian government had plans to totally Arabize the university sector effective December 1980. In all levels of education, bilingual education ended in 1985. In that period many Algerian elites practiced "elite closure" by sending their own children to schools controlled by the French government while promoting Arabization for the masses, so their own children would learn French and have access to jobs open to those with French knowledge. Since most young Algerians had a poor command of French and were in Arabized school streams, they enrolled in Arabic-language university departments such as Islamic law and Arabic literature and were exposed to Islamist point of views. Algiers had many unofficially bilingual primary and secondary schools and Benrabah said that the elite closure practice was "most visible in Algiers". The Algerian government, in 1988, officially prohibited Algerian nationals and children of mixed Algerian and French people from attending "French Mission of Algeria" schools. President Chadli Bendjedid ruled that Algerian nationals were not permitted to attend all-French schools. The Algiers French lycée moved from one neighbourhood to another. The "Lycée Cheikh Bouamama" (), originally called the "Lycée Descartes", took in students from the "tchitchi" (children of wealthy) backgrounds instead of "bohi" ("rejects"). When it was nationalized it served members of the educational, military, and political elites. After Chadli's decree, the school had a secret program which placed higher emphasis on French than other Algerian secondary schools did. Many students in the programme attended universities abroad after graduation.


title: Languages of Algeria

text: In 1999 the Algerian authorities conducted a survey which stated that 75% of the population supported teaching scientific school subjects in the French language. In the middle of March 2001 the National Commission for the Reform of the Educational System (CNRSE according to its French name) proposed that French would be reintroduced in grade two of the primary cycle, serving 6-7 year olds, instead of grade four, serving 8-9 year olds, and that scientific subjects in secondary school should be taught in French. Therefore, students would be biliterate in French and Arabic instead of having French as a subject. In 2002 the opponents to the bilingual educational proposal declared a "fatwa" against the pro-bilingual supporters. The reforms were intended to be implemented in September 2001 but the Ministry of the Interior suspended them on 3 September 2001.


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: USS "Juneau" (CL-52) was a United States Navy light cruiser sunk at the Naval Battle of Guadalcanal 13 November 1942. In total, 687 men, including the five Sullivan brothers, were killed in action as a result of her sinking.


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: She was laid down by Federal Shipbuilding Company, Kearny, New Jersey, on 27 May 1940, launched on 25 October 1941, sponsored by Mrs. Harry I. Lucas, wife of the mayor of the city of Juneau, Alaska, and commissioned on 14 February 1942, with Captain Lyman K. Swenson in command. She was torpedoed and sank on 13 November 1942, with only 10 survivors rescued after 8 days in the water. Subsequent to the loss, the Navy launched ships and , honoring the five Sullivan brothers who died in her sinking and the ship itself, respectively.


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: On 17 March 2018, the wreck of "Juneau" was located by Paul Allen's research crew on board at a depth of about off the coast of the Solomon Islands.


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: After a hurried shakedown cruise along the Atlantic Coast in the spring of 1942, "Juneau" assumed blockade patrol in early May off Martinique and Guadeloupe Islands to prevent the escape of Vichy French naval units. She returned to New York to complete alterations and operated in the North Atlantic and Caribbean from 1 June to 12 August on patrol and escort duties. The cruiser departed for the Pacific Theater on 22 August.


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: After stopping briefly at the Tonga Islands and New Caledonia, she rendezvoused on 10 September with Task Force 18 (TF 18) under the command of Rear Admiral Leigh Noyes, flying his flag on . The following day, TF 17, which included , combined with Admiral Noyes' unit to form TF 61, whose mission was to ferry fighter aircraft to Guadalcanal. On 15 September, "Wasp" took three torpedo hits from the Japanese submarine , and, with fires raging out of control, was sunk at 2100 by . "Juneau" and screen destroyers rescued 1,910 survivors of "Wasp" and returned them to Espiritu Santo, New Hebrides, on 16 September. The next day, the fast cruiser rejoined TF 17. Operating with the "Hornet" group, she supported three actions that repelled enemy thrusts at Guadalcanal: the Buin-Faisi-Tonolai Raid; the Battle of the Santa Cruz Islands; and the Naval Battle of Guadalcanal (Third Savo).


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: The ship's first major action was the Battle of the Santa Cruz Islands on 26 October. On 24 October, 's task force had combined with 's group to reform TF 61 under the command of Rear Admiral Thomas C. Kinkaid. This force positioned itself north of the Santa Cruz Islands to intercept enemy units that might attempt to close Guadalcanal. Meanwhile, on Guadalcanal, the Japanese achieved a breakthrough during the Battle for Henderson Field on the night of 25 October. That success evidently was a signal for Japanese ships to approach the island.


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: Early on the morning of 26 October, U.S. carrier planes spotted the Japanese force and immediately attacked it, damaging two carriers (CVL and CV ), one heavy cruiser (CA ) and two destroyers, but while American aircraft were locating and engaging the enemy, American ships were also under fire. Shortly after 10:00, some 27 enemy aircraft attacked "Hornet". Though "Juneau" and other screen ships threw up an effective anti-aircraft (AA) barrage which shot down about 20 of the attackers, "Hornet" was badly damaged and sank the next day. Just before noon, "Juneau" left "Hornet"s escort for the beleaguered "Enterprise" group several miles away. "Juneau" helped repel four Japanese attacks that lost 18 planes.


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: That evening, the American forces retired to the southeast. Although the battle had been costly, it had, combined with the Marine victory on Guadalcanal, turned back the attempted Japanese parry in the Solomons. Furthermore, the damaging of two Japanese carriers sharply reduced their air power in the subsequent battle of Guadalcanal.


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: On 8 November, "Juneau" departed Nouméa, New Caledonia, as a unit of TF 67 under the command of Rear Admiral Richmond K. Turner to escort reinforcements to Guadalcanal. The force arrived there early morning on 12 November, and "Juneau" took up her station in the protective screen around the transports and cargo vessels. Unloading proceeded unmolested until 14:05, when 30 Japanese planes attacked the alerted United States group. The AA fire was effective, and "Juneau" alone accounted for six enemy torpedo bombers shot down. The few remaining Japanese planes were, in turn, attacked by American fighters; only one bomber escaped. Later in the day, an American attack group of cruisers and destroyers cleared Guadalcanal on reports that a large enemy surface force was headed for the island. At 01:48 on 13 November, Rear Admiral Daniel J. Callaghan's relatively small landing support group engaged the enemy. The Japanese force consisted of two battleships, one light cruiser, and nine destroyers.


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: Because of bad weather and confused communications, the battle occurred in near-pitch darkness and at almost point-blank range, as the ships of the two sides became intermingled. During the melee, "Juneau" was struck on the port side by a torpedo launched by , causing a severe list, and necessitating withdrawal. Before noon on 13 November, "Juneau", along with two other cruisers damaged in the battle— and —headed toward Espiritu Santo for repairs. "Juneau" was steaming on one screw, keeping station 800 yd (730 m) off the starboard quarter of the likewise severely damaged "San Francisco". She was down by the bow, but able to maintain 13 kn (15 mph, 24 km/h).


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: A few minutes after 11:00, two torpedoes were launched from . These were intended for "San Francisco", but both passed ahead of her. One struck "Juneau" in the same place that had been hit during the battle. There was a great explosion; "Juneau" broke in two and disappeared in just 20 seconds. Fearing more attacks from "I-26", and wrongly assuming from the massive explosion that there were no survivors, "Helena" and "San Francisco" departed without attempting to rescue any survivors. In fact, more than 100 sailors had survived the sinking of "Juneau". They were left to fend for themselves in the open ocean for eight days before rescue aircraft belatedly arrived. While awaiting rescue, all but 10 died from the elements and shark attacks. Among those lost were the five Sullivan brothers. Two of the brothers apparently survived the sinking, only to die in the water; two presumably went down with the ship. Some reports indicate the fifth brother also survived the sinking, but disappeared during the first night when he left a raft and got into the water. On 20 November 1942, recovered two of the ten survivors. Five more in a raft were rescued by a PBY Seaplane away. Three others, including a badly wounded officer, made it to San Cristobal (now Makira) Island, about away from the sinking. One of the survivors recovered by "Ballard" said he had been with one of the Sullivan brothers for several days after the sinking.


title: USS Juneau (CL-52)

text: The wreck of "Juneau" was located on 17 March 2018 by Paul Allen's research crew on board RV" Petrel". The cruiser rests below the surface off the Solomon Islands in several large pieces.


title: Heka (god)

text: Heka (; ; Coptic: "hik"; also transliterated Hekau) was the deification of magic and medicine in ancient Egypt. The name is the Egyptian word for "magic". According to Egyptian literature (Coffin text, spell 261), Heka existed "before duality had yet come into being"."" The term "ḥk3" was also used to refer to the practice of magical rituals.


title: Heka (god)

text: The name Heka is identical with the Egyptian word "ḥk3w" "magic". This hieroglyphic spelling includes the symbol for the word "ka" ("kꜣ"), the ancient Egyptian concept of the vital force.


title: Heka (god)

text: The Old Kingdom Pyramid Texts depict "Heka" as a supernatural energy that the gods possess. The "cannibal pharaoh" must devour other gods to gain this magical power. Eventually, Heka was elevated to a deity in his own right, and a cult devoted to him developed. By the time of the Coffin Texts, Heka is said to have been created at the beginning of time by the creator Atum. Later Heka is depicted as part of the tableau of the divine solar barge as a protector of Osiris capable of blinding crocodiles. Then, during the Ptolemaic dynasty, Heka's role was to proclaim the pharaoh's enthronement as a son of Isis, holding him in his arms.


title: Heka (god)

text: Heka also appears as part of a divine triad in Esna, capital of the Third Nome, where he is the son of ram-headed Khnum and a succession of goddesses. His mother was alternately said to be Nebetu'u (a form of Hathor), lion-headed Menhit, and the cow goddess Mehetweret, before settling on Neith, a war and mother goddess.


title: Heka (god)

text: Other deities connected with the force of H"eka" include Hu, Sia, and Werethekau, whose name means "she who has great magic".


title: Heka (god)

text: As Egyptologist Ogden Goelet (1994) explains, magic in "The Egyptian Book of the Dead" is problematic: The text uses various words corresponding to 'magic', for the Egyptians thought magic was a legitimate belief. As Goelet explains:


title: Heka (god)

text: "Heka" magic is many things, but, above all, it has a close association with speech and the power of the word. In the realm of Egyptian magic, actions did not necessarily speak louder than words – they were often one and the same thing. Thought, deed, image, and power are theoretically united in the concept of H"eka". — O. Goelet (1994)


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Han Taiwanese, Taiwanese Han (), Taiwanese Han Chinese, or Han Chinese are Taiwanese people of full or partial ethnic Han descent. According to the Executive Yuan of Taiwan, they comprise 95 to 97 percent of the Taiwanese population, which also includes Austronesians and other non-Han people. Major waves of Han immigration occurred since the 17th century to the end of Chinese Civil War in 1949, with the exception of the Japanese colonial period (1895-1945). Han Taiwanese mainly speak three languages of Chinese: Mandarin, Hokkien and Hakka.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: There is no simple uniform definition of Han Taiwanese, which are estimated to comprise 95 to 98 percent of the Taiwanese population. To determine if a Taiwanese is Han, common criteria include immigration background (from continental East Asia), using a Sinitic language as their mother tongue, and observance of traditional Han festivals. Sometimes a negative definition is employed, where Han people are those who are not non-Han.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Taiwanese Han ethnic groups include the Hoklo people and Hakka people that had arrived in Taiwan before World War II (sometimes called "benshengren"), as well those and other Han people that arrived shortly after World War II (sometimes called "waishengren"). The distinction between benshengren and waishengren is now less important due to intermarriages and the rise of a Taiwanese identity. In addition, there are Han Taiwanese that do not fall into the above categories, including the Puxian-speaking people in Wuqiu Township, Kinmen County, the Mindong-speaking people in Matzu, and various newly arrived Han immigrants.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: There is a belief that modern Taiwanese Han are genetically different from Chinese Han, which has been used as a basis for Taiwanese independence from China. This belief has been called the "myth of indigenous genes" by some researchers such as Shu-juo Chen and Hong-kuan Duan, who say that "genetic studies have never supported the idea that Taiwanese Han are genetically different with Chinese Han." Some descendants of plains aborigines have opposed the usage of their ancestors in the call for Taiwanese independence. Genetic studies show genetic differences between Taiwanese Han and mountain aborigines. According to Chen and Duan, the genetic ancestry of individuals cannot be traced with certainty and attempts to construct identity through genetics are "theoretically meaningless." In the highest self reports, 5.3 percent of Taiwan's population claimed indigenous heritage.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Estimates of genetic indigenous ancestry range from 13%, 26%, and as high as 85%. The latter number was published in a Chinese language editorial and not a peer-reviewed scientific journal, however these numbers have taken hold in popular Taiwanese imagination and are treated as facts in Taiwanese politics and identity. Many Taiwanese claim to be part aboriginal. Some Taiwanese graduate biology students expressed skepticism at the findings, noting the lack of peer-reviewed publications. Chen suggests that the estimates resulted from manipulation of sample sizes. The lack of methodological rigor suggests the numbers were meant for local consumption. In all scientific studies, genetic markers for aboriginal ancestry make up a minute portion of the genome. In 2021, Marie Lin, who was the source of the larger indigenous ancestry numbers, co-authored an article stating that East Asian ancestry may have mixed with indigenous peoples in their southward expansion 4,000 years ago, although this does not rule out more recent Taiwanese Han-indigenous admixtures. Han Chinese in mainland China, Han Taiwanese, as well as Chinese Singaporeans all possessed Austronesian-related ancestry. However only one in five hundred Han Taiwanese individuals examined was genetically closer to the Dusun people, who are closer to the Taiwanese indigenous peoples than Sino-Tibetan populations, and there are "distinct patterns of genetic structure between the Taiwanese Han and indigenous populations."


title: Han Taiwanese

text: There were two major waves of Han immigration: 1) during the Qing dynasty in the 18th and 19th centuries and 2) from Republic of China's mainland area, which is now ruled by the People's Republic of China, in the final years of the Chinese Civil War (1945-1949).


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Taiwan's southwest was home to a Chinese population numbering close to 1,500 before the Dutch first came in 1623. From 1624 to 1662, they began to encourage large-scale Han immigration to the island for labour, mainly from the what is today south Fujian.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Starting from 1683, the Qing government limited immigration to Taiwan. Such restriction was relaxed following the 1760s, and by 1811 there were more than two million ethnic Chinese in Taiwan. The 1926 census counted 3,116,400 and 586,300 Han people originating from the Hok-kien and Kwang-tung provinces (roughly Fujian and Guangdong today) during the Ming or Qing dynasty.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Around 800,000 people, the vast majority being Han, immigrated to Taiwan after the end of the World War II, when Republic of China took over Taiwan, with the biggest wave taking place around the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) on the mainland in 1949. Since the mid-1990s, there has been a small amount of Han immigration from the PRC into Taiwan. It mainly consists of two categories—brides of businessmen who work on the mainland, and women who have married rural Taiwanese, mostly through a marriage broker.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Around 20% or 34,000 of the Vietnamese people in Taiwan are Hoa people, people of Chinese origin that are mostly Han.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: There were violent ethnic conflicts (termed "分類械鬥" in government documents of the Qing Dynasty), which played a major role in determining the distribution of different groups of Han people in Taiwan. Most conflicts were between people of Zhangzhou and Quanzhou origins which includes acts where Quanzhang fought against Hakka peasants from the southwestern hills of Fujian (Tingzhou and western Zhangzhou) throughout the period. ("漳泉械鬥", Chang-Chin conflicts) and between people of Hokkien and Hakkas origins ("閩粵械鬥" [Min-Yue conflicts]) where Hoklo people united to fight against the Hakka who largely came from Guangdong and a minority from Fujian, is called ("閩客械鬥" [Min-Hakka conflicts]).


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Trying to be a mediator, Tēⁿ Iōng-sek (鄭用錫, 10 June 1788 – 21 March 1858), the first Taiwanese to achieve the highest degree, "jinshi" or "Doctor" (Mandarin: 進士), in the imperial examination of the Qing Dynasty, wrote an article "On Reconciliation" (勸和論).


title: Han Taiwanese

text: In some regions, where the majority of the population spoke another language, the minority group sometimes adopted the more dominant language and lost their original language. This most commonly occurred with Hakka migrants, who adopted either Quanzhou or Zhangzhou Hokkien; they are referred to as "minnanized" Hakka people (福佬客).


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Unlike pre-World War II, when Han immigrants were predominantly of Hok-kien and Hakka origins, post-World War II Han people came from all over mainland China. Their different languages, habits, ideologies and relationships with the Republic of China government sometimes led to conflicts between these two groups.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: According to the historian Melissa J. Brown, within the Taiwanese Minnan (Hoklo) community itself, differences in culture indicate the degree to which mixture with Austronesians took place, with most pure Hoklo Han in Northern Taiwan having almost no Austronesian admixture, which is limited to Hoklo Han in Southern Taiwan. Plains aborigines who were mixed and assimilated into the Hoklo Han population at different stages were differentiated between "short-route" and "long-route". The ethnic identity of assimilated Plains aboriginals in the immediate vicinity of Tainan was still known since a Taiwanese girl from an old elite Hoklo family was warned by her mother to stay away from them. The insulting name "番仔" (huan-a) was used against plains aborigines by the Taiwanese, and the Hoklo Taiwanese speech was forced upon Aborigines like the Pazeh people. Hoklo Taiwanese has replaced Pazeh and driven it to near extinction. Aboriginal status has been requested by plains aboriginals.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: In Taiwan, the prevalence of alcohol dependence among the Han is 10 times lower than that of Austronesians, which is related to genetic, physical, psychological, social, environmental, and cultural factors. An association study by researchers at the Academia Sinica found that genes in alcohol metabolism pathway, especially "ADH1B" and "ALDH2", conferred the major genetic risk for alcohol dependence in Taiwanese Han men.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: The languages used by Han Taiwanese include Mandarin (entire country), Hokkien (Taiwan proper and Kinmen), Hakka (Taiwan proper), Mindong (Matzu), Puxian (Wuqiu Island, Kinmen), and other Han languages spoken by some post-World War II immigrants or immigrants from mainland China since the 1990s. The writing systems used include Han characters, Han phonetic notations such as Mandarin Phonetic Symbols for Mandarin and Taiwanese Phonetic Symbols for Hokkien and Hakka, and the Latin alphabet for various romanization systems, including Tongyong Pinyin, Wade–Giles, Gwoyeu Romatzyh and Mandarin Phonetic Symbols II for Mandarin, POJ and Taiwanese Minnan Romanization System for Hokkien, and Hakka Romanization System for Hakka.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Significant numbers of Puxian Min, Fuzhounese, and Teochew speakers came to Taiwan proper, but they were eventually assimilated into the Hokkien (Minnan) speaking population.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: The Taiwanese linguist Uijin Ang divided Taiwan (excluding Kinmen and Matsu) into 7 linguistic regions, including one Austronesian, five Han and one mixed.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Ever since the arrival of Han immigrants in Taiwan, their languages have undergone changes through interactions with other Han or non-Han languages. For example, one unit of land area used in Taiwanese Minnan is "Kah" (; 0.9699 acre), which comes from the Dutch word for "field", "akker" (akker > > ).


title: Han Taiwanese

text: The most popular religions of Han Taiwanese are Taoism and Buddhism. With 11,796 temples (78.4% Taoist; 19.6% Buddhist), Taiwan is the country with the highest density of temples in the world.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: In traditional Han society, children inherit the surname of the father. Population analyses of Han Taiwanese based on the short tandem repeat sequences on the Y chromosome, which is specific to males, shows high haplotype diversity in most surname groups. Except for rare ones, the origins of Han surnames in Taiwan are pretty heterogeneous.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Confucian temples formed an important part of the life of early Han immigrants. Famous temples include Taiwan Confucian Temple and Taipei Confucius Temple.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: One of the earliest written records of Taiwanese Hakka is "A Tragic Ballad about Hakka Sailing to Taiwan" (渡台悲歌), a work written in the Raoping dialect about the life and struggle of Hakka immigrants to Taiwan under the Ching rule.


title: Han Taiwanese

text: Taiwanese architecture refers to a style of buildings constructed by the Han people, and is a branch of Chinese architecture. The style is generally afforded to buildings constructed before the modernization under Japanese occupation, in the 1930s. Different groups of Han immigrants differ in their styles of architecture. Being far away from the center of political power of Beijing, buildings were constructed free of construction standards. This, coupled with inferior level of expertise of artisans and craftsmen, and the Japanese colonization, the architectural style diverged from the ones on the mainland. Many traditional houses have been designated national monuments by the Taiwanese government, such as the Lin Family Mansion and Garden and the House of Tēⁿ Iōng-sek (鄭用錫).


title: Han Taiwanese

text: The Yilan International Children's Folklore and Folkgame Festival exhibits collections of traditional Han Taiwanese toys.


title: Cibola Burn

text: Cibola Burn is a 2014 science fiction novel by James S. A. Corey (pen name of Daniel Abraham and Ty Franck) and the fourth book in The Expanse series. It follows the crew of the "Rocinante" as they join the flood of humanity out into the galaxy, using the gates built by the ancient civilization that also produced the protomolecule.


title: Cibola Burn

text: At the release of "Cibola Burn", Orbit Books announced that James S. A. Corey would write three additional books in the series (adding to two that were already planned) to bring the series to nine novels and various short stories. "Cibola Burn" serves as the basis for the fourth season of the television series "The Expanse", which was released by Amazon Video December 13, 2019.


title: Cibola Burn

text: After the events of "Abaddon's Gate", humanity has gained entry to thousands of new worlds and solar systems through the gate networks. At the start of "Cibola Burn" the United Nations, Martian and Outer Planets Alliance governments have thus far restricted exploration and colonization efforts to one corporate scientific survey mission to one of these planets. Complicating matters is the existence of a colonial settlement already on the planet from before the military blockade of the rings came into effect. Both sides claim ownership in a confrontation reflecting many colonial interactions throughout history. Jim Holden is sent to mediate the interactions between the colonists and scientists when political and racial tensions culminate in violence.


title: Cibola Burn

text: Still dogged by the disembodied presence of Miller, who wishes to investigate the disappearance of the planet's former inhabitants, Holden arrives on a world on the verge of war. Yet the biggest danger to the colonists, scientists and Holden is not the human disagreements that they have brought with them but the frontier. As with the settling of the American West and many colonial projects of Earth's past, the frontier into which humanity has ventured is vast, uncontrolled and full of dangers. When a mysterious disease and horrific disaster strike at the same time and threaten the lives of the colonists and those in orbit, Holden and Miller must brave the ruins of an alien civilization in search of the one thing that might save them all.


title: Farang

text: Farang () is a Persian (and Southeast Asian) word that originally referred to the Franks (the major Germanic tribe) and later came to refer to White Europeans in general. The word "Farang" is a cognate and originates from Old French: "".


title: Farang

text: During the crusades, Frankish control was extended further in the Middle East. Unlike previous Franks, these Franks were almost all Christian as opposed to older Franks who were mixed groups of different religions.


title: Farang

text: Over time, the word began to be used more generically. In 12th century, the term Frank became associated with all of Western Europeans (including the French, Italians, and the Flemish) in the Muslim world. The term "Frangistan" () was used by Thai and Muslims and was also used frequently by Persians. Muslim traders referred to all European traders as Farang and it entered much of the languages of South Asia and Southeast Asia as a term.


title: Farang

text: The word "farang" is from Persian word "farang" () or "farangī" (), refers to Franks, the major Germanic tribe ruling Western Europe. "Frangistan" () was a term used by Muslims and Persians in particular, during the Middle Ages and later periods, to refer to Western or Latin Europe. According to Rashid od-Din Fazl ol-Lāh-e Hamadāni, Arabic word "Afranj" comes from the Persian "farang". This seems unlikely though, considering that the Arabic 'al-Faranj' or 'Afranj' has been attested since the 9th century, in the works of al-Jahiz and Ya'qubi, a century before 'Farang' was first used in an anonymous late 10th century Persian geography book, suggesting that the Persian 'Farang' is a loan from Arabic. By the 11th cetury, Arabic texts were increasingly using the term 'Faransa' or 'al-Faransiyah', already attested in the work of Said al-Andalusi in the mid 11th century.


title: Farang

text: In the languages of Ethiopia and Eritrea, "faranj" or "ferenj" in most contexts still means distant foreigner (generally used to describe Europeans or European descendant/white people), in certain contexts within the Ethiopian and Eritrean diaspora, the term "faranj" or "ferenj" has taken on a slightly alternative meaning that closely resembles the term Westerner or Westernized people even though it still mostly applies to European descendants/White People, it can be applied to African Americans and other Westernized People of Color. During the Muslim Mughal Empire when the Europeans arrived in South Asia, the Persian word Farang was used to refer to foreigners of European descent. The words also added to local languages such as Hindi as "firangi" (Devanāgarī: फिरंगी) and Bengali as "firingi" (ফিরিঙ্গি). The word was pronounced "paranki" (പറങ്കി) in Malayalam, "parangiar" in Tamil, entered Khmer as "barang", and Malay as "ferenggi". From there the term spread into China as "folangji" (佛郎機), which was used to refer to the Portuguese and their breech-loading swivel guns when they first arrived in China.


title: Farang

text: In Bangladesh and West Bengal, the modern meaning of "firingi" (ফিরিঙ্গি) refers to Anglo-Bengalis or Bengalis with European ancestry. Most "firingi"s tend to be Bengali Christians. Descendants of "firingi"s which married local Bengali women may also be referred to as "Kalo Firingi"s (Black firingis) or "Matio Firingis" (Earth-coloured firingis). Following the Portuguese settlement in Chittagong, the Portuguese fort and naval base came to be known as Firingi Bandar or the Foreigner's Port. There are also places such as Firingi Bazaar which exist in older parts of Dhaka and Chittagong. The descendants of these Portuguese traders in Chittagong continue to be referred to as "Firingi"s. The Indian biographical film "Antony Firingee" was very popular in the mid 20th century and was based on Anthony Firingee - a Bengali folk singer of Portuguese origin. There is also a river in the Sundarbans called Firingi River.


title: Farang

text: In the Maldives "faranji" was the term used to refer to foreigners of European origin, especially the French. Until recently the lane next to the Bastion in the northern shore of Malé was called Faranji Kalō Gōlhi.


title: Farang

text: The "Royal Institute Dictionary 2011", the official dictionary of Thai words, defines the word as "a person of white race". The term is also blended into everyday terms meaning "of/from the white race" such as: "man farang" (; ""farang" yam") meaning potato, "no mai farang" (; ""farang" shoot") meaning asparagus, and "achan farang" (; ""farang" professor") which is the nickname of the influential figure in Thai art history, Italian art professor Silpa Bhirasri.


title: Farang

text: Edmund Roberts, US envoy in 1833, defined the term as "Frank (or European)". Black people are called "farang dam" (; 'black farang') to distinguish them from whites. This began during the Vietnam War, when the United States military maintained bases in Thailand. The practice continues in present-day Bangkok.


title: Farang

text: "Farang" is also the Thai word for the guava fruit, introduced by Portuguese traders over 400 years ago.


title: Farang

text: "Farang khi nok" (), also used in Lao, is slang commonly used as an insult to a person of white race, equivalent to white trash, as "khi" means feces and "nok" means bird, referring to the white color of bird-droppings.


title: Farang

text: Varieties of food/produce that were introduced by Europeans are often called "farang" varieties. Hence, potatoes are "man farang" (), whereas "man" () alone can be any tuber; culantro is called "phak chi farang" (, literally farang cilantro/coriander); and chewing gum is "mak farang" (). "Mak" () is Thai for arecanut; chewing "mak" together with betel leaves "(baiphlu)" was a Thai custom.


title: Farang

text: In the Isan Lao dialect, the guava is called "mak sida" (), "mak" being a prefix for fruit names. Thus "bak sida" (), "bak" being a prefix when calling males, refers jokingly to a Westerner, by analogy to the Thai language where "farang" can mean both guava and Westerner.


title: Reelin' In the Years

text: "Reelin' In the Years" (sometimes titled "Reeling In the Years") is a song by American rock band Steely Dan, released as the second single from the band's debut album, "Can't Buy a Thrill" (1972). It reached No. 11 in the "Billboard" Hot 100 chart.


title: Reelin' In the Years

text: The song was written by Donald Fagen and Walter Becker and features Fagen on vocals. In 2009, "Rolling Stone" described the track as "a prime early example of what would become the Dan's trademark vibe, marrying a sardonic kiss-off to an ex to a bouncy shuffle groove, and adding on some white-hot guitar dazzlement courtesy of Elliott Randall to bring the whole thing home." In the same interview, Fagen said "It's dumb but effective," and Becker said "It's no fun."


title: Reelin' In the Years

text: The guitar solo on the original recorded version, by session player Elliott Randall, was recorded in one take. It has reportedly been rated by Led Zeppelin guitarist Jimmy Page as his favorite solo of all time, and he scored it 12/10. In 2016 the solo was ranked the 40th best guitar solo of all time by the readers of "Guitar World" magazine.


title: Reelin' In the Years

text: The four-channel quadraphonic mix of the recording has extra lead guitar fills not heard in the more common two-channel stereo version.


title: Reelin' In the Years

text: On its release in 1973, "Billboard" said: "Easy sounding guitar solos lead into an easy sounding piano break which supports the voices extolling about culling life's experiences from tears to time." "Cash Box" called it a "winner highlighted by some expert guitar playing."


title: Reelin' In the Years

text: The song was a No. 11 hit on the Billboard Singles Chart in May 1973. In March 2005, "Q magazine" placed the recording at No. 95 in its list of the 100 Greatest Guitar Tracks.


title: Maine Mendoza

text: Nicomaine Dei Capili Mendoza (born March 3, 1995), better known as Maine Mendoza (), is a Filipino actress and television personality. She is best known for her viral Dubsmash videos and her role as Yaya Dub in the noontime reality show "Eat Bulaga!" segment "Kalyeserye", previously aired on GMA Network and worldwide via GMA Pinoy TV. Her rise to fame is often described as phenomenal and unconventional due to the unscripted forming of AlDub love team in "Eat Bulaga!" on July 16, 2015 where she was paired with Alden Richards. AlDub is a portmanteau of Richards' first name and Mendoza's character in "Kalyeserye".


title: Maine Mendoza

text: Beyond "Eat Bulaga!", Mendoza featured in the 2015 film "My Bebe Love: #KiligPaMore", for which she won Best Supporting Actress at the 41st Metro Manila Film Festival. She was the lead actress in the 2016 film "Imagine You & Me", where she also wrote and sang its theme song. Mendoza has a passion for writing, having been a blogger even before she entered show business. In October 2017, she released her first autobiographical book entitled "Yup, I Am That Girl.", which is an unfiltered version of her personal blog "Pessimistic Optimist Bella".


title: Maine Mendoza

text: Maine Mendoza was born as Nicomaine Dei Capili Mendoza on March 3, 1995 in Santa Maria, Bulacan, Philippines to Mary Ann and Teodoro Mendoza. Mary Ann is an accountant who owns a number of gasoline stations in Bulacan while Teodoro is an engineer who ventures on road construction business. She has two brothers and two sisters. All of the names of her siblings also start with "Nico".


title: Maine Mendoza

text: She finished her high school at St. Paul College of Bocaue in Bulacan. She completed a bachelor's degree in hotel, restaurant and institution management major in culinary arts at De La Salle-College of St. Benilde. She had her internship at The Sagamore in Bolton Landing, New York.


title: Maine Mendoza

text: In the early part of 2015, Mendoza posted a Dubsmash compilation on Facebook, which she impersonated Kris Aquino that went viral with one million views overnight. This earned her the title "Queen of Dubsmash" in the Philippines. Subsequently, she was cast as Yaya Dub (also known as Divina Ursula Bukbukova Smash), the personal assistant of Lola Nidora (portrayed by Wally Bayola), on "Eat Bulaga!"'s "Juan For All, All For Juan" segment and first appeared on July 4, 2015. Her character in the segment was paired with fellow "Eat Bulaga!" co-host Alden Richards that was done without any script, on July 16, 2015, in the romantic-comedy sketch portion of the show titled "Kalyeserye." The couple became popularly known as AlDub, a combination of Richards' first name and Mendoza's character in "Kalyeserye." Their pairing resulted to their wide exposure and to the further increase of the TV ratings of "Eat Bulaga!" In November 2015, Mendoza joined the cast of "Princess in the Palace" as Chef Elize, her first appearance in an actual "teleserye". In December 2015, she appeared as a guest star in the TV sitcom "Vampire Ang Daddy Ko" and in the Sunday noontime variety show "Sunday PinaSaya".


title: Maine Mendoza

text: Mendoza and Richards starred in a 2015 Metro Manila Film Festival (MMFF) entry entitled "My Bebe Love #KiligPaMore" together with Vic Sotto and Ai-Ai de las Alas. Jose Javier Reyes, the director of the film, confirmed the inclusion of Mendoza in the motion picture. Mendoza plays Anna Carillo, the stubborn and rebellious child of Vic Sotto's character. She was given the Best Supporting Actress award by the MMFF for her role.