title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Yet while U.S. IQ scores continued to increase, creativity scores, as measured by the Torrance Test of Creative Thinking, were in decline between the 1990s and late 2000s. Educational psychologist Kyung Hee Kim reached this conclusion after analyzing data samples of kindergartens to high-school students and adults in 1974, 1984, 1990, and 2008, a grand total of 272,599 individuals. Previously, U.S. educational success was attributed to the encouragement of creative thinking, something education reformers in China, Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan sought to replicate. But U.S. educators decided to go in the opposite direction, emphasizing standardization and test scores at the expense of creativity. On the parenting side, given children little play time and letting them spend large amounts of time in front of a screen likely contributed to the trend. Creativity has real-life consequences not just in the arts but also in academia and in life outcomes.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: In 2018, Gallup conducted a survey of almost 14,000 Americans from all 50 states and the District of Columbia aged 18 and over on their political sympathies. They found that overall, younger adults tended to lean liberal while older adults tilted conservative. (See chart.) More specifically, groups with strong conservative leanings included the elderly, residents of the Midwest and the South, and people with some or no college education. Groups with strong liberal leanings were adults with advanced degrees, whereas those with moderate liberal leanings included younger adults (18 to 29 and 30 to 49), women, and residents of the East. Gallup found little variations by income groups compared to the national average.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: According to political scientists Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin, early research suggests that more of the youngest of Americans legible to vote in the late 2010s identified as conservatives than members of Generation X when they were teenagers during the 1980s, at 30%. Growing up during an era of significant economic hardship and rapid ethnic change, many feel anxious about the flow of immigrants into their country. As is the case with many European countries, empirical evidence poses real challenges to the popular argument that the surge of nationalism and populism is an ephemeral phenomenon due to 'angry white old men' who would inevitably be replaced by younger and more liberal voters; there is no guarantee that the West, in general, is on a one-way trip towards a liberal and progressive future.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Despite the hype surrounding the political engagement and record turnout among young voters, their overall voting power has actually declined. In round terms, the share of voters between the ages of 18 and 24 will fall from 13% in 2000 to 12% in 2020 while that of voters aged 65 and over will rise from 18% to 23% during the same period, according to Richard Fry of the Pew Research Center. A consistent trend in the U.K., the U.S., and many other countries is that older people are more likely to vote than their younger countrymen, and they tend to vote for more right-leaning (or conservative) candidates. According to Sean Simpsons of Ipsos, people are more likely to vote when they have more at stake, such as children to raise, homes to maintain, and income taxes to pay.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: For the first wave of Generation Z, 2018 was the first midterm election in their adult lives, where they cast 4% of the votes. A Reuters-Ipsos survey of 16,000 registered voters aged 18 to 34 conducted in the first three months of 2018 showed that support for Democratic Party among such voters fell by nine percent between 2016 and 2018 and that an increasing number favored the Republican Party's approach to the economy. This is despite the fact that almost two-thirds of young voters disapproved of the performance of Republican President Donald J. Trump. A survey conducted before the 2020 U.S. presidential election by Barnes and Nobles Education on 1,500 college students nationwide found that just one third of respondents believe who they vote for is "private information" and three quarters of them find it difficult to find unbiased news sources.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Although American voters below the age of 30 helped Joe Biden win the 2020 U.S. Presidential election, their support for him fell quickly afterwards. By late 2021, only 29% of adults in this age group approved of his performance as President whereas 50% disapproved, a gap of 21 points, the largest of all age groups.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: In 2019, the Pew Research Center interviewed over 2,000 Americans aged 18 and over on their views of various components of the federal government. They found that 54% of the people between the ages of 18 and 29 wanted larger government compared to 43% who preferred smaller government and fewer services. Older people were more likely to pick the second option. 2018 polls conducted by the Pew Research Center found that 70% of Americans aged 13 to 17 wanted the government to play a more active role in solving their problems.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: The March for Our Lives, a protest taking place in the aftermath of the Stoneman Douglas High School shooting in 2018 was described by various media outlets as being led by students and young people. Some even describe it as the political "awakening" of Generation Z or that these protesters were "the voice of a generation on gun control." While this massive protest was indeed organized by the survivors of the Parkland shooting, albeit with the assistance of well-resourced and older benefactors, the reality was a little more complicated. According to a field survey by "The" "Washington Post" interviewing every fifth person at the protest, only ten percent of the participants were 18 years of age or younger. Meanwhile, the adult participants of the protest had an average age of just under 49. Polls conducted by Gallup and the Pew Research Center found that support for stricter gun laws among people aged 18 to 29 and 18 to 36, respectively, is statistically no different from that of the general population. According to Gallup, 57% of Americans are in favor of stronger gun control legislation. In a 2017 poll, Pew found that among the age group 18 to 29, 27% personally owned a gun and 16% lived with a gun owner, for a total of 43% living in a household with at least one gun. Nationwide, a similar percentage of American adults lived in a household with a gun. (See chart.) According to the CDC, the leading causes of death in the United States in 2016 were cancer, heart disease, accidents, chronic lower respiratory diseases, stroke, Alzheimer's disease, diabetes, influenza and pneumonia, kidney diseases, and suicide.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Harvard University's Institute of Politics Youth Poll from 2019 found that support for single-payer universal healthcare and tuition-free free college dropped, down 8% to 47% and down 5% to 51%, respectively, if cost estimates were provided.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: 2018 surveys of teenagers 13 to 17 by the Pew Research Center revealed that 54% of Generation Z believed that climate change is real and is due to human activities while only 10% reject the scientific consensus on climate change.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: According to a 2019 CBS News poll on 2,143 U.S. residents, 72% of Americans 18 to 44 years of age believed that it is a matter of personal responsibility to tackle climate change while 61% of older Americans did the same. In addition, 42% of American adults under 45 years old thought that the U.S. could realistically transition to 100% renewable energy by 2050 while 29% deemed it unrealistic and 29% were unsure. Those numbers for older Americans are 34%, 40%, and 25%, respectively. Differences in opinion might be due to education as younger Americans are more likely to have been taught about climate change in schools than their elders. As of 2019, only 17% of electricity in the U.S. is generated from renewable energy, of which, 7% is from hydroelectric dams, 6% from wind turbines, and 1% solar panels. There are no rivers for new dams. Meanwhile, nuclear power plants generate about 20%, but their number is declining as they are being deactivated but not replaced.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: According to the Hispanic Heritage Foundation, about eight out of ten members of Generation Z identify as "fiscal conservatives." In 2018, the International Federation of Accountants released a report on a survey of 3,388 individuals aged 18 to 23 hailing from G20 countries, with a sample size of 150 to 300 per country. They found that members of Generation Z prefer a nationalist to a globalist approach to public policy by 51% to 32%, a margin of 19%. In the United States, 52% of Generation Z wanted their government to focus more on national problems, a 24% margin. Internationally, nationalism was strongest in China (by a 44% margin), India (30%), South Africa (37%), and Russia (32%), while support for globalism was strongest in France (20% margin) and Germany (3%). In general, for members of Generation Z, the top three priorities for public policy are the stability of the national economy, the quality of education, and the availability of jobs; the bottom issues, on the other hand, were addressing income and wealth inequality, making regulations smarter and more effective, and improving the effectiveness of international taxation. Moreover, healthcare is a top priority for Generation Z in Canada, France, Germany, and the United States.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: A 2018 Gallup poll found that people aged 18 to 29 have a more favorable view of socialism than capitalism, 51% to 45%. Nationally, 56% of Americans prefer capitalism compared to 37% who favor socialism. Older Americans consistently prefer capitalism to socialism. Whether the current attitudes of Millennials and Generation Z on capitalism and socialism will persist or dissipate as they grow older remains to be seen.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: In 2016, the Varkey Foundation and Populus conducted an international study examining the attitudes of 20,000 people aged 15 to 21 in twenty countries. They found that 66% of people aged 15 to 21 favored legal abortion. But there was significant variation among the countries surveyed. The United States stood at 63%, below France (84%), the United Kingdom (80%) but ahead of Brazil (45%), and Nigeria (24%). Gallup polls conducted in 2019 revealed that 62% of people aged 18 to 29—older members of Generation Z and younger Millennials—support giving women access to abortion while 33% opposed. In general, the older someone was, the less likely that they supported abortion. 56% of people aged 65 or over did not approve of abortion compared to 37% who did. (See chart to the right.) Gallup found in 2018 that nationwide, Americans are split on the issue of abortion, with equal numbers of people considering themselves "pro-life" or "pro-choice", 48%. In any case, many participants in the annual March for Life in Washington D.C. in the early 2020s are members of Generation Z.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: The same international survey also asked about people's viewpoints on moral questions regarding sex and gender. Overall 89% supported sexual equality, with the U.S. (90%) standing between Canada and China (both 94%) and Nigeria (68%). 74% favored recognizing transgender rights, but with large national differences, from an overwhelming majority of 83% in Canada to a bare majority of 57% in Nigeria. The U.S. was again somewhere in the middle at 75%. 63% approved of same-sex marriage. There were again huge variations among countries. 81% of young Germans and 80% of young Canadians agreed that same-sex couples should be allowed to marry, compared to only 33% of young Turks and 16% of young Nigerians who did. As before, 71% of Americans approved, putting the country somewhere in the middle.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: A 2018 poll conducted by Harris on behalf of the LGBT advocacy group GLAAD found that despite being frequently described as the most tolerant segment of society, people aged 18 to 34—most Millennials and the oldest members of Generation Z—have become less accepting of LGBT individuals compared to previous years. In 2016, 63% of Americans in that age group said they felt comfortable interacting with members of the LGBT community; that number dropped to 53% in 2017 and then to 45% in 2018. On top of that, more people reported discomfort learning that a family member was LGBT (from 29% in 2017 to 36% in 2018), having a child learning LGBT history (30% to 39%), or having an LGBT doctor (27% to 34%). (See right.) Harris found that young women were driving this development; their overall comfort levels dived from 64% in 2017 to 52% in 2018. In general, the fall of comfort levels was the steepest among people aged 18 to 34 between 2016 and 2018. (Seniors aged 72 or above became more tolerant of LGBT doctors or having their (grand) children taking LGBT history lessons during the same period, albeit with a bump in discomfort levels in 2017.) Results from this Harris poll were released on the 50th anniversary of the riots that broke out in Stonewall Inn, New York City, in June 1969, thought to be the start of the LGBT rights movement. At that time, homosexuality was considered a mental illness or a crime in many U.S. states.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: 2018 surveys of teenagers 13 to 17 and adults aged 18 or over conducted by the Pew Research Center found that Generation Z has broadly similar views to the Millennials on various political and social issues. 67% were indifferent towards pre-nuptial cohabitation. 49% considered single motherhood to be neither a positive nor a negative for society. 62% saw increased ethnic or racial diversity as good for society. As did 48% for same-sex marriage, and 53% for interracial marriage. In most cases, Generation Z and the Millennials tended to hold different views from the Silent Generation, while the Baby Boomers and Generation X were in between. In the case of financial responsibility in a two-parent household, though, majorities from across the generations answered that it should be shared, with 58% for the Silent Generation, 73% for the Baby Boomers, 78% for Generation X, and 79% for both the Millennials and Generation Z. Across all the generations surveyed, at least 84% thought that both parents ought to be responsible for rearing children. About 13% of Generation Z thought that mothers should be the primary caretaker of children, with similar percentages for the other demographic cohorts. Very few thought that fathers should be the ones mainly responsible for taking care of children. Pew, however, noted that the views of this demographic cohort could change in the future as they age and due to new events. Even so, they could play a significant role in the shaping of the political landscape.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: In a 2016 survey conducted by the Varkey Foundation and Populus, the question of whether or not those 15 to 21 favored legal migration received mixed responses. Overall, 31% believed their governments should make it easier for immigrants to work and live legally in their countries while 23% said it should be more difficult, a margin of 8%. In the United States, that margin of support was 16%. (See chart above.)


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: In 2019, Harvard University's Institute of Politics Youth Poll asked voters aged 18 to 29 – younger Millennials and the first wave of Generation Z – what they would like to be priorities for U.S. foreign policy. They found that the top issues for these voters were countering terrorism and protecting human rights (both 39%), and protecting the environment (34%). Preventing nuclear proliferation and defending U.S. allies were not as important to young American voters. The same poll also found that younger Americans are also more positive about international free trade agreements than their elders. Another poll conducted at around the same time by the Center for American Progress found that only 18% of Americans supported liberal internationalism, which has been part of U.S. foreign policy since the time of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, while young Americans were even less likely to support it, contributing to a return towards isolationism, a historical norm dating back to the Founding Fathers.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Barna also found that 58% of teenagers agreed with the statement, "Many religions can lead to eternal life; there is no 'one true religion'." For adults, this number was 62%. About two-thirds of teenagers thought that "a person can be wrong about something that they sincerely believe in" whereas adults were much more likely to agree with that statement, especially the Baby Boomers (85%). 46% of adolescents require factual evidence before believing in something, on par with Millennials. 41% of teens believed that science and the Bible are fundamentally at odds with one another, with 27% taking the side of science and 17% picking religion. For comparison, 45% of Millennials, 34% of Generation X, and 29% of the Baby Boomers believed such a conflict exists. 31% of Generation Z believed that science and religion refer to different aspects of reality, on par with Millennials and Generation X (both 30%), and above the Baby Boomers (25%). 28% of Generation Z thought that science and religion are complementary, compared to 25% of Millennials, 36% of Generation X, and 45% for Baby Boomers. Nationwide, Christianity, especially Protestantism and Catholicism, remains the most popular religion in the United States, with three quarters of Americans following, as of 2017. Globally, religion is in decline in North America and Western Europe, but is growing in the rest of the world. More specifically, although the number of atheists, agnostics, and people not affiliated with organized religion continues to grow in Europe and the United States, their percentage of the world population is falling because of their comparatively low fertility rate (1.7).


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: But religion can grow even in an otherwise secular society. Catholicism will become the largest religion in the United States by 2040 despite considerable losses to secularization and conversion to Protestantism thanks in no small part to the fact that Latino Catholics had a fertility rate of 2.83 compared to the national average of 2.03 in 2003. Mormons increased their proportion of the population of Utah from 60% in 1920 to 75% in 1998 despite substantial non-Mormon migration to that state. Such changes in religious demography will bring about social and political ramifications later in the century.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: A 2016 study found that church attendance during young adulthood was 41% among Generation Z. For comparison, 18% of Millennials, 21% of Generation X, and 26% of Baby Boomers attended church regularly when they were at the same age. A 2016 survey by Barna and Impact 360 Institute on about 1,500 Americans aged 13 and up found that among churchgoing teenagers, perception of this establishment tended to be overwhelmingly positive. 82% believed the church was relevant and helped them live a meaningful life. 77% thought they could be themselves at church, and 63% deemed the church to be tolerant of different beliefs. Only 27% considered the church to be unsafe for expressing doubts. 24% argued that religion and religious thought were shallow, and 17% thought it was too exclusive.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: The same Barna survey revealed that the percentage of atheists and agnostics was 21% among Generation Z. For comparison, it was 15% for Millennials, 13% for Generation X, and 9% for the Baby Boomers. Meanwhile, 59% of Generation Z were Christians (including Catholics), compared to 65% for the Millennials, 65% for Generation X, and 75% for the Baby Boomers. Researchers also asked over 600 non-Christian teenagers and almost 500 adults what their biggest barriers to faith were. They found that for Generation Z, these were what they perceived as internal contradictions of the religion and its believers, yet only six percent reported an unpleasant personal experience with a Christian or at church.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Religion in public schools has historically been a controversial issue in the United States. In 1962, the Supreme Court ruled that it was unconstitutional for public school officials and teachers to lead prayers. In 2000, the Court banned student-led prayers sponsored by public school districts at football games. Nevertheless, the Court has reaffirmed that under the First Amendment to the United States Constitution, students have the right to exercise their religious beliefs and may therefore voluntarily pray before, during, and after school. In early 2019, the Pew Research Center conducted a survey of over a thousand American public school students between the ages of 13 and 17. They found that 53% of these teenagers at least sometimes witnessed their peers wearing religious clothing or symbols, 39% praying before an athletics event, 26% someone being invited to join a religious youth club, 16% praying before eating lunch, 8% someone reading religious texts outside of class. About four in ten reported seeing at least two of the aforementioned religious expressions regularly. When asked which of these religious exercises they personally participated in, 31% reported sometimes or often wearing religious symbols and clothing, 26% praying before eating lunch, 24% inviting other students to join a religious club, and 10% leaving school for religious activities. Overall, girls were more likely to discuss religion with their friends than boys, 41% compared to 31%. This was consistent with the trend among adults in that women tend to be to be religious than men.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: 82% of American teenagers attending public schools said they had no religious support groups at school. Protestants (11%) were more likely to attend a religious club than Catholics (6%). Religiously unaffiliated students rarely attended support groups, including non-religious ones. Very few teenagers saw their teachers lead a prayer in class or read from the Bible in literature class (both 8%). 41% deemed it appropriate for a teacher to lead a classroom prayer and 55% thought it was acceptable for a teacher to read from the Bible as a source of literature. Compared to (non-Hispanic) whites, non-whites were more likely to consider it appropriate for a teacher to lead a classroom prayer (46% vs. 36%). There were no differences between whites and non-white adolescents on the question of whether or not a teacher may read from the Bible as literature. With regards to both questions, teenagers from the Midwest and the South and those who have not yet attended high school at the time of the survey were more likely to say 'yes' than those from the West and the Northeast and those who were high-school juniors and seniors. Overall, an overwhelming majority understood that teachers are "not" allowed to lead classroom prayers (82%); among those who approved of such an act, 70% realized that it was unconstitutional. In contrast, 62% answered incorrectly that teachers may not read from the Bible as literature.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: While bullying has been acknowledged to be a serious problem in American public schools, students were seldom harassed for their religious views.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Generation Z is generally more risk-averse in than previous generations. In 2013, 66% of teenagers (older members of Generation Z) had tried alcohol, down from 82% in 1991. Also, in 2013, 8% of teenagers never or rarely wear a seat belt when riding in a car with someone else, as opposed to 26% in 1991.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Research from the Annie E. Casey Foundation conducted in 2016 found Generation Z youth had lower teen pregnancy rates, less substance abuse, and higher on-time high school graduation rates compared with Millennials. The researchers compared teens from 2008 and 2014 and found a 40% drop in teen pregnancy, a 38% drop in drug and alcohol abuse, and a 28% drop in the percentage of teens who did not graduate on time from high school. Three-quarters of American twelfth-graders believed their peers disapproved of binge drinking. Indeed, members of Generation Z tend to be more worried about mental health issues and getting good grades than unplanned pregnancies or binge drinking.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: The number of American teenagers who smoked cigarettes dropped to 5.8% in 2019 from 15.8% in 2011. Indeed, this decline can be traced back to the 1990s, and has been induced by government regulations and public opinion. For comparison, that rate for adults is 14% and falling. On the other hand, electronic cigarette smoking has risen dramatically, from 1.5% in 2011 to 27.5% in 2019 (see chart), leading the federal government to consider e-cigarette smoking an epidemic. Although e-cigarettes contain nicotine, an ingredient that makes tobacco addictive, it is generally considered less harmful than its carcinogenic traditional version, which is also linked to stroke and heart disease, among other deadly conditions. According to the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), nicotine consumption has deleterious effects on the development of the brain and can affect learning, memory, and mood among young people. As of 2019, there is no evidence linking the availability of electronic cigarettes to a decline in traditional smoking among youths. However, in an anti-vaping ad, the Food and Drugs Administration stated, "Teens who vape are more likely to start smoking cigarettes." Public opinion has turned against electronic cigarettes and various state and local governments are seeking to restrict is use, especially as kid-friendly flavors are on sale.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Bloomberg reported in 2019 that members of Generation Z were twice as likely as an average American to consume cannabis. About 1% of the number of legal marijuana consumers came this demographic cohort, and that number tripled in 2019. Generation Z is the first to be born into a time when the legalization of marijuana at the federal level is being seriously considered. As of 2019, cannabis is legal in 33 U.S. states as well as in Canada and Uruguay. Even though Generation Z may not think of cannabis as anything more than a controversial issue, there is mounting concern on its effects on human health. A survey of literature reveals that marijuana usage is linked to, among other things, impaired driving, higher risks of stroke testicular cancer, memory loss, and certain mental illnesses, such as psychosis. Pregnant women, teenagers, and people prone to mental illnesses are especially vulnerable. Compared to those who do not use cannabis or those who start after they reach 16 years, people who start before that age suffer from reduced cognitive functioning (including planning and decision-making skills), and higher levels of impulsivity. About one in ten marijuana users developed a substance use disorder, meaning they continue to use it even though it causes problems in their lives, and those who use it before the age of 18 are more likely to suffer from it. Marijuana use in the United States is three times above the global average, but in line with other Western democracies. Forty-four percent of American high-school seniors have tried the drug at least once, and the typical age of first-use is 16, similar to the typical age of first-use for alcohol but lower than the first-use age for other illicit drugs.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: In a 2019 study, Jean Twenge and her collaborators examined surveys from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health of 200,000 adolescents aged 13 to 17 from 2005 to 2017 and 400,000 adults aged 18 and over from 2008 to 2017. They found that while there was a marked increase in the number of teenagers and young adults reporting mental illness, there was no corresponding development among those of 26 years and up.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Historically, the birth rate of teenagers peaked in the late 1950s and early 1960s. However, at that time, most teenage parents were married. In the early twenty-first century, nine in ten births to the age group 15-19 are to unmarried mothers.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Social norms have changed; it is now not unusual for teenagers to delay or avoid sexual intercourse altogether. Younger teenagers are more likely to practice abstinence than their older counterparts. A report published by the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in early 2018 found the number of high school students who have had sex fell from 47% in 2005 down to 41% in 2015, with the most dramatic drop taking place between 2013 and 2015. On top of that, among never-married teens who have had sex, overwhelming majorities reported they used contraception the first time they did it. There are a few reasons for this. First, Millennials and Generation Z are more focused on the consequences of sex than their predecessors were. Second, there has been growing concern over unwanted sexual advances, especially in the wake of the Me-too movement. Numerous individuals have lost their jobs or been expelled from school over allegations of sexual assault. Writing for "The Spectator", Douglas Murray dubbed this the "sexual counter-revolution." Third, as a consequence of the precarious contemporary economy, young adults today are more likely to be living with their parents rather than on their own, with a romantic partner, or a spouse.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: A 2016 analysis by the CDC discovered that teenage birthrates nosedived between 1991, when they reached a crisis point, and 2014, when they dropped by 60%, a record low. The collapse of birthrates among blacks and (non-white) Hispanics, down 50%, was largely responsible for this development. However, their birthrates remained, on average, twice as high as those of their white counterparts. The birth rates of teenage Asians and Pacific Islanders were even lower, about half that of whites. In a 2014 paper, economists Melissa S. Kearney and Phillip B. Levine, both fellows of the Brookings Institution, were able to show that popular TV programs depicting the reality of teenage parenthood, such as MTV's "16 and Pregnant" and its "Teen Mom" sequels, have played a significant role in the reduction of teenage childbearing. While the CDC did not address the question of abortion, researchers from the Guttmacher Institute were able to show that the fall in teenage birthrates is likely not due to terminated pregnancies. The number of abortions remained the same or decreased in all U.S. states except for Vermont. This contradicts the historically negative correlation between birthrates and abortions. Modern youths also have better access to contraception than did their predecessors when they were at the same age. In addition to the daily birth control pill, injectable and implantable methods are available, and they last longer. A CDC analysis found that the rates of teens using a long-acting and reversible method of contraception, such as an intrauterine device (IUD), jumped from 0.4% in 2005 to 7.1% in 2013. The teen birthrate continues to fall in the late 2010s, down to 17.4 births per 1000 in 2018.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: In the United States, the Pew Research Center's analysis of data from the American Community Survey and the Decennial Census revealed that the number of children living outside of the traditional ideal of parents marrying young and staying together till death has risen precipitously between the mid-to-late 20th century and the early 21st century. In 2013, only 43% of children lived with married parents in their first marriage, down from 61% in 1980 and 73% in 1960. Meanwhile, the share of children living with a single parent was 34% in 2013, up from 19% in 1980 and 9% in 1960. The proportion of children not living with their parents barely changed, standing at 5% in 2013; most of them lived with their grandparents. 15% of American children lived with married parents at least one of whom remarried in 2013, with little change from previous decades.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: In the early twenty-first century, relatively wealthy American couples living in the cities tend to invest heavily in their children in the form of breastfeeding for at least a year, giving them premium healthcare plans, and letting them eat organic foods. Said parents also hire nannies and housekeepers to reduce the time they spend doing house chores so that they can more time on culturally and educationally enriching activities with their children. In fact, the amount of time parents spend with their children has gone up since the mid-1960s, especially among educated couples. An early start to the accumulation of cultural capital helps children stand out from the competition as they mature, making them more likely to be admitted to prestigious universities. Historian Tara Westover calls this the "great sorting of America's youth."


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: By analyzing data collected by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Pew Research Center found that Americans who were aged 15–17 in the years 2014–17 spent an on average 16 more minutes doing homework and 22 more minutes asleep each day, compared to their predecessors one decade prior. However, other surveys suggest teens getting few hours of sleep each day. At the same time, they spent an average of 23 minutes less on paid jobs, and 16 minutes less on socializing each day, compared to their counterparts ten years ago. Meanwhile, the amount of time spent on sports, clothes shopping, and reading for pleasure have not changed. In general, Generation Z is less likely to engage in "fringe" behavior.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: As is the case with previous generations, there were differences in how teenage boys and girls spent their free time. Boys generally spent more time on leisure activities, such as playing sports and on their electronic devices. Girls, on the other hand, spent more time on homework, housework, and activities related to appearance. Girls also spent more time on volunteering and on unpaid care work than boys. 35% of girls and 23% of boys said they felt pressured to look good.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Members of Generation Z tend to be lonelier than ever before. Despite the technological proficiency they possess, a clear majority, 72%, generally prefers person-to-person contact as opposed to online interaction.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Even though smartphone applications such as Tinder allow for easy hook-ups and one-night stands, Millennials and Generation Z are quite serious and cautious when it comes to long-term romantic relationships, according to Justin Garcia, who studies sex at the Kinsey Institute of Indiana University. This is in contrast to generations past, who married earlier and after shorter periods of courtship.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Data from the 2019 General Social Survey revealed that 51% of Americans aged 18 to 24 had no steady partner, higher than other cohorts. Moreover, this number has grown in recent years.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: In February 2021, Gallup reported that 15.9% of American adults in Generation Z (those born between 1997 and 2002) identified as LGBT. Of those adults, 11.5% were bisexual while 2% said they were lesbian, gay, or transgender. Overall, a greater share American adults in Generation Z identifies as LGBT than those in previous generational cohorts.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Members of Generation Z no longer view car ownership as a status symbol. To the contrary, they tend to be frugal and savvy customers. In response to this trend, the three U.S. car manufacturers—Ford, Fiat Chrysler, and General Motors—have invested in car-sharing and car-hailing services as well as self-driving cars. However, the automotive industry hopes that, like the Millennials, members of Generation Z will later purchase cars in great numbers. The immediate predecessors of Generation Z were initially not keen on getting a driver's license or owning a vehicle thanks to new licensing laws and the state of the economy when they came of age, but the oldest among them have already begun buying cars in great numbers. In 2016, Millennials purchased more cars and trucks than any living generation except the Baby Boomers; in fact, Millennials overtook Baby Boomers in car ownership in California that year. However, 27% of Generation Z consider environmental friendliness to be an important factor, which is higher than their predecessors when they were at the same age. Much more important, though, is the price (77%). Generation Z is not particularly concerned with style or brand; they are more interested in safety. They tend to be more receptive towards self-driving cars. They are also interested in the interior electronic technology of the cars they might purchase. More specifically, they would like to be able to hook up their smartphones to the Bluetooth-capable audio systems and backup cameras.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: According to the Pew Research Center, young people are more likely to ride public transit. In 2016, 21% of adults aged 18 to 21 took public transit on a daily, almost daily, or weekly basis. By contrast, this number of all U.S. adults was 11%. Nationwide, about three quarters of American commuters drive their own cars. Also according to Pew, 51% of U.S. adults aged 18 to 29 used a ride-hailing service such as Lyft or Uber in 2018 compared to 28% in 2015. That number for all U.S. adults were 15% in 2015 and 36% in 2018. In general, ride-hailing service users tend to be urban residents, young (18-29), university graduates, and high-income earners ($75,000 a year or more).


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Nevertheless, the number of Generation Z consumers taking out auto loans is rising drastically, from 3,072,000 in the second quarter of 2018 to 4,376,000 in the second quarter of 2019, an increase of 42%.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: As access to the Internet became widely available in the 1990s, members of Generation Z have been exposed to an unprecedented amount of technology since birth. With modern electronic telecommunications technology becoming more compact and affordable, the popularity of smartphones in the United States has grown exponentially. In a 2015 article for the "Journal of Individual Psychology", Anthony Turner characterizes Generation Z as having a 'digital bond to the Internet', and argues that it may help youth to escape from emotional and mental struggles they face offline.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: According to the Pew Research Center, "nearly three-quarters of teens have or have access to a smartphone and 30% have a basic phone, while just 12% of teens 13 to 15 say they have no cell phone of any type." The fact that an increasing majority own a cell phone has become one of the defining traits of this generation. About one quarter of teens are almost constantly online and 80% feel distressed if separated from their electronic gadgets. Generation Z spends on average six hours each day on the Internet, much of it playing video games.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Despite being labeled as 'digital natives', the 2018 International Computer and Information Literacy Study (ICILS), conducted on 42,000 eighth-graders (or equivalents) from 14 countries and educational systems, found that only two percent of these people were sufficiently proficient with information devices to justify that description, and only 19% could work independently with computers to gather information and to manage their work. ICILS assesses students on two main categories: Computer and Information Literacy (CIL), and Computational Thinking (CT). For CIL, there are four levels, one to four, with Level 4 being the highest. Although at least 80% students from most countries tested reached Level 1, only two percent on average reached Level 4. In the U.S., 90% reached Level 1, 66% Level 2, 25% Level 3, and 2% Level 4. CT is divided into four levels, the Upper, Middle, and Lower Regions. International averages for these were 18%, 50%, and 32%, respectively. U.S. results were 20%, 45%, and 35%, respectively. In general, female eighth-graders outperformed their male counterparts in CIL by an international average of 18 points but were narrowly outclassed by their male counterparts in CT. (Narrow gaps made estimates of averages have higher coefficients of variation.) In the United States, where the computer-based tests were administered by the National Center for Education Statistics, although eighth-graders scored above the international average on CIL, being behind only students from Denmark, Moscow, South Korea, and Finland, but were about average on CT. Among American eighth-graders, 72% said they searched for information on the Internet at least once a week or every school day, and 65% reported they were autodidactic information finders on the Internet.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Adults aged 18 to 24 stand out in their usage of social media, with 88% being on at least one platform. YouTube in particular is the top platform, with 94% of users from that age group. These people are also split on how easy it is for them to quit a certain social media network; 51% say it is hard for them to give it up. Members of Generation Z are more likely to "follow" others on social media than "share" and use different types of social media for different purposes. The Pew Research Center found that while teens may dislike certain aspects Facebook, such as excessive sharing, they continue to use it because participation is important in terms of socializing with friends and peers. Only 9% expressed concern about third parties being able to access their data. In fact, teens share information about themselves more often than they did in the past. A 2012 Pew survey found that 91% posted a photograph of themselves, 84% stated their hobbies or interests, 71% shared their school names, 71% named the cities or towns where they lived, and 65% enunciated their relationship statuses. All of these numbers were up compared to 2006. However, according to a 2019 survey by Barnes and Nobles, only 18% of Generation Z engaged in political conversations on social media networks.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: Twitter is gaining in popularity, with 24% of teens having a Twitter account in 2012 compared to 16% in 2011. Teens typically keep their Facebook accounts private and make their Twitter accounts public. This is partly because of the increasing number of adults on the former. Snapchat is also seen to have gained attraction in Generation Z because videos, pictures, and messages send much faster on it than in regular messaging. Speed and reliability are important factors in members of Generation Z choice of social networking platform. This need for quick communication is apparent in the popularity of apps like Vine and the prevalent use of emojis.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: A significant number of people from Generation Z have made their debut in social media before their exit from the womb, as they are the subject of their parents' social media posts. As they grow older, they do have opinions about pictures for videos of them being posted online. It is a tug-of-war between a child's privacy and a parent's pride or desire to share. While some parents do ask for their children's permission before posting, at least some of the time, others simply disregard what their children think. A 2010 report by cybersecurity firm AVG stated that 92% of American children under the age of two had a digital footprint and one in three had their information and photographs posted online within weeks after they were born. One of the reasons why children want greater control over their image online is because a college admissions officer or a prospective recruiter might look them up on the Internet. Indeed, a clear majority of employers check social media accounts during the hiring process. Over half of them decide against hiring a candidate because of what they see online; a similar number make the same decision because they could not find a prospective recruit on the Internet. As a result, members of Generation Z are careful to make themselves presentable to potential employers with their social media accounts. Not only do they take advantage of the various tools that allow them to control who sees what and are more cautious about what they post, they also try to cultivate a "personal brand" online. According to the Pew Research Center, 57% refrain from posting something if they think it might "reflect badly on them in the future." It is quite common for young people to have an alternate Instagram account, so much so that there is a name for it, "finstas," or "fake Instagram accounts."


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: A 2017 survey conducted by the Royal Society for Public Health found that Britons aged 14 to 24 pointed to the use of social media as having a negative impact on their general welfare. While they acknowledged that social media networks enabled self-expression and community-building, they believed such platforms caused, or exacerbated, anxiety, depression, body-image worries, exposure to cyberbullying, sleep deprivation, and fear of missing out. A survey tracking over 5,000 Americans between 2013 and 2015 found that increased use of Facebook is linked to weakening mental health. In fact, a 2014 neuroscience experiment discovered that Facebook stimulates the brain in the same manner as gambling or substance abuse. Nevertheless, the ability to control impulsive desires of social media users was less impaired than that of gamblers or drug addicts. Hence, an obvious solution to this problem is to reduce screen time. Instagram users were the most likely to report unhappiness than those of any other social media platforms while FaceTime had the highest rate of happiness. Sean Parker, the founding president of Facebook, admitted that his company was "exploiting a vulnerability in human psychology."


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: While technology has added new ways for people to communicate with a romantic interest or partner, some traditions survived. Only 6% of boys waited to be asked out compared to 47% of girls. 69% of boys asked a girl out in person, compared to 45% of girls, and 27% of boys did by text messaging, compared to 25% of girls. Social media networks proved useful in helping teenage lovers strengthen their ties; this was especially true for boys. On the other hand, although boys and girls liked to use the same means of communications, texting was by far the most popular method. Girls were much more likely than boys to text their lovers daily, 79% compared to 66%.


title: Generation Z in the United States

text: A press release by the social media company Tinder showed that the age group 18 to 24 became the majority of users on their platform in 2019. In the U.S. the company boasted 7.86 million users in the United States that year. The most popular topics of discussion were in the fields of entertainment (especially music, film, and television) and politics (especially the key words "climate change," "social justice," "the environment," and "gun control"). For comparison, Millennials were thrice more likely to mention their travels in their autobiographical notes. According to Tinder, this was because users were trying to find like-minded users. Tinder also noted that surge in the number of matches in June might be due to the end of the school year.


title: Rebbe

text: A Rebbe () or Admor () is the spiritual leader in the Hasidic movement, and the personalities of its dynasties. The titles of Rebbe and Admor, which used to be a general honor title even before the beginning of the movement, became, over time, almost exclusively identified with its Tzaddikim.


title: Rebbe

text: An ordinary communal rabbi, or "rebbe" in Yiddish, is sometimes distinct from a "rav" (, also pronounced "rov" by Jews of Eastern European or Russian origin), who is a more authoritative halakhic decider. A significant function of a "rav" is to answer questions of halakha (the corpus of Jewish law), but he is not as authoritative as a "posek". The short form "reb" is an honorific for Orthodox Jewish men, who are most likely to have profound knowledge of the Talmud and Torah, as opposed to Reconstructionist, Reform or Conservative Judaism. Originally, this title was added to the names of Jews at the time of the schism with the Karaite sect, as a sign of loyalty to the original rabbinic tradition, known today as Orthodox Judaism.


title: Rebbe

text: As a rule, among hasidim, "rebbe" () is referred to in Hebrew as "admor" (pl. "admorim"), an abbreviation for Hebrew "adoneinu moreinu v'rabeinu" ( acronym for אדוננו מורנו ורבנו), meaning 'our master, our teacher, and our rabbi', which is now the modern Hebrew word in Israel for "rebbe".


title: Rebbe

text: Hasidim use the term "rebbe" also in a more elevated manner, to denote someone that they perceive not only as the religious leader or "nasi" of their congregation, but as their spiritual adviser and mentor. "The Rebbe" or "my Rebbe" in this sense is a "rav" or "rabbi" whose views and advice are accepted not only on issues of religious law and practice, but in all arenas of life, including political and social issues. Sometimes a Hasid has a "rebbe" as his spiritual guide and an additional "rav" for rulings on issues of "halakha".


title: Rebbe

text: Hasidim use the concept of a (non-Hasidic) "rebbe" in the simple sense of "rabbi", as the Yiddish-German equivalent to the Hebrew word "" . For example: "I will ask my rebbe (), Rabbi () Ploni (so-and-so), for advice about this personal matter."


title: Rebbe

text: A Hasidic rebbe () is generally taken to mean a great leader of a Hasidic dynasty, also referred to as "Grand Rabbi" in English or an "ADMOR", a Hebrew acronym for "Adoneinu-Moreinu-veRabbeinu" ("our lord/master, teacher, and rabbi"). Outside of Hasidic circles, the term "Grand Rabbi" has been used to refer to a rabbi with a higher spiritual status. The practice became widespread in America in the early 1900s when Hasidic rebbes began to emigrate to the United States and was derived from the German "Grossrabbiner".


title: Rebbe

text: Rabbi Yisroel Baal Shem Tov, the founder of Hasidism, is regarded by Hasidim as the first Hasidic rebbe. During his lifetime he was referred to mainly as "The holy" rather than as "Rebbe", and his disciples were "magidim" or "preachers", such as the Magid of Chernobyl or the Magid of Mezritch.


title: Rebbe

text: The first "rebbe" to be known as such was the Baal Shem Tov's grandson, Rabbi Boruch of Mezhibozh, who was referred to as "The Rebbe" during his lifetime. After him, those who rose to positions of leadership and their successors began to be called "rebbe". The title gradually came to suggest a higher spiritual status.


title: Rebbe

text: Hannah Rachel Verbermacher, also known as the Maiden of Ludmir or the "Ludmirer Moyd", was the only female rebbe in the history of the Hasidic movement; she lived in the 19th century in Ukraine and Israel.


title: Rebbe

text: According to Maimonides, a tzadik is "one whose merit surpasses [his/her] iniquity", and every person can reach the level of a Tzadik. According to the Tanya, a tzadik has no evil inclination, and only a select few predestined to attain this level can attain it. According to Kabbalah (and particularly the Hasidic understanding of Kabbalah), the world is sustained on the "shoulders" of Tzadikim Nistarim, divinely predestined exceptionally righteous people in a generation. Nobody knows who was such a tzaddik, even one of these exceptionally righteous people would not know that they are such a tzadik. These people are understood to have perfected their service of God to such an extent that they become literally and physically aware of God. These righteous people's perception (of both spiritual and physical, not to mention temporal matters) transcends the apparent boundaries of existence.


title: Rebbe

text: However, a Hasidic rebbe is generally said to be a righteous person, called a "tzaddik". Furthermore, a rebbe is said to be able to affect divine providence, and a rebbe is said to be able to "see the future", or at least have strong insight into the life and trials of another.


title: Rebbe

text: As a result, Hasidim in some Hasidic circles seek their rebbe's advice for a variety of concerns: spiritual, physical, and even business concerns. Furthermore, many people seek the blessing "(bracha)" of a rebbe (and a Hasid will specifically seek the blessing of his rebbe) for anything, from minor (and all the more so major) physical troubles, to grand spiritual concerns.


title: Rebbe

text: In some movements the Hasidim believe that their rebbe is the ""tzadik hador"" (tzaddik of the generation) and would regard any thought that detracts from his perfection and holiness as heresy. Other sects lessen this idealization to some degree or another. Since many rebbes are sons-in-law or students of other rebbes, it makes sense that they would view themselves as subordinate to those other rebbes. Nonetheless, their Hasidim remain loyal to them because of their special loyalty, a family connection, or a belief that a specific "tzaddik" or Nasi HaDor (although others might have greater spiritual stature) connects best with one's soul. For example, the Kosover Rebbe makes yearly pilgrimages to the Tosher Rebbe. Nonetheless, his followers remain very loyal to him.


title: Rebbe

text: Unlike rabbis or non-Hasidic rebbes in other Jewish movements, Hasidic Judaism considers a "Hasidic rebbe" to be a conduit between Jews and God. based on traditional Kabbalistic concepts and terminology, Hasidic philosophy bridged deveikut, a Jewish concept referring to closeness to God, to the Hasidic rebbe, embodying and channeling the Divine flow of blessing to the world, because Creation is dependent on the continuous flow of Divine lifeforce, without which it would revert to nothingness.


title: Rebbe

text: Given a rebbe's physical awareness of God and the rebbe's transcendent perception of Godliness, many Hasidim take special care to observe their rebbe's specific and sometimes minute practices. Even things that seem mundane may nonetheless be seen by Hasidim as incredibly significant. For example, Lubavitcher Hasidim frequently shape their fedoras to match the way that the Lubavitcher Rebbe shaped his hat-which was more flat than many others. Many Skverer Hasidim (of the Skverer Rebbe in New Square) wear their peyos identical to those of the Skverer Rebbe.


title: Rebbe

text: While Hasidim do not always follow the specific practices of their rebbe, the rebbe can create practices that may be specific and unique to his Hasidim. For example, Rabbi Aaron Roth ("Reb Areleh", as he was called) the first rebbe of Shomer Emunim, told his Hasidim to pause frequently while eating their meals to keep them from overindulging. A Hasid will usually display love and admiration for their rebbe as they would a close family member, if not more so. However, the degree and nature of this belief vary depending on the movement.


title: Rebbe

text: A rebbe conducts a "tish" (: "feert tish", literally, "to run [a] table") or a "farbrengen"—a communal festive meal with highly mystical overtones—on Shabbat and other occasions. At a tish, the rebbe distributes "shirayim" (lit. remnants) to the Hasidim seated at or gathered around the table. When a gathering similar to a "tish" is led by a rabbi who is not a rebbe (i.e. a Mashpia), it can be referred to as a "botte" (esp. amongst groups from Romania) or "shelves Achim".


title: Rebbe

text: A rebbe has times when Hasidim (and other petitioners) may come for a private audience. A kvitel (Yiddish for "note", plural "kvitlach") is a note with the name of the petitioner and a short request for which the rebbe is asked to pray. The formula in which a person's name is written is one's own Hebrew name, the son/daughter of one's mother's Hebrew name, such as "Shimon ben Rivkah" (Simeon the son of Rebecca). Hasidim believes that rebbes read supernaturally "between the lines" of a "vital", and in every Hasidic movement there are numerous anecdotes relating how the rebbe saw things that were not written in the "vital".


title: Rebbe

text: In most Hasidic groups, the "vital" is written by the rebbe's "gabbai" (secretary), however, sometimes the petitioner writes it on his own. Usually, but with some exceptions, a "person" (redemption) of cash is customarily handed to the rebbe under the "vital", but this is not obligatory. This is considered to be the conduit through which the blessing is given, and a redemption for the soul of the petitioner. ("A gift makes its receiver glad" is given as an explanation: a blessing only comes from a joyous heart.) It is also customary to tip the gabbai, although this too is not obligatory.


title: Rebbe

text: Other tasks are not exclusive to Hasidic rebbes but are important roles they play in their community similar to other rabbis. These include the leading of prayer on Shabbat and Holy Days, performing mitzvot with their Hasidim, and participating in or officiating at weddings, "brit milahs", and other events. Hasidic rebbes also play a central role in the intellectual and social life of their communities, delivering sermons and dialogues and building educational and religious institutions.


title: Rebbe

text: Zalman Schachter-Shalomi theorized that the historical Hasidic Rebbes may be viewed as occupying one or several of the following roles or functions about their support of their followers:


title: Paul Bartel

text: Paul Bartel (August 6, 1938 – May 13, 2000) was an American actor, writer and director. He was perhaps most known for his 1982 hit black comedy "Eating Raoul", which he wrote, starred in and directed.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel appeared in over 90 movies and TV episodes, including such titles as "Eat My Dust" (1976), "Hollywood Boulevard" (1976), "Rock 'n' Roll High School" (1979), "Get Crazy" (1983) and "Amazon Women on the Moon" (1987). He frequently co-starred with friend and former Warhol girl Mary Woronov; the pair appeared in 17 films together, often as husband and wife.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel also directed 11 low-budget films, many of which he also acted in or wrote. He started in 1968 with the short "The Secret Cinema", a paranoid delusional fantasy of self-referential cinema. He graduated to features in 1972 with the horror-comedy "Private Parts". He would go on to direct such cult films as "Death Race 2000" (1975), "Eating Raoul" (1982), "Lust in the Dust" (1985) and "Scenes from the Class Struggle in Beverly Hills" (1989).


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel studied film and theatre at UCLA, and spent a year on a Fulbright scholarship at the Centro Sperimentale film school in Rome, before returning to the US. He fulfilled his military service by talking his way into the Army Signal Corps Pictorial Center in Long Island City and later made films for the United States Information Agency.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel's first films were made in high school, primarily abstract and animated 16mm shorts, including titles such as "Cinema Experimental" (1954), "Non Objective Film" (1956), "Margaret Whiting Sings "The Money Tree"" (1956), and "Camel Rock" (1957). After making the 35mm short Italian-language film "Progetti" (1962) while attending the Centro Sperimentale di Cinematografia in Rome, Bartel produced "The Secret Cinema" (1966). Shot on an extremely low budget in 35mm and with his own money, "The Secret Cinema" was the film that began his reputation as a new and unusual independent voice in narrative cinema.


title: Paul Bartel

text: He followed it with another short he wrote and directed, "Naughty Nurse" (1969). He co-wrote the feature "Utterly Without Redeeming Social Value" (1969), also starring in the lead. He worked as an actor only in "Hi, Mom!" (1970) directed by Brian De Palma.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel's first feature as director was "Private Parts" (1972), a comedy horror film for MGM. It was produced by Gene Corman and Bartel was in the cast.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Gene Corman's brother, Roger, ran a production company, New World Pictures, and hired Bartel to be second unit director on "Big Bad Mama" (1974), an action film. Bartel also played a small role.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Roger Corman gave Bartel the job of directing "Death Race 2000" (1975), a satirical action comedy starring David Carradine, Sylvester Stallone and Mary Woronov. Bartel also played a small role. The film was a huge success at the box office and quickly established itself as a cult favorite.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Corman promptly offered Bartel the chance to direct a similar action film with Carradine for New World, "Cannonball" (1976). Bartel also worked on the script. The film is littered with cameos from people such as Joe Dante and Martin Scorsese. Bartel later said he worked for a year on "Death Race 2000" for $5,000 "so when it was finished I desperately needed money. The only thing anybody wanted from me was another car picture, hence "Cannonball". Corman had drummed into me the idea that if "Death Race" had been "harder" and "more real" it would have been more popular. Like a fool, I believed him. I am not, and never have been, very much interested in cars and racing" so he decided to load up the film with "cameos and character gimmicks that did interest me."


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel was in much demand from other directors at New World to play small parts in their pictures: he appeared in "Eat My Dust" (1976) for Ron Howard, "Hollywood Boulevard" (1976) for Joe Dante and Alan Arkush (quite a large role, as a director, which Bartel credited for really kicking off his acting career), "Mr Billions" (1977) for Jonathan Kaplan (not a New World film but Bartel met Kaplan at the company), "Grand Theft Auto" (1977) for Howard, "Piranha" (1978) for Dante, and "Rock 'n' Roll High School" (1979) for Arkush. Outside New World he appeared in "The Hustler of Muscle Beach" (1980) for Kaplan and "Heartbeeps" (1981) for Arkush.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel wrote a script with Richard Blackburn, "Eating Raoul" (1982). Bartel managed to raise the finance and starred in the film along with Woronov. Made for $230,000 (raised by himself and his parents) it was a hit on the art house circuit, grossing $10 million, and became a cult movie.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel had small roles in "White Dog" (1982), directed by Sam Fuller and produced by New World alumni Jon Davison, "Trick or Treats" (1982), "Heart Like a Wheel" (1983) for Kaplan, and "Get Crazy" (1983) for Arkush.


title: Paul Bartel

text: The success of "Eating Raoul" enabled Bartel to raise $3 million in finance (ten times the budget of "Raoul") for a screwball comedy he had co written and wanted to direct, "Not for Publication" (1984). It was a box-office disaster. More successful was "Lust in the Dust" (1985) starring Tab Hunter and Divine.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel continued to be in demand as an actor, appearing in "Frankenweenie" (1984), a short for Tim Burton, "Into the Night" (1985) for John Landis, "European Vacation" (1985) for Amy Heckerling, and "" (1985).


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel directed "The Longshot" (1986) based on a script by Tim Conway who starred. Bartel said he was a "director for hire" on the project. "My sensibility was on some level antipathetic to what Tim Conway wanted. I was trying to find interesting things under the surface, and he just wanted more surface."


title: Paul Bartel

text: He appeared in an episode of "Fame" directed by Arkush, and reprised his "Raoul" character in "Chopping Mall" (1986) for Jim Wynorski produced by Julie Corman (Wynorski says Bartel and Woronov adlibbed their roles). He appeared in "The Jar", an episode of "Alfred Hitchcock Presents" directed by Burton, as well as the film "Killer Party" (1986).


title: Paul Bartel

text: He directed two episodes of "Amazing Stories", both from his own scripts, both featuring him as an actor: "Secret Cinema" (a remake of his short film of the same name) and "Gershwin's Trunk".


title: Paul Bartel

text: He had roles in "Munchies" (1987) (produced by Roger Corman), "Amazon Women on the Moon" (1987) (in a segment directed by Dante), an episode of "Crime Story", "Baja Oklahoma" (1988), and "Shakedown" (1988).


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel co wrote but did not direct "Mortuary Academy" (1988); he and Woronov also played small roles. He was an executive producer on "Out of the Dark" (1988), in which he had a small role. He had a role in "Caddyshack II" (1988) directed by Arkush.


title: Paul Bartel

text: He wrote a sequel to "Eating Raoul" called "Bland Ambition", where Paul and Mary wind up running for Governor of California. It was about 10 days from the start of filming when Vestron withdrew its financial backing.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel appeared in "Pucker Up and Bark Like a Dog" (1989), "Far Out Man" (1990), "" (1990) (for Dante), "Dan Turner, Hollywood Detective" (1990), an episode "L.A. Law" directed by Arkush, "Liquid Dreams" (1991), and "Desire and Hell at Sunset Motel" (1991).


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel had a large supporting role in "The Pope Must Diet" (1991), directed by Peter Richardson of The Comic Strip. and was in "The Living End" (1992) from Gregg Araki, "Soulmates" (1992), and "Posse" (1993).


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel appeared in some episodes of "The Comic Strip Presents...", even directing one ("Demonella"). He was in "Acting on Impulse", "Tales of the City" and "Grief" (1993).


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel's last feature as director was "Shelf Life" (1993). Based on a play and done for a low budget, it struggled to find distribution.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel appeared in "Twin Sitters" (1993), "The Usual Suspects" (1995), and "" (1995). He had a rare star role in "The Wacky Adventures of Dr. Boris and Nurse Shirley" (1995) but was normally seen in minor parts: "" (1995), "Not Like Us" (1995) for Corman's new company Concorde Pictures, "A Bucket of Blood" (1995) also for Concorde, "Number One Fan" (1995), "Red Ribbon Blues" (1996), "Joe's Apartment" (1996), "Escape from L.A." (1996), and "Basquiat" (1996).


title: Paul Bartel

text: He was in "Prey of the Jaguar" (1996), "The Elevator" (1996), "Lewis & Clark & George" (1997), "Boston Common", "Skeletons" (1997), "The Inheritance" (1997), "Chicago Hope", "The Devil's Child" (1997), "Billy's Hollywood Screen Kiss" (1998), "More Tales of the City", "Race", "Vengeance Unlimited", "Dreamers", "", episodes of "Ally McBeal" and "Snoops" directed by Arkush, "Good vs Evil", "Zoo" (1999), "Hamlet" (2000), "Dinner and a Movie" (2001) and "Perfect Fit" (2001).


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel was openly gay; this influenced his career choice, as he found himself more accepted and afforded more opportunities within the independent film industry than he would have in Hollywood.


title: Paul Bartel

text: Bartel died May 13, 2000, of a heart attack two weeks after liver cancer surgery; he was 61 years old. His final screen appearance was a posthumous role as "Dad" alongside Mary Woronov ("Mom") in the 2001 independent film "Perfect Fit".


title: Paul Bartel

text: The Belgian horror movie "Calvaire" paid a tribute to the late Bartel – the mad innkeeper character is named "Paul Bartel".


title: Paul Bartel

text: Two of Bartel's early directorial efforts, "Progetti" and "The Secret Cinema", were restored by the Academy Film Archive.


title: Sonipat

text: Sonipat is a city, municipal corporation and administrative headquarter in Sonipat district of Haryana state of India. It comes under the National Capital Region and is around from New Delhi. It is also around 214 km (128 miles) southwest of Chandigarh, the state capital. The Yamuna River runs along the eastern boundary.


title: Sonipat

text: On 22 December 1972, Sonipat was created a full-fledged district. Sonipat Junction railway station is the main railway junction on Delhi-Kalka line. It lies on Delhi Western Peripheral Expressway, Eastern Peripheral Expressway (NE II) and Grand Trunk Road (NH 44) as well as the planned Delhi–Sonipat–Panipat Regional Rapid Transit System.


title: Sonipat

text: According to legend, Sonipat was earlier known as Sonprastha, which later on became Swarnprastha (lit. 'Golden City'). Later, the name Swarnprastha changed into Swarnpath, and then to its current form, Sonipat.


title: Sonipat

text: Reference to the city comes in the epic "Mahabharata" as Swarnprastha. It was one of the five Prastha demanded by Pandavas as the price of peace from Duryodhan in lieu of the kingdom Hastinapur. The other four Prastha were Vanprastha (Panipat), Vyaghraprastha (Baghpat), Tilprastha (Faridabad) and Indraprastha (Delhi).


title: Sonipat

text: Sonipat is listed in the Ain-i-Akbari as a pargana under Delhi sarkar, producing a revenue of 7,727,323 dams for the imperial treasury and supplying a force of 1000 infantry and 70 cavalry. It had a brick fort at the time, which was also mentioned.


title: Sonipat

text: Sonipat came under Islamic rule after the Second Battle of Tarain in 1193. The Sikhs under Banda Singh Bahadur fought the Battle of Sonipat against the Mughals in 1709. Khanda, Sonipat village witnessed the Battle of Sonipat and won the battle against Mughals under the military leadership of Banda Singh Bahadur


title: Sonipat

text: The one and only battle fought in Sonipat was Battle of Sonipat. After taking blessings from Guru Gobind Singh, Baba Banda Singh Bahadur first camped at Khanda, Sonipat and assembled a fighting force with Dahiya Jats. Khanda, Sonipat village witnessed the Battle of Sonipat against Mughals and won the battle under the military leadership of Banda Singh Bahadur.


title: Sonipat

text: As of 2011 Indian Census, Sonipat city had a total population of 278,149, of which 148,364 were males and 129,785 were females. The population within the age group of 0 to 6 years was 32,333. The total number of literates in Sonipat was 210,112, which constituted 75.5% of the population with male literacy of 79.7% and female literacy of 70.8%. The effective literacy rate of 7+ population of Sonipat was 85.5%, of which the male literacy rate was 90.8% and the female literacy rate was 79.5%. The Scheduled Castes population was 42,013. Sonipat had 55,599 households in 2011.


title: Sonipat

text: The urban agglomeration, which includes suburbs outside of the city's jurisdiction, had a total population of 289,333.


title: Sonipat

text: There are several Mughal buildings on the outskirts of the city, including the Mosque of Abdullah Nasir-ud-din, who was a descendant from Mushid of Iran.


title: Sonipat

text: The main water system in the district is the Yamuna River and the irrigation canals flowing out of it. The river flows besides the rural belt in the eastern side of district. It also acts as a natural boundary between the states of Haryana and Uttar Pradesh.


title: Sonipat

text: There are six HSIIDC industrial estates namely Sonepat city, Barhi, Kundli, Murthal and Rai. The development of Sonepat Industrial area in the city started in the 1950s with Atlas Cycle. Since then, many small and big industries have been established here. Atlas, E.C.E. or the Birla Factory, OSRAM India (formerly part of E.C.E., but in October 1998 it was acquired by OSRAM).


title: Sonipat

text: In July 1973 the government established the Motilal Nehru School of Sports, Rai, Sonipat to provide education facilities with extra emphasis on sports. It trains athletes in hockey, basketball, lawn tennis, horse riding, gymnastics, swimming, rifle shooting, volleyball, boxing, cricket and football.


title: Sonipat

text: Ministry of Road Transport and Highways proposed first Bus Port in the pattern of Airport on GT Road in Sector 7, Sonipat. It will be the joint venture of Government of Haryana and NHAI.


title: Sonipat

text: Sonipat Municipal Corporation is the governing civic body of the Urban Area in Sonipat. The Municipal Committee Sonipat was establishment in the year 1933.


title: Sonipat

text: Sonipat (Lok Sabha constituency) is one of the 10 Lok Sabha (Parliamentary) constituencies in Haryana state in northern India.*Ramesh Chander Kaushik is Member of Parliament from Sonipat Seat


title: United States and the International Criminal Court

text: The United States is not a State Party to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute), which founded the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2002 as a permanent international criminal court to "bring to justice the perpetrators of the worst crimes known to humankind – war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide", when national courts are unable or unwilling to do so.


text: , 123 states are members of the Court. Other states that have not become parties to the Rome Statute include India, Indonesia, and China. On May 6, 2002, the United States, in a position shared with Israel and Sudan, having previously signed the Rome Statute formally withdrew its signature and indicated that it did not intend to ratify the agreement.


text: United States policy concerning the ICC has varied widely. The Clinton Administration signed the Rome Statute in 2000, but did not submit it for Senate ratification. The George W. Bush Administration, the U.S. administration at the time of the ICC's founding, stated that it would not join the ICC. The Obama Administration subsequently re-established a working relationship with the Court as an observer.


text: Following years of negotiations aimed at establishing a permanent international tribunal to prosecute individuals accused of genocide and other serious international crimes, such as crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the recently defined crimes of aggression, the United Nations General Assembly convened a five-week diplomatic conference in Rome in June 1998 "to finalize and adopt a convention on the establishment of an international criminal court". On 17 July 1998, the Rome Statute was adopted by a vote of 120 to 7, with 21 countries abstaining. The seven countries that voted against the treaty were Iraq, Israel, Libya, China, Qatar, Yemen, and the United States.


text: U.S. President Bill Clinton originally signed the Rome Statute in 2000. Signature of a treaty provides a preliminary endorsement, but a treaty that is signed but not ratified is not legally binding. Signing does not create a binding legal obligation, but does demonstrate the State's intention to examine the treaty domestically and consider ratifying it, and it obliges the State to refrain from acts that would counter or undermine the treaty's objective and purpose.


text: Clinton stated that he would not submit it to the Senate for advice and consent for ratification until the U.S. government had a chance to assess the functioning of the Court. He nonetheless supported the proposed role of the ICC and its objectives:


text: After the Rome Statute reached the requisite 60 ratifications in 2002, President George W. Bush's Administration sent a note to the U.N. Secretary-General on May 6, 2002. The note informed the Secretary-General that the U.S. no longer intended to ratify the Rome Statute, and that it did not recognize any obligation toward the Rome Statute. In addition, the U.S. stated that its intention not to become a state party should be reflected in the U.N. depository's list. This is because signatories have an obligation not to undermine the object and purpose of a treaty according to Article 18 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, also sometimes referred to as the good faith obligations. According to American Non-Governmental Organizations Coalition for the International Criminal Court, the U.S. could engage with the Court by reactivating its signature to the Rome Statute by submitting a letter to the Secretary-General.


text: A treaty becomes part of the municipal law of a nation only when the treaty has been ratified, accepted, or acceded to. In the U.S., the Constitution gives the President power to negotiate treaties under the Treaty Clause of Article Two. The President must then submit a treaty to the Senate for advice and consent for ratification, and the Senate must approve the treaty by a two-thirds majority before it can take effect. The Senate may submit amendments, reservations, or explanations to the President regarding the treaty. Once ratified, treaties are generally self-executing—at least from the perspective of other nations—as the ratifying state fully binds itself to the treaty as a matter of the public international law and of national honor and good faith. In the U.S., however, a treaty does not immediately become effective as U.S. domestic law upon entry into force, which occurs only if the treaty is self-executing. In "Foster v. Neilson" 27 U.S. 253 (1829), the U.S. Supreme Court explained that treaties are self-executing if accompanying legislation is not necessary for implementation. A treaty requiring additional action is not self-executing; it would create an international obligation for the U.S., but would have no effect on domestic law. ("Id. 314-315").


text: However, entrenched provisions of municipal law—such as the constitution of a state party or other fundamental laws—may cause the treaty not to be fully executable in municipal law if it conflicts with those entrenched provisions. Article Six of the U.S. Constitution contains the Supremacy Clause, which gives all treaties ratified in accordance with the Constitution the effect of federal law. In the U.S., if a treaty is found to be self-executing it will preempt inconsistent state law and previous legislation. This issue was addressed by the U.S. Supreme Court in "Ware v. Hylton" 3 U.S. 199 (1796), where it found that the treaty at issue was self-executing and struck down an inconsistent state law. ("Id". 284). However, a treaty cannot preempt the Constitution itself (as held in "Reid v. Covert" 354 U.S. 1 (1957)). Thus, in order for a treaty to be executable within the United States, it might be necessary for the Constitution to be amended. Otherwise, treaty provisions could potentially be found unconstitutional and consequently be struck down by the courts. An example of an instance where this occurred outside the U.S. is when the Republic of Ireland ratified the Rome Statute. The Irish government's response was to hold a national referendum on the issue in 2001, after which the government amended their Constitution to bring it into effect. The question of whether the Rome Statute would require amendments to the U.S. Constitution to be brought into effect is a matter of debate within the United States. However, many scholars and experts believe that the Rome Statute is compatible with the U.S. Constitution.


text: The ICC has been criticized for absence of jury trials; allegations of retrials allowed for errors of fact; allegations that hearsay evidence is allowed; and allegations of no right to a speedy trial, a public trial, or reasonable bail. Supporters of the ICC say that the ICC Statute contains the due process rights found in the U.S. Constitution and now well recognized in international standards of due process in Article 67 Rome Statute, with the exception of the right to jury trial.


text: The U.S. has adopted forms of war crimes and crimes against humanity within its military courts. The military courts have jurisdiction over all military personnel abroad and any accompanying civilians. Further, the U.S. has adopted crimes of genocide within its domestic system and conscription of child soldiers.


text: United States participation in the ICC treaty regime would also be unconstitutional because it would allow the trial of U.S. citizens for crimes committed on U.S. soil, which are otherwise entirely within the judicial power of the United States. The Supreme Court has long held that only the courts of the United States, as established under the Constitution, can try such offenses.


text: This statement refers to several issues. The first is the trial of U.S. citizens by the ICC and implies that the Court does not have the power to try Americans for crimes committed on U.S. territory. The second refers to due-process issues.


text: Critics argue that, because the U.S. Constitution permits the creation of only one Supreme Court, participation with the International Criminal Court violates the U.S. Constitution. However, the Court is not a creation of the U.S.; instead, it functions internationally. Further, the U.S. has participated in various international courts including the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, the Nuremberg trials, and the tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.


text: The Congressional Research Service's Report for Congress states the ICC is not "an instrumentality of the U.S.". Therefore, it does not threaten to supplant the Constitutional authority of the U.S. Supreme Court.


text: The true measure of America's commitment to peace and justice and its opposition to genocide and war crimes lies not in its participation in international bureaucracies like the ICC, but in its actions. The United States has led the fight to free millions in Afghanistan and Iraq. It is a party to many human rights treaties and, unlike many other nations, abides by those treaty commitments. The U.S. has led the charge to hold violators of human rights to account, including fighting hard for imposing Security Council sanctions on the Sudanese government until it stops supporting the militia groups that are committing genocide in Darfur and helps to restore order to the region. The U.S. polices its military and punishes them when they commit crimes. In every practical way, the U.S. honors the beliefs and purposes underlying the ICC.


text: The current International Criminal Court investigation in Afghanistan is, however, precisely concerned with possible warcrimes committed in the alleged 'fight to free millions' to which The Heritage Foundation refers.


text: In a 2005 poll of 1,182 residents of the United States by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and the Program on International Policy Attitudes at the University of Maryland, 69% favored U.S. participation in the ICC.


text: Should the United States ratify the 'Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court'? If not, what concerns do you have that need to be resolved before you would support joining the court? Prior to ratification, what should the United States relationship with the Court be, particularly in regards to sharing intelligence, prosecuting war criminals, and referring cases to the U.N. Security Council?


text: Obama answered: "Yes[.] The United States should cooperate with ICC investigations in a way that reflects U.S. sovereignty and promotes our national security interests."


text: Senator John McCain, the Republican presidential candidate in the 2008 elections, said on January 28, 2005: "I want us in the ICC, but I'm not satisfied that there are enough safeguards." He also later stated: "We should publicly remind Khartoum that the International Criminal Court has jurisdiction to prosecute war crimes in Darfur and that Sudanese leaders will be held personally accountable for attacks on civilians."


text: Senator Hillary Clinton said as a candidate in the 2008 Democratic presidential primaries on February 13, 2005:


text: Consistent with my overall policy of reintroducing the United States to the world, I will as President evaluate the record of Court, and reassess how we can best engage with this institution and hold the worst abusers of human rights to account.


text: Representative Ron Paul, a Republican presidential candidate in the 2008 elections, said on April 8, 2002:


text: Bill Richardson, the Governor of New Mexico, said in 2007 while campaigning for the 2008 Democratic nomination: "We must repair our alliances ... renew our commitment to International Law and multilateral cooperation ... this means joining the International Criminal Court."


text: Dennis Kucinich, Democratic member of the United States House of Representatives and a presidential candidate in the 2004 and 2008 elections, said on April 26, 2007:


text: John Edwards, the former Senator and the Democratic Vice-Presidential candidate in 2004, called for America to be part of the court when campaigning for the 2008 Democratic nomination, saying:


text: We should be the natural leader in ... these areas ... when America doesn't engage in these international institutions, when we show disrespect for international agreements, it makes it extraordinarily difficult when we need the world community to rally around us ... we didn't used to be the country of Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib. We were the great light for the rest of the world, and America needs to be that light again.


text: Benjamin B. Ferencz, an investigator of Nazi war crimes after World War II and the Chief Prosecutor for the United States Army at the "Einsatzgruppen" trial, one of the twelve "subsequent Nuremberg trials" held by the U.S. authorities, later became a vocal advocate of the establishment of an international rule of law and of an International Criminal Court. In his first book, published in 1975 and entitled "Defining International Aggression-The Search for World Peace", he argued for the establishment of an international court.


text: The position of the Bush Administration during its first term in office was to unalterably oppose U.S. ratification of the Rome Statute, believing Americans would be unfairly treated for political reasons. Moreover, the Bush Administration actively pursued a policy of hostility towards the Court in its international relations, exceeding merely staying out of the statute, instead following the provisions of the American Service-Members' Protection Act, in seeking to guarantee that U.S. citizens be immune to the court and to thwart other states from acceding to the statute without taking U.S. concerns into account. The U.S. vigorously pressed states to conclude "Article 98 agreements," bilateral immunity agreements (BIAs) with the U.S. that would guarantee its citizens immunity from the court's jurisdiction, threatening to cut off aid to states that refused to agree.


text: However, Bush Administration officials tempered their opposition to the ICC in the Administration's second term, especially after the departure of John Bolton from the Bush Administration. The United States did not oppose using the ICC to prosecute atrocities in Darfur, Sudan, as evidenced by the U.S. abstention on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1593 referring the Darfur situation to the ICC for prosecution. In a statement, the State Department's Legal Adviser John Bellinger stated: "At least as a matter of policy, not only do we not oppose the ICC's investigation and prosecutions in Sudan but we support its investigation and prosecution of those atrocities." In addition, the U.S. House of Representatives, in a resolution, acknowledged the ICC's authority to prosecute war crimes in Darfur.


text: The Obama Administration stated its intent to cooperate with the ICC. Cooperation with the Assembly of States Parties of the ICC was a key component of the Obama Administration's first National Security Strategy. On November 16, 2009, the Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues, Stephen Rapp, announced that he would lead the U.S. delegation to the ICC's annual meeting of the Assembly of States Parties in The Hague. He told journalists "Our government has now made the decision that Americans will return to engagement at the ICC." The U.S. participated as an observer. This was the first time the U.S. had a delegation attend the ICC's annual meeting of the Assembly.


text: In response to a question from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton remarked that the U.S. will end its "hostility" towards the court. In addition, Susan Rice, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, in her first address to the Security Council expressed U.S. support for the court's investigation in Sudan. These statements coupled with the removal of sanctions to the BIAs signaled a positive shift in the U.S. cooperation with the Court. The Obama Administration made no formal policy decision on the ICC or the status of the BIAs, and did not state an intention to rejoin the Rome Statute or submit the treaty to Senate ratification.


text: The Administration sent a large delegation to the Review Conference of the Rome Statute in Kampala, Uganda in May and June 2010. The outcome from Kampala included a successful assessment of the Rome Statute system of international justice, the announcement of numerous formal pledges by countries to assist the court, and the adoption of amendments on war crimes and the crime of aggression. The U.S. co-sponsored a side event with Norway and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) on building the capacity of the DRC's judicial system to address atrocity crimes.


text: The U.S. announced two pledges at Kampala, and was the only non-State Party to make a pledge. The U.S. formally committed to building the legal capacity of certain countries to prosecute atrocity crimes themselves, and to assisting the ICC in its investigation and prosecution of the leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army, a rebel group originating from Uganda and led by Joseph Kony.


text: The Conference adopted two sets of amendments. The administration believes that the outcome on both is in accord with important U.S. interests. The Conference adopted a definition for the crime of aggression, the conditions under which it would exercise jurisdiction, and a roadmap for the eventual activation of jurisdiction after January 1, 2017. The U.S. initially raised concerns about the definition, but accepted it after other countries agreed to attach a set of detailed understandings to the resolution adopting the amendments. Under the amendment, the ICC will be, first, unable to prosecute individuals of a non-state party, and second, state-parties will have the opportunity to opt out of aggression jurisdiction if they so wish.


text: Speaking about the past and future of U.S.–ICC relations in light of the Review Conference, Harold Koh, Legal Adviser of the State Department, declared in 2010:


text: After 12 years, I think we have reset the default on the U.S. relationship with the Court from hostility to positive engagement. In this case, principled engagement worked to protect our interest, to improve the outcome, and to bring us renewed international goodwill.


text: In September 2018, President Donald Trump criticized the Court before the United Nations. In his speech condemning globalism and the over reach of international agencies, he drew parallels between the court and the United Nations Human Rights Council.


text: So the United States took the only responsible course: We withdrew from the Human Rights Council, and we will not return until real reform is enacted.


text: For similar reasons, the United States will provide no support in recognition to the International Criminal Court. As far as America is concerned, the ICC has no jurisdiction, no legitimacy, and no authority. The ICC claims near-universal jurisdiction over the citizens of every country, violating all principles of justice, fairness, and due process. We will never surrender America’s sovereignty to an unelected, unaccountable, global bureaucracy.


text: In April 2019, the United States revoked the visa of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Fatou Bensouda, in anticipation of a later investigation into possible war crimes committed by U.S. forces during the War in Afghanistan; the investigation was authorized in March 2020. In June 2020, Donald Trump authorized sanctions against ICC in retaliation for the aforementioned case.


text: On 2 April 2021, President Joe Biden lifted the Trump-era sanctions against Bensouda and Phakiso Mochochoko, head of the ICC's Jurisdiction, Complementarity and Cooperation Division. Secretary of State Antony Blinken issued a statement maintaining the country's "longstanding objection to the Court’s efforts to assert jurisdiction over personnel of non-States Parties such as the United States and Israel"; however, he added that "our concerns about these cases would be better addressed through engagement with all stakeholders in the ICC process rather than through the imposition of sanctions".


text: The United States and many advocates for the ICC have long been at odds over the Court's statute, accountability, and jurisdiction. Although these differences have not been resolved, two recent actions have refocused international and domestic attention on America's policy toward the ICC. The first was enactment of the "Nethercutt Amendment", which extended prohibitions on assistance to ICC parties beyond those already in place under the American Service-Members' Protection Act (ASPA). The second is the debate over whether or not the U.N. Security Council should refer the genocide in Sudan to the ICC for investigation.


text: In 2002, the U.S. Congress passed the American Service-Members' Protection Act (ASPA), which contained a number of provisions, including authorization of the President to "use all means necessary and appropriate to bring about the release of any U.S. or allied personnel being detained by, on behalf of, or at the request of the International Criminal Court", and also prohibitions on the United States providing military aid to countries which had ratified the treaty establishing the court. However, there were a number of exceptions to this, including NATO members, major non-NATO allies, and countries which entered into a BIA with the United States not to hand over U.S. nationals to the Court, as well as any military aid that the U.S. president certified to be in the U.S. national interest.


text: In addition, ASPA contained provisions prohibiting U.S. co-operation with the Court, and permitting the President to authorize military force to free any U.S. military personnel held by the court, leading opponents to dub it "The Hague Invasion Act". The act was later modified to permit U.S. cooperation with the ICC when dealing with U.S. enemies. It has been argued that the act was a measure created to protect Americans from ICC jurisdiction or prosecution.


text: On October 2, 2006, President Bush issued waivers of the International Military Education and Training (IMET) prohibitions with respect to 21 nations. Foreign Military Financing (FMF) restricted under ASPA were not affected by the 2006 waivers or the ASPA amendment. On October 17, 2006, Bush signed into law an amendment to ASPA as part of the John Warner National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007 removing IMET restrictions for all nations. On November 22, 2006, Bush issued ASPA waivers with respect to the Comoros and Saint Kitts and Nevis, followed by a similar waiver with respect to Montenegro on August 31, 2007.


text: On January 28, 2008, Bush signed into law an amendment to the ASPA to eliminate restrictions on FMF to nations unwilling to enter into BIAs shielding U.S. nationals from the jurisdiction of the ICC. Section 1212 of HR 4986 effectively gutted from ASPA all of the provisions which threaten nations with the loss of military assistance of any kind for refusing a BIA.


text: The effects of the ASPA were severely criticized by the Defense Department. While speaking before the U.S. House Committee on Armed Services regarding the FY 2006 Budget, U.S. Army General Bantz J. Craddock, Commander of the U.S. Southern Command, made strong statements on the impact of ASPA on military operations and cooperation in Latin America. He explained that the ASPA was creating a void of contact that is being filled by other extra-hemispheric actors, including China. Vice Admiral Lowell Jacoby made similar statements during a hearing of the Senate Armed Services Committee. In addition, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Air Force General Richard Myers, testified at the Senate Appropriations Defense Subcommittee on April 27, 2005, that the ASPA has reduced foreign troop training opportunities and hurt the government's ability to fight terrorism abroad as an "unintended consequence".


text: Former Representative George Nethercutt's "Nethercutt Amendment" to the Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act suspends Economic Support Fund assistance to ICC States Parties who refused BIAs with the U.S. or were not provided a Presidential waiver. The funds affected support initiatives including peacekeeping, anti-terrorism measures, democracy-building, and drug interdiction. The language of the amendment allowed presidential exemptions for NATO, MNNA (major non-NATO allies), and Millennium Fund countries.


text: The Nethercutt Amendment differed from former anti-ICC provisions of the ASPA by imposing economic aid cuts instead of military aid cuts. Cutting economic assistance is a far more damaging act because, in many countries, it intended to bolster local economies instead of national defense. In addition, existing status of forces agreements (SOFAs) and other bilateral agreements already provide full U.S. jurisdiction over U.S. personnel and officials serving abroad.


text: The appropriations bill containing the controversial amendments were adopted for FY 2005, FY 2006, and FY 2008. Congress did not pass a foreign operations appropriations bill or any other bill containing the Nethercutt provision for FY 2007. On December 17, 2007, the U.S. Congress approved HR 2764, a comprehensive Consolidated Appropriations Act which reinstates the so-called Nethercutt provision cutting off Economic Support Funds (ESF) to nations unwilling to enter into BIAs or so-called Article 98 Agreements shielding U.S. nationals from the jurisdiction of the ICC.