title: Brazilian Integralism

text: In its outward forms, Integralism was similar to European fascism: a green-shirted paramilitary organization with uniformed ranks, highly regimented street demonstrations, and rhetoric against Marxism and liberalism. However, it differed markedly from it in specific ideology: a prolific writer before turning political leader, Salgado interpreted human history at large as an opposition between "materialism"—understood by him as the normal operation of natural laws guided by blind necessity—and "spiritualism": the belief in God, in the immortality of the soul, and in the conditioning of individual existence to superior, eternal goals. Salgado advocated, therefore, the harnessing of individual interest to values such as pity, self-donation and concern to others. For him, human history consisted of the eternal struggle of the human spirit against the laws of nature, as expressed by the atheism of modern society in the twin forms of liberalism and socialism—capitalist competition leading eventually to the merger of private capitals in a single state-owned economy. Thus the integralists favoured nationalism as a "shared spiritual identity", in the context of a heterogeneous and tolerant nation influenced by Christian virtues—such virtues being concretely enforced by means of an authoritarian government enforcing compulsory political activity under the guidance of an acknowledged leader.


title: Brazilian Integralism

text: Integralism being a mass movement, there were marked differences in ideology among its leaders under the influence of various international fascist and quasi-fascist contemporary movements, as in the issue of anti-Semitism. Salgado was against it. Gustavo Barroso, the party's chief doctrinaire after Salgado, was known for his militant antisemitic views, becoming notorious for being the author of the first and so far only Portuguese translation of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion; he was also the author of various antisemitic works of his own ("Judaism, Freemasonry and Communism"; "Sinagogues in São Paulo"). This led to at least two serious ruptures in the movement: one in 1935 and the other, 1936, when Salgado almost renounced leadership of the movement.


title: Brazilian Integralism

text: One of the most important principles in an Integralist's life was the "Internal Revolution", or "Revolution of the Self", through which a man was encouraged to stop thinking only for himself, and instead start to integrate into the idea of a giant integralist family—becoming one with the Homeland, while also leaving behind selfish and "evil" values.


title: Brazilian Integralism

text: In the beginning of the 1930s, Brazil went through a strong wave of political radicalism. The government led by President Getúlio Vargas had a degree of support from workers because of the labor laws he introduced, and competed with the Communist Party of Brazil for working-class support. In the face of communist advances, and at the same time building on his intensive crackdown against the Brazilian left, Vargas turned to the integralist movement as a single mobilized base of right-wing support. With center-left factions excluded from the Vargas' coalition and the left crushed, Vargas progressively set out to co-opt the populist movement to attain the widespread support that allowed him eventually (in 1937) to proclaim his "Estado Novo"—a corporatist "New State".


title: Brazilian Integralism

text: Integralism, claiming a rapidly growing membership throughout Brazil by 1935, especially among the German Brazilians and Italian Brazilians (communities which together amounted to approximately two million people), began filling this ideological void. In 1934, the Integralists targeted the communist movement led by Luiz Carlos Prestes, mobilizing a conservative mass support base engaging in street brawls. In 1934, following the disintegration of Vargas' delicate alliance with labor, and his new alliance with the AIB, Brazil entered one of the most agitated periods in its political history. Brazil's major cities began to resemble 1932–1933 Berlin with its street battles between the Communist Party of Germany and the Nazi Party. By mid-1935, Brazilian politics had been drastically destabilized.


title: Brazilian Integralism

text: When Vargas established full dictatorial powers under the "Estado Novo" in 1937, he turned against the integralist movement. Although AIB favored Vargas' hard right turn, Salgado was overly ambitious, with overt presidential aspirations that threatened Vargas' grip on power. In 1938, the Integralists made a last attempt at achieving power, by attacking the Guanabara Palace during the night, but police and army troops arrived at the last minute, and the ensuing gunfight ended with around twenty casualties. This attempt was called the Integralist "Pajama Putsch".


title: Brazilian Integralism

text: The AIB disintegrated after that failure in 1938, and in 1945, when the Vargas dictatorship ended, Salgado founded the Party of Popular Representation (PRP), which maintained the ideology of Integralism, but without the uniforms, salutes, signals, and signs. The various political leaderships raised among Integralism dispersed into various ideological positions during subsequent political struggles. Some former members who maintained ties with the political Right participated in the 1964 military coup that overthrew President João Goulart. Other former integralists associated later with the Left, such as Goulart's foreign minister Santiago Dantas, and the Catholic bishop D. Hélder Câmara.


title: Brazilian Integralism

text: Integralists and former Integralists took a range of positions inside the military right-wing dictatorship that followed the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état. Plínio Salgado joined the ARENA, the pro-military party. Augusto Rademaker and Márcio Melo, former Integralistas, served as two of the three member junta that briefly ruled Brazil in 1969, during the transition from the second military government (that of Artur da Costa e Silva) to the third (that of Emílio Médici). Rademaker was also vice-president in the third military government. He was generally considered one of the most diehard rightists in the contemporary military topbrass. Many former Integralists in the military occupied government posts in the second and third military administrations, usually thought to be aligned with hardline sectors in the army. On the other hand, Dom Hélder Câmara, also a former Integralista, operated at the time as the best-known opponent of the regime.


title: Brazilian Integralism

text: Today, there are two small remnant groups in Brazil which uphold the strict integralist ideology: the ""Frente Integralista Brasileira"" (FIB) and the ""Movimento Integralista e Linearista Brasileiro"" (MIL-B). The FIB has close ties to Levy Fidelix's Brazilian Labour Renewal Party (PRTB), and supported the successful Jair Bolsonaro 2018 presidential campaign in the second round of the 2018 Brazilian presidential election In 2021, FIB leaders joined Roberto Jefferson's "Brazilian Labor Party" (PTB). Previously, many integralists were involved in Enéas Carneiro's Party of the Reconstruction of the National Order (PRONA), which dissolved in 2006.


title: Brazilian Integralism

text: On 26 December 2019, a group called the "Popular Nationalist Insurgency Command of the Large Brazilian Integralist Family" claimed responsibility for a firebombing of the headquarters of comedy group Porta dos Fundos in Rio de Janeiro.


title: Brazilian Integralism

text: On 30 December 2019, a member of the FIB and former Patriota and PRONA candidate for Congress, Paulo Fernando Melo da Costa, was appointed as a special advisor to Human Rights Minister Damares Alves in the Bolsonaro administration. Sara Winter, a former member of Brazilian FEMEN, who worked in the ministry as national coordinator of maternity policies, while a member of Femen, declared that she sympathized with the ideas of Plínio Salgado, referring to him as a "defender of the country". Also in the Bolsonaro government, Sara was part of the 300 do Brasil group, which had armed members and preached anti-democratic actions such as the return of Institutional Act Number Five. In the 2022 Brazilian general election, campaigning for the Senate in the Federal District, Damares Alves claimed to identify with Integralism.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: Green is well known for his involvement in the anti-folk music movement and as one half of the band the Moldy Peaches, alongside fellow singer-songwriter Kimya Dawson. Green has found success as a solo artist, enjoying increasing popularity in the United States as well as a number of European countries, particularly Germany.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: Green attended Emerson College for one semester in 1998 before leaving to concentrate on his music, going on to co-found the Moldy Peaches with Kimya Dawson. In 2002, the Moldy Peaches went on hiatus, and both Green and Dawson embarked on solo careers.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: Green released several albums on Rough Trade Records. Among his better known songs are "Jessica" (about singer Jessica Simpson), "Novotel", "Friends of Mine", "Dance with Me", "Carolina" and "Emily", and in the UK, his cover of The Libertines track "What a Waster". "Jessica" (#63, 2004) and "Emily" (#53, 2005) both appeared in the UK Singles Chart.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: Prior to "Jacket Full of Danger" in 2006, all of Green's albums had been released on the 22nd of the month.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: In January 2008, the Moldy Peaches began having a resurgence in popularity, due to their music being included in the hit indie film, "Juno". Most notably, a duet between Green and Dawson, the Moldy Peaches song "Anyone Else But You" was featured in the film, and also in a scene which featured the film's lead actors, Michael Cera and Elliot Page performing the song together. The soundtrack album reached No. 1 on the "Billboard" 200 chart on its third week of release.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: In January 2010, Green released his sixth solo album, "Minor Love", which was a slight departure from his previous works. Green says he wrote many of these songs in a clearer style so they were easier for the listener to understand. He also says the album was slightly more produced, creating a more offsetting sound, rather than being raw, and simple like his earlier work. Later in 2010, he also released another album, Musik for a Play, which was a collection of instrumentals made for a play soundtrack. For his next album, Green expressed interest in making a heavy metal-like album.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: Following the release of these albums, Green took time off from making music, and focused his work as an artist and filmmaker. But he still performed during this time, even doing some shows with singer Binki Shapiro. In 2012, Green made references to an upcoming duet album with Shapiro, which was eventually announced in October 2012 on Green's website. The song "Here I Am" from the album was also made available for download online. The album was released on January 29, 2013. Green is recording his next album, the soundtrack to his film "Aladdin".


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: In September 2019 Green released the album "Engine of Paradise" via Danger Mouse's record label 30th Century Records.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: In 2005, Green entered the professional art world with his exhibition of a series of drawings titled "Animal Dreams" at Loyal Gallery in Stockholm. Green's art exhibition "Teen Tech" was displayed at New York's Morrison Hotel Gallery for 10 days in April 2010 and consisting of twelve plaster sculptures, eighteen watercolor and acrylic large-scale (30" x 40") paintings, nineteen drawings, twenty collages and papier-mâché and mixed-material works. A portion of "Teen Tech's" proceeds went to benefit Artists for Peace and Justice, an effort to re-create and cultivate sustainability in Haiti. On June 9, 2012 Green's exhibition "Cartoon & Complaint" opened at Dustin Yellin's art center and gallery The Intercourse in Red Hook, Brooklyn. In August 2012 The Hole Gallery in New York City announced that it would be showing a summer exhibition of Green's work titled "Houseface", a collection of works inspired by De Stijl and the architecture of Friedensreich Hundertwasser and Antoni Gaudí. Green's Houseface paintings and sculptures were featured in a Stuart Weitzman shoe advertisement directed by James Franco entitled "Walking After Midnight". Afterwards he formed an art collective named 3MB with Macaulay Culkin and Toby Goodshank. Their first exhibit Leisure Inferno opened at Le Poisson Rouge Gallery in October 2012. Green kicked off 2013 with "Medieval Businessmen," an exhibit of drawings and paintings at Loyal Gallery in Sweden. In July he showed his visual art for the first time in Italy with "The Yellow Show", a solo-exhibition that opened at Motel Salieri in Rome. The next month he had a show in Zurich with "From A Darker Time," a show composed of older works. In September 2013 Green took part in a collaborative artshow with Pete Doherty and Fionn Regan entitled "Noise Kids. In November Green exhibited in Vienna at the Viertelneun Gallery showing “A Land Recombined". His most recent show was at The Hole Gallery for his show "Hot Chicks".


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: On April 4, 2011, Green released his first film, entitled "The Wrong Ferarri". The project, shot entirely on iPhone, was written, directed, and performed in by Green who claims to have conceived it under the influence of ketamine. Others appearing in the film included BP Fallon, Alia Shawkat, Devendra Banhart, Pete Doherty, Dev Hynes, Jeffrey Lewis, Sky Ferreira, Cory Kennedy and Macaulay Culkin.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: In August 2013, Green announced that his next film would be a version of Aladdin, entitled Adam Green's Aladdin. The film was successfully crowdfunded through Kickstarter in the spring of 2014. Filmed largely over the summer of 2014.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: Although Green was brought up in a secular Jewish home, his grandparents were very religious. His great-grandmother, Felice Bauer, was engaged to Franz Kafka; her family fled the Nazis in the late 1930s and relocated to New York.


title: Adam Green (musician)

text: Green is a friend of the musician Carl Barât, appearing in a documentary with him in 2005. It followed the pair on a night out in London, for the European television culture channel Arte.


title: Togoland

text: Togoland was a German Empire protectorate in West Africa from 1884 to 1914, encompassing what is now the nation of Togo and most of what is now the Volta Region of Ghana, approximately 90,400 km (29,867 sq mi) in size. During the period known as the "Scramble for Africa", the colony was established in 1884 and was gradually extended inland.


title: Togoland

text: At the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, the colony was invaded and quickly overrun by British and French forces during the Togoland campaign and placed under military rule. In 1916 the territory was divided into separate British and French administrative zones, and this was formalised in 1922 with the creation of British Togoland and French Togoland.


title: Togoland

text: The colony was established towards the end of the period of European colonisation in Africa generally known as the "Scramble for Africa". Two separate protectorates were established in 1884. In February 1884, the chiefs of the town of Aného were kidnapped by German soldiers and forced to sign a treaty of protection. In the Lomé region, the German explorer, medical doctor, imperial consul and commissioner for West Africa Gustav Nachtigal was the driving force toward the establishment of the West African colonies of Togoland as well as Kamerun. From his base on the Spanish island possession Fernando Po in the Bight of Biafra he traveled extensively on the mainland of Africa. On 5 July 1884 Nachtigal signed a treaty with the local chief, , in which he declared a German protectorate over a stretch of territory along the Slave Coast on the Bight of Benin. With the small gunboat at anchor, the imperial flag was raised for the first time on the African continent. Consul Heinrich Ludwig Randad Jr., resident agent of the firm C. Goedelts at Ouidah, was appointed as the first commissioner for the territory.


title: Togoland

text: In 1899, Germany and Great Britain traded territory in the Samoan Islands for the Northern Solomon Islands and control in Tonga, using the Togoland Neutral Zone (Yendi) and the Volta Triangle as bargaining chips.


title: Togoland

text: Germany gradually extended its control inland. Colonial administrators and settlers brought scientific cultivation to the country's main export crops (cacao, coffee, cotton). The total number of German officials in the colony was only 12 in 1890. The colony's infrastructure was developed to one of the highest levels in Africa. Colonial officials built roads and bridges toward the interior mountain ranges and three rail lines from the capital, Lomé: along the coast to Aného in 1905, to Palime (modern Kpalimé) in 1907, and the longest line, the "Hinterlandbahn", to Atakpamé by 1911. By 1914, over 1,000 km of roads had been constructed by the colonial office.


title: Togoland

text: Organized in 1888 with 25 Hausa infantry, the "Polizeitruppe" was used to enforce colonial authority over the hinterland of Togo. Expanded to 144 members in 1894, it conducted operations against Kpandu, and "a number of towns in central Togo which had resisted the government was attacked and razed to the ground, the property of the inhabitants confiscated and the people fined sums ranging from 200 marks to 1,110 marks." Over the remainder of the decade, an additional 35 expeditions were authorized by the colonial government.


title: Togoland

text: In 1895 the capital Lomé had a population of 31 Germans and 2,084 natives. By 1913 the native population had grown to 7,042 persons together with 194 Germans, including 33 women, while the entire colony had a German population of 316, including 61 women and 14 children. In the years just before World War I, Lomé had grown into the "prettiest town in West Africa". Because it was one of Germany's two self-supporting colonies, Togoland was acknowledged as a small but treasured possession. This lasted until the outbreak of World War I.


title: Togoland

text: After calling on the German colony to surrender on 6 August 1914, French and British troops invaded unopposed the next day. No military personnel were stationed in the protectorate. The police force consisted of a commander and deputy commander, 10 German sergeants, 1 native sergeant and 660 Togolese policemen deployed throughout the territory. The "Entente" forces occupied Lomé, then advanced on a powerful new radio station near Kamina, east of Atakpamé. The colony surrendered on 26 August 1914, after the German technicians who had built the radio installation destroyed the station during the night of 24/25 August. In the weeks before the destruction, Kamerun, German Southwest Africa, German East Africa and 47 ships on the high seas were sent reports of Allied actions, as well as warnings of trouble ahead. On 27 December 1916, Togoland was separated into French and British administrative zones. After the end of World War I, members of the newly established Czechoslovakia government considered acquiring the colony as Czechoslovak Togo, but the idea never proceeded past creating a flag. Following the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, on 20 July 1922, Togoland formally became a League of Nations Class B mandate divided into French Togoland and British Togoland, covering respectively about two-thirds and one-third of the territory.


title: Togoland

text: The British area of the former German colony was integrated into Ghana in 1957 after a May 1956 plebiscite in which 58% of British-area residents voted to join Ghana upon its independence, rather than remaining under British-administered United Nations Trusteeship.


title: Togoland

text: The French-ruled region became the Republic of Togo in 1960 and is now known as the Togolese Republic. In 1960, the new state invited the last German governor of Togoland, Duke Adolf Friedrich of Mecklenburg, to the country's official independence celebrations.


title: Togoland

text: In 1914 a series of drafts were made for proposed Coat of Arms and Flags for the German colonies. However, World War I broke out before the designs were finished and implemented and the symbols were never actually taken into use. Following the defeat in the war, Germany lost all its colonies and the prepared coat of arms and flags were therefore never used.


title: FTPS

text: FTPS (also known as FTP-SSL and FTP Secure) is an extension to the commonly used File Transfer Protocol (FTP) that adds support for the Transport Layer Security (TLS) and, formerly, the Secure Sockets Layer (SSL, which is now prohibited by RFC7568) cryptographic protocols.


title: FTPS

text: FTPS should not be confused with the SSH File Transfer Protocol (SFTP), a secure file transfer subsystem for the Secure Shell (SSH) protocol with which it is not compatible. It is also different from FTP over SSH, which is the practice of tunneling FTP through an SSH connection.


title: FTPS

text: The File Transfer Protocol was drafted in 1971 for use with the scientific and research network, ARPANET. Access to the ARPANET during this time was limited to a small number of military sites and universities and a narrow community of users who could operate without data security and privacy requirements within the protocol.


title: FTPS

text: As the ARPANET gave way to the NSFNET and then the Internet, a broader population potentially had access to the data as it traversed increasingly longer paths from client to server. The opportunity for unauthorized third parties to eavesdrop on data transmissions increased proportionally.


title: FTPS

text: In 1994, the Internet browser company Netscape developed and released the application layer wrapper, Secure Sockets Layer. This protocol enabled applications to communicate across a network in a private and secure fashion, discouraging eavesdropping, tampering, and message forgery. While it could add security to any protocol that uses reliable connections, such as TCP, it was most commonly used by Netscape with HTTP to form HTTPS.


title: FTPS

text: The SSL protocol was eventually applied to FTP, with a draft Request for Comments (RFC) published in late 1996. An official IANA port was registered shortly thereafter. However, the RFC was not finalized until 2005.


title: FTPS

text: Two separate methods were developed to invoke client security for use with FTP clients: "Implicit" and "Explicit". While the implicit method requires that a Transport Layer Security is established from the beginning of the connection, which in turn breaks the compatibility with non-FTPS-aware clients and servers, the explicit method uses standard FTP protocol commands and replies in order to upgrade a plain text connection to an encrypted one, allowing a single control port to be used for serving both FTPS-aware and non-FTPS-aware clients.


title: FTPS

text: Negotiation is not supported with implicit FTPS configurations. A client is immediately expected to challenge the FTPS server with a TLS "ClientHello" message. If such a message is not received by the FTPS server, the server should drop the connection.


title: FTPS

text: In order to maintain compatibility with existing non-FTPS-aware clients, implicit FTPS was expected to listen on the IANA well known port 990/TCP for the FTPS control channel, and port 989/TCP for the FTPS data channel. This allowed administrators to retain legacy-compatible services on the original 21/TCP FTP control channel.


title: FTPS

text: Note that implicit negotiation was not defined in <nowiki>RFC 4217</nowiki>. As such, it is considered an earlier, deprecated method of negotiating TLS/SSL for FTP.


title: FTPS

text: In explicit mode (also known as FTPES), an FTPS client must "explicitly request" security from an FTPS server and then step up to a mutually agreed encryption method. If a client does not request security, the FTPS server can either allow the client to continue in insecure mode or refuse the connection.


title: FTPS

text: The mechanism for negotiating authentication and security with FTP was added under RFC 2228, which included the new FTP command AUTH. While this RFC does not explicitly define any required security mechanisms, e.g. SSL or TLS, it does require the FTPS client to challenge the FTPS server with a mutually known mechanism. If the FTPS client challenges the FTPS server with an unknown security mechanism, the FTPS server will respond to the AUTH command with error code "504 (not supported)". Clients may determine which mechanisms are supported by querying the FTPS server with the FEAT command, although servers are not necessarily required to be honest in disclosing what levels of security they support. Common methods of invoking FTPS security included AUTH TLS and AUTH SSL.


title: FTPS

text: The explicit method is defined in RFC 4217. In the later versions of the document, FTPS compliance required that clients always negotiate using the AUTH TLS method.


title: FTPS

text: FTPS includes full support for the TLS and SSL cryptographic protocols, including the use of server-side public key authentication certificates and client-side authorization certificates. It also supports compatible ciphers, including AES, RC4, RC2, Triple DES, and DES. It further supports hash functions SHA, MD5, MD4, and MD2.


title: FTPS

text: In implicit mode, the entire FTPS session is encrypted. Explicit mode differs in that the client has full control over what areas of the connection are to be encrypted. Enabling and disabling of encryption for the FTPS control channel and FTPS data channel can occur at any time. The only restriction comes from the FTPS server, which has the ability to deny commands based on server encryption policy.


title: FTPS

text: The secure command channel mode can be entered through the issue of either the AUTH TLS or AUTH SSL commands. After such time, all command control between the FTPS client and server are assumed to be encrypted. It is generally advised to enter such a state prior to user authentication and authorization in order to avoid the eavesdropping of user name and password data by third parties.


title: FTPS

text: The secure data channel can be entered through the issue of the PROT command. It is "not" enabled by default when the AUTH TLS command is issued. After such time, all data channel communication between the FTPS client and server is assumed to be encrypted.


title: FTPS

text: The FTPS client may exit the secure data channel mode at any time by issuing a CDC (clear data channel) command.


title: FTPS

text: It may not be advantageous to use data channel encryption when performing transfers under the following scenarios:


title: FTPS

text: Much like HTTPS, FTPS servers must provide a public key certificate. These certificates can be requested and created using tools such as OpenSSL.


title: FTPS

text: When these certificates are signed by a trusted certificate authority, this provides assurance that the client is connected to the requested server, avoiding a man-in-the-middle attack. If the certificate is not signed by a trusted CA (a self-signed certificate), the FTPS client may generate a warning stating that the certificate is not valid. The client can choose to accept the certificate or reject the connection.


title: FTPS

text: This is in contrast to the SSH File Transfer Protocol (SFTP), which does not present signed certificates, but instead relies on Out-of-band authentication of public keys.


title: FTPS

text: Because FTP uses a dynamic secondary port (for data channels), many firewalls were designed to snoop FTP protocol control messages in order to determine which secondary data connections they need to allow. However, if the FTP control connection is encrypted using TLS/SSL, the firewall cannot determine the TCP port number of a data connection negotiated between the client and FTP server. Therefore, in many firewalled networks, an FTPS deployment will fail when an unencrypted FTP deployment will work. This problem can be solved with the use of a limited range of ports for data and configuring the firewall to open these ports.


title: CANopen

text: CANopen is a communication protocol and device profile specification for embedded systems used in automation. In terms of the OSI model, CANopen implements the layers above and including the network layer. The CANopen standard consists of an addressing scheme, several small communication protocols and an application layer defined by a device profile. The communication protocols have support for network management, device monitoring and communication between nodes, including a simple transport layer for message segmentation/desegmentation. The lower level protocol implementing the data link and physical layers is usually Controller Area Network (CAN), although devices using some other means of communication (such as Ethernet Powerlink, EtherCAT) can also implement the CANopen device profile.


title: CANopen

text: The basic CANopen device and communication profiles are given in the CiA 301 specification released by CAN in Automation. Profiles for more specialized devices are built on top of this basic profile, and are specified in numerous other standards released by CAN in Automation, such as CiA 401 for I/O-modules and CiA 402 for motion control.


title: CANopen

text: CANopen devices must have an object dictionary, which is used for configuration and communication with the device. An entry in the object dictionary is defined by:


title: CANopen

text: The basic datatypes for object dictionary values such as booleans, integers and floats are defined in the standard (their size in bits is optionally stored in the related type definition, index range 0x0001–0x001F), as well as composite datatypes such as strings, arrays and records (defined in index range 0x0040–0x025F). The composite datatypes can be subindexed with an 8-bit index; the value in subindex 0 of an array or record indicates the number of elements in the data structure, and is of type UNSIGNED8.


title: CANopen

text: For example, the device communication parameters, standardized in the basic device profile CiA 301 are mapped in the index range 0x1000–0x1FFF ("communication profile area"). The first few entries in this area are as follows:


title: CANopen

text: Given suitable tools, the content of the object dictionary of a device, based on an electronic data sheet (EDS), can be customized to a device configuration file (DCF) to integrate the device into a specific CANopen network. According to CiA 306, the format of the EDS-file is the INI file format. There is an upcoming XML-style format, that is described in CiA 311.


title: CANopen

text: CAN bus, the data link layer of CANopen, can only transmit short packages consisting of an 11-bit id, a remote transmission request (RTR) bit and 0 to 8 bytes of data. The CANopen standard divides the 11-bit CAN frame id into a 4-bit function code and 7-bit CANopen node ID. This limits the number of devices in a CANopen network to 127 (0 being reserved for broadcast). An extension to the CAN bus standard (CAN 2.0 B) allows extended frame ids of 29 bits, but in practice CANopen networks big enough to need the extended id range are rarely seen.


title: CANopen

text: In CANopen the 11-bit id of a CAN-frame is known as communication object identifier, or COB-ID. In case of a transmission collision, the bus arbitration used in the CAN bus allows the frame with the smallest id to be transmitted first and without a delay. Using a low code number for time critical functions ensures the lowest possible delay.


title: CANopen

text: The default CAN-ID mapping sorts frames by attributing a function code (NMT, SYNC, EMCY, PDO, SDO...) to the first 4 bits, so that critical functions are given priority. This mapping can however be customized for special purposes (except for NMT and SDO, required for basic communication).


title: CANopen

text: The standard reserves certain CAN-IDs to network management and SDO transfers. Some function codes and CAN-IDs have to be mapped to standard functionality after device initialization, but can be configured for other uses later.


title: CANopen

text: In a master/slave relationship, one CANopen node is designated as the master, which sends or requests data from the slaves. The NMT protocol is an example of a master/slave communication model.


title: CANopen

text: A client/server relationship is implemented in the SDO protocol, where the SDO client sends data (the object dictionary index and subindex) to an SDO server, which replies with one or more SDO packages containing the requested data (the contents of the object dictionary at the given index).


title: CANopen

text: A producer/consumer model is used in the Heartbeat and Node Guarding protocols. In the "push-model" of producer/consumer, the producer sends data to the consumer without a specific request, whereas in the "pull model", the consumer has to request the data from the producer.


title: CANopen

text: The NMT protocols are used to issue state machine change commands (e.g. to start and stop the devices), detect remote device bootups and error conditions.


title: CANopen

text: The Module control protocol is used by the NMT master to change the state of the devices. The CAN-frame COB-ID of this protocol is always 0, meaning that it has a function code 0 and node ID 0, which means that every node in the network will process this message. The actual node ID, to which the command is meant to, is given in the data part of the message (at the second byte). This can also be 0, meaning that all the devices on the bus should go to the indicated state.


title: CANopen

text: The Heartbeat protocol is used to monitor the nodes in the network and verify that they are alive. A heartbeat producer (usually a slave device) periodically sends a message with the binary function code of 1110 and its node ID (COB-ID19 = 0x700 + node ID). The data part of the frame contains a byte indicating the node status. The heartbeat consumer reads these messages. If the messages fail to arrive within a certain time limit (defined in the object dictionary of the devices) the consumer can take action to, for example, reset the device or indicate an error.


title: CANopen

text: CANopen devices are required to make the transition from the state Initializing to Pre-operational automatically during bootup. When this transition is made, a single heartbeat message is sent to the bus. This is the bootup protocol.


title: CANopen

text: The SDO protocol is used for setting and for reading values from the object dictionary of a remote device. The device whose object dictionary is accessed is the SDO server and the device accessing the remote device is the SDO client. The communication is always initiated by the SDO client. In CANopen terminology, communication is viewed from the SDO server, so that a read from an object dictionary results in an SDO upload and a write to a dictionary entry is an SDO download.


title: CANopen

text: Because the object dictionary values can be larger than the eight bytes limit of a CAN frame, the SDO protocol implements segmentation and desegmentation of longer messages. Actually, there are two of these protocols: SDO download/upload and SDO Block download/upload. The SDO block transfer is a newer addition to standard, which allows large amounts of data to be transferred with slightly less protocol overhead.


title: CANopen

text: The COB-IDs of the respective SDO transfer messages from client to server and server to client can be set in the object dictionary. Up to 128 SDO servers can be set up in the object dictionary at addresses 0x1200 - 0x127F. Similarly, the SDO client connections of the device can be configured with variables at 0x1280 - 0x12FF. However the "pre-defined connection set" defines an SDO channel which can be used even just after bootup (in the Pre-operational state) to configure the device. The COB-IDs of this channel are 0x600 + node ID for receiving and 0x580 + node ID for transmitting.


title: CANopen

text: To initiate a download, the SDO client sends the following data in a CAN message with the 'receive' COB-ID of the SDO channel.


title: CANopen

text: The Process Data Object protocol is used to process real time data among various nodes. You can transfer up to 8 bytes (64 bits) of data per one PDO either from or to the device. One PDO can contain multiple object dictionary entries and the objects within one PDO are configurable using the mapping and parameter object dictionary entries.


title: CANopen

text: There are two kinds of PDOs: transmit and receive PDOs (TPDO and RPDO). The former is for data coming from the device (the device is a data producer) and the latter is for data going to the device (the device is a data consumer); that is, with RPDO you can send data to the device and with TPDO you can read data from the device. In the pre-defined connection set there are identifiers for four TPDOs and four RPDOs available. With configuration, 512 PDOs are possible.


title: CANopen

text: PDOs can be sent synchronously or asynchronously. Synchronous PDOs are sent after the SYNC message whereas asynchronous messages are sent after internal or external trigger. For example, you can make a request to a device to transmit TPDO that contains data you need by sending an empty TPDO with the RTR flag (if the device is configured to accept TPDO requests).


title: CANopen

text: With RPDOs you can, for example, start two devices simultaneously. You only need to map the same RPDO into two or more different devices and make sure those RPDOs are mapped with the same COB-ID.


title: CANopen

text: The Sync-Producer provides the synchronization-signal for the Sync-Consumer. When the Sync-Consumer receive the signal they start carrying out their synchronous tasks.


title: CANopen

text: In general, the fixing of the transmission time of synchronous PDO messages coupled with the periodicity of transmission of the Sync Object guarantees that sensor devices may arrange to sample process variables and that actuator devices may apply their actuation in a coordinated fashion.


title: CANopen

text: Usually the Time-Stamp object represents a time as a 6-byte field: a count of milliseconds after midnight (at most 27 bits, stored in a 32-bit field), and an unsigned 16-bit number of days since January 1, 1984. (This will overflow on 7 June 2163.)


title: CANopen

text: Some time critical applications especially in large networks with reduced transmission rates require very accurate synchronization; it may be necessary to synchronize the local clocks with an accuracy in the order of microseconds. This is achieved by using the optional high resolution synchronization protocol which employs a special form of timestamp message to adjust the inevitable drift of the local clocks.


title: CANopen

text: The high-resolution timestamp is encoded as unsigned32 with a resolution of 1 microsecond which means that the time counter restarts every 72 minutes. It is configured by mapping the high resolution time-stamp (object 1013h) into a PDO.


title: CANopen

text: Emergency messages are triggered by the occurrence of a device internal fatal error situation and are transmitted from the concerned application device to the other devices with high priority. This makes them suitable for interrupt type error alerts. An Emergency Telegram may be sent only once per ‘error event’, i.e. the emergency messages must not be repeated. As long as no new errors occur on a device no further emergency message must be sent.


title: CANopen

text: By means of CANopen Communication Profile defined emergency error codes, the error register and device specific additional information are specified in the device profiles.


title: CANopen

text: Sample trace of communications between a master and two pressure transducer slaves configured for id 1 and node ID 2.


title: CANopen

text: Electronic Data Sheet (EDS) is a file format, defined in CiA306, that describes the communication behaviour and the object dictionary entries of a device. This allows tools such as service tools, configuration tools, development tools, and others to handle the devices properly.


title: CANopen

text: Since end of 2007 a new XML based format called XDD is defined in CiA311. XDD is conformant to ISO standard 15745.


title: Florin Court

text: Florin Court is an Art Deco / Streamline Moderne residential building on the eastern side of Charterhouse Square in Smithfield, London.


title: Florin Court

text: Built in 1936 by Guy Morgan and Partners who worked until 1927 for Edwin Lutyens, and two years earlier successfully completed the similar Cholmeley Lodge in Highgate, it features an impressive curved façade with projecting wings, a roof garden, setbacks on the eighth and ninth floor and a basement swimming pool.


title: Florin Court

text: It was probably the earliest of the residential apartment blocks in the wider Clerkenwell area, immediately north of the City of London, Metropolitan Borough of Finsbury, now Islington. The walls were built with beige bricks, specially made by Williamson Cliff Ltd (based in Stamford, Lincolnshire), and placed over a steel frame.


title: Florin Court

text: Regalian properties refurbished the building in the late 1980s, to designs by Hildebrand & Clicker architects, providing today's interior layout and more facilities.


title: Florin Court

text: Before the refurbishment, the ground floor included a porter's office and a flat for the head porter; the entrance hall had a marble floor inset with the arms of Charterhouse (now carpeted), and an inlaid ceiling covered the outside of the entrance door, before being plastered.


title: Florin Court

text: In the basement, there were a public restaurant, a cocktail bar, and a clubroom. Behind the block, a single-storey building contained two squash courts (modified in 2015 into a two floors office space renamed "Florin Court Studios").


title: Florin Court

text: The three-story Georgian buildings that stood between 6-9 Charterhouse Square, before Florin Court used to be a vicarage and a lady's school until 1859, that was later converted into a staff dormitory once purchased in 1872 by Copestake, Crampton & Co. Ltd (lace manufacturers and wholesalers located in Cheapside).


title: Florin Court

text: Copestake, Crampton & Co. Ltd employees’ hostel housed up to 100 male and 18 female, but once the company started to move to Nottingham the building was sold to balance part of the loss due to the business slowing down around 1934.


title: Florin Court

text: In 1989 the building became the fictional residence of "Agatha Christie's Poirot", known as "Whitehaven Mansions".


title: Florin Court

text: On Saturday 20 July 2013, a flat on the first floor caught fire and the building had to be evacuated.


title: Florin Court

text: Consequently, the curved façade required a major restoration work, that lasted for nearly a year, as some of the original materials used in the 1930s had to be sourced and found within the UK.


title: Florin Court

text: The building is composed of nine floors and has a total of 120 flats. In the basement are a swimming pool, a sauna, a gym, a lounge room with a small library, a Wi-Fi area, a laundry room and a garage. All spaces are communal and access is free to all residents. There are two lifts.


title: Florin Court

text: The building has been used as Whitehaven Mansions, the fictional London residence of Agatha Christie's character Hercule Poirot, in the LWT television series "Agatha Christie's Poirot" (1989–2013). As well as exterior filming, a number of interior shots of the building were used for this programme over the 24 years of production.


title: Florin Court

text: In March 2019 the building was again extensively filmed, after being selected as home and neighbourhood of one of the leading characters of the Batman spin-off "Pennyworth".


title: Florin Court

text: In 2022 the exterior is featured in the film "See How They Run". The home of character Melvyn Cocker-Norris and Gio.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The Battle of Edgehill (or Edge Hill) was a pitched battle of the First English Civil War. It was fought near Edge Hill and Kineton in southern Warwickshire on Sunday, 23 October 1642.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: All attempts at constitutional compromise between King Charles and Parliament broke down early in 1642. Both the King and Parliament raised large armies to gain their way by force of arms. In October, at his temporary base near Shrewsbury, the King decided to march to London in order to force a decisive confrontation with Parliament's main army, commanded by the Earl of Essex.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: Late on 22 October, both armies unexpectedly found the enemy to be close by. The next day, the Royalist army descended from Edge Hill to force battle. After the Parliamentarian artillery opened a cannonade, the Royalists attacked. Both armies consisted mostly of inexperienced and sometimes ill-equipped troops. Many men from both sides fled or fell out to loot enemy baggage, and neither army was able to gain a decisive advantage.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: After the battle, the King resumed his march on London, but was not strong enough to overcome the defending militia before Essex's army could reinforce them. The inconclusive result of the Battle of Edgehill prevented either faction from gaining a quick victory in the war, which eventually lasted four years.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: When it appeared to King Charles I that no agreement with Parliament over the government of the kingdom was possible, he left London on 2 March 1642 and headed for the north of England. Both Parliament and King realised that armed conflict was inevitable, and prepared to raise forces. Parliament enacted a Militia Ordinance, by which it claimed authority over the country's Trained Bands, while from his temporary capital of York, Charles rejected Parliament's Nineteen Propositions and issued Commissions of Array, directing the Lord Lieutenant of each county to raise forces for the King.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The King then attempted to seize the port of Kingston-upon-Hull where arms and equipment previously collected for the Bishops' Wars had been gathered. In the Siege of Hull, the Parliamentarian garrison defied the King's authority and drove his forces away from the city. In early August the King moved south, to Lincoln and Leicester, where he secured the contents of the local armouries. On 22 August, he took a decisive step by raising the royal standard in Nottingham, effectively declaring war on Parliament. The Midlands were generally Parliamentarian in sympathy, and few people rallied to the King there, so having again secured the arms and equipment of the local trained bands, Charles moved to Chester and subsequently to Shrewsbury, where large numbers of recruits from Wales and the Welsh border were expected to join him. (By this time, there was conflict in almost every part of England, as local commanders attempted to seize the main cities, ports and castles for their respective factions.)


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: Having learned of the King's actions in Nottingham, Parliament dispatched its own army northward under the Earl of Essex, to confront the King. Essex marched first to Northampton, where he mustered almost 20,000 men. Learning of the King's move westwards, Essex then marched north-westwards towards Worcester. On 23 September, in the first clash between the main Royalist and Parliamentarian armies, Royalist cavalry under Prince Rupert of the Rhine routed the cavalry of Essex's vanguard at the Battle of Powick Bridge. Nevertheless, lacking infantry, the Royalists abandoned Worcester.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: By early October, the King's army was almost complete at Shrewsbury. He held a council of war, at which two courses of action were considered. The first was to attack Essex's army at Worcester, which had the drawback that the close country around the city would put the superior Royalist cavalry at a disadvantage. The second course, which was adopted, was to advance towards London. The intention was not to avoid battle with Essex, but to force one at an advantage. In the Earl of Clarendon's words: ""it was considered more counsellable to march towards London, it being morally sure that Essex would put himself in their way."" Accordingly, the army left Shrewsbury on 12 October, gaining two days' start on the enemy, and moved south-east. Essex followed, but neither army had much information on the location of their enemy.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: By 22 October, the Royalist army was quartered in the villages around Edgcote, and was threatening the Parliamentarian post at Banbury. The garrison of Banbury sent messengers pleading for help to the garrison of Warwick Castle. Essex, who had just reached there, ordered an immediate march to Kineton to bring relief to Banbury, even though his army had straggled and not all his troops were present. That evening, there were clashes between outposts and quartermasters' parties in Kineton and the villages nearby, and the Royalists had their first inkling that Essex's army was close by. The King issued orders for his army to muster for battle on top of the escarpment of Edge Hill the following day.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: Essex originally intended marching straight to the relief of Banbury, but at about 8 a.m. on 23 October, his outposts reported that the Cavaliers were massed on Edge Hill, from Kineton. Essex deployed his army about halfway between Kineton and the Royalist army, where hedges formed a natural position.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: There were some significant differences between the opposing armies, which were to be important to the course of the battle and its outcome. Although both armies were composed of very raw soldiers, they had several experienced officers who had previously fought in the Dutch or Swedish armies during the Thirty Years' War. Several of them had been recruited to lead English forces which were intended to be sent to Ireland following the Irish Rebellion of 1641. Both King and Parliament had bid highly for their services.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The Royalist cavalry was superior to Parliament's cavalry at this stage of the war. Oliver Cromwell, who arrived too late in the day to take part in the battle, later wrote disparagingly to John Hampden, "Your troopers are most of them old decayed servingmen and tapsters; and their "[the Royalists]" troopers are gentlemen's sons, younger sons and persons of quality..." Not only were the Parliamentarian cavalry not so naturally accustomed to mounted action, but they were drilled in the Dutch tactic of firing pistols and carbines from the saddle, whereas under Rupert, the Royalist cavalry would charge sword in hand, relying on shock and weight.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The Parliamentarian foot soldiers, however, were better equipped than their Royalist counterparts. The Royalist pikemen were said to lack armour, and the musketeers lacked swords, making the Royalist infantry more vulnerable in hand-to-hand combat. Several hundred of them lacked any sort of weapon apart from clubs or improvised polearms.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The Royalist right wing of cavalry and dragoons was led by Prince Rupert, with Sir John Byron in support. The King's own Lifeguard of Horse insisted on joining Rupert's front line, leaving the King with no cavalry reserve under his own command.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The centre consisted of five "tertias" of infantry. There was a last-minute change of command when the Colonel General, Lord Lindsey, was overruled when he wished to deploy them in "Dutch" formation, simple phalanxes eight ranks deep. Affronted, he resigned his command and took his place at the head of his own regiment of foot. He was replaced by the Lieutenant General, Patrick Ruthven, who drew up the infantry in chequerboard "Swedish" formation, which was potentially more effective but also more difficult to control, particularly with inexperienced soldiers. The centre was led in battle by Sergeant Major General Jacob Astley.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The left wing consisted of horse under Sir Henry Wilmot, with Lord Digby, the King's secretary of state, in support and Colonel Arthur Aston's dragoons on his left flank.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The Parliamentarian left wing consisted of a loosely organised cavalry brigade of twenty unregimented troops under Sir James Ramsay, supported by 600 musketeers and several cannon, deployed behind a hedge.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: In the centre, the infantry brigade of Sir John Meldrum was drawn up on the left of the front line and Colonel Charles Essex's brigade on the right. Sir Thomas Ballard's infantry brigade was deployed behind Meldrum and the cavalry regiments under Sir William Balfour and Sir Philip Stapleton behind Charles Essex. The presence of these two regiments was to be important in the coming battle.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: A regiment of infantry under Colonel William Fairfax linked the centre to the right wing. The right wing consisted of cavalry under Lord Feilding, posted on some rising ground, with two regiments of dragoons in support.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: As Essex showed no signs of wishing to attack, the Royalists began to descend the slope of Edge Hill some time after midday. Even when they had completed this manoeuvre at about two o'clock, the battle did not begin until the sight of the King with his large entourage riding from regiment to regiment to encourage his soldiers, apparently goaded the Parliamentarians into opening fire.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The King's party withdrew out of range and an artillery duel started. The Royalist guns were not effective, as most of them were deployed some way up the slope; from this height most of their shots plunged harmlessly into the earth. While the bombardment continued however, the Royalist dragoons advanced on each flank and drove back the Parliamentarian dragoons and musketeers covering their wings of horse.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: On the right flank, Rupert gave the order to attack. As his charge gathered momentum, a troop of Parliamentarian horse under Faithfull Fortescue abruptly defected. The rest of Ramsay's brigade gave an ineffectual volley of pistol fire from the saddle before turning to flee. Rupert's and Byron's troopers rapidly overran the Parliamentarian guns and musketeers on this flank and galloped jubilantly in pursuit of Ramsay's men, to the detriment of the infantry.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: Wilmot charged about the same time on the other flank. Feilding's outnumbered troops quickly gave way, and Wilmot and Digby also chased them to Kineton where the Royalist horse fell out to loot the Parliamentarian baggage. Sir Charles Lucas and Lord Grandison rallied about 200 men, but when they tried to charge the Parliamentarian rear, they were distracted by fugitives from Charles Essex's routed brigade.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The Royalist infantry also advanced in the centre under Ruthven. Many of the Parliamentarian foot had already run away as their cavalry disappeared, and others fled as the infantry came to close quarters. The brigades of Sir Thomas Ballard and Sir John Meldrum nevertheless stood their ground. The Parliamentarian cavalry regiments of Stapleton and Balfour emerged through gaps in the line of Parliamentarian foot soldiers, and charged the Royalist infantry. With no Royalist cavalry to oppose them, they put many units to flight.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The King had left himself without any proper reserve. As his centre gave way, he ordered one of his officers to conduct his sons Charles (the Prince of Wales) and James (the Duke of York) to safety while Ruthven rallied his infantry. Some of Balfour's men charged so far into the Royalist position that they menaced the princes' escort and briefly overran the Royalist artillery before withdrawing. In the front ranks, Lord Lindsey was mortally wounded, and Sir Edmund Verney died defending the Royal Standard, which was captured by Parliamentarian Ensign Arthur Young. By this time, some of the Royalist horse had rallied and were returning from Kineton. Lieutenant Colonel Robert Welch (variously spelled Welch, Welsh, or Walsh) of Wilmot's Horse recaptured the Royal Standard by a subterfuge as it was being taken to the Parliamentarian rear as a trophy. Welch also captured two Parliamentarian cannon. As the light began to fade, the battle ended with a fire fight from either side of a dividing ditch, before nightfall eventually brought a natural close to hostilities. The Royalists had been forced back to the position they had originally advanced from, but had regrouped.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: By the following morning the King and his army returned to the Edge Hill escarpment and Essex's army returned to Kineton. It was a bitterly cold night with a hard frost. This was suggested by contemporary reports as the reason many of the wounded survived, since the cold allowed many wounds to congeal, saving the wounded from bleeding to death or succumbing to infection.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The following day, both armies partially formed up again, but neither was willing to resume the battle. Charles sent a herald to Essex with a message of pardon if he would agree to the King's terms, but the messenger was roughly handled and forced to return without delivering his message. Although Essex had been reinforced by some of his units which had lagged behind on the march, he withdrew during the evening and the majority of his army marched to Warwick Castle, abandoning seven guns on the battlefield.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: In the early hours of Tuesday 25th, Prince Rupert led a strong detachment of horse and dragoons and launched a surprise attack upon what remained of the Parliamentarian baggage train at Kineton and killed many of the battle's wounded survivors discovered within the village.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: Essex's decision to return northwards to Warwick allowed the King to continue southwards in the direction of London. Rupert urged this course, and was prepared to undertake it with his cavalry alone. With Essex's army still intact, the King chose to move more deliberately, with the whole army. After capturing Banbury on 27 October, he advanced via Oxford, Aylesbury and Reading. Essex meanwhile had moved directly to London. Reinforced by the London Trained Bands and many citizen volunteers, his army proved to be too strong for the King to contemplate another battle when the Royalists advanced to Turnham Green. The King withdrew to Oxford, which he made his capital for the rest of the war. With both sides almost evenly matched, it would drag on ruinously for years.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: It is generally acknowledged that the Royalist cavalry's lack of discipline prevented a clear Royalist victory at Edge Hill. Not for the last time in the war, they would gallop after fleeing enemy and then break ranks to plunder, rather than rally to attack the enemy infantry. Byron's and Digby's men in particular, were not involved in the first clashes and should have been kept in hand rather than allowed to gallop off the battlefield. Patrick Ruthven was elevated to the rank of Lord General of the King's Army, confirming his role as acting commander in the battle.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: On the Parliamentarian side, Sir James Ramsay who had commanded the left wing horse which had been routed during the battle, was tried by court-martial at St. Albans on 5 November. The court reported that he had done all that it became a gallant man to do.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: The last survivor of the battle, William Hiseland, fought also at Malplaquet sixty-seven years later.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: Lieutenant Colonel Robert Welch, who had recaptured the royal standard, was knighted banneret on the field by King Charles I next morning. The King also granted a patent for a gold medal to be made (the first to be awarded to an individual for action on a battlefield) commemorating the event in Welch's honour. Captain John Smith also claimed a supporting part in the rescue of the royal standard and was accordingly also knighted banneret, but the medal was minted in Sir Robert Welch's name and honour.


title: Battle of Edgehill

text: When in exile with Prince Charles, Welch committed a grave error of etiquette defending Prince Rupert. Coupled with his friend Prince Rupert's political unpopularity among the Royalist exiles and the fact that Welch was an Irishman, Welch's part at Edge Hill was afterwards denigrated to the benefit of Smith (an Englishman) who was thus erroneously perpetuated as the hero in subsequent historical publications.


title: German World War II camouflage patterns

text: German World War II camouflage patterns formed a family of disruptively patterned military camouflage designs for clothing, used and in the main designed during the Second World War. The first pattern, "Splittertarnmuster" ("splinter camouflage pattern"), was designed in 1931 and was initially intended for "Zeltbahn" shelter halves. The clothing patterns developed from it combined a pattern of interlocking irregular green, brown, and buff polygons with vertical "rain" streaks. Later patterns, all said to have been designed for the Waffen-SS by Johann Georg Otto Schick, evolved into more leaf-like forms with rounded dots or irregular shapes. Camouflage smocks were designed to be reversible, providing camouflage for two seasons, whether summer and autumn, or summer and winter (snow). Distribution was limited to the Waffen-SS, ostensibly because of a patent, though variants were used by other units, including the Luftwaffe. Production was limited by shortage of materials, especially of high quality waterproof cotton duck.


title: German World War II camouflage patterns

text: The Reichswehr (Army of the Weimar Republic) started experimenting with camouflage patterns for "Wehrmacht" uniforms before World War II and some army units used "Splittertarnmuster" ("splinter camouflage pattern"), first issued in 1931, and based on "Zeltbahn" shelter halves/groundsheets. Waffen-SS combat units used various patterns from 1935 onwards. The SS camouflage patterns were designed by Johann Georg Otto Schick, a Munich art professor and then the director of the German camouflage research unit, at the request of an SS Major, Wim Brandt. Brandt was an engineer and the commander of the SS-VT reconnaissance battalion, and he was looking for better camouflage. Schick had researched the effect of light on trees in summer and in autumn. These led to the idea of reversible camouflage clothing, with green summer patterns on one side, brown autumn patterns on the other. In 1937, the patterns were field tested by the SS-VT "Deutschland" regiment, resulting in an estimate that they would cut casualties by fifteen percent. In 1938, a reversible spring/autumn helmet cover, smock, and sniper's face mask in Schick's forest patterns on waterproof cotton duck were patented for the Waffen-SS. The patent is said to have prevented the Wehrmacht from using the patterns, which became a distinctive emblem of the Waffen-SS during the war. However, patterned uniforms were worn by some other units, including from 1941 the Luftwaffe, which had its own version of "Splittertarnmuster", as well as the Kriegsmarine (navy), the Fallschirmjäger (paratroops), and the Waffen-SS. The 1945 "Leibermuster" was planned to be issued to both the SS and the Wehrmacht, but it appeared too late to be widely distributed.


title: German World War II camouflage patterns

text: Production of groundsheets, helmet covers and smocks by the Warei, Forster and Joring companies began in November 1938. They were initially hand-printed, limiting deliveries by January 1939 to only 8,400 groundsheets and 6,800 helmet covers and a small number of smocks. By June 1940, machine printing had taken over, and 33,000 smocks were made for the Waffen-SS. Supplies of high quality cotton duck, however, remained critically short throughout the war, and essentially ran out in January 1943. It was replaced by non-waterproof cotton drill cloth.


title: German World War II camouflage patterns

text: The German names used for the plane tree, palm and oak leaf patterns are not those that were used in the German armed forces, but were invented by postwar collectors of militaria.


title: Lake Pend Oreille

text: Lake Pend Oreille ( ) in the northern Idaho Panhandle is the largest lake in the U.S. state of Idaho and the 38th-largest lake by area in the United States, with a surface area of . It is long, and deep in some regions, making it the fifth-deepest in the nation and having a volume of 43,939,940 acre feet = 54 km. The lake is fed by the Clark Fork River and the Pack River, and drains into the Pend Oreille River, as well as subsurfacely into the Spokane Valley–Rathdrum Prairie Aquifer.


title: Lake Pend Oreille

text: It is surrounded by national forests and a few small towns, with the largest population on the lake at Sandpoint. The majority of the shoreline is non-populated and all but the southern tip of the lake is in Bonner County. The southern tip is in Kootenai County and is home to Farragut State Park, formerly the Farragut Naval Training Station during World War II, of which a small part is still active and conducts U.S. Navy acoustic underwater submarine research.


title: Lake Pend Oreille

text: The surrounding forests consist of ponderosa pine, Douglas fir, red cedar, poplar, quaking aspen, hemlock, paper birch and western larch. Local animal species include white-tailed deer, elk, gray wolves, moose, mice, squirrels, chipmunks, black bears, grizzly bear, coyotes, mountain goat, cougar and bobcats, along with bald eagles, wild turkeys, osprey, owls, hummingbirds, hawks, woodpeckers, ducks, and the mountain bluebird. The lake is a home for several species of migratory water fowl.


title: Lake Pend Oreille

text: Lake Pend Oreille was glacially formed during the ice age. It is also believed that the eastern side of the lake was in the path of the ancient Missoula Flood. The lake sits at the south end of the Purcell Trench, carved by glaciers moving south from Canada. The eastern side of the glacier is believed to have formed the dam for the Missoula flood, at the point where the Clark Fork river enters the lake between the Cabinet and Bitterroot mountains. The lake is made slightly larger by the dam at Albeni Falls, just east of Oldtown; the dam is high and operated by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. Along with Crater Lake, Lake Tahoe, Lake Chelan, and Lake Superior, Lake Pend Oreille is among the five deepest lakes in the United States.


title: Lake Pend Oreille

text: The area around the lake is the traditional home of the Kalispel Indian peoples. David Thompson established a North West Company trading post on the lake in 1809. A Canadian fur trader in Thompson's party is believed to have given the lake its name. The words "Pend Oreille" are French for an ear-hanging or pendant. Ear pendants were characteristic of the Kalispel tribe. The lake is shaped much like a human ear when viewed from above or on a map.


title: Lake Pend Oreille

text: During World War II, the south end was the second largest naval training ground in the world and the largest "city" in the state. Built as a result of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the training station is now Farragut State Park. The lake's Large Scale Vehicle Range is still used by the Navy's Acoustic Research Detachment for sonar testing with large-scale submarine prototypes on the Pend Oreille Calibration Station. The significant depth gives acoustic properties similar to the open ocean. Background noise is less than at ocean testing locations, and the sound signatures being investigated cannot be monitored by foreign governments in international waters.


title: Lake Pend Oreille

text: In 1967, the former Farragut Naval Training Station was used to accommodate the 12th World Scout Jamboree (1 to 8 August), the dates being significant as it marked 60 years to the date after Sir Robert Baden Powell held his first scout camp on Brownsea Island in Poole Harbour, Dorset in England.


title: Lake Pend Oreille

text: The lake is viewed from the Pend Oreille Scenic Byway, State Highway 200 along the north shore. US 95 crosses the lake via Long bridge. Much of the shore is mountainous. The mountains to the east are the Green Monarchs; to the north are the Cabinet Mountains; to the southwest the Coeur d'Alene Mountains; and to northwest are the Selkirk Mountains.


title: Lake Pend Oreille

text: Many of the species in the lake's invasive species list are particularly targeted due to their threat to the native population of Kokanee salmon.


title: Lake Pend Oreille

text: The lake is home to many species of fish, including rainbow trout, lake trout, bull trout, cutthroat trout, brown trout, cutbow, perch, black crappie, bluegill, largemouth bass, smallmouth bass, whitefish, walleye, northern pike, northern pikeminnow, and kokanee salmon. Lake Pend Oreille is also the home of the state record gerrard rainbow trout (aka kamloops rainbow) caught by Wes Hamlet in 1947.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Cambodian genocide denial was the belief expressed by many Western academics that claims of atrocities committed by the Khmer Rouge government (1975–1979) in Cambodia were much exaggerated. Many scholars of Cambodia and intellectuals opposed to the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War denied or minimized the human rights abuses of the Khmer Rouge, characterizing contrary reports as "tales told by refugees" and U.S. propaganda. They viewed the assumption of power by the Communist Party of Kampuchea as a positive development for the people of Cambodia who had been severely impacted by the Vietnam War and the Cambodian Civil War. On the other side of the argument, anti-communists in the United States and elsewhere saw in the rule of the Khmer Rouge vindication of their belief that the victory of Communist governments in Southeast Asia would lead to a "bloodbath."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Scholar Donald W. Beachler, writing of the controversy about the range and extent of Khmer Rouge atrocities, concluded that "much of the posturing by academics, publicists, and politicians seems to have been motivated largely by political purposes" rather than concern for the Cambodian people. Cambodian scholar Sophal Ear has titled the pro-Khmer Rouge academics as the "Standard Total Academic View on Cambodia" (STAV).


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: With conclusive evidence, including the discovery of over 20,000 mass graves, of a large number of deaths—estimated at between one and three million—of Cambodians caused by the Khmer Rouge, denials, deniers, and apologists largely disappeared, although disagreements concerning the actual number of Khmer Rouge victims have continued.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: The Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia, on 17 April 1975, and immediately ordered all the residents to evacuate the city. Between 2 and 3 million residents of Phnom Penh, Battambang, and other large towns were forced by the Communists to walk into the countryside without organized provision for food, water, shelter, physical security, or medical care. The evacuation probably resulted in at least 100,000 deaths. The dispossessed urban dwellers were assigned to re-education camps or "New Settlements." Former government employees and soldiers were executed. Soon, according to journalists, Cambodia resembled "a giant prison camp with the urban supporters of the former regime being worked to death on thin gruel and hard labor."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: The Khmer Rouge guarded the border with Thailand and only a few thousand refugees were able to make their way to safety in Thailand. As virtually no Westerners were allowed to visit Cambodia, those refugees plus the official news outlets of the Khmer Rouge were the principal sources of information about conditions in Cambodia for the next four years.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Within one day of the Communists taking power, Fernand Scheller, chief of the United Nations development project in Phnom Penh stated, "What the Khmer Rouge are doing is pure genocide... What is going on now is an example of demagoguery that makes one vomit."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Donald W. Beachler has described the late 1970s debate about the character of the Khmer Rouge as follows:Many of those who had been opponents of U.S. military actions in Vietnam and Cambodia feared that the tales of murder and deprivation under the Khmer Rouge regime would validate the claims of those who had supported U.S. government actions aimed at halting the spread of communism. Conservatives pointed to the actions of the Khmer Rouge as proof of the inherent evils of communism and evidence that the U.S. had been right to fight its long war against communists in Southeast Asia.Despite the eye-witness accounts by journalists prior to their expulsion during the first few days of Khmer Rouge rule, and the later testimony of refugees; many academics in the United States, United Kingdom, France, Australia, and other countries portrayed the Khmer Rouge favorably or at least were skeptical about the stories of Khmer Rouge atrocities. None of them, however, were allowed to visit Cambodia until the final few days of Khmer Rouge rule (except Gunnar Bergstrom, president of the Sweden-Kampuchea Friendship Association) and few actually talked to the refugees whose stories they believed to be exaggerated or false.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Some Western scholars believed that the Khmer Rouge would free Cambodia from colonialism, capitalism, and the ravages of American bombing and invasion during the Vietnam War. Cambodian scholar Sophal Ear has titled the pro-Khmer Rouge intelligentsia as the "Standard Total Academic View on Cambodia" (STAV). The STAV, which he said included among its adherents almost all Cambodian scholars in the Western world, "hoped for, more than anything, a socialist success story with all the romantic ingredients of peasants, fighting imperialism, and revolution." Author William Shawcross was another critic of the STAV academics. Shawcross's views were endorsed and summarized by human-rights activist David Hawk: the West was indifferent to the atrocities taking place in Cambodia due to "the influence of anti-war academics on the American left who obfuscated Khmer Rouge behavior, denigrated the post-1975 refugee reports, and denounced the journalists who got those stories."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: The controversy concerning the Khmer Rouge intensified in February 1977 with the publication of excerpts in "Reader's Digest" magazine from a book by John Barron and Anthony Paul called "Peace With Horror: The Untold Story of Communist Genocide in Cambodia" (printed in the US as "Murder Of A Gentle Land"). Based on extensive interviews with Cambodian refugees in Thailand, Barron and Paul estimated that, out of a total population of about 7 million people, 1.2 million Cambodians had died of starvation, over-work, or execution during less than two years of Khmer Rouge rule. Published about the same time was the book "Cambodge Année Zéro" ("Cambodia: Year Zero") by François Ponchaud, a French priest who had lived in Cambodia and spoke Khmer. He also painted a picture of mass deaths caused by the Khmer Rouge, and asked: "How many of those who say they are unreservedly in support of the Khmer revolution would consent to endure one hundredth part of the present sufferings of the Cambodian people?"


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: French scholar, Jean Lacouture, formerly a fervent sympathizer of the Khmer Rouge, reviewed Ponchaud's book favorably in "The New York Review of Books" on 31 March 1977. In 1978, Lacouture wrote "Cambodians Survive!", in which he said:The shame, alone, would have justified that this book be written—which is firstly a cry of horror. The shame of having contributed, even as little as it was, as weak as its influence could have been on the mass media, to the establishment of one of the most oppressive powers history has ever known.The academic left in the West dismissed and/or opposed both Ponchaud's and Barron and Paul's books; Noam Chomsky called the latter book a "third rate propaganda tract." Gareth Porter was the most outspoken of the dissenting academics. In 1976, he and George Hildebrand co-authored "Cambodia: Starvation and Revolution", in which Porter characterized the accounts of a million-or-more dead Cambodians as wildly exaggerated. Testifying before the U.S Congress in 1977, Porter stated, "I cannot accept the premise…that one million people have been murdered systematically or that the Government of Cambodia is systematically slaughtering its people." Regarding Porter and Hildebrand's 1976 book, Shawcross wrote a review in which he stated that the authors' "use of evidence can be seriously questioned," and that "their apparent faith in Khmer Rouge assertions and statistics is surprising in two men who have spent so long analyzing the lies that governments tell."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: In addition to Chomsky, Porter, and Hildebrand, the atrocities of the Khmer Rouge have also been denied and/or whitewashed by such academics as Marxist scholar Malcolm Caldwell, Laura Summers, Edward S. Herman, and Torben Retbøll.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Egyptian-French economist Samir Amin was long an influence on and supporter of the leaders of the Khmer Rouge regime, becoming acquainted with the Khmer Rouge's future leaders in post-World War II Paris, where Pol Pot, Khieu Samphan, and other Cambodian students were studying. Khieu Samphan's doctoral thesis, which he finished in 1959, noted collaborations with Amin and claimed to apply Amin's theories to Cambodia. In the late 1970s, Amin praised the Khmer Rouge as superior to Marxist movements in China, Vietnam, or the Soviet Union, and recommended the Khmer Rouge model for Africa.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Amin continued to actively praise the Khmer Rouge into the 1980s. At a 1981 talk in Tokyo, Amin praised Pol Pot's work as "one of the major successes of the struggle for socialism in our era" and as necessary against "expansionism" from the Soviet Union or from Vietnam. Some scholars, such as Marxist anthropologist Kathleen Gough, have noted that Khmer Rouge activists in Paris in the 1950s already held ideas of eliminating counter-revolutionaries and organizing a party center whose decisions could not be questioned. Despite contemporary reports of mass killings committed by the Khmer Rouge, Amin argued in 1986 that "the cause of the most evil to the people of Kampuchea" lay elsewhere:The humanitarian argument is in the final analysis the argument offered by all the colonialists... Isn't [the cause of evil] first of all the American imperialists and Lon Nol? Isn't it today the Vietnamese army and their project of colonizing Kampuchea?


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: On 3 May 1977, Congressman Stephen Solarz led a hearing on Cambodia in the United States House of Representatives. The witnesses were John Barron and three academics who specialized in Cambodia: David P. Chandler, who would become perhaps the most prominent American scholar of Cambodia; Peter Poole; and Gareth Porter. Chandler believed that "bloodbath" was an accurate description of the situation and by no means an exaggeration.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Porter again stated that the tales of Khmer Rouge atrocities were much exaggerated: "I cannot accept the premise…that one million people have been murdered systematically or that the Government of Cambodia is systematically slaughtering its people." Porter described the stories by refugees of Khmer Rouge atrocities collected by Barron and others as second-hand and hearsay. Asked for his sources, Porter cited the works of another adherent of the STAV, Ben Kiernan, who as a student was an editor for a pro-Khmer Rouge publication in Australia. Porter never mentioned having spoken to any Cambodian refugees to evaluate their stories personally.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Solarz, who had visited Cambodian refugee camps and listened to refugees' stories of Khmer Rouge atrocities, characterized justifications and explanations during the hearing about the Khmer Rouge as "cowardly and contemptible" and compared them to the justifications of the murder of Jews by Adolf Hitler during World War II.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: On 6 June 1977, Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman published an article in "The Nation" that contrasted the views expressed in the books of John Barron and Anthony Paul, François Ponchaud, and Gareth Porter and George Hildebrand, as well as in articles and accounts by Fox Butterfield, Carol Bragg (eyewitness testimony), Asian scholar George Kahin, J.J. Cazaux, Sydney Schanberg, Swedish journalist Olle Tolgraven, and others. Their conclusion was:We do not pretend to know where the truth lies amidst these sharply conflicting assessments; rather, we again want to emphasize some crucial points. What filters through to the American public is a seriously distorted version of the evidence available, emphasizing alleged Khmer Rouge atrocities and downplaying or ignoring the crucial U.S. role, direct and indirect, in the torment that Cambodia has suffered.Chomsky and Herman had both faint praise and criticism for Ponchaud's book "Cambodia: Year Zero", writing on the one hand that it was "serious and worth reading, as distinct from much of the commentary it has elicited", and on the other that "the serious reader will find much to make him somewhat wary." They wrote that the refugee stories of Khmer Rouge atrocities "must be considered seriously", but should be treated with great "care and caution" because "refugees are frightened and defenseless, at the mercy of alien forces. They naturally tend to report what they believe their interlocuters wish to hear."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Chomsky and Herman mentioned information in the accounts conflicted, and suggested that after the "failure of the American effort to subdue South Vietnam and to crush the mass movements elsewhere in Indochina," there was now "a campaign to reconstruct the history of these years so as to place the role of the United States in a more favorable light." According to the two men, this rewriting of history by the establishment press was served well by "tales of Communist atrocities, which not only prove the evils of communism but undermine the credibility of those who opposed the war and might interfere with future crusades for freedom." In support of their assertion, Chomsky and Herman criticized Barron and Paul's book "Murder of a Gentle Land" for ignoring the U.S. government's role in creating the situation, saying,When they speak of 'the murder of a gentle land,' they are not referring to B-52 attacks on villages or the systematic bombing and murderous ground sweeps by American troops or forces organized and supplied by the United States, in a land that had been largely removed from the conflict prior to the American attack.They suggest, using examples, Barron and Paul's "scholarship collapses under the barest scrutiny," concluding that, "It is a fair generalization that the larger the number of deaths attributed to the Khmer Rouge, and the more the U.S. role is set aside, the larger the audience that will be reached. The Barron-Paul volume is a third-rate propaganda tract, but its exclusive focus on Communist terror assures it a huge audience."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: In "Manufacturing Consent" (1988), Chomsky and Herman discussed the media reaction to their earlier writings on the Cambodian genocide. They summarised the position which they had taken in "After the Cataclysm" (1979):As we also noted from the first paragraph of our earlier review of this material, to which we will simply refer here for specifics, “there is no difficulty in documenting major atrocities and oppression, primarily from the reports of refugees”; there is little doubt that “the record of atrocities in Cambodia is substantial and often gruesome” and represents “a fearful toll”; “when the facts are in, it may turn out that the more extreme condemnations were in fact correct,” although if so, “it will in no way alter the conclusions we have reached on the central question addressed here: how the available facts were selected, modified, or sometimes invented to create a certain image offered to the general population. The answer to this question seems clear, and it is unaffected by whatever may yet be discovered about Cambodia in the future.”


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: In the introduction to the American edition of his book, Ponchaud responded to a personal letter from Chomsky, saying,


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: With the responsible attitude and precision of thought that are so characteristic of him, Noam Chomsky then embarked on a polemical exchange with Robert Silvers, Editor of the NYR, and with Jean Lacouture, leading to the publication by the latter of a rectification of his initial account. Mr. Chomsky was of the opinion that Jean Lacouture had substantially distorted the evidence I had offered, and, considering my book to be "serious and worth reading, as distinct from much of the commentary it has elicited," he wrote me a letter on October 19, 1977 in which he drew my attention to the way ["Year Zero"] was being misused by anti-revolutionary propagandists. He has made it my duty to 'stem the flood of lies' about Cambodia -- particularly, according to him, those propagated by Anthony Paul and John Barron in "Murder of a Gentle Land."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Ponchaud wrote a different response to Chomsky in the British introduction to his book: Even before this book was translated it was sharply criticized by Mr. Noam Chomsky...and Mr. Gareth Porter...These two 'experts' on Asia claim that I am mistakenly trying to convince people that Cambodia was drowned in a sea of blood after the departure of the last American diplomats. They say there have been no massacres, and they lay the blame for the tragedy of the Khmer people on the American bombings. They accuse me of being insufficiently critical in my approach to the refugee's accounts. For them, refugees are not a valid source...it is surprising to see that 'experts' who have spoken to few if any refugees should reject their very significant place in any study of modern Cambodia. These experts would rather base their arguments on reasoning: if something seems impossible to their personal logic, then it doesn't exist. Their only sources for evaluation are deliberately chosen official statements. Where is that critical approach which they accuse others of not having?


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Cambodia scholar Bruce Sharp criticized Chomsky and Herman's "Nation" article, as well as their subsequent work "After the Cataclysm" (1979), wrote that while Chomsky and Herman added disclaimers about knowing the truth of the matter, and about the nature of the regimes in Indochina, they nevertheless expressed a set of views by their comments and their use of various sources. For instance, Chomsky portrayed Porter and Hildebrand's book as "a carefully documented study of the destructive American impact on Cambodia and the success of the Cambodian revolutionaries in overcoming it, giving a very favorable picture of their programs and policies, based on a wide range of sources." Sharp, however, found that 33 out of 50 citations in one chapter of Porter and Hildebrand's book derived from the Khmer Rouge government and six from China, the Khmer Rouge's principal supporter.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Cambodia correspondent Nate Thayer said of Chomsky and Herman's "Nation" article that they "denied the credibility of information leaking out of Cambodia of a bloodbath underway and viciously attacked the authors of reportage suggesting many were suffering under the Khmer Rouge."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Journalist Andrew Anthony in the London "Observer", said later that the Porter and Hildebrand's book "cravenly rehashed the Khmer Rouge's most outlandish lies to produce a picture of a kind of radical bucolic idyll." Chomsky, he said, questioned "refugee testimony," believing that "their stories were exaggerations or fabrications, designed for a western media involved in a 'vast and unprecedented propaganda campaign' against the Khmer Rouge government, 'including systematic distortion of the truth.'"


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Donald W. Beachler cited reports that Chomsky's attempts to counter charges of Khmer Rouge atrocities also consisted of writing letters to editors and publications. Beachler said:Examining materials in the Documentation Center of Cambodia archives, American commentator Peter Maguire found that Chomsky wrote to publishers such as Robert Silver of "The New York Review of Books" to urge discounting atrocity stories. Maguire reports that some of these letters were as long as twenty pages, and that they were even sharper in tone than Chomsky’s published words.Journalist Fred Barnes also mentioned that Chomsky had written "a letter or two" to "The New York Review of Books". Barnes discussed the Khmer Rouge with Chomsky and "the thrust of what he [Chomsky] said was that there was no evidence of mass murder" in Cambodia. Chomsky, according to Barnes, believed that "tales of holocaust in Cambodia were so much propaganda."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: In 1978, French scholar Jean Lacouture, formerly a fervent sympathizer of the Khmer Rouge, said: "Cambodia and Cambodians are on their way to ethnic extinction.… If Noam Chomsky and his friends doubt it, they should study the papers, the cultures, the facts."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Journalist Christopher Hitchens defended Chomsky and Herman in 1985. They "were engaged in the admittedly touchy business of distinguishing evidence from interpretations." Chomsky and Herman have continued to argue that their analysis of the situation in Cambodia was reasonable, based on the information available to them at the time, and a legitimate critique of the disparities in reporting atrocities committed by Communist regimes relative to the atrocities committed by the U.S. and its allies. However, Bruce Sharp asserted that Chomsky continued to claim much lower numbers of Khmer Rouge victims long after the large number of dead was proven by mass graves.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: The Indochinese revolutionary movements enjoyed widespread support in Swedish society, particularly among supporters of the Swedish Social Democratic Party. When the Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penh and expelled its inhabitants, 15,000 Swedes greeted their victory by spontaneously celebrating in the center of Stockholm. Claes-Göran Bjernér, a cameraman for the Swedish state broadcaster Sveriges Television, described the jubilant mood among Swedish journalists saying, "at the time most of us considered the Red Khmers as a liberation army and Pol Pot as no less than a Robin Hood". One journalist for "Expressen" cried with joy, calling the fall of Phnom Penh the most beautiful thing he had ever seen. Swedish author and journalist Per Olov Enquist defended the emptying of what he called "that whorehouse, Phnom Penh".


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Prime Minister Olof Palme issued a joint declaration with Fidel Castro congratulating the Khmer Rouge on their victory and immediately extended diplomatic recognition to the new rulers of Cambodia. Parliamentarian Birgitta Dahl became the driving force in the Social Democratic government for providing foreign aid to Democratic Kampuchea, an offer which the Khmer Rouge would eventually decline. In 1976, she vigorously denied allegations of Khmer Rouge atrocities during a discussion on Swedish radio.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Her skepticism was shared by Gertrud Sigurdsen, the Minister for International Development Cooperation, who dismissed the allegations as "exaggerated horror stories".


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: In recognition of the Swedish government's "special relationship" with the Khmer Rouge, Kaj Björk, the Swedish diplomat stationed in Beijing, became the first diplomat of any western country to be invited to visit Democratic Kampuchea in 1976. A Social Democrat, Björk had been an fervent admirer of Maoist China, where he developed a friendship with Ieng Sary, the third-most senior official in the Khmer Rouge. Now serving as the Swedish government's official source of information about Cambodia, he wrote glowing diplomatic reports extolling the new regime. When a member of the Palestinian delegation observed that he had detected fear on the faces of Cambodians, Björk instead attributed their countenance to the natural modesty of the Cambodian people.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Also accompanying Björk on his strictly guided tour of the country was Jan Lundvik, an official from Sweden's Ministry for Foreign Affairs, who dismissed concurrent reportage in the French press alleging 800,000 deaths under the Khmer Rouge as unimaginable. They were lodged in one of Phnom Penh's abandoned mansions where Björk enjoyed the desolation of the empty city, remarking, "Being a privileged prisoner in Phnom Penh's deserted upper-class quarter is a great opportunity for quiet concentration. What could then be more appropriate than to immerse oneself in Friedrich Engel's "Anti-Dühring"?"


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Their reluctance to say anything critical about Cambodia was also informed in part by electoral concerns—it was feared that scrutiny of the Swedish government's plans to offer foreign aid to the Khmer Rouge could hamper the Social Democrat's fortunes in the upcoming 1976 Swedish general election.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: In 1977, a third Swedish diplomat would be invited to visit Cambodia. Jean-Christophe Öberg, a radical Social Democrat who had been stationed in Hanoi and Bangkok, made a two-day tour of the country and upon his return, conveyed his uncritical impressions to the media. Although he had made an effort to personally interview Cambodian refugees, he dismissed their testimony as false because he felt their accounts were suspiciously consistent with what had been reported by John Barron and Anthony Paul in "Reader's Digest".


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: The uncritical accounts of Swedish diplomats would later be cited by other skeptics trying to present a more benign image of the Khmer Rouge.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: In August 1978, four members of the Sweden–Kampuchea Friendship Association (SKFA) were invited to visit Cambodia. Among them were its chairperson Hedvig Ekerwald, Gunnar Bergström, the editor of the magazine "Kampuchea", Jan Myrdal, the son of Gunnar and Alva Myrdal and one of Sweden's most internationally renowned left-wing activists, and Marita Wikander, who was married to a Khmer Rouge diplomat who had been stationed in East Germany before he was recalled to Cambodia. During their visit, they would have a lavish dinner with Pol Pot.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Wikander asked their hosts if she could see her husband, but her request was denied. Unbeknownst to her, her husband had been executed by the Khmer Rouge after his return to Cambodia in 1977, one year earlier. Her son would later find records of his death at Tuol Sleng.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: At that time, aged 27, Bergström believed that the reports about overwork, starvation, and mass killings in Cambodia were just "Western propaganda." The four saw "smiling peasants" and a society on its way to become "an ideal society". When they came back to Sweden, they "undertook a speaking tour and wrote articles in support of the Democratic Kampuchea regime."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: Evidence that emerged after the fall of the regime shocked Bergström, forcing him to change his views. He said that it was "like falling off the branch of the tree" and that he had to re-identify everything he had believed in. In later interviews, he acknowledged that he had been wrong, that it was a "propaganda tour" and that they were brought to see what the Khmer Rouge wanted them to see. Bergström would later return to Cambodia for a "big forgiveness tour." In a speech with high school students in Phnom Penh on 12 September 2016, he recommended that everybody should learn history.


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: British Marxist academic Malcolm Caldwell, an associate of Noam Chomsky, wrote extensively about Cambodia, including an article in "The Guardian" called "The Cambodian defence" denying reports of Khmer Rouge genocide, and was regarded as one of "the staunchest defenders of the Pol Pot regime in the West."


title: Cambodian genocide denial

text: For Caldwell, who wrote the essay "Cambodia: Rationale of a Rural Policy", the Communist regime in Cambodia represented the "promise of a better future for all." In his writings, Caldwell heavily cited information from Kampuchean Information Minister Hu Nim, perhaps not being aware that Hu Nim had been removed from the position, and ordered by Pol Pot to be tortured and executed at Tuol Sleng prison.