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Probe ordered into Gulshan murder witness's death
5 Jul, 2001 l 0048 hrs IST

Gulshan Kumar shot dead!

Syed Firdaus Ashraf and Suparn Verma in Bombay

Gulshan KumarGulshan Kumar, who changed the face of the Indian music business, was shot dead as he emerged from a Shiva temple in Andheri, northwest Bombay , on Tuesday morning.

Two men hiding in the hutment colony near the temple fired three shots at Kumar who fell to the ground and tried to crawl to safety into one of the huts. He asked the woman within to shut the door and keep the killers out. But the woman was too shocked to respond, giving the killers time to force their way in and fire another 15 bullets into the music baron's body. Kumar was declared dead on arrival at the Cooper hospital.

Admitted singer Sonu Nigam whom Gulshan Kumar had groomed personally, "He had been receiving threatening calls for the last four days. In his usual style he did not tell anyone about it and ignored the calls. His bodyguard has been sick since yesterday (Monday). Today was his second day alone in public. The killers must have known this. He might have been saved had the bodyguard been around."

While the city police have no clue who the killers could be, Bombay Police Commissioner S C Malhotra told Rediff On The NeT that Kumar's negligence caused his death.

"Even when he was threatened a few days ago, he did not inform us. I am sure if he had done so, we would have been able to save his life like we saved Rajiv Rai." Director Rai, who was threatened last month, had informed the police and was given a bodyguard who shot one of the gangsters when the hoods arrived to extort money from Rai at his central Bombay office.

"I am sure if Kumar had informed us, we would have saved his life too," the commissioner said. When asked if any film stars had been attacked or threatened after the killing of producer Mukesh Duggal in June, Malhotra said, "We don't know what happens in anybody's drawing rooms. But if they inform us about threats issued to them, we will surely protect them."

The police found the taxi in which the killers had fled at Kapas Wadi junction close to the site of the killing.

The killers stole the taxi from Labh Shankar who rushed to the D N Nagar police station and filed a complaint. Sensing trouble, the policemen passed the word on. But it was too late. Kumar had already been shot dead.

The police have obtained a description of the killers from Ram Pal, Gulshan Kumar's driver, who was injured in the firing. Two other witnesses, Madan Sharma and Madhukar Kavakar, have provided the police with some clues, police sources said.

"Every citizen can't be given protection since we have a small force. However, we give protection to individuals after assessing the situation, like we did in Rajiv Rai's case," said Joint Commissioner of Police (Law & Order), Charansingh Azad. There are just 30,000 policemen in Bombay to cater to a population of nearly 10 million, meaning there is one policeman for every 333 people.

The Bombay film industry will shut shop on Wednesday to protest the murder and various extortion attempts being made on Bollywood folk, said Anil Nagrath, executive secretary, Association of Motion Pictures and Television Programmes.

"First they used to deal with builders. Now that they (the builders) have no money, they (the killers) must have decided the film industry is a soft target," Nagrath said

Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral was one of the first to express shock at the killing, saying, "This criminal act is totally out of place in a civilised society and particularly in a city known for its discipline and civic consciousness..." Kumar, Gujral said, had "carved a niche for himself in the world of film music. His loss will be mourned by all music-loving people."

Singer Abhijeet, who was close to Kumar, said, "It is a big loss to the music industry. Gulshan Kumar had made history by making film producers realise the potential of music... He exploited that potential and showed the world that it is not only in films you can make money...."

Archana Joglekar, who used to anchor Geet Bahar, a musical programme produced by T-Series, Kumar's company, said the music mogul used to visit the Shiva temple every day. She praised him as a fine businessman, stating, "Gulshanji had a natural knack for smelling money; it was god's gift to him."

Director Tinnu Anand, who had differences with Kumar, said, "We did not part amicably, but his death has really shook me up. No one deserves to die a death like he did. He was a tremendous businessman; it is he who brought music back into films and created an entire industry of it. He was the most hardworking man I know."

He felt there was a nexus between politicians, the police and the underworld that was making things easy for extortionists. "The politicians need the underworld when the elections are on. And the underworld needs money. First it was the builders; now it's us."

Director Mahesh Bhatt, who directed the hit Aashiqui for Kumar, felt, "When you kill Gulshan Kumar, you kill one of the biggest people in the entertainment industry. By killing Gulshan Kumar they are saying, 'We are calling the shots,' and they have proved it... The entire film fraternity is in a state of terror."

Sunday, August 17 1997

Crime Branch to probe Gulshan Kumar killing

MUMBAI, Aug 16: Investigations into music magnate Gulshan Kumar's murder have been handed over to the Crime Branch, and a computer sketch of the second suspect in the killing has been released to expedite an early arrest, according to city police commissioner S C Malhotra.

Speaking to reporters here on Saturday, Malhotra expressed confidence that the second suspect would be nabbed soon.

Denying that police had prior knowledge of the threat to Gulshan's life, Malhotra quipped, ``If you expect the police to know everything, there will be no crime''.

Responding to a question, he stopped short of confirming the existence of a nexus between the film industry and the underworld.

``We do not have hard evidence. At the same time, the film industry people told us that money does come (to them) from various sources'', he said. Film producers, at a meeting with the Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Gopinath Munde on August 14, in the light of Gulshan Kumar's murder, had taken strong exception to the alleged nexus, and denied it.

A sharpshooter Nizam Inayat Shaikh, supposedly belonging to the Abu Salem gang a faction of Dawood Ibrahim gang, has already been arrested in connection with the murder.

Gulshan Kumar was shot dead by four assailants when he was returning home after paying obeisance at a Shiva temple at Andheri in north-west Mumbai on August 12 ``When a victim is threatened for money or ransom, only he has the prior knowledge of threat, so he must come forward and intimate police about it'' Malhotra said.

Copyright © 1997 Indian Express Newspapers ( Bombay ) Ltd.

RELATED LINK: Gulshan! The lives and triumphs of the man who changed India's music business

Key witness in Gulshan Kumar case found dead

27 Jun, 2001 l 0036 hrs ISTl

mumbai: builder keki balsara (54), a key witness in the gulshan kumar murder case, was found dead under mysterious circumstances in a toilet in the police headquarters on tuesday morning. while doctors stated that balsara died of a heart attack, his family members have demanded a thorough probe into the incident. said s. balsara, the builder's brother: "in the afternoon, i received a call from a policeman, asking me to rush to gt hospital. when i reached the hospital, i was informed by a constable that my brother was dead. "i have asked for a detailed postmortem and viscera report," he said. "my brother was continuously harassed by the police. he was innocent and had no role to play in the gulshan kumar killing. of late, he was very tense and was suffering from high blood pressure." joint police commissioner (crime) bhujangrao mohite said it was a "natural death". "balsara was called by one of my officers in connection with the gulshan kumar trial. but before meeting any officer, balsara went to an urinal and collapsed." incidentally, keki balsara was the witness on whom the maharashtra government was heavily banking on to clinch the extradition case against music director nadeem in london.

mumbai: in a significant development, the maharashtra state human rights commission has ordered a suo moto inquiry into the mysterious circumstances under which keki balsara, a key witness in the gulshan kumar murder case, died at the police headquarters here on june 26. the commission has served notices to state chief secretary v ranganathan, director general of police subhash malhotra and mumbai police commissioner m n singh asking them to explain in an affidavit under what circumstances balsara died. the respondents have been asked to submit their statements by friday evening. the commission has asked ranganathan, malhotra and singh to send their replies along with a copy of the post mortem report. the notices are signed by commission's secretary gorekh megh. the commission is headed by justice arvind sawant, former chief justice of kerala high court. balsara died on june 26 in a toilet of the police commissionerate where he had allegedly been summoned by an officer in connection with the gulshan kumar murder case. while the police claimed that he died of a heart attack, his family members say the circumstances in which balsara died were shrouded in mystery. meanwhile, balsara's brother has filed a petition before the commission saying that the deceased was innocent and had nothing to do with the gulshan kumar murder case. the commission has ordered the suo motu inquiry under section 12(a)(i) of the protection of human rights act, 1993.

'When they can kill a man like Gulshan Kumar, who are we?'

Ask no questions. You will get no answers in Jeet Nagar, Four Bungalows, in the northwestern Bombay suburb of Andheri.

This is a mohalla quite unlike others of its hustling, bustling ilk. The silence here is laced with fear.

On August 12, 1997, Jeet Nagar witnessed the murder of music magnate Gulshan Kumar.

So a question like 'Did you see Gulshan Kumar being killed?' will fetch you a flat NO.

"I started this shop only a year ago. I know nothing about the case," says the local barber.

"I shifted only two years ago. Gulshan Kumar was killed four years ago," nods the laundry man.

Declares a woman who refuses to divulge her identity, "Whatever happened four years ago, I cannot recall."

"When they can kill a man like Gulshan Kumar, who are we? We are small people. Please don't ask so many questions," adds another neighbour.

Probe deeper and you realise that the people of the locality held Kumar in great respect.

The music baron was a regular devotee at the mohalla's Shiva temple. He would visit the temple twice daily, praying for an hour each time. On each of his visits, he was accompanied by 49-year-old Ramchandra Ananda Lavangare, a plumber. The police later identified him in their first information report as a former chairperson of the mandal that built the temple.

It was Gulshan Kumar whose funds transformed what once was a nondescript Shiva temple into a twenty-foot marbled place of worship.

On that fateful day, Kumar and Lavangare were returning from the temple when an unknown man came up behind Kumar and shot him. The driver of Kumar's Opel Astra threw a water can on the attacker to stop him from taking his next shot.

But another assailant rushed in and shot Kumar. He then aimed at the driver and Lavangare. While the driver was hurt, a bullet whistled between Lavangare's legs. Meanwhile, a third attacker shot Kumar.

In the ensuing chaos, two bystanders, Madhukar Gopal Kawankar and Subhash Bajirao, were injured.

"Initially, I thought someone was bursting crackers. But when I came out of my house, I saw that Gulshan Kumar had been shot," says a woman resident.

"We put Gulshan Kumar and his driver in his Opel Astra. Rajesh Johari [another bystander] drove them to Cooper Hospital. Kumar was declared dead on arrival," states Ramchandra in the FIR.

"We all cried when he died. No one came forward to help him. The killers had just left the place when I came out of my house," says another woman.

"He would always give us chocolates and sweets," recalls a child. "I cannot believe that he is no more."

He is merely echoing the sentiments of the people of Jeet Nagar, who have since placed Kumar's photograph adjacent to Shiva's idol.

A woman resident ends with the question that still begs an answer: "I can't believe how a nice man like him could have enemies!"

The Islamic mafia's terror network - Part 1

: On August 12, 1997 a loud series of shots rang out outside the Jeeteswar Mahadev Mandir in Mumbai. They were just one in a sequence of warnings about the state of our nation, and yet just as before, we Hindus refuse to wake up and face the truth. The event that occurred outside the Mahadev Mandir in Mumbai that fateful day, was not particularly outstanding when seen in the context of the daily reinforcement of the fact that India is in the hands of Muslim terrorists. The victim on this particular day happened to be a plump, short media baron, known as Gulshan Kumar.

: Who was Gulshan Kumar, the Cassette King? He started out life as a humble fruit juice seller's son in Darya Gary market in Old Delhi. He wanted to make it big in Bombay and he did, by cooking up innovative ways to pirate popular music. Super Cassette Industries, his flagship company and its low price high volume strategy ushered in a musical revolution. Pretty soon he had the leader of the pack , HMV India itself, chomping at the bits in order to compete with him. Using all of his fortunes from his music production company in Noida, near Delhi to finance his film production business, Gulshan Kumar soon became the owner of a vast 400 crore rupee empire.. He was the highest tax payer for the financial year 1992-93.

: It was with his foray into the Indian film industry that Gulshan took his first step into the jaws of the Muslim Mafia network without which Bollywood simply can not exist. For decades the film industry has been the money spinning machine and media arm of the Islamic Mafia. The Indian film industry serves a twofold purpose for the international Islamic Mafia which is headquartered in UAE and Pakistan .

: 1) With a turnover of over Rs. 7000 Crore, the Indian film industry has become one of the biggest money making operations for the Islamic Mafia. Although it is not as profitable as drug-trafficking, sale of illegal arms, prostitution rings or counterfeit money, it certainly does help to line the pockets and provides valuable interface to politicians and industrialists who are enamoured of the glamour and glitter of Cinema magic.

: 2) But the real reason why the Indian film industry is so important to the Islamic Mafia, is the fact that it serves as the best possible propaganda tool in a country of over 950 million people. A blatant glorification of Islam and an utterly distorted insulting portrayal of Hinduism are the tools that it uses constantly to affect Indians' psyche and effectively utilize information warfare. Hindu culture is consistently given the mantle of a backward, intolerant, illogical culture, whereas Islamic concepts, ideas, and judgements are given the legitimacy of truth. One of the most successful byproducts of this psychological manipulation has been the corruption of Hindi, via the glorification of Arabicised Urdu words. In popular films and music, Urdu is always used in order to condition the Indian public. In other instances, terrorism which usually stems from Islamic quarters in India , is attributed to Hindu groups in movies! Islamic terrorists are portrayed as martyrs on screen. Islamic ideas are touted as progressive whereas Hindu ideals are dismissed as outdated and illiterate. Urdu is the language of "civilized" sophisticates, Hindi is the language of "Ganwaars" or village idiots. These are just a few examples of the objectives which the control of Bollywood provides to the Islamic Mafia.

: On August 12, 1997 , nothing appeared to be out of the ordinary as the familiar portly figure of Gulshan Kumar attired in white kurta stepped out of his car in front of the Jeeteswar Mahadev Mandir that fateful day. A simple Thali of offerings for worship of Lord Shiva swayed in his plump hands as he started walking towards the shrine. His devotion to the divine had been steadfast in its earnestness. A huge portion of his wealth had gone into beautifying and enhancing the pilgrimage experience of Vaishno Devi for pious devotees. It was his efforts which had rekindled the sound of early morning Bhajans in Indian households all over the country. Despite the allegations of piracy and fraud, he had focused all his energies into what he viewed as an offering to God. As the assassins pumped his frame with bullets, the last words heard by Gulshan Kumar were:

: " Bahut ho gayi teri puja, ab upar ja ke aur karo" (You have prayed enough to your idols down here, now go up there and do it.)

: A chilling reminder of the fact that Islam and the Islamic Mafia will do its best to eliminate any Hindu who dares to reaffirm his faith loud and clear in India .

: Who were Gulshan Kumar's enemies? What was his crime?

: The clues to the answer apparently lie with music director Nadeem Saifee. In 1997, Nadeem's solo album Hai Ajnabi bombed. He wanted Gulshan Kumar to finance his next private album. Gulshan Kumar wisely decided that Nadeem was not destined to be a chartbuster and refused outright. An enraged Nadeem who was obviously used to displaying arrogance in lieu of his Islamic godfather's protection started threatening Kumar saying "Have you got a call or not? My "Chahnewaale" (friends) will call you. You don't know who I am."

: By May 1997, Abdul Qayoom Ansari alias Abu Salem, a 29-year-old Dubai-based member of the Islamic Mafia, who is also known as one of the "arms" of kingpin Dawood Ibrahim, had called up Gulshan Kumar on his mobile and curtly told him to call back at a Dubai mobile number. When Gulshan called the number back, an amount to the tune of 10 Crore Rupees was quoted and Kumar was threatened with dire consequences if he failed to cough up the dough. Kumar, a man who had managed to survive in the Film Industry long enough without giving in to the Islamic Mafia of ISI's underworld dons, refused to pay outright. Even when Abu Salem sent his Mullah terrorists to Gulshan in person, the wary devotee refused to budge an inch. .

: Who is Abu Salem?? He is accused number 87 in the Bombay bomb blast case. He was charged with procuring nine AK-56 rifles at the command of Dawood's brother Anees Ibrahim. Mumbai courts issued an arrest warrant against him in 1993 ``for conspiracy to cause explosions with intent to cause death and damage to property.'' If caught and convicted he faces the death penalty. In 1995, Interpol had issued a Red Corner alert for him. In 1997, the UAE government received extradition papers for Salem from the CBI upon request.

: The first ever trap (which is known as `fielding', in the underworld slang) was laid with the blessing of nadeem and his "godfather" Dawood . The trap for killing Gulshan Kumar was laid between July 15 and 20, while he was shooting for his forthcoming untitled film at the Jasdanwala Bungalow at Aqsa Beach , Malad. Two teams from the gang maintained a watch on his movements but failed to strike either because of the milling crowds around him, or for the fact that he was shielded by his Punjabi bodyguard.

: When Gulshan Kumar refused Abu Salem's threats of extortion, he was enraged at the "Kafir" Hindu's insolence and ordered the hit. Apart from Kumar's 250-crore annual turnover from Super Cassettes and Music Industries, his religiosity and lavish expenditure for devotional purposes including a `langar' at Vaishnodevi temple, where Rs 5 lakh was spent every month had become eyesores for the Islamic Mafia.

: Abu Salem had been chosen as the key operational head in Bombay by Dawood himself , due to his incredibly cruel and brutal nature. He was also given charge of handling extortions and hawala transactions on Dawood's behalf. In April, Abu Salem began by calling up top film producers asking them to pay up. About 20 top film personalities were personally contacted by Salem over the span of two months. The figures he quoted as extortion payments were in hundreds of crores. Over 95% of the Movie moguls simply paid and never informed the police. Salem 's men attacked producer-director Rajiv Rai at his Tardeo office, which led Rai to flee to London . He never returned since. Later that April an attempt was made on Subhash Ghai's life which was foiled by alert police. Salem himself had telephoned Subhash Ghai asking him to pay up. The Indian Film Industry was serving its purpose as the money making machine which churned out Millions of Rupees in liquid assets for Dawood and ISI to create mayhem, death and destruction all over India. Not one moviemaker had the guts to resist, every single one of them was deeply involved in this deep seated treachery and anti national activity which killed Indian citizens every day.

: Was it simply because Gulshan Kumar did not give in to this nefarious plan, that his body lay riddled with bullets in front of the Temple steps in Mumbai that day? Hardly. As the details began trickling in, it became apparent that the plot to kill Gulshan Kumar had been hatched on June 12 at Dubai when a galaxy of Indian stars participated in the opening of a luxury hotel owned by Vivek Goswami a narcotics dealer linked to Chota Rajan another underworld non-resident Indian don. As investigations continued, more rivalries began surfing. Ramesh Taurani - owner of Tips another rival to Super Cassette, was identified as an associate of Dawood Ibrahim's gang. The investigation led the police to interview filmstars Pooja Bhat, Salman Khan and Shravan among others.

: Bollywood's links with Mumbai's underworld were always known. But the extent of its involvement with the Islamic Mafia became apparent only after Gulshan Kumar's death, a man who was murdered simply because he was a Hindu success story. "When the underworld approaches you, you cannot refuse.", these were the chilling words of Nadeem Saifee, the main accused in the Gulshan Kumar murder case.

: A month later a casual friend of Gulshan Kumar and writer-director Mukul Anand died unexpectedly of a "heart attack" in his sister's home in Mumbai. Anand had been in the process of making a movie on Kashmir which went against the Islamic Mafia's propaganda plans. The film was being shot in USA on the pretext that the environs resembled those of Kashmir . The reality was quite different. Anand had been threatened and he and several of his associates were frightened enough to go into hiding when they returned to India to raise more money for the movie. A relative of the executive producer was slain by a killer on a motorbike. And then all of a sudden Mukul Anand suffered a surprise "heart attack"....

: What is even more shocking to discover is that EIGHT months before Abu Salem ordered the cold blooded of Gulshan Kumar , the CBI had requested his extradition from the UAE government. However, the request became just another of the 35 others pending with the Government of United Arab Emirates and like the other requests, this too was put on the backburner. The CBI is not too optimistic about getting back any of the members of the Dawood gang, hawala dealers and arms and drugs smugglers who are responsible for the most heinous crimes committed against India .

: The Arab provision of shelter to these hard core terrorists and criminals provides convincing evidence that the conspiracy to create chaos and panic in India stems from the Islamic world in general. Dawood Ibrahim follows and carries out the directives of Pakistan 's ISI and oil rich Arabs, who take pride in their Islamic fanaticism. It is he and his deputies who mastermind all of the major terrorist attacks and hardcore crimes which take place in India . As the disturbing facts about Gulshan Kumar's murder were unearthed, an incredible pattern of internally linked networks which are sustained by the Islamic Mafia become apparent. The crimes begin with low level extortions and proceed higher up the ladder with the all too willing Indian movie industry, as well as heads of major corporations in India and finally goes all the way up to the politicians who hold the highest positions in the land.

: The breadth and depth of this net of crime and the virulently anti Indian activities it breeds are spread unimaginably far. The extent of involvement is so deep, that the public knows not even one hundredth of the details of this story.

: Next week I will delve further into the underworld net of the Islamic Mafia which has spread its poisonous tentacles deep into India 's soul. The implications will shock all nationalistic Indians beyond belief.

United we shall fight to preserve our heritage

so that we can pass the light to our children! is an organization dedicated to Hindutva & Hindu Rashtra

The Islamic mafia's terror network - Part 2

Issue# 1999.25

June 21st, 1999

The Islamic mafia's terror network - Part 2 by Aditi Chaturvedi

Last week we had ended with the catalytic event of Gulshan Kumar's death and the incredibly complicated Islamic Mafia terror network that it unearthed. Although Gulshan Kumar was certainly not the first victim of the Muslim Mafia, nor was his death the first indicator of the underlying network, but what was truly shocking about the murder of Gulshan Kumar was the brutality of the killing. In addition, the fact that an eminent individual like Kumar could be murdered in broad daylight on the streets of Mumbai, proves as a chilling wake up call to the extent of power that the Islamic Mafia has come to wield.

However the most troubling aspect of this incident was the implication that the film industry of India, which wields perhaps the maximum media influence on its impressionable public, was so deeply entrenched in the dirty miasma of terrorism and crime. Bollywood's link with this dark and sinister world is nothing new. Over 95% of the Indian Film industry is not only aware of the Islamic Mafia, but also deeply involved in courting and patronizing them. The remaining 5% are fully aware of the problem but find ingenious ways to avoid the net. The ones who successfully manage to pull off this feat however usually turn into prime targets, as was the case with Gulshan Kumar.

That Nadeem Saifee, the prime accused in Gulshan Kumar's murder , was deeply involved with the Islamic Mafia is an understatement. Further investigation into his background provides clear proof of his complicity. During the Mumbai riots in 1993, Nadeem was sheltered by Yusuf Lakdawala, who is a film producer well known for his connections to Dawood and the Mafia. Lakdawala was later also implicated as one of the accused responsible for the Bombay bomb blasts, which had been engineered by the ISI through the underworld.

Abu Salem was a well known good friend of Nadeem who always made it a point to make social calls and sent complimentary gifts to keep Salem satisfied. During his police interrogation, Nadeem could not deny his acquaintance with Abu Salem. He claimed that he met Salem only once during a casual visit to a restaurant. According to Nadeem's own confession " Shravan and myself were eating in a restaurant. Abu Salem approached us saying he was a big fan of our music. Shravan and I had earlier faced some problems and we were confused about whether we should respond if approached by such people, but you know we are also scared for ourselves. What are we meant to do? Anyway, it's not just me and my partner who met Abu Salem. Everyone in the film industry meets these people."

Nadeem's confession provides clear hard evidence of Bollywood's relationship with the Muslim Mafia. Other pieces of evidence also began surfacing which helped to piece together the puzzle of Nadeem's actual role in the Mafia network. It seems apparent that Nadeem was a point man, meaning an industry informer for the Mafia. He would convey crucial information such as, who was making money, who signed up for a film, current prices and which films to sabotage, etc. The information was essential for the Mafia to determine targets for extortion, whom to threaten and sabotage. In fact Nadeem even had the audacity to call up Gulshan Kumar once, where he pressurized him to "talk to the people in Dubai" to settle disputes between music companies.

Nadeem had used his clout with the Mafia to threaten people in the film industry before as well. During the making of Hindi film "Baazigar", Nadeem was irritated at yesteryears actress Tanuja for her curt manner towards him. She was the mother of the film's heroine, Kajol. An embittered Nadeem urged the production company Venus to remove Kajol from the film. However when Venus refused, the incensed Nadeem Shravan duo proceeded to walk out of the film. The project was handed over to another music director, Anu Malik. This enraged Nadeem even further and he decided to call a press conference solely for the purpose of accusing Anu Malik of plagiarism. One of the journalists present there pointed out that Nadeem himself had plagiarized quite a few tunes. At this Nadeem was infuriated and shouted to have him thrown out. Before the journalist was unceremoniously expunged however, all those present clearly recall Nadeem's chilling threat to the journalist, "Don't act too smart. I'll finish you."

When the police began their investigation of Kumar's murder, one of the first steps they took was to question the Bollywood stars who had accompanied Nadeem to a Bollywood show in Dubai. The event was held in June 1997, it was a free musical show at the inaugural function of a luxury hotel owned by Vicky Goswami, who is a drug smuggler working for Dawood and other members of the Islamic Mafia. It was during this show that the entire sordid murder of Gulshan Kumar was plotted by Nadeem and his "Bhaijaans". The list of Bollywood stars who performed free for the druglord's show included Salman Khan, Shah Rukh Khan, Pooja Bhat, Chunkey Pandey, Aditya Pancholi, Deepti Bhatnagar, Jackie Shroff, Atul Agnihotri, producer-directors Boney Kapoor , Pehlaj Nihalani, playback singers Alka Yagnik, Sapna Mukherjee and Abhijeet to name just a few. Although many of the stars were not aware of the plot being hatched behind the scenes, they were more than well informed about their host and sponsor and his drug smuggling connections.

The police also questioned Manish Goswami, who is Vicky Goswami's brother and producer of popular Indian TV serials. There was even a videotape of the glittering star studded event in Dubai. Meticulous scanning of the videotapes and testimonies revealed a sinister plot to the police. It is now clear that Nadeem met with representatives from Gulshan Kumar's competitors. The foremost among these was Tips music company, but Time Audio and Vasta were also involved. The owner of Tips in fact delivered Rs. 25 Lakh to an associate of Abu Salem to carry out the contract killing of Gulshan Kumar. The plan was set and money was exchanged to put things in motion.

These suspicions were confirmed when the six murderers of Gulshan Kumar were captured by Mumbai police. The statements that they gave during interrogation clearly implicate Nadeem. Kumar's murder was a contract killing in the traditional style of the Islamic Mafia. Over Rs. 40 Lakh went into the deal. Nadeem Saifee was involved to the very end, as he arranged the money and the purchase of two Maruti cars, two motorbikes, a mobile phone and six pagers for the murderers.

Immediately after realizing that he had been caught at his game, Nadeem fled Mumbai and escaped to London. When the Indian Police contacted him about the imminent arrest, he gave the investigating officers in Mumbai the impression that he would return to India. However later on, he pleaded his inability to leave the side of his wife Sultana, who had suffered a miscarriage in a Middlesex hospital in the fifth month of pregnancy. "My baby daughter has just died. My wife is so sick. Yet, you expect me to leave all this and run back to India to face a set up?" he had said.

Finally the Mumbai police were forced to move extradition proceedings against him in England. However the last attempt by the Mumbai Police to secure the extradition of a member of the Islamic Mafia had ended in disaster. The previous case was against Iqbal Mirchi who was accused in a major drug-trafficking case. But the case was dismissed in the same Bow Street court where Nadeem has been summoned. Mirchi owns properties and businesses in Britain, Dubai and Australia and hobnobs with British politicians. He had engaged high-profile lawyer Miscba De Reya to represent him. Mirchi's lawyer claimed that the case against his client was "trumped up and part of the harassment of the Muslim community by the Mumbai Police".

Nadeem will naturally use the same excuse to escape. His comments to the Press have already indicated his motives and future objectives. In a nauseating interview to a British tabloid, Nadeem made statements such as "I would go back if I could be sure of a fair trial, but the Mumbai Police are looking for a Muslim scapegoat. Those with vested interests can't stomach the fact that a Muslim like me can be successful and bold in India!"

When the trial began, Nadeem's counsel Clive Nicholls grilled the Prosecution's witness, Justice ML Pendse who is a retired Chief Justice of Karnataka High Court and was formerly on the Mumbai bench. Mr. Pendse, was presented as an expert witness on the Indian judicial system to answer questions about the alleged " human rights abuses on minorities" by the Indian Police. Justice Pendse was a very convincing witness on the stand. When asked about the alleged "atrocities on minorities," he pointedly replied Nadeem was unlikely to suffer discrimination owing to his Muslim identity, since in his entire judicial experience "religious bias" had never been a problem with the Indian judiciary.

Nadeem's lawyers tried their best to discredit his testimony. He was insultingly asked by them if he was "out of touch" with the realities of the legal process in India. Justice Pendse also admitted at the very outset that he had never heard of Nadeem Saifee until this particular case began. At that Clive Nichols, Nadeem's counsel, asked in a feigned incredulous tone, "Nadeem Saifee is one of the most famous musicians in the country. Have you have never heard of him?" "I don't watch Hindi movies. I only listen to classical Indian music," came Mr. Pendse's masterful reply.

We will have to wait and see if justice will be served to Nadeem Saifee. Going by the past instances where Britain has provided shelter to Islamic terrorists and Mafia ganglords, however, this seems highly unlikely.

In my next article I will detail how the hand of the Islamic Mafia reaches into the heart of Bollywood and even beyond that into the realms of television, Industry, and finally politics, all of which have immensely grave ramifications for the security and survival of India.

(To be continued...)

Aditi Chaturvedi | Your comments | Forward it to a friend

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The Islamic mafia's terror network - Part 4 COPIED FROM THE SWORD OF TRUTH

Issue# 1999.26

June 28th, 1999

The Islamic mafia's terror network - Part 4 by Aditi Chaturvedi

(Continued from last week...)

Question: What do the following list of assorted industrialists have in common?

Babu Bhai Singhvi, a businessman in Bhuj

Jagdish Ramani, an oil dealer of Indore

Satish Shetty, the wealthy owner of a large ceramics factory in Hubli

Subhash Rastogi, an exclusively wealthy Delhi garment exporter

Raju Punwani, owner of Calcutta's Lytton Hotel

Ramesh Vyas, the owner of a posh hotel in South Delhi

Mohan, a renowned dealer of foreign exchange in Delhi

Rajesh Rathi, chairman of Rathi Super Steel

Gautam Adani, a meat exporter from Gujarat

Answer: A certain assistant of Dawood Ibrahim known as Babloo Srivastava (originally Om Prakash).

Babloo commands over half a dozen gangs whose sole job is to hunt out businessmen who fit the profile of involvement in huge cash flow of business and illegal transactions. Once these industrialists are identified they are bombarded with all sorts of threats like extortion, kidnapping, blackmail, possession of assets, destruction of property and of course the eternal favorite; death. It is estimated that the gangs directly commanded by Babloo were successful in at least 20 known extortion operations last year. In over 95% of the cases, the industrialists give in and go for be financial "settlements". The key to the success of Babloo's operations is the fact that many of these businessmen have in fact used the Mafia themselves to carry out contract killings, briberies and extortion. That's why so many of them simply flee the country after they pay up, like Subhash Rastogi.

The CBI's special task reports that the Babloo gang collected over Rs. 100 crore as ransom alone last year and is now openly threatening more than 40 people, mostly industrialists. Last year before the arrest of the gang, the police thought the ransom bids were because of a network of extortionists based in India. But the subsequent arrest of two of Babloo's gangs and scanning of the transcripts of their telephone conversations show that the network is nothing but an instrument for the Islamic Mafia which resides primarily in the Gulf states like Dubai.

The master of these operations in India is none other than the redoubtable Babloo. The 37-year-old don has been in jail for over three years now, However that doesn't mean that operations aren't running smoothly. The Islamic Mafia's spies and henchmen are everywhere. Babloo even managed to keep in daily touch with them through an array of cell phones and a seemingly unending supply of pre-paid SIM-cards while he was in prison! Babloo who was extradited from Singapore on a murder charge three years ago is the accused in 45 cases of murder, extortion, rioting and possession of illegal arms all of which were plotted from inside his 8 x 8 ft Cell No. 1 at Naini Jail in Allahabad.

The incredible revelations about Babloo only came to light after the arrest of Dawood's frontman in Delhi, Romesh Sharma. Babloo's close relationship with the Islamic Mafia became evident after recovery of a dollar check worth Rs. 50 lakh from Sharma's Delhi farmhouse which was raided by police. The check was part of a Rs. 1.5-crore ransom settlement that Babloo had earlier collected from Gujarat meat exporter Gautam Adani.

What is most interesting about Babloo Srivastava's Mafia links however is the fact that he is the protege of Ram Gopal Mishra, former Congress MLC and a Mafia don of Sitapur. Babloo met Mishra in Lucknow's DAV College as a student activist. By 1985, Babloo had become the general secretary of the Uttar Pradesh Youth Congress. What is most disturbing about this connection is that it is not a random one, for as we shall see every leading member of the sordid network of the Islamic Mafia which is seeking to destroy India, almost always ends up at the same destination; the Congress Party.

Question: Why does one square foot of land in the tiny town of Neemuch, MP cost the same Rs. 1000 as one square foot of land in the bustling Capital of Indore?

Answer: Neemuch is at the heart of the opium belt of Madhya Pradesh.

More than 60% of India's opium is grown in the area around Indore. With its bustling wholesale market and its strategic location between the two important industrial townships of Pithampur and Dewas, and its proximity to the townships of Mandsaur and Ratlam where over 90% of the region's opium is grown, Indore has become the center for the illegal opium trade of the Islamic Mafia. Indore is close the Malwa region borders of Rajasthan, Maharashtra and Gujarat. It is from these three states that the shipments are made to go to Pakistan, so that the ISI can ply the opium to create fortunes which will fund the destruction of India.

Moreover, as recent seizures have shown, the booming pharmaceutical industry in and around the city is also being increasingly controlled by the Islamic Mafia. Banned drugs like mandrax are being produced there in large quantities. The arrest of businessman Prem Sisodiya last year for a mandrax shipment worth several crores of rupees also exposed the widespread links of the Islamic Mafia. Just days before Sisodiya's arrest, the chief minister, Congressman Digvijay Singh attended a religious function at his house.

Digvijay Singh

The region's persistent links with the Islamic Mafia were exposed by the Gujarat Police last year when it unearthed a large cache of arms from Mahidpur town. The seizure, which included two dozen AK-47 rifles. The rifles were part of the consignment sent by Dawood Ibrahim's gangs which landed on the Konkan coast along with rdx explosives. It was these very weapons and explosives which were used in the Bombay blasts in 1993. Subsequent interrogation has led to the disclosure of a well-knit Mafia in Malwa which is engaged not only in smuggling drugs from Mandsaur but also across the border into Gujarat. The drugs are then shipped off to Pakistani ports like Karachi, mainly from tiny ports like Okha, Kandla and Porbandar on the Gujarat coast. The Muslim population in these areas serves as the conduit for the shipments that are smuggled. Many shipments are also transported via the Rann of Kutch.

But it is for real estate crime that Indore is acquiring the notorious title of Mafia headquarters. Last month alone, as many as three municipal corporators were murdered within a span of one week, came on the heels of a much-publicized public-interest petition in the high court which had exposed the Islamic Mafia's close connections with leading politicians, bureaucrats, industrialists and construction barons. It was Manohar Dalal, a lawyer now facing threats to his life who filed a series of petitions before the Indore Bench of the Madhya Pradesh High Court against illegal construction and encroachments. "The Mafia is in a position to eliminate anybody who comes in its way. It's a Mumbai-like situation," says Dalal.

It was because of Dalal's petitions that the district administration, the Indore Municipal Corporation (IMC) and Indore Development Authority (IDA) were forced to draw up lists of illegally-constructed buildings and encroachments on government land last week. The IDA and the IMC are completely under the control of Mahesh Joshi, who is none other than CONGRESS Chief Minister Digvijay Singh's right-hand man. Topping the list of violators submitted to the court by the two civic bodies was Surendra Singh Garha, Digvijay's relative, who has illegally constructed a number of high-rises on government land. The list revealed that there are over 400 illegal multi-storied buildings in the city apart from about 295 unsanctioned colonies.

The amount of money involved in the Islamic Mafia's racket is enormous. But as usual the Mafia has the clout of the highest leaders in the Congress behind it. Over 40 IDA schemes involving 200 acres of prime land have been shelved and the land released for private construction during the current regime. The Islamic Mafia is earning over Rs 500 crore every year from real estate crimes in Indore alone thanks in no small measure to the Congress Party.

Question: Who was the first person to contact Vishwa Bandhu Gupta, additional commissioner, Income Tax (southern range), after an attachment order was served on Romesh Sharma for his Mayfair Garden property for non-payment of tax?

Answer: V Balasubramaniam, president of the Reliance Industries Ltd. (Delhi operations.)

Balu, as he was known in political and financial circles, was even a partner in one of Romesh Sharma's company, The Reliance Investments and Developers. The record even shows that "Balu" was a partner in the Regal building property with Romesh and M K Jajodia's frontman M L Lotha. Jajodia is an arms dealer. The participation of Balu in Sharma's company elicited the trust of thousands of investors who were misled into believing that Reliance Investment and Developers was one of the companies belonging to the Reliance group.

Romesh Sharma

Police raids on Balu's house revealed that he had in his possession top secret classified documents of ministries. He even had copies of correspondence between secretaries to the Government of India.

Last year Abu Salem had issued a threatening call to Anand Jain, another Reliance president based in Mumbai, demanding Rs 32 crore from the company. Salem revealed that Reliance owed this money to one Rajendra Banthia, a Mumbai-based broker. Banthia wanted his money from Reliance, so he promptly visited Dubai in order to ask the Islamic Mafia's help in the matter. When the threat was made, the people at Reliance panicked and contacted Balu who is perhaps the most influential industrialist in all of India. Balu then contacted Romesh Sharma to get the matter settled. The police has taped conversation between Abu Salem and Romesh Sharma in this regard and even Balu's tapes are also with the police.

Romesh Sharma is Dawood's top right hand man. He started out as a penniless vagabond on the footpaths of Delhi's Sadar Bazar and slowly with the help of the Islamic Mafia and his political connections with the Congress, he progressed to soon become a man worth over Rs 200 core with plush property in Delhi's Mayfair Gardens and Juhu in Mumbai!

Sharma's connections with the Congress started with his friendship to J N Mishra, an IAS officer and private secretary to Indira Gandhi. It was then that Sharma joined the Congress. However, the Maneka Gandhi feud led to Mishra's ouster from the PMO. Mishra joined the Rashtriya Sanjay Vichar Manch, a political outfit floated by Maneka in 1982 and Sharma tagged along. But a few months later, Congressman D P Tripathi who was close to Rajiv Gandhi and Ghulam Nabi Azad wanted to weaken Maneka and persuaded Sharma to desert her to join the Congress. Mrs. Gandhi was also hell bent on teaching Maneka a lesson and Sharma was a prize catch.

Thus it was that Dawood Ibrahim and the murderous Islamic Mafia's top man in India Sharma flourished during the Congress regime. He was made secretary of the All India Kisan Cell. Sharma became an AICC delegate and even attended the Tirupati session sitting on the dais. Then Mahabir Prasad, president of the UPCC had him inducted into the PCC as a first time delegate from Amroha in Moradabad district. Sharma was close to the political adviser to the then Congress president. In fact Congress was so eager to accommodate Sharma that the quota of AICC members from Moradabad district was raised to four from three.

Further investigations by the crime branch of the Delhi Police revealed that Sharma acquired the Mehrauli farmhouse from Congress MP M K Subba. The fact that Muslim committees such as the Qaumi Ekta Committee are nothing but covers for denizens of the Islamic Mafia is clear from the fact that Sharma was made the general secretary of the Qaumi Ekta Committee. At that time the President of the Committee was none other than Maulana Israil-ul Haq, a Congress member of the Rajya Sabha. In fact Sharma used this forum to promote his criminal activities in a big way. It was here that he floated the International Youth Unity Center and became its president. It was with the help of Muslim community that he got police security cover and other facilities.

There is overwhelming evidence to prove that India's top industrialists are deeply involved with the Islamic Mafia's gameplan for India. However the vultures sitting at the top of the pyramid are none other than the politicians. What is truly troubling, is that of these politicians, over 95% of them are either currently engaged with or were previously connected with the Congress Party of India. Next week in my concluding article of this series, I will expose the incontrovertible evidence that reveals that the leaders at the highest levels of the Congress Party are the primary colluders and supporters of the Islamic Mafia.

(To be continued...)

Aditi Chaturvedi

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The Islamic mafia's terror network - Part 5

The Islamic mafia's terror network - Part 5 by Aditi Chaturvedi

(Continued from last week...)

Taking the small quiz below should provide you with a clear picture about the Islamic Mafia's connection to Indian politics.

Question 1: During the 1993 Bombay blasts, who was the Chief Minister of Maharashtra who provided the airplane to transport Dawood Ibrahim's relatives and friends to safety and which political party did he belong to?

Answer: Sharad Pawar, of CONGRESS

Question 2: During the same blasts who was the Central Minister of State for External Affairs and which political party did he belong to?

Answer: Salman Khursheed, of CONGRESS

Question 3: During the same blasts who was Dawood Ibrahim's right hand man who actually made the arrangements to acquire the passport for Dawood's mother in 24 hours and which political party did he belong to?

Answer: Romesh Sharma, of CONGRESS

Question 4: During the same blasts who was the PM whose Guru supplied the RDX for the blasts to Dawood and which political party did he belong to?

Answer: Narasimha Rao, of CONGRESS

Question 5: Name Dawood's pointman who was extradited from Singapore on murder charges and accused in 45 cases of murder, extortion, rioting and possession of illegal arms and which political party's youth organization was he the general secretary for?

Answer: Babloo Srivastava, of CONGRESS

Question 6: Who was the Prime Minister who persuaded Romesh Sharma to join her party and made him secretary of the All India Kisan Cell, and which political party did she belong to?

Answer: Indira Gandhi, of CONGRESS

In over 95% of the instances where Indian politicians have colluded with the Islamic Mafia, the links can be traced back directly to the CONGRESS. Any self-respecting intelligent public would realize the pattern. Let's explore a few of the cases which provide incontrovertible proof and evidence of this fact.

The Bombay Bomb Blasts:

On Friday, March 12, 1993 a ball of fire erupted across Mumbai's skyline as India's largest stock exchange went up in smoke. The Bombay Stock Exchange blast was followed by more major detonations and several minor ones, most caused by car bombs, shaking the center and suburbs of India's largest city. In total a series of fifteen (15) massive explosions rocked the length and breadth of Bombay, India on Friday, March 12, 1993. More than 300 people were killed and over 1200 injured. Indian Explosive ordinance disposal experts determined that the explosions were caused by SEMTEX or RDX, packed into car bombs, both of which are plastic explosives that are commonly used by the ISI, LTTE, and all the Islamic terrorist groups. Police confirmed that at least two of the car bombs were driven into underground garages of luxury hotels, and then detonated by "remote-control" or "timed delay" mechanisms. The experts also pointed out the fact, that the fifteen different devices, located in fifteen different locations, exploded almost simultaneously. This is the clear stamp of Islamic terrorism as exactly the same pattern was followed in the New York World Trade Center blasts.

At that time PM P.V. Narasimha Rao rushed immediately to the affected areas to "survey the damage". The Indian public got to see pictures of the "devastated" PM vowing to assist in the rebuilding of the hotels, businesses, and financial agencies destroyed by the explosions. When questioned about the fact that the bombings were in fact a retaliation by Muslims for the Babri Masjid demolition, a stone faced Rao "appealed for calm among Hindus, in hopes of preventing further retaliation"!

Even as Bombay hospitals were drowned in scenes of the dying and wounded from the firestorm of bombs, behind the scenes Congress chief minister of Maharashtra, Sharad Pawar was busy making travel arrangements. He was calling up the Minister of State for External Affairs, Congressman Salman Khursheed. The reason? To ensure that passports for Dawood Ibrahim's family were ready so that they could calmly get on a phone and leave India once the actual facts came to light. And our honorable Congressi PM Narasimha Rao, what was he doing behind the scenes after exhorting Hindus to "remain calm" on TV?? He was sitting at the feet of his "Guru" Chandraswami, the man responsible for transporting the RDX and SEMTEX explosives to Dawood Ibrahim so that he could make rubble and toast out of India's largest metropolis.

Such is the legacy of our politicians' links with the Islamic Mafia terror network. And the overwhelming majority of them are from the Congress Party, which has ruled India for over 50 years and ensured the destruction of India with their active participation in the ISI and the Islamic Mafia's efforts to obliterate India.

Even now the Indian public knows not even 10% of the details of this sordid mess. Sharad Pawar mouths platitudes about his commitment to "Nationalism" even as he must gloat in the back of his mind, safe in the knowledge that Dawood Ibrahim's men and relatives were assured safe escape thanks to Pawar's personal efforts. It was Chief Minister Pawar who provided the aircraft that hauled Dawood's mother out of Bombay to the safety of her son's Mafia kingdom in Dubai. Romesh Sharma, Dawood's right hand man who is currently in Police custody simply refuses to tell the CBI who was instrumental in helping him make the passport of Ameena Begum Keskar, mother of Dawood Ibrahim. He says it was his press secretary Arvind Bali who secured the passport for Dawood's mother in July 1993 so she could go to Dubai. Bali has been since been arrested and handed over to the CBI, to whom the case has been referred.

In any case we know that Ameena could not have used her own passport with the Mumbai address because of the countrywide red alert. Ameena stayed in a South Delhi house belonging to a top industrialist, Pashupatiya a man with well confirmed connections to Congress. Ameena gave this address to avoid verification in Mumbai and the reason mentioned for invoking the emergency clause was the death of a close relative abroad. Within only six hours the police enquiry was completed and within 24 hours, Ameena Begum had her passport in hand!

Only an officer of the rank of deputy secretary and above is entitled to recommend the making of an emergency passport which is used for three months without verification. Mrs. L K Ponappa, IFS, was the joint secretary (passport) in July 1993 when Ameena's passport was made. And she has fled the country, never to return. Ponappa could not have approved that passport without the go ahead from Salman Khursheed. But in the usual Congress tradition, Salman Khursheed flatly denies that the passport was made at his instance. "Neither did anyone contact me for the passport nor did I recommend it" he says.

If that was the case, then was it a ghost of Mr. Kursheed who gave his go ahead by telephone to Ponappa to approve the passport?? Or perhaps just like the case with Sharad Pawar, the CBI and the collective nation of India has been imagining the entire episode?????

But even stranger is the fact that there was no red alert from the police for Ameena Begum . It appears that Romesh Sharma was wasting his time when he got the Begum a fresh passport. Neither the Bombay Police nor the Union Home Ministry authorities at that time had issued an LOC a `Look Out Circular' for her. Meaning NOBODY WOULD HAVE STOPPED HER at the airport even if she had gone with her old passport.

Considering the immense fame of Ameena Begum's son, it is incredulous to believe that the Indian Police would not think of issuing an LOC on her, but that is exactly what happened. And the answer to these unanswered questions remain only with the Congress PM Narasimha Rao, and his home minister, S. B. Chavan.

Later it was also discovered that Dawood Ibrahim's sister had been provided cover by the same Congress government during the blasts.

Romesh Sharma:

Romesh Sharma who is Dawood Ibrahim's pointman had his house raided by Income Tax authorities in April 1989 in Mumbai . Additionally complaints about his nefarious activities have been resting with the Police for years. Why was this notorious criminal provided with "Y" category security cover??

Romesh Sharma was desperate to get police security cover as early as in 1988. This fact is supported by the Delhi Police finding a copy of a letter written by Chintamani Panigrahi, of Congress, then minister of state for home affairs. On March 8, 1988, the official letter from Panigrahi was sent to Delhi Lieutenant Governor H L Kapur, Uttar Pradesh chief minister Veer Bahadur Singh and Maharashtra chief minister S B Chavan asking them to provide security cover to Sharma. The purported reason was that he was general secretary of the All India Qaumi Ekta Committee. It was also pointed out by Panigrahi that Sharma's office in Mumbai was attacked by "goons" in February 1988 and, therefore, he needed protection. Panigrahi also said that Sharma had been attacked in Allahabad in 1987 and January 1988.

The All India Qaumi Ekta Committee was headquartered in a Panchsheel Park house which belonged to Congressman Sudarshan Agrawal who was then the secretary-general of the Rajya Sabha. The security cover was later taken away by Police. However in 1990-91, Subodh Kant Sahay, who was minister of state for home affairs during the Chandra Shekhar government, again provided Sharma with security cover. This security cover continued even during P V Narasimha Rao's regime for over a year.

Romesh Sharma began with membership in Raj Narain's Socialist Party, then he switched over to the Lok Dal and presented a car to late Charan Singh for party work. After the fall of the Charan Singh government, Sharma took advantage of his Phulpur connections and became close to J N Mishra, an IAS officer and private secretary to Indira Gandhi. This was the beginning of Romesh Sharma's long and illustrious career with the Congress.

When Mishra joined the Rashtriya Sanjay Vichar Manch, a political party founded by maneka Gandhi, Sharma followed and became its general secretary. Sharma contributed over 2 lakh to the party fund to fight the Indira Congress. However, D P Tripathi who was close to Rajiv Gandhi and Ghulam Nabi Azad wanted to weaken Maneka and persuaded Sharma to desert her to join the Congress. Indira Gandhi was also very keen on undermining Maneka's ambitions and wanted the lucrative membership of Sharma. This was the golden period of Romesh Sharma's Coingress career He was made secretary of the All India Kisan Cell in 1986-87. After many efforts and lots of bribes, he achieved his dream of becoming an AICC delegate. Mahabir Prasad, president of the UPCC, also ensured that he was inducted into the PCC as a first time delegate from Amroha in Moradabad district. Romesh Sharma's influence in the congress was so great that quota of AICC members from Moradabad district was raised to four from three in order to include him.

However he could not manage the Lok Sabha seat with Congress, therefore after a few years Sharma decided to quit the Congress and contest as an Independent from Phulpur. He lost his deposit and got less than 500 votes. After the defeat Sharma decided to keep a low profile until his reemergence to power with the emergence of the United Front government.

Sharma was especially close to Laloo Prasad Yadav, a fact which is evidenced by CBI records of Yadav's office booking rooms for Sharma's stay at Maurya Hotel on three occasions in 1997-98. Yadav also used to be a regular at parties organized by Sharma at his Jai Mata Di farmhouse in Satbari in Mehrauli. Sharma got his famous Mehrauli farmhouse from Congress MP M K Subba. Subba offered his farmhouse to Sharma at a dirt cheap price in return for a stake in the partnership for a proposed Disneyland in Haryana. The Disneyland plan originated from Haryana chief minister Om Prakash Chautala.

When Romesh Sharma was arrested last year, the Delhi Police uncovered a tape from his home. In it Romesh Sharma was speaking to Dawood Ibrahim. Here is an excerpt from the chilling conversation:

Sharma: "Bhai, I've formed a new political party. (Bharatiya Congress Party) I'll field some of my candidates in the Lok Sabha polls. Arrange for some money. When my men win the polls, they'll work only for you."

Dawood : How many candidates will you field?

Sharma: "16."

Dawood: How much is needed for each one of them?

Sharma: "At least 5 khokas (crores)."

Dawood: Done!

Such is the state of affairs in today's India where the politicians of the country nurse ambitions of becoming MPs and field candidates bribed with Crores from the coffers of Dawood Ibrahim and the ISI.

In today's India, the Islamic Mafia's connection with the movie Industry, the Industrialists and Politicians of the country is dismissed cynically. It is a well known and accepted fact that actors, industrialists and politicians patronize "criminals". It is all dismissed as an example of corruption eating away at the foundation of society. But the Islamic Mafia's plans run much deeper than this. The ISI and the Muslim terrorist groups that fund and control this expansive terror network have a definite plan and agenda for India, both economically and politically.

The Islamic Mafia is not just another criminal element with immense power, it is a well defined terrorist machine whose goals include economic subjugation as well as religious subversion of India. Let us make no mistake the master of these monsters is the ideology of Islam. They consider themselves only instruments in the furtherance of an ideological attack. For the very origins of Islam itself followed exactly this very pattern. The Prophet Mohammed controlled a huge Mafia empire which thrived on extortion, murder, blackmail and crime. His legacy lives on in the ideals of Dawood Ibrahim and company. In India however, it is the Congress party which should be regarded as the sole perpetrator of the Mafia's terror regime. For it is they who created the poverty and societal chaos rampant in India today which serves as the fuel for the Islamic Mafia. It is the Congress that ensured Muslim control in politics by their blatantly biased agenda of minority appeasement. It is the Congress whose very core has been eaten through with corruption and greed, and it is this very Congress which has put the very same practices in place in all bureaucratic, administrative and political levels.

Not every link with the Islamic Mafia in India runs through the Congress Party, but one can surely say that all the connections have been facilitated in one way or another through the actions of Congress. The extent of the Islamic Mafia's power and control in India is truly immense. It is in fact far more lethal than the Citizens of India imagine. For is it not this very Mafia which is influencing the regimes and policies that affect our everyday lives?

The chilling words of former General Secretary of the Youth Congress, the key man for the Islamic Mafia, who even today relays instructions to his henchmen on his cellphone at Tihar Jail give us an ominous clue to the future. When he was being arrested, Babloo Srivastava told the CBI team:

"You can't prove a single case against me because you won't find witnesses. In the end, I shall come out and join politics. Then I'll frame the laws that you must serve."

If Indians choose to stay ignorant and do nothing about the influence of the Islamic Mafia on their lives, these words may well come back to haunt us.

Aditi Chaturvedi

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Wednesday, May 29, 2002 .

Rumours in the hills

One year on, rumours about the massacre of the royal family abound.

One year on, rumours about the massacre of the royal family abound.

One year after Nepal 's royal leadership was massacred during dinner at the palace, the grisly episode remains fresh in the minds of the kingdom's people.

Many of Nepalese believe their questions about what actually happened may never be fully answered.

On an extraordinary evening that put the isolated Himalayan state at the top of the world's headlines, the king, queen and eight other members of the royal family were gunned down in a shooting spree blamed on the lovesick heir to the throne.

According to the official version of events of June 1, Dipendra, the chubby, Eton-educated crown prince with a fascination for weapons, unleashed his full arsenal on his family after a night of whisky and hashish.

He later shot himself.

Love thwarted

Devyani Rana's allure is cited as the official reason for Dipendra's actions.

Devyani Rana's allure is cited as the official reason for Dipendra's actions.

Dipendra's fury was said to have been sparked by his parents' refusal to let him marry his girlfriend Devyani Rana, the beautiful daughter of a noble family in India .

A traumatized Devyani, whose allure was officially cited as the reason Nepal 's royal leadership was wiped out, fled the kingdom immediately after the massacre.

The standard explanation of why she was not permitted to wed the crown prince is that queen Aishwarya was heeding the advice of influential astrologers who had advised against the marriage.

The crown prince's first victim was his father, Birendra.

Dipendra had been escorted out of dinner as his behavior grew agitated.

He marched back into the palace's billiard room after 9:00pm local time and riddled the king with bullets.

After gunning down seven more family members, the prince is believed to have set his sights on his mother, firing at her with such ferocity that her body was unrecognizable afterwards.

He is then said to have shot himself.

Despite the allegation of mass murder, the patricidal prince was crowned the new king.

He reigned comatose from his hospital bed for two days before dying himself.

Succeeding him was Gyanendra, Birendra's younger brother, who had the good fortune to have left Kathmandu hours before the massacre.

He returned to inherit a kingdom shattered by the tragedy and facing an increasing bloody Maoist insurgency, with an elected government notorious for its vicious infighting.

Conspiracy theories

Some cannot believe Dipendra was responsible.

Some cannot believe Dipendra was responsible.

While a commission set up by Gyanendra laid the full blame for the massacre on Dipendra, the death of a king who had reigned for nearly three decades still seems incredible to many Nepalese.

"We don't dare to answer the question of who killed the king," Ram Briksha said, a brass ornament salesman.

"Because really, none of us will ever be able to answer that with certainty."

Any conspiracy theories must be taken with a big grain of salt in Nepal , which is so enamoured by rumors that riots once erupted over reports an Indian pop star had bad-mouthed the kingdom.

But from the talk of people on the street, there are plenty of holes to be poked in the official story:

How could one gunman mow down nine people at the most tightly guarded building in the country?

How could the future queen and crown prince, Komal and Paras, both survive the bloodbath at Narayanhiti Palace ?

And how could the right-handed Dipendra die from a self-inflicted bullet to the left side of his head?

The most asked question is the most basic: how could a prince groomed from birth to assume the throne of the Shah dynasty suddenly go berserk and kill his own parents at dinner?

Some say the pressure from his mother and from Devyani, who was several years his senior and feared she was passing child-bearing age, pushed him over the edge.

Another, more controversial, explanation is that the queen did not want her royal son to marry a woman with roots in India - the powerful neighbor whose heavy cultural and political influence is deeply resented by Nepal's elite.

Pulling the pieces together

Gyanendra has  inherited a troubled kingdom.

Gyanendra has inherited a troubled kingdom.

Even if the conspiracy theories are discounted, Gyanendra still has an unenviable task: consolidating power after the sudden assassination of a popular and charismatic leader.

"Everyone loved Birendra. The new king isn't as loved, because we keep hearing reports he could have had a hand in the massacre," Sanjay Shrestha, a high school student, said.

But amid the widespread suspicions and innuendoes some in Nepal are ready to accept the royal account of the massacre, if only because there is no evidence to support any other conclusion.

"Sure, you can say it was all one big plot but then the question is: by whom?" asked a Kathmandu-based diplomat.

"By the new king? It's hardly some prize to get to run Nepal at a time like this.

"In the end, the official version may very well be the truth."

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Dipendra of Nepal

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Dipendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev

Late King of Nepal

June 1, 2001June 4, 2001

June 27, 1971

June 4, 2001

Birendra of Nepal

Gyanendra of Nepal

Royal House

Shah dynasty

Birendra of Nepal

Dipendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev, King of Nepal (June 27, 1971June 4, 2001) was King of Nepal from June 1 to June 4, 2001. He killed his family at a royal dinner on June 1, 2001. Dipendra was also mortally wounded, by a handgun shot to the left side of his skull; however he was right handed but he could shoot from both right and left hands. With the murder of his father, he officially became king for the three days as he lingered in a coma.

[edit] Education

Dipendra was educated at Eton College, England, and according to the Irish Times of June 4, 2001, "was reportedly excused from chapel when he turned 18. According to Nepali tradition, the prince effectively became a god on his birthday and he could not be seen worshipping another." The report also noted that the prince had been disciplined while at Eton for selling alcohol.

After Eton, he attended Tribhuvan University in Nepal and later joined the Royal Nepal Military Academy. He was known to have been skilled in karate.

[edit] Motive for murder

It is still unclear who was behind the killings. Many people in Nepal unknowingly believe that Gyanendra was the main suspect mastermind behind the royal palace massacre on June 1, 2001 and blamed Dipendra. However, according to unverified reports, Dipendra assassinated family members because of anger over a marriage dispute. Dipendra's choice of a bride was Devyani Rana, daughter of Pashupati SJB Rana(C Class), a member of the Rana clan, against whom the Shah family of kings have a historic animosity (in recent times, though, Shah kings and princes have married almost exclusively members of the A Class Rana family.) The Rana clan had served as the hereditary prime ministers of Nepal until 1951, with the title Maharaja, and the two clans have a long history of inter-marriages.

According to official accounts, Dipendra was denied his choice of a wife by his mother, and so he massacred his family in a much-publicised incident after indulging in a drinking binge. Among the dead were his father King Birendra, mother, brother, and sister. Dipendra survived comatose for three days, and was proclaimed king in his hospital bed. He died of his injuries on June 4 and was succeeded by his uncle, Prince Gyanendra[1].

Gyanendra, not as beloved in the country as his brother Birendra, had been third in line to the throne before the massacre. He was out of town (in Pokhara) during the massacre and was the closest surviving relative of the king. Gyanendra's son, Crown Prince Paras, was reportedly in the royal palace during the massacre but escaped serious injury.

Several survivors have publicly confirmed that Dipendra was doing the shooting, as was documented in a BBC documentary.

However, the murder still remains a mystery to most Nepali people. Recently a Nepali novel, a maoist propoganda has been published named "Raktakunda" which recounts the 2001 Royal Massacre. This novel looks at the incident through the eyes of one of the surviving witnesses, Queen Mother Ratna's personal maid, identified in the book as Shanta. The book, which the author says is a "historical novel", posits that two men masked as Crown Prince Dipendra fired the shots that led to the massacre. Shanta's husband, Trilochan Acharya, also a royal palace employee, was killed along with 10 royal family members, including the entire family of King Birendra.

[edit] Victims of the massacre

[edit] Died

  • HM King Birendra, father
  • HM Queen Aiswarya, mother
  • HRH Prince Nirajan, brother
  • HRH Princess Shruti, sister
  • (HRH Prince) Dhirendra, King Birendra's brother who had renounced his title
  • HRH Princess Jayanti, King Birendra's cousin
  • HRH Princess Shanti, King Birendra's sister
  • HRH Princess Sharada, King Birendra's sister
  • Kumar Khadga, Princess Sharada's husband
  • Trilochan Acharya, royal palace employee

[edit] Wounded

  • HRH Princess Shova, King Birendra's sister
  • Kumar Gorakh, Princess Shruti's husband
  • HRH Princess Komal, Prince (now King) Gyanendra's wife and current Queen
  • Ketaki Chester, King Birendra's cousin

Note: Dipendra died three days later. Kumar Khadga's mother Bodh Kumari Shah was an indirect casualty. She reportedly died of shock on hearing of her son's death.

[edit] See Also

[edit] External links

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Categories: Nepalese monarchs | Regicides | Spree shootings | Mass murderers | Old Etonians | Royal suicides 1880 to present | Suicides by firearm | 1971 births | 2001 deaths

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Preceded by

Crown Prince of Nepal

Title next held by

Preceded by
Birendra Bir Bikram Shah

King of Nepal

Succeeded by
Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah

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A Brief Background of the Events

On June 1st, 2001 in Kathmandu, Nepal, almost the entire royal family was assassinated by the Crown Prince himself. Nine members of the royal family including the King and Queen were massacred by their own son, just before he took his own life. The entire royal family was together on Friday night, and there was an argument between Crown Prince Dipendra (the alleged shooter) and Queen Aishwarya (his mother) over Dipendra's choice of bride. Dipendra wanted to marry Devyani, but because of her family lineage, her mother did not accept a marriage between the two. It was rumored that King Birendra (Dipendra's father) threatened to take away Dipendra's right to heir if he married Devyani. There was certainly some friction between Dipendra and his parents, which may have lead to the massacre that occurred later that night.

The story given by the government of Nepal is that Dipendra became intoxicated, went back to his room, redressed himself into army fatigues, and then came into the billiard room where the rest of the family was. Dipendra was carrying three separate weapons: a submachine gun (MP-5), an M16, and a glock pistol. He ended up shooting nine members of the royal family dead, and injuring four others before shooting himself in the head. Dipendra did not die immediately, but instead he survived two days, was declared King of Nepal while comatose, and then finally passed away. After Dipendra died, his Uncle Gyanendra was declared king. Although the series of events seems fairly straightforward, there are several issues that tend to point towards a cover-up or conspiracy on that fateful night.

Meet the Characters

Below is a family tree of all the characters involved in the massacre on June 1st. Please realize that all the character's familial associations are not shown, but instead only the pertinent characters to the massacre are displayed. If you are interested in knowing ALL the relations between all the members of the royal family, I suggest looking at's List of Persons. You should also note that the full names of the family members are not shown below.

Dead (not shown): Princess Jayanti (cousin to Birendra)
Wounded (not shown): Ketaki Chester (cousin to Birendra)

Original Thoughts of Conspiracy

Obviously the original conspiracy theory of the massacre stems from the fact that all the direct heirs to the throne were killed...except for the current King Gyanendra. In fact, Gyanendra was conveniently not present in the palace at the time of the massacre...instead he was in the jungle of Chitwan. After examining the family tree images above, one should note that all of Birendra's brothers and sisters, except for Gyanendra, were targeted for murder that night. In addition, all the family members under Birendra were completely wiped out, except for Devyani (who was not technically married to Dipendra) and Kumar Gorakh, who was targeted by the alleged assassin but not killed. Fortunately for Gyanendra, according to the Nepali constitution, he, as a brother to the King, could only take the throne if there were no sons of the King available to take his position. Dipendra and Nirajan both were killed in the incident, therefore the next heir to the throne automatically went to a brother of Birendra. There were only two brothers of Birendra, and since Dhirendra was assassinated, Gyanendra was the only logical heir to the throne. Kumar Gorakh, who was only injured, was not constitutionally eligible to be King because he was not related to the family through the male side; he was married to Princess Shruti. There is an obvious initial suspicion of a conspiracy because of how "perfect" things worked out for Gyanendra.

Evidence Supporting a Government Cover-up

The most prominent evidence supporting a government cover-up is the fact that the government changed its story of the events. The first story, which was absolutely not accepted by the general public whatsoever, was that an automatic rifle accidentally went off on June 1st, shooting fourteen separate people, killing ten. This is ludicrous and was not a story the Nepali government could get away with.

There is evidence that leads to certain questions being raised. In Dipendra's glock pistol, there were two bullets fired from that night. Generally, when someone shoots himself in the temple they only really have the ability to shoot the gun once. There were several reports claiming that Dipendra not only drank plenty of alcohol that night, but also smoked a cigarette laced with hashish and an unknown black substance. Paradoxically, the doctor that worked on Dipendra while he was comatose claimed that there was no trace of alcohol or psychotropic substances in his blood with the exception of nicotine. Normally a situation like this could be cleared up by a simple autopsy to determine his actual toxicology screen and if he had two bullets in his body. Instead of investigating the matter, Dipendra was promptly cremated the same day that he was taken off life support and passed away.

The "A Brief Background of the Events" section is essentially a brief summary of a report written by a commission created by King Gyanendra. The report was not made public until King Gyanendra first reviewed the report. There is a conflict of interest between Gyanendra and the commission, which may lead to certain doubts being raised about the credibility of the commission's report.

A combination of a lack of credibility for the report and certain issues that do not add up lead to further evidence of a conspiracy or a cover-up. Why was Dipendra's body cremated so quickly after his death? Dipendra's corpse could have been examined to see if he had fired a weapon the night of the murder based on gunshot residue, or even if he shot himself in the temple or if a third party shot him in the temple. There was no autopsy, and he was quickly cremated so there is no possibility of an autopsy. According to several accounts, Dipendra was seen wobbling and stumbling before and during the massacre because he was drunk. How could Dipendra have been able to shoot so many people so effectively while intoxicated? Why was there no struggle between Dipendra and anyone else in the billiard room? Where were the palace guards? Why was Gyanendra not present that night? There are too many unanswered questions to accept any of the current theories of the events on June 1st.

Maoist Insurgency as a Motive for Murder

An alternative reason for the attack may be a product of the political instability in the region. The Maoist/Communist Party within Nepal has been engaging in what they call the People's War, which is a pro-democratic, pro-education, pro-women's rights movement within Nepal. Before 1990 in Nepal, the country was run entirely by monarchy, but in 1990, King Birendra stepped down from ultimate power and instated a democratic-style government, a move opposed by his brother and current king, Gyanendra. Ever since the Maoist movement, Birendra was extremely slow to react against insurgents and was always extremely opposed to any foreign intervention in the matter. Days after Birendra died and Gyanendra took the throne, things began to change extremely quickly. Freedom of speech and freedom of the press were immediately suspended and any journalists that wrote articles hinting at conspiracy were immediately arrested. Communication links were cut for days, public demonstrations were banned, censorship was imposed, and any political leaders in favor of democracy were imprisoned. After Gyanendra took power and began his assault on the Maoist Party, India, Britain, and the United States came to the aid of Nepal with counter-revolutionary tactics. By 2002, Gyanendra completely seized power and dismissed all hints of a democratic government. Gyanendra said that he seized absolute power to save democracy, but the people, and especially the Maoist supporters, are not exactly in agreement with him.

Devyani, the Mystery Character

Obviously one of the closest people to Dipendra was his girlfriend, Devyani. It is even speculated that the couple may have married in secret. According to the commission report, Dipendra called Devyani several times the night of the massacre on his cell phone. In the days following the massacre, Devyani fled the country, and is speculated to have gone to Europe, Moscow, or India. Chances are best she went to India because her immediately family lives in India. She is certainly the best person to find out Dipendra's mental state before the massacre, but unfortunately she is refusing to return to Nepal.

The Commission Report

For a long synopsis of the commission report on the massacre, please visit Synopsis of the High Level Committee Report on the Royal Palace Incident. Although that website is extremely informative, one must remember that it is written by the bias committee that was appointed and reviewed by King Gyanendra. Although it seems silly to summarize a synopsis of an original document, it is necessary to highlight certain aspects of the official report. Paras, Kumar Gorakh, and Nirajan all took Dipendra back to his room because Dipendra was stumbling after consuming 1-2 pegs of whisky. (Side note: a helpful reader from Nepal has contacted me and told me that a 1 peg is around 100 mL -- so 1-2 pegs is about 3-4 ounces, or at the very most, 4 shots of whisky) The cigarette that Dipendra smoked after he got back to his room (a cigarette laced with hashish and a black substance) were nothing new to him; he had smoked the same type of cigarette many times before with no ill effects. Devyani spoke to Dipendra several times on the phone, and actually ended up calling someone else in the palace to check on Dipendra because he sounded dangerously drunk. When someone checked on him, he was found lying on the floor with his shirt unbuttoned and later ended up throwing up into a toilet. How could Dipendra, after being this drunk, have been able to compose himself so well to go back into the billiard room and shoot as many people as he did? Nirajan was issued a glock pistol, but his pistol was never used. Why had Nirajan not fought back? Dipendra fired a total of 47 cartridges from his M16 rifle, 29 from his submachine gun (MP-5), and 2 cartridges from his glock pistol. As stated above, why did he discharge two bullets from his pistol? When people shoot themselves in the head, it just takes one bullet.

Inconsistencies in Website Stories/Why I Wrote This/Disclaimer

One of the main reasons I wrote this was because of a lack of reliable information on the topic of the June 1st massacre in Nepal. There are plenty of websites with information regarding the massacre, but almost none of them agree. They were hastily written just days after the shooting and simply do not have accurate information. I have compiled this website with the most accurate information possible based on all the websites available to me. The fact is, there are plenty of unanswered questions and speculation that make their way to the internet. Please keep in mind that the information on this webpage is not guaranteed to be accurate, especially because there are only a few people that know the actual truth. The best we can do is decide what happened for ourselves based on the information available to us.

Evidence Against a Conspiracy

Obviously I have a strong slant favoring a conspiracy, but there is some evidence that supports that Gyanendra and the government had no part in the murders. The most obvious evidence is the fact that Queen Komal was injured in the shooting. If Gyanendra or Paras were responsible for the shooting, I doubt that they would want to shoot their own wife/mother. In addition, although it is not difficult to "persuade" people to change their eyewitness accounts, it should be noted that all the witnesses at the palace that night finger Dipendra as the shooter. It is also believed that the black substance in the cigarette that Dipendra smoked may have acted as a stimulant, which may explain how he was able to return to the billiard room after vomiting into his toilet and laying on the floor in a drunken stupor.

What actually happened that night? The world may never know, but it is certainly worth examining to decide for yourself. It is interesting that the United States, although it is technically fighting a communist and terrorist-like organization (the Maoist insurgents), it is still supporting an anti-democratic government. Currently Nepal is far from democracy, but we are fighting on their side against the pro-democratic faction in Nepal. Go figure. Without a doubt something is going on, but it's up to us to decide what actually happened.

Nepal massacre inquiry begins, at long last

June 8, 2001 Posted: 5:10 AM EDT (0910 GMT)

A woman mourner puts flowers for on the gates of the royal palace

King Gyanendra promises that the public will get explanation of what happened in the shootings

By staff and wire reports

KATMANDU, Nepal -- Investigators in Katmandu have finally begun their inquiry into the shooting massacre of much of Nepal's royal family, apparently carried out by then Crown Prince Dipendra.

A two-member committee, appointed by Nepal 's new King Gyanendra, is expected to submit its findings from the probe on Sunday.

The investigation began two days behind schedule, and as two close relatives of the royal family revealed more details of the horrific event.

They say the late Crown Prince Dipendra had shot and murdered his father King Birendra, mother Queen Aishwarya and seven other royals died at the palace last Friday night.

The crown prince was allegedly turned to gun to himself. He fell into a coma, but was named king as the natural successor to his father -- despite being the prime suspect in the killings.

Dipendra reigned while unconscious for two days before he died of his wounds on Monday.

Gyanendra, who was crowned shortly after Dipendra's death, is under pressure for tens of thousands of angry and confused Nepalese to provide an explanation of what happened.

During the three days of investigations, the inquiry will inspect the shooting site, interview survivors and conducting ballistic tests.

Supreme Court Chief Justice Keshav Prasad Upadhaya heads the investigation panel, which also comprises Speaker of the Parliament's Lower House Tranath Ranabhat.

The committee already ran into difficulties shortly after the King appointed its members. A third member, Madhav Kumar Nepal , an opposition leader, resigned after he questioned the legitimacy of the committee.

Weighing all evidence

Investigators have said they must weigh all available evidence before deciding whether to believe the many people who have named Crown Prince Dipendra as the gunman.

"We have put together a panel of experts," Ranabhat said on Friday, as quoted by The Associated Press. "First, we will be talking to firearms and medical experts."

Dr Rajiv Raj Shahi describes how the crown prince walked from room to room, shooting members of his family

Dr Rajiv Raj Shahi describes how the crown prince walked from room to room, shooting members of his family

The investigators went to work behind closed doors in Ranabhat's chambers, with top legal officials and three Supreme Court justices inside, guarded by police and soldiers wearing combat fatigues and toting machine guns.

On Thursday, an eyewitness, Dr. Rajiv Raj Shahi, the son-in-law of shooting victim Prince Dhirendra, became the first person who was at the scene to go public with his story.

"It was the then-Crown Prince Dipendra who carried out the murders," Shahi told reporters at the hospital where three royals are recovering. "He was just a murderer."

After Shahi spoke, investigators said he would be among the witnesses they interview. Only after that could the inquiry panel decide "if he's telling the truth or not," Chief Justice Upadhaya.

Unable to accept

Despite the eyewitnesses' account, many Nepalese are unable to accept Dipendra would kill his parents, the beloved the king and queen, and put unpopular new King Gyanendra on the throne.

"It just does not sound like the truth," said Silpa Sharma, a housewife who is one of the many skeptics, as quoted by The Associated Press.

Nepalese have demanded an explanation of events inside the palace during the shootings

Nepalese have demanded an explanation of events inside the palace during the shootings

The official line has been that the deaths were an accident caused by an exploding automatic rifle.

It is not clear whether the investigators will offer any findings on the motive, however.

Several people have said privately that Dipendra had quarreled with his mother over his choice of a bride, but the queen disapproved because the young woman came from the wrong clan.

A member of Nepal 's State Council, which handles royal affairs, has told The Associated Press that witnesses have said the king and queen told Dipendra he could marry Devyani Rana but if he did so, his brother Nirajan would take his place as crown prince.

The State Council member spoke only on condition of anonymity.

The Letter of Dr. Baburam Bhattarai on the Palace Massacre in Nepal

It’s rare in these days that an article in a newspaper can overnight become of historical importance. Perhaps the most famous instance of modern times was the 1897 publication of Emile Zola’s letter entitled “J’accuse,” which we now can see marked the turning point in the Dreyfus Affair and led to the exoneration of Captain Dreyfus and the lasting triumph of the anti-clericalist tradition in French society. It’s been many years since we’ve last heard of a letter to a newspaper that could set off such consequences.

But on June 6, 2001 , such a letter was published. It appeared in the leading Nepali language journal, the Kantipur daily newspaper. The occasion of the letter was the horrific slaughter of King Birendra of Nepal and his entire immediate family in the Narayanhiti Royal Palace in Kathmandu , Nepal on June 1, 2001 . Within hours of the letter’s appearance the publisher and editors of the paper were in jail under arrest, where they remain. The scandal of this assault on the press has received global attention only somewhat less intense than the reporting on the palace massacre itself. Yet, so far as we can tell, a translation of the letter into English has yet to appear. Given this international attention, and given that few non-Nepalis can read Nepali, we think it of interest and useful to present an English version of the letter.

Because the writer of the letter, Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, is underground and a leading figure of the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) that has been waging people’s war in the scenic but impoverished hills of Nepal , it is impossible for this translation to be “authorized.”

Since the letter was addressed in Nepali to the educated urban audience of the Kantipur daily newspaper, basic facts of Nepali and regional history are assumed to be familiar to the reader. Without a preface that would amount in itself to a small book length history of Nepal , many references will be unclear to readers unlikely to be familiar with even the geographical location of Nepal . Yet since the argument of the letter is very clear, we hope that much can be understood by readers unfamiliar with Nepal if provided with a short preliminary historical sketch.

Nepal was unified in the late 18th century, and after a war with the British (who ruled adjoining India ) terminated by treaty in 1816, became a sovereign but dependent nation. The British 19th century “Resident” in Kathmandu , capital of Nepal , enjoyed something of the power and influence of the U.S. Ambassador today in Peru or the Dominican Republic . In 1846, a young noble military commander, Jung Bahadur, a protégé of the British Resident, seized on a governmental crisis to slaughter several dozen of the leading nobles of Nepal and thus established his family (the Ranas) as the rulers behind the throne for over a hundred years. This long rule was marked by maintaining Nepal in strict isolation, while providing Nepali peasant boys as soldiers of the British Empire , for whom the Ranas were paid so much a head. These were the world famous Gurkhas. And the 1846 coup that established the Rana regime is known as the Kot massacre.

After Indian independence, the new rulers of India sought to replace the British as the imperial masters of the kingdoms that lay in the Himalayan foothills between India and China . In Sikkim , a small state that adjoins Nepal to the east, India established a “protectorate” in 1950, and in 1973 the King was deposed in a coup crudely engineered by the Indian intelligence agency. Sikkim was thereupon annexed by India . Bhutan , a kingdom next in line to the east of Sikkim , like Nepal and Sikkim borders both India and China . When, in 1964, the Prime Minister of Bhutan moved to have a balanced foreign policy between China and India , he was assassinated by Indian operatives and the king’s younger brother, Lendrup Dorje, was put in his place. Bhutan has kept its formal independence, but ever since there have been Indian army posts inside Bhutan at the border crossings with China . Nepal has been a harder nut to crack.

The Kings of Nepal from the time of the Kot massacre of 1846 were but titular rulers, while Jung Bahadur and his descendants (the Ranas) ruled Nepal as hereditary Prime Ministers. With the departure of the British from India , the royal line reasserted itself, deposed the Rana Prime Minister, and by careful balancing between India and China maintained Nepal ’s independence and their absolute royal authority.

But the world has caught up with Nepal . Strong popular currents developed, one pro-Indian,“democratic” and based on property owners (the Nepali Congress) and, on the other hand, a great communist movement based primarily on the poor peasants—who constitute the great majority of Nepalis. Both currents united in 1990 to end King Birendra’s absolutism in a popular democratic revolutionary upswing. In the intervening years, Indian intervention in Nepal has increased by leaps and bounds. The government, in the hands of the pro-Indian Nepali Congress, is awash in stupendous corruption from the Prime Minister (Girija Koirala) down to the local party bosses. The communist movement, if it united a substantial majority of all Nepalis, has splintered. It now ranges itself in some ten political parties from, on the right, the communist parliamentary opposition, the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist), through principled but local communist parties such as the Nepal Workers and Peasant Party that controls the beautiful medieval walled city of Bhaktapur, to the revolutionaries grouped in the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) on the left, who are waging people’s war against the corrupt Nepali Congress government and have established effective dual power in large sections of the countryside.

King Birendra, though having yielded absolute power in 1990, remained as “constitutional” monarch with de facto control over the Royal Nepali Army, and with the support of a significant nationalist (and therefore of necessity anti-Indian) movement loyal to the Palace. In the people’s war (“Jana Youdha”) between the brutal police of the Nepali Congress government and the peasant kids organized by the Maoists, the Royal Nepal Army has been neutral. As the Jana Youdha grew in strength, and now there is no corner of the country—including the urban centers — without significant support for the Maoists, the neoliberal Hindu-nationalist Indian regime and the United States began to make their concern known.

On June 1st, 2001 , King Birendra, his wife and all his children, were assassinated. His younger brother, Gyanendra, believed to be pro-Indian, was absent from the palace at the time of the massacre of all those who stood between him and the throne. On his return, he and Prime Minister Girija Koirala announced that the killings had been caused by an automatic weapon that had gone off on its own. In turn this was replaced by a story that the King's oldest son had murdered his entire family and then committed suicide out of love for a woman he was not permitted to marry. The new King Gyanendra’s only son, Paras, a brutal murderer who has been responsible for the deaths of mere commoners in hit-and-run drunk driving incidents on three separate occasions (as a member of the royal family he is immune from prosecution), was at the palace during the slaughter but emerged unscratched. On June 6, 2001 , the Kantipur daily newspaper received and published the following letter from Dr. Baburam Bhattarai.

Let’s Give No Legitimacy to the Beneficiaries
of the New Kot Massacre.

Baburam Bhattarai*

There was another Kot massacre in Nepal ’s history on June 1st, 2001 . Since the people are yet to get the facts of the tragedy, which killed King Birendra and other members of the Nepali royal family, it is evident that people everywhere are speculating and weighing conspiracy theories. As the saying goes, “paap-dhuri bata karaucha” [The sin shouts from the roof of the sinner’s house], we will one day know the truth. No one is ready to believe the propaganda which is being spread by the government and it’s foreign masters, especially since the way in which this tragedy is being explained—either the love affair or the accidental explosion theory—gives strong reasons to believe that the government itself is behind this tragedy. But this will only strengthen the just claim of the Nepali people to know the truth. So, a coalition between the nationalists and the people’s forces (NCP-Maoist) to unveil the real villains of the tragedy is what history demands from us at this particular moment of time.

The Reactionary world view presents any historic incident as a mere accident and tries to put the blame on some particular person. And it also tries to hide the core reality of the incident and only focuses on what is seen at the surface level. Analyzed from this angle, the recent tragedy in Nepal might be made to appear to be about a love affair, and the government and its foreign masters’ media are busily presenting this view. Further, another explanation that the gun exploded by itself and killed the key persons of the royal household was put out by the prime beneficiaries of the tragedy—perhaps motivated by the fear of what the survivors of the tragedy will say later. Undoubtedly, many historic events are mere accidents, and someone’s unconscious urges or momentary craziness could also play an important part. However, these exceptions have to correspond to a series of believable events, which simply is not the case in the recent tragedy. A future king might give up his chance to sit on the throne to be with the girl he loves, but we cannot be asked to believe that he would physically eliminate his entire family and then commit suicide for love. Moreover, to say that an automatic gun itself entered a highly secured room and killed the King and his immediate family, while leaving the members of the new King’s immediate family uninjured, is an insult to the thinking power of every being that breathes—let alone science and logic. We have heard of many scientific innovations, but if anyone has ever invented such a weapon, is he not entitled to the throne of not only the Narayanhiti Royal Palace but also of the Delhi Palace and the White House?

On the contrary, the Progressive materialist and dialectical world view explains any given incident as part of the pattern of the flow of life and the events taking place around the world. And any incident is seen as a product resulting from the intertwining of historical necessity and accident. Looked at from this angle, in any given incident, the underlying structures of social life play an important role, and the players who are seen associated with it from outside or at the surface level are but accidental. This makes it imperative for us to look at the massacre which took place in the Narayanhiti royal palace vis-a-vis the class struggle and people’s revolution taking places in Nepal and elsewhere in the world.

The centralized kingdom of Nepal, established under the leadership of King Prithvi Narayan Shah some 215 years ago, was in a rather bleak state in 2058 [2001]. It was –and it is—impossible to deal with the situation in a traditional way and under the old class rule. Plus, Nepal ’s geopolitical situation and the changing power dynamics in the world and South Asia are making it hard to preserve Nepal ’s national unity and sovereignty in the same old traditional way. What we have to understand here is that Nepal was always under the influence of British imperialism from the time of the Sugauli treaty [1816], and later came under the direct influence of Indian expansionism. Nepal has witnessed the direct influence of expansionist and imperialist powers ever since the death of the nationalist Bhimsen Thapa [1839] through the rise of the British Dog (description courtesy of Karl Marx) Jung Bahadur after the Kot massacre, and in each successive political change. It shouldn’t be very hard for Nepali nationalists to understand the new Kot massacre as a continuation of the same pattern of “influence.”

Why was King Birendra and his family murdered at this particular moment? What was his crime in the eyes of the expansionist and imperialist powers? Whatever your political ideology might be, one thing every honest Nepali nationalist has to agree with is this: King Birendra’s liberal political ideology and his patriotism were seen as his weakness and had become a crime in the eyes of the expansionist and imperialist powers. During the one-sided Indian economic embargo and revolution of 1990, instead of surrendering himself to the expansionist powers, he surrendered to his people. This did not make the expansionist forces happy. Later, his unwillingness to mobilize the army—which has a tradition of loyalty towards the King—to curb the People’s Revolution taking place under the leadership of Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) became his biggest crime in the eyes of the imperialist and expansionist powers. Some Marxist pundits, based on this, called us a pro-monarchy party, and we can now say that we—NCP(Maoist) and King Birendra—had similar views on many national issues and this had created in fact an informal alliance between us. Obviously, this scared the imperialist powers and their cronies. In the context of a deteriorating Sino-US relationship and a growing strategic alliance between India and the US , the King who appeared soft on us—the Maoists—and China had become an irritation to the American Imperialists and especially to the Indian expansionists.

India ’s dream of annexing Nepal like Sikkim had to be amended and instead they had to make Nepal a Bhutan first, before making it another Sikkim . After CIA (and the recently opened FBI branch in Delhi ) approval, RAW (Research and Analysis Wing) [the Indian covert intelligence and operations agency] came up with a grand master plan to annex Nepal . Just like the cunning fox of folk-lore who stole the chickens by falsely shouting that an eagle was arriving, RAW too created a fake tale about the ISI (Inter Service Intelligence) [the Pakistani covert intelligence and operations agency] being active in Nepal and having penetrated the Palace. [The next few sentences, which refer to the 1964 Bhutan events, suggest a direct involvement of the new royal family in the June 1st slaughter] They even chose a Jigme Sigme for the Bhutanization of Nepal. And it is through that Jigme Sigme that the massacre was carried out. There shouldn’t be any doubt that RAW, which had already found their Lendup Dorje in Girija [the current pro-Indian Nepali Congress Prime Minister], aligned the new Jigme Sigme with their Lendup Dorje for the Bhutanization of Nepal, with a goal of eventual Sikkimization of Nepal.

What’s the new responsibility of every Nepali nationalist in this situation? A press release issued by our Party secretary, Comrade Prachanda has already appealed to the nationalist forces to develop a new analysis and form a new unity on a new basis and move forward together. Emphasizing that appeal, we request that every nationalist and leftist force speed up their thinking and actions to the same fast rate at which these incidents have been happening. In this historic moment, one small mistake by us can bring calamities to the nation and its people, whereas our one wise step can lead Nepal and Nepalis into the 21st century proud of their country and themselves. Our first wise step will be to identify the grand design behind this new Kot massacre and unveil the culprits. We must also deny legitimacy to the beneficiaries of this new Kot massacre, because this is 2001 not 1846, and in this gap, not only an enormous amount of water has flowed in the Koshi, Karnali and Gandaki rivers, but also an enormous amount of blood has flowed. Despite the differences on many issues, an important contribution of the Shah Kings (from Prithvi Narayan Shah to King Birendra) has been to preserve Nepali independence and sovereign status from the hands of British imperialism and later from Indian expansionism. But, now, if any Shah dreams of establishing a new Rana rule by staging a Kot massacre with the help of expansionists, then there is no question of giving legitimacy to his rule by the Nepali people. The contribution made by kings—from Prithvi Narayan Shah to King Birendra—will be valued highly by the Nepali people for ages, but at any cost they will not accept the new Jigme Sigme who has come to power by staging a Kot massacre. In this context, the RNA (Royal Nepali Army) whose main duty is to serve the King and the country, should re-assess their role after their failure to save the King. It is time for the army to think of new ways to save the country. We sincerely request that the army join hands with the patriots born in small huts across Nepal , instead of joining hands with the puppet of expansionist forces in the palace. The country is in crisis, and it is very important for all the nationalist forces to come together….sabailai chetana bhaya—may everyone understand this… (Prithvi Narayan Shah).

*Mr. Bhattarai is a leader of Nepal Communist Party (Maoist)

After three months of squabbling, a coalition ministry was formed in September 1845, again headed by Fateh Jang Chautaria. The real power behind the throne was the favorite of Queen Lakshmidevi, Gagan Singh, who controlled seven regiments in the army compared to the three under the prime minister. Abhiman Singh and Jang Bahadur also served as commanders, each with three regiments. Plots and counterplots continued until Gagan Singh was found murdered during the night of September 14, 1846. The queen was beside herself at the death of her favorite, whom she had hoped to use to elevate her own son to the monarchy. She commanded Abhiman Singh to assemble the entire military and administrative establishment of Kathmandu immediately at the courtyard of the palace armory (kot).

Emotions ran high among the assembled bands of notables and their followers, who listened to the queen give an emotional harangue blaming the Pandes and demanding that the prime minister execute the Pande leader whom she suspected of the murder. While Abhiman Singh hesitated, fighting broke out in the crowd, and he was wounded. During the free-for-all that followed, swords and knives were used on all sides to dispatch opponents. Through some scheme that has never been explained adequately, the only leader with organized bodies of troops in the kot area was Jang Bahadur, whose troops suppressed the fighting, killing many of his opponents in the process. When the struggle subsided, the courtyard was strewn with the bodies of dozens of leading nobles and an unknown number of their followers--the cream of the Nepalese aristocracy. The Pande and Thapa families in particular were devastated during this slaughter.

Why the Kot Massacre took place has never been established, although the queen herself was obviously at fault for calling the assembly and whipping it into a frenzy. It has always seemed suspicious that the king was notably absent when the fighting began and that Jang Bahadur was the only leader who was ready for trouble. The extent of the carnage was apparently unexpected. Jang Bahadur was the only true beneficiary of the massacre and became the only military leader in a position of strength in the capital. The next day, he became prime minister and immediately launched a purge that killed many of his aristocratic competitors and drove 6,000 people into exile in India.

The Kot Massacre in Nepal 1846

Last Update: December 16, 2000December 16, 2000

December 16, 2000

30. Right of advocates to practise. 30. Right of advocates to practise. Subject to the provisions of this Act, every advocate whose name is entered in the 1*[State roll] shall be entitled as of right to practise throughout the territories to which this Act extends,-- (i) in all courts including the Supreme Court; (ii) before any tribunal or person legally authorised to take evidence; and (iii) before any other authority or person before whom such advocate is by or under any law for the time being in force entitled to practise.

DUTT, M.M. (J)

1988 AIR 1768 1988 SCR Supl. (2) 223
1988 SCC (4) 54 JT 1988 (3) 275
1988 SCALE (2)301
D 1990 SC 334 (111)

Constitution of India, 1950: Article 32- Mandamus- Scope
of- Enforcement of statute or provisions therein left to
discretion of Government- Whether mandamus can be issued to
enforce them.
Advocates Act, 1961: Section 30- Right of Advocates to
practice in all courts, tribunals, etc.- Enforcement of-
Necessity for.
Prisoners (Attendance in courts) Act, 1955: Handcuffing
of accused- Resort to- Union of India directed to frame
rules and guidelines them to States and Union Territories.

In the writ petition filed before this Court regarding
alleged handcuffing of a practising advocate, contrary to
law, while he was being taken to the court after he had been
arrested on the charge of a criminal offence, it was alleged
that the Union Government and the Delhi Administration had
not issued necessary instructions to the police authorities
with regard to the circumstances in which an accused,
arrested in a criminal case, could be handcuffed or fettered
in accordance with the judgment of this Court in Prem Kumar
Shukla v. Delhi Administration, [1980] 3 SCR 856. The
question whether this Court can issue a writ for bringing
into force section 30 of the Advocates' Act, 1961, providing
the right to every advocate, whose name was entered in the
State roll to practice throughout the territories to which
the Act extended before the Courts, Tribunals and other
authorities or persons referred to in the Scction, in view
of s. 3(1) of the Act empowering Central Government to
decide the dates on which various provisions of the Act,
including s. 3. should be brought into force, also came up
for consideration.
On behalf of the respondents, it was submitted that it
was for the Union of India to issue necessary instructions
regarding handcuffing of an accused to all the State
Governments and the Governments of Union Territories in
accordance with the judgment in P.K. Shukla's case, and that
this Court had jurisdiction to issue a writ directing the
Central Government to consider the question of bringing into
force section 30 of the Advocates' Act.
PG NO 223
PG NO 224
Disposing of the writ petition,
HELD: 1.1 It is not open to this Court to issue a writ
in the nature of mandamus to the Central Government to bring
a statute or a statutory provision into force when according
to the said statute the date on which it should be brought
into force is left to the discretion of the Central
Government. [229D]
A. K. Roy, etc. v. Union of India and Another, [1982] 2
SCR 272, followed.
However, this Court is of the view that this cannot come
in the way of this Court issuing a writ in the nature of
mandamus to the Central Government to consider whether the
time for bringing s. 30 of the Advocates Act, 1961 into
force has arrived or not. [229E]
1.2 Every discretionary power vested in the Executive
should be exercised in a just, reasonable and fair way. That
is the essence of the rule of law. [229F]
In the instant case, the Act was passed in 1961 and
nearly 27 years have elapsed since it received the assent of
the President of India. In several conferences and meetings
of lawyers resolutions have been passed in the past
requesting the Central Government to bring into force
section 30 of the Act. It is not clear whether Central
Government has applied its mind at all to the question
whether s. 30 of the Act should be brought into force.
Even today there are laws in force in the country which
impose restrictions on the fight of an advocate to appear
before certain courts, tribunals and authorities. ln many of
the cases which come up before the Courts or Tribunals
before which advocates cannot appear, as of right, questions
of law affecting the rights of individuals arise for
consideration and they need the assistance of advocates. We
have travelled a long distance from the days when it was
considered that the appearance of a lawyer on one side would
adversely affect the interests of the parties on the other
side. The legal Aid and Advice Boards, which are functioning
in different States, can now be approached by people
belonging to weaker sections, such as, Scheduled Castes,
Scheduled Tribes, women, labourers etc. for legal assistance
and for providing the services of competent lawyers to
PG NO 225
appear on their behalf before the Courts and Tribunals in
which they have cases. In these circumstances prima facie
there is no justification for not bringing into force s. 30
of the Act. [227D, G-H, 228A-B]
1.3 Even though the power under s. 30 of the Advocates'
Act is discretionary, this Court is of view that the Central
Government should be called upon to consider within a
reasonable time the question whether it should exercise the
discretion one way or the other having regard to the fact
that more than a quarter of century has elapsed from the
date on which the Act received the assent of the President
of India. [230A]
A writ in the nature of mandamus will issue to the
Central Government to consider within a period of six months
whether s. 30 of the Act should be brought into force or
2. The Union of India is directed to frame rules or
guidelines as regards the circumstances in which handcuffing
of the accused should be resorted to in conformity with the
judgment of this Court in Prem Shankar Shukla v. Delhi
Administration, and to circulate them amongst all the State
Governments and the Government of Union Territories within
three months.[226E]

Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf said on Monday that if provided evidence, he would take action against the militant groups accused by New Delhi of attacking the Indian Parliament.
(28k, 56k)

Praphul said...

Dear Sir,

I am a big fan of Nadeem Shravan . I am working in Dubai. Recently I got a chance to talk with Nadeemji. I still believe he is not involved in this case. We don't know the truth...Please don’t write anything which will destroy religious harmony. Criminals are in all religion. Thank you.

With LOVE,
Praphul O.
Web Master

Praphul said...

Dear Madam,

Why can't u see such crimes conducted by people in other communities. I disagree with your points.

God bless you.

With LOVE,
Praphul O.