Magnetism and Gravity : Mental representations of students 15-17 years old from a historical and teaching perspective

In the present paper we will study the mental representations of students aged 15-17 concerning action at a distance based on the manner of transfer of the magnetic force as well as the relation between magnetism and gravity. The research was carried out using structured interviews with a total of 40 students from the 10th and 11th grades. We will also attempt to study whether the students‟ representations show an analogical reasoning with typical historical models of the Sciences and whether there exist differences related to conventional school teaching. The results indicated points where students‟ representations appear to approach basic elements of historical models of the Sciences. Indexing terms/

INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Research for the recording of students" representations on concepts and phenomena of the Natural Sciences has yielded the past decades a wide range of findings, based on which we attempt to comprehend and handle the difficulties faced with children"s thinking (Tsatsaroni, Ravanis & Falaga, 2003 Koliopoulos & Boilevin, 2008).
From this perspective, the study of the historical evolution of concepts in the Natural Sciences sheds light on the difficulties of human thinking, as resemblances between models formulated and used during the historical evolution of scientific knowledge and the children"s mental representations frequently appear. Therefore, not only does it facilitate the comprehension of children"s difficulties (Matthews, 1992;Dedes, 2005;Fauque, 2007;Kampourakis & Zogza, 2007), but it also helps the construction of teaching tools that allow the exceeding of the students" representations, help in the comprehension of "relativity" of scientific knowledge and excite the interest about the "creation" of science (Leite, 2002;Clough, 2011).
In this direction, a significant number of researches that record the students" representations has been conducted, in some of which they are compared to the models of concepts that were introduced during the natural evolution of Physics (Halloun & Hestenes, 1985;Sequeira & Leite, 1991; Bar & Zinn, 1998;Voutsina & Ravanis, 2011). In this type of researches, there appears, in a larger or a smaller scale, a remarkable resemblance between the students" representations and the models of scientists in the past, a fact that highlights the interest in the use of history of the Natural Sciences in teaching. The research presented here moves close to this prospect.

The historical evolution of interpretive schemata for the relation of magnetism and gravity and the transfer of magnetic force
During the historical evolution of interpretive schemata for magnetism there was a period when a relation of magnetism and gravity appeared. This period is the beginning of the 17th century, when the philosophical movement of "physiocracy of the Renaissance" is prevalent. A key figure of this movement is Gilbert. In his book "De Magnete" (1600) he concludes that Earth is a large magnet with magnetic polarities that coincide with the geographical poles. Within these bounds, the force of magnetic attraction is considered as the cause of gravity. The force of attraction is always proportional to the quantity or the mass of the body that exerts it; the larger the mass of the magnetite the bigger the attraction it exerts on the objects. Gilbert has influenced notable scientists like Bacon, Kepler and Boyle. The latter in particular thought that gravity might be caused by Earth"s "magnetic steams".
As Crombie (1959) reports, the concept of analogy between gravity and magnetism appears earlier as well, among some writers of the Middle Ages. It is Gilbert, though, that utilizes and "substantiates" that particular idea.
The concept of "action at a distance", namely the action of forces without the existence of a certain means, did not become the prevalent scientific "example" in the history of the Sciences immediately. During late antiquity and the Middle Ages, the prevalent view that was influenced by Aristotle, rejected action at a distance, hence the the transfer of the magnetic force (which we will treat here) without the existence of a means. Nevertheless, there were some exceptions that regarded that the magnetite acts at a distance and without the existence of a means, as William of Ockham and Baconthorpe report.
This tendency continues throughout the 17th century. Descartes rejected action at a distance and considered mechanical contact as the only cause of a body"s deviation from its movement"s course. Leibniz also rejected the vacuum and action at a distance. Physicists, starting with Gilbert and his "magnetic steams", invent ether, namely a material substance that "fills" the vacuum. Therefore, their reasonings recognized an intermediate element that was capable of transmitting all known effects, like gravity, magnetism and light. Newton formulated a claim, according to which there is an ethereal means with a composition much akin to that of air"s, but much looser, thinner and more flexible. There are different opinions though, such as Gassendi"s, which suggest that there are vacuums, spaces empty of all matter.
During the 18th century the concept of ether wasn"t of much interest. However, during the 19th century it was once again in the limelight as an offset of ever-increasing importance to the insufficiencies of a mechanics that exclusively relied upon the forces that were related to movement and the collision of individual bodies. That is when systematic efforts to trace ether started. Those researches recognized ether as a means for the transfer of drawing and not repellent forces, but also as a concept that could be mathematized within the bounds of the conservation of energy. According to Young, ether is luminophorous, thin, flexible to a large extent and it imbues the universe. Faraday rejects action at a distance, rejects the "atoms-vacuum" diptych as a model of reality. Maxwell had no doubts that interplanetary and interstellar spaces are not empty. He believed that they are occupied by a material substance or a body that is definitely the biggest and maybe the most integral body we know.
In the beginning of the 20th century, Einstein with his relativity theory rejected and abandoned ether, since every attempt to trace it ended in failure and it had to have the exact same imaginary properties that rendered its effects untraceable. Einstein correctly comprehended that the only need ether served was mental and not physical, thus he turned to the search of relationships between the laws of the models that he formulated and not to a hypothesis based on an imaginary entity that would have to exist in nature, even if it was impossible to trace or have its existence proved, even mathematically. As a result, the need for existence of a means for the transfer of all actions disappeared, and so did space, which it had ended up embodying (Butterfield, 1949;Crombie 1959;Gillespie, 1960;Mas, Perez & Harris, 1987;Westfall, 1997;Rossi, 1997).

Student's mental representations for the relation of magnetism and gravity and the transfer of magnetic force
Research concerning magnets and magnetism, conducted by Barrow (1987) on elementary school students of various ages, has shown that before being taught, most of the students gave no explanation of magnetism. After them being taught, there was mention of a kind of gravity, energy, electrodes and protons.
Research conducted by Borges and Gilbert (1998) that showed the representations of 15-18 year old students, technicians and teachers on electrical current, magnetism and the relationship between electricity and magnetism, among other representations schemata on magnetism, one of them shows up as magnetism as a cloud. Namely, it is recognized that there is an atmosphere, a "sphere of influence" around the magnet, responsible for the actions on the bodies that enter its domain. This representation seems to originate from the identification of magnetic action and gravitational action according to which magnetic phenomena are interpreted as an inherent property of the magnet.
In a study carried out by Seroglou, Koumaras and Tselfes (1998) involving 10-to 15-year-old pupils and students of university education departments, and investigating whether their representations showed the existence of a relationship between electrostatic and magnetic phenomena, about half the university students and the majority of the pupils associated electrostatic attraction with magnetic attraction. Their explanations showed that they made this association because of the pull they observed in both phenomena. A certain percentage of the pupils also associated these two phenomena to gravitational pull. In their research of 9-to 18-year-old pupils" representations of action at a distance in terms of magnetism, Bar, Zinn and Rubin (1997) found that many pupils believed that air had to be present as a means for the transportation of the magnetic force. Among the 9-year-old pupils, this belief was shared by 80%, evening out at 35% in the case of the older pupils (Barrow, 1987; Borges & Gilbert, 1998; Bar, Zinn & Rubin, 1997).
In research aimed at recording the representations of 15-17 year old students on magnetism and their possible connection to interpretive models that were historically introduced for the interpretation of magnetism, the representations for the cause of the creation of magnetic properties, the concept of the magnetic field and the relationship between magnetism and electricity were investigated (Voutsina & Ravanis, 2011). The results showed that less than half of the students could reason within the framework of a structured model of approach of magnetic phenomena and not always towards the "right" direction. We also observed a relative resemblance between the children"s representations and some of the historical models on magnetism, without them being completely identified, since some of the children"s representations didn"t refer to models out of Science history, while some of the historical models weren"t found in the representations of students participating in this specific research.
Finally, in two more recent researches about the comprehension of fundamental qualities of the magnetic field by [14][15] year old students, the results showed that children do not regard the field as a space of interactions, but as an area of unilateral exercise of forces, from magnets to iron objects, have great difficulty in recognizing the cause of permanent magnetization in metal materials and only 1 out of 3 children accept the exercise of magnetic forces in the vacuum (Ravanis, Pantidos & Vitoratos, 2009, 2010.
In this paper we will study the representations of 15-17 year old students on action at a distance based on the manner of transfer of magnetic force and on the possible relationship between magnetism and gravity. At the same time, we will attempt to study the possible relationship between those representations and the interpretive models that were introduced historically on the issues above, as well as study the evolution of the students" representations through conventional teaching.

METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK Subjects
The research was conducted on a total of forty students (21 girls and 19 boys). Twenty out of forty were in 10th grade (15-16 years) and twenty in 11th grade (16-17 years). All forty students were taught in class about the fundamental concepts of magnetism. Furthermore, the 11th grade students were extensively taught about electromagnetism as well. Regarding action at a distance, the students came in touch with that concept mainly through the concepts of free-fall and gravity in the 8th and 10th grade.

The research material
The study was carried out using structured interviews. The questions were designed based on historical models of magnetism and the earlier research concerning students" representations. The study aimed at answering the following questions; 1. What are the children"s representations; On the concept of action at a distance, namely the need or the absence of the need of a means to transfer magnetic force On the relationship of magnetism with gravity.
2. Do any analogies exist between the students" representations and the corresponding representations formulated by scientists of the past?
3. Are there any differences between the representations of 10th and 11th graders?

The interview
We first presented the students with two rod-shaped magnets, steel needles, a silver ring, a wooden and a plastic object, a magnetic compass and string with which to suspend one of the two magnets. The students were encouraged to examine all these objects. We then asked them questions 1, 2 and 3 (Appendix), thus creating a context for discussion within which we attempted to record the students" representations of magnetic properties.
Question 4 regarded the magnetic compass. After a demonstration of its function, it was used to incite the student"s interest, thus helping the formulation of their representations. The students gave some very interesting answers to this question, connection magnetism to gravity, as we will see in the results" analysis. Question 7 regarded the environment of a spaceship, where there existed air, but no gravity. This question was used to ascertain whether the students think that there is a relationship between magnetism and gravity, and specifically if there can be magnetic force without gravity.

RESULTS
Based on the analysis of the results, the following representations were recorded:

Representations of the need of existence of a means (or air) for the transfer of magnetic force (questions 5 and 6)
In question 5 we observed an equal distribution of student"s representations concerning the need of existence of a means for the transfer of magnetic force. To be exact, around half of the students (f=21) didn"t deem the existence of a means for the transfer of magnetic force necessary. Eight of them were 10th graders and thirteen of them were 11th graders. Twelve 10th graders and seven 11th graders thought that air is necessary as a means to transfer magnetic force from magnet to body.
In some of the second category students" representations, air appears to be a key element to the creation of a magnetic field or the transfer of magnetic forces through magnetic field lines, as the following interview excerpts show; R: What happens if the air goes away? S36: If the air goes away, won"t the magnetic field fall apart? R: So will it pull or will it not, without air? S36: No, because if there is air, the magnetic field will be repaired and it will pull. R: How is magnetic force transferred to the body? S27: Through magnetic field lines... If there isn"t any air.. that makes it difficult for the magnet... it makes it difficult for the field lines to pull the object. R: You mean there must be air, in order for magnetic field lines to be created? S27: No, the magnetic field lines are created by the magnet. It"s just... When the air"s there it"s easier for them to be transferred to the other body. R: What happens when we have a vacuum, though? S27: The magnetic field lines can"t be transferred to another body in another way.
Furthermore, in some of the other representations, the existence of a stable material means between the magnet and the body seems to obstruct the transfer of magnetic force, as we can see in the following: R: How is magnetic force transferred? Do we need to have anything between the magnet and the needle? S39: We need air. R: Is air necessary? S39: Yes, because if there"s an iron here and a wood over here in the middle and another magnet, it can"t pull it. In question 6 we had similar results. We were presented with three representation categories concerning the need of existence of air for the transfer of magnetic force.
The first category includes the answers where the existence of air, or its absence, doesn"t affect the transfer of magnetic force. It comprises around half the students that participated in the research (f=21, 8 10th graders and 13 11th graders).
The second category includes the answers where the existence of air is deemed necessary for the transfer of magnetic force. It comprises 16 students who answered either that the magnet needs air in order to act, or that air is necessary for the transfer of magnetic force (10 10th graders and 6 11th graders).
The third category includes the answers where it is recognized that the absence of air reduces the magnet"s force. It comprises the rest of the students that participated in the research (2 10th graders and 1 11th grader).
We observed a self-consistency and a stability in the children"s representations, since the students of the last two categories of Question 6 are the same students that deemed the existence of air as a means for the transfer of magnetic force necessary in Question 5.

Representations of the possible connection between magnetism and gravity (questions 4 and 7)
An interesting result that came to light after the analysis of the children"s representations, specifically from the answers in Question 4, concerning the behavior of the magnetic compass, is the following: the connection of gravity with magnetism, not just regarding whether gravity is deemed necessary for the existence of magnetism, (Question 7), but also regarding the deeper correlation between the two phenomena. This correlation was found in the representations of two 10th graders. The first student thought that there is a correspondence between the causes of gravity and magnetism and more specifically, she thought that the gravitational field exists because of Earth"s magnetic forces.
S2: ...essentially the center of the Earth is a magnet that pulls us and the materials inside the magnet, their arrangement, creates this attraction that pulls inwards. R: Now you"ve mentioned the center of the Earth, what do you mean by that? S2: When we"re pulled, there"s the magnetic force... um... it is attributed to the center of the Earth where, from what I"ve read, there are some materials that pull us and that"s why gravity exists. R: What kind of materials? S2: Magnetic materials.
R: Do you mean that we associate gravity with the magnetic forces that exist in the center of the Earth? S2: Yes.
The second student thought that there is an interaction between magnets and Earth"s gravitational field, since the magnetic needle is pulled to where the gravitational field is strongest.
R: Why does the compass point to the geographical north? S5: It has a magnet in it, right? R: Yes it has the magnetic needle. What is pulling it to that specific direction? S5: Maybe because the Earth isn"t round. It"s wider along the equator. R: Wider along the equator? S5: Yes, the north and south poles are more compressed and closer to the Earth"s core. Maybe that"s why... they"re closer to the center and we have stronger forces exercised on the needle. R: Do you mean that the powers exercised on the magnetic needle have something to do with the mass and the shape of the Earth? S5: Yes. R: Do you mean that they are affected from the gravitational pull? S5: Yes. The analysis of the results of Question 7 has spawned three representation categories concerning the possible effect of gravity on magnetic force.
In the first category, gravity doesn"t affect the action of the magnetic force. It includes the majority of the students (f=29) that answered that the magnet works even if there is no gravity (13 10th graders and 16 11th graders).
In the second category, gravity is deemed necessary for the action of the magnetic force. It includes representations of one out of about five students (f=7) that answered that the magnet doesn"t work because there is no gravity (5 10th graders and 2 11th graders).
In the third category, the action of the magnetic force is recognized to be affected by the Earth"s magnetic poles. It includes representations of one out of ten students (f=4) that answered that the magnet works only in Earth because of its magnetic poles. (2 10th graders and 2 11th graders).

DISCUSSION
Based on the representation charts" results, we will attempt to answer the three specific research questions that we posed.

What are the children's representations concerning the need of existence of a means (or air) for the transfer of magnetic force (first part) and the relation between magnetism and gravity (second part)?
As observed in the first part, the children"s representations were equally distributed. Approximately half of the students thought that air is needed as a means for the transfer of magnetic force from the magnet to the bodies, while the other half didn"t deem the existence of a means necessary for the transfer of magnetic force. As we reported before, the stability of the children"s representations is remarkable, since all of them retained their interpretive model in both of the differently posed questions of the interview (Questions 5 and 6) that regarded the need of existence of a means for the transfer of magnetic force.
In the second part, the representations regarding the relation between magnetism and gravity, followed two directions. In the first one, a deeper correlation between them is found; either magnetism is the cause of gravity, as observed in one case, or there is an interaction between the magnets and the Earth"s gravitational field, as observed in another. The second direction concerns has to do with whether or not gravity affects the magnet"s action. The results have shown that a noteworthy, albeit small, percentage thinks that the magnet cannot act without gravity. There is also a small percentage that thinks that a magnet can only act on the Earth, because of its magnetic poles, thus presenting it as unique in the manifestation of magnetic phenomena.

Are there any analogies between historically introduced models and the children's representations?
Trying to associate the students" representations we recorded with models that were introduced during the history of the Sciences, we observed that in the representations of around half of the students, air appears to affect the transfer of magnetic force. Consequently, those students failed to comprehend action at a distance without the existence of a material means. This fact can be encountered in the history of the Sciences, as the majority of scientists up until recent years (with some exceptions), did not accept the transfer of forces without the existence of a means.
It must be noted though, that while in the history of the Sciences during the 17th century the invention of the "abstract" concept of ether satisfied the need of a means, in children"s minds this need is satisfied by an existent, albeit invisible, means, like air.
Regarding children"s representations on the relation between magnetism and gravity, it is observed that in the mental representations of a percentage of the students, the prevalent view is that Earth, either because of gravity or because of its magnetic poles, affects the magnetic force in such way that the magnet is unable to function away from it. A relative similarity to the 17th century models is then presented, especially to those of Gilbert and Kepler, who associated magnetism with gravity.
A remarkable resemblance to Gilbert"s model in the representations of two students must also be noted. In one of the two in particular, as in Gilbert"s, Earth is presented as a large magnet and gravity seems to originate from Earth"s magnetic forces.

Are there any differences between the representations of 10th and 11th graders?
Regarding the representations that concern action at a distance, and specifically if the existence of a means (air) for the transfer of magnetic force is necessary, we observed a differentiation with the students" grade. Thus, in grade 10 more students thought that the existence of air affected the function of the magnet, than in grade 11, (thirteen 10th graders and six 11th graders).
Regarding the possible relation between magnetism and gravity we observed that it is more related in grade 10 (7 students) than in grade 11 (2 students). We also observed that the deeper correlation between magnetism and gravity was realized by two 10th graders.
The results above show that the more detailed instruction of electromagnetism in grade 11 seems to have helped many students dissociate magnetism from gravity, but not all of them. This may be because the correlation of gravitational and magnetic pull is strong and not easily overcome through conventional teaching. Furthermore, students find difficulty in accepting the concept of action at a distance, since a large percentage of them think that in order for the transfer of forces to occur, a material is needed.
The results of this study have pointed out parts where the students" representations seem to approach basic elements of historical models of the Sciences. Therefore, based on these, we can try, through specially orientated didactic interventions and curricula, to transform the students" representations into representations which are related to those of the modern scientific models we have constructed for education (Wandersee, 1986


Nutrition and Academic Performance in School-Age Children The Relation to Obesity and Food Insufficiency

This paper analyzes multiple articles that demonstrate the effects of poor nutrition on school-age children. The research shows that having a healthy, balanced diet improves brain capacity, maximizes cognitive capabilities, and improves academic performance in school-age children. Alternatively, the research also shows that having too much junk food and an unhealthy diet decreases academic performance by limiting the amount of information to the brain. The brain is able to both retain and recall on demand. The literature also shows the danger of not having enough nutrition and the effects of food insufficiency, which can lead to malnutrition as well as poor academic performance. Overall, this research illustrates the need to aid children in maintaining a nutritious lifestyle. Whether at home or at school, there is a responsibility of the community; locally, regionally or governmentally, to afford each child an equal chance to succeed academically. Socioeconomic status has been shown to have an effect on a child academically, and this paper shows that coming from a poorer neighborhood should not decrease that child’s chances of being a well-adjusted, healthy student.

Introduction
The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship of cognitive functioning in school age children with the effects of dietary fat intake as well as food insufficiency. What the literature also showed was relevance between dietary intake and poor academic performance. With the easy access to foods that adversely affect a child's academic performance, it would seem that the literature should become better known among schools. The research reviewed shows that specific dietary components, such as a balanced nutrient intake that will be discussed further on, have a direct effect on the cognitive capabilities of the individual, highlighting the need to have proper nutrition provided to students in an effort to improve academic performance. The research presented also shows an improvement in academic performance once proper nutrition is achieved.
The literature suggests that it can be as dangerous to have too much "bad" food, as it is to have too little "good" food. "Good" and "Bad" are terms used to relate to the nutritional value of the food, and the chemical role in helping the brain best capitalize on cognitive capabilities. While not developed in detail in this paper, it is important to note that the research has shown a link between socioeconomic status and academic performance. Some researchers utilized students' test scores as well as Grade Point Average (GPA) to determine base levels of cognitive capabilities in some of the research presented, while others utilized governmental data such as NHANES III to aide in conducting a study.

Nutrition and Cognitive Capabilities
Neurotransmitters relay chemical messages to the brain to increase function, and each chemical plays a different role in maximizing neuron capabilities. Colby-Morley [1] found that the brain needs amino acids and choline from outside sources (dietary intake) in order to maintain the brain's necessary amount of neurons to release other necessary chemicals such as serotonin, acetylcholine, and norepinephrine. Byrd [2] explains that serotonin involves "control of appetite, sleep, memory and learning, temperature regulation, mood, behavior (including sexual and hallucinogenic behavior), cardiovascular function, muscle contraction, endocrine regulation, and depression" (p. 1). Likewise, acetylcholine and norepinephrine both play roles in controlling the central nervous system, heart contractions, and attention [1].
Wood breaks down the need for certain chemicals in brain transmissions by citing Wood [3], and through a series of tests, found that having a decreased amount of zinc in the diet affects memory by slowing down the brain's ability to recall information. A connection was also made between short attention spans and low iron levels in children, which also affect recall capabilities [3]. Erickson [4] reduces her research to reflect the five main components found in foods to maintain cognitive capabilities. Protein found in meat, fish, milk and cheese, among others, are used to create neurotransmitters, explained above as chemical messengers to the brain. A lack of this substance, known as protein energy malnutrition, led to poor student performance, and was also a cause of lethargy, and children becoming passive and withdrawn. The article goes on to cite carbohydrates, found in grains, fruits and vegetables, as key due to the breakdown of the compound into glucose (sugar), from which the brain gets energy. Carbohydrates also better enable the brain to absorb tryptophan, which is then turned into serotonin. As noted above, serotonin plays a critical role in helping children, as well as adults, utilize brain capabilities.
antioxidants and can be found in drinks such as green tea, and Vitamin B is essential in creating energy [4]. In an article expounding the necessity of proper nutrition, Wolpert and Wheeler [5] cite UCLA professor, Fernando Gomez-Pinilla, who analyzed over 160 studies regarding the effect of food on the brain. His research focused on the role of synapses and how food can benefit the plasticity, or flexibility, of said synapses. A synapse is essentially the connection or bridge between neurons and aide in vital functions, such as learning, retention and memory. Gomez-Pinilla supports Erickson's insistence on the importance of Omega-3 fatty acids, commonly found in certain types of fish, such as salmon, walnuts and kiwi, to name a few. He states, "Dietary deficiency of omega-3 fatty acids in humans has been associated with increased risk of several mental disorders, including attention-deficit disorder, dyslexia, dementia, depression, bipolar disorder and schizophrenia" [5].
The article cites the importance of proper nutrition and highlights the dangers of too much junk food; excess caloric intake can disrupt the plasticity of the synaptic relays to neurons, and increase the chance of damage to cells by the creation of free radicals. Free radicals are unstable molecules that play a part in aging, tissue damage, and possibly some diseases [5].

The Effects of Junk Food and Iron Deficiency
"Junk Food" is a term used here to denote the food that is considered unhealthy and inhibitive of children's cognitive processing, which in turn affects academic performance. Using a cross-sectional survey, Zhang et al. [6] looked at fats in the average American diet, including that of children and adults. The American diet is known to be high in fat, saturated fat, and cholesterol. The surveys looked to identify fat intake with cognitive and psychosocial functioning. Data was received from the 3 rd National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey III (NHANES III), and mothers were asked a series of questions in relation to their children's behavioral patterns and social skills [6].
The results of the surveys found that the consumption of Polyunsaturated Fatty Acids (PUFAs) was associated with a decreased academic performance, while increasing cholesterol showed an increase in poor performance. The researchers also stated that their report had limitations; the cross-sectionalism of the report limited them from asserting causality, the possibility of inaccurate information supplied by the mothers in an effort to appease social desirability, as well as the limitation of having created anything but rough data in only a 24 hour diet recall period [6].
As Wood [3] found through a 21 week study that followed iron levels of volunteers with borderline anemia, low iron levels in children has a direct effect on the ability to pay attention to information. Halterman et al. [7] set out to investigate the relationship between low iron levels and test scores in a national sample of school-aged children. They based their study off the previous research that showed the effects that iron deficiency had on infants' developmental process. Halterman et al. [7] points out that while there has been research done to show the effects of anemia on cognitive capabilities and academic performance, they think that low level of iron levels preceding the diagnosis of anemia can also have an important cognitive effect.
To measure the cognitive effects in the study, they used NHANES III to provide data for children ages 6-16 in the United States. This information was used for both children with iron deficiency without anemia and children with iron deficiency with anemia. They differentiated between the two groups using a routine screening for hemoglobin levels, which indicates anemia when levels are below the amount calculated for each age group. Within the 5,398 children involved in the study, 3% were found to be iron deficient. This equates to approximately 1.2 million school-age children and adolescents with iron deficiency in the United States, and was found to be more wide spread than iron deficiency with anemia [7].
The limitations of the study are similar to those of Zhang et al. [6] in that NHANES III being a cross-sectional survey, it was not possible to find a causal relationship between iron deficiency and cognitive scores could not be determined, instead showing only a hypothetical relationship. Secondly, smaller portions of available statistics for children with anemia may also have prevented the study from finding a larger association between anemia and cognitive scores. The results of the study found that 71% of children with iron deficiency scored below average in mathematics, whereas only 49% of children with regular iron levels did [7].
The effects of poor diet, as well as deficiencies in dietary intake, can be seen through the above studies. While low iron levels can be found in diets that have too much junk food, they can also be found in children coming from homes that are referring to as "food insecurity. "

Food Insecurity and Insufficiency
Zhang et al. [6] created both a cross-sectional and longitudinal study to investigate the long-term effects of food insecurity on academic performance. Weight, height, and Body Mass Index (BMI) were assessed in both kindergarten and 3 rd grade, when the two studies took place. Overall, there were 11,400 students for whom full data was available for both kindergarten and 3 rd grade. Food insufficiency was measured by the quality and quantity of food supply within the previous 12 months. In order to measure academic performance, researchers administered direct assessments of math and reading skills individually and were calculated using Item Response Theory (IRT). The results of the longitudinal study showed that children from persistently food insufficient homes showed a smaller increase in both reading and mathematics performance than their more food secure counterparts, as well as a greater increase in BMI over the three years.
The researchers attempted to provide a hypothesis as to why there is an association between food insufficiency and academic performance; one being that a lower household income would affect the quality of the food purchased, and could lead to poorer health decisions, such as ingestion of fast food or foods filled with sugar and little nutritional value. Another interesting hypothesis was that the stress from food insecurity could lead to an increase of cortisol levels, which has been related to depression, decreased cognitive functioning and the atrophy in synapses involved in learning and memory.
Alaimo et al. [8] found an association between food insecurity, poor academic performance and poverty. Their research found that food insufficient children and teenagers were more likely to miss school and to repeat a grade than food sufficient children. The study also showed the food insufficiency had both biological as well psychological effects on a child, some of which included micronutrient deficiencies, reduced food intake, and feelings of deprivation, stress, and worry. Their research found a strong link between lower income families and food insufficient children. Coming from a lower income family, along with inhibiting the ability to eat healthfully, also affects the amount of health care a child can receive due to lack of affordable health care. This can lead to an inability to diagnose iron deficiency, as well as malnutrition, in children [8].

Consequences
Brown, Executive Director of the Center on Hunger and Poverty, reported evidence from research articles that support Alaimo et al. [8] findings that food insufficiency has a multitude of consequences for school-age children. These include, poorer health-which leads to an increase in illness, infection, and iron deficiency, poorer academic performance-which, as shown by Alaimo et al. [8] can lead to grade repetition and an increase in psychological issues, and can also lead to being overweight and a diagnosis of obesity. It is important to note however that research as to the correlation between family income and obesity in children is still considered inconclusive [9].
As the literature discussed has shown, there is a relationship between academic performance and food insufficiency. The effects that government programs have on lessening the academic gap created by improper nutrition is invaluable. Kleinman et al. [10] conducted a study with a pool of 97 students to determine whether food intake had an effect on academic performance. They utilized a Boston Public Schools Universal free School Breakfast Program (USBP) and measured the academic results of the students prior to the beginning of the USBP and for approximately six months following the implementation of the program. Kleinman et al. [10] also reviewed the students' academic and absence records to help determine whether dietary intake had an effect on academic performance. The results showed that the USBP increased nutrient intake for the students, which also increased cognitive functioning and decreased absenteeism [10].
This study is just one example of the benefits of school breakfast programs in increasing academic performance among school-age children. Kleinman et al. [10], as well as the Center on Hunger [9], strongly recommends that school breakfast programs be made free to all students regardless of socioeconomic status in an effort to increase nutrient intake and improve academic performance.

Background of School Food Programs
The National School Lunch Program was created in 1946 by President Truman in order to both promote the health of American children as well as to push for the consumption of American-grown agricultural commodities. The United States Department of Agriculture still controls the regulations of the NSLA, and the act has been amended twenty-two times since 1946. In order for schools to qualify for federal subsidies for free or reduced lunch, they must follow the guidelines provided by the National Nutrition Standards. These guidelines, Dietary Guidelines for Americans (DGA), require that meals must provide one third of the RDA of protein, vitamin A, C, iron, calcium, and calories; of those calories, no more than 30% can be from fat, and less than 10% should be from saturated fat.
These regulations show that there is a strong understanding of the demonstrated correlation between nutrition and cognitive capabilities. The Food Research and Action Center (FRAC) cited the USDA's provision 2 of the NSLA which allows schools to begin the process of providing free breakfast/lunch to students without consideration of socioeconomic status. The provision also cites increased academic performance as an incentive to utilize the program and integrate it fully into school structures [11].


s2fieldsofstudy: Education Psychology

text:
Evidence Based Library and Information Practice Impact of the Reading Buddies Program on Reading Level and Attitude Towards Reading

Objective – This research examines the Reading Buddies program at the Grande Prairie Public Library, which took place in July and August of 2011 and 2012. The Reading Buddies program pairs lower elementary students with teen volunteers for reading practice over the summer. The aim of the study was to discover how much impact the program would have on participating children’s reading levels and attitudes towards reading. Methods – During the first and last sessions of the Reading Buddies program, the participants completed the Elementary Reading Attitudes Survey (ERAS) and the Graded Word Recognition Lists from the Bader Reading and Language Inventory (6th ed., 2008). Participants were also asked for their grade and sex, and the program coordinator kept track of attendance. Results – There were 37 Reading Buddies participants who completed both the pre- and post-tests for the study. On average, the program had a small positive effect on participants’ reading levels and a small negative effect on their attitudes towards reading. There was a larger range of changes to the ERAS scores than to the reading test scores, but most participants’ scores did not change dramatically on either measure. Conclusions – Although findings are limited by the small size of the data-set, results indicate that many of the Reading Buddies participants maintained their reading level over the summer and had a similar attitude towards reading at the end of the program. On average, reading levels increased slightly and attitudes towards reading were slightly more negative. Many factors could not be taken into account during the study (e.g., the amount of reading done at home). A study with a control group that did not participate in the program could help to assess whether the program helped to combat summer learning loss.

Introduction
The Reading Buddies program was a new program in 2011 at Grande Prairie Public Library. This program is modelled on the Partners in Reading program that took place at this library from 1990 to 2008. In 2011, the program was adapted to reflect the current needs of the community.
The new program was intended to pair teen volunteers with lower elementary students for reading practice and fun activities over the summer. In 2011, Grade 1 to 4 students were invited to participate in the program. In 2012, this was changed to Grades 1 to 3, as there was greater demand for the program from families of younger students in 2011. The large age range also made it difficult to plan developmentally appropriate group activities. The program was marketed towards struggling readers, but children at any reading level could participate in the program.
Volunteer recruitment expanded to include college students and some adults when it became clear that we would have far more child participants than teenage volunteers. In 2011 there were 19 teen and 9 adult volunteers. (As some of the teens volunteered for more than one session, 28 of the 37 pairs had teen volunteers.) In 2012, there were 29 teen and 5 adult volunteers and of the 44 pairs, 39 had teen volunteers. In 2011, volunteers attended an hour-long training session before the start of the program, in which they learned ways to facilitate the reading process. In 2012, we extended the training session to one and a half hours to accommodate activities and discussion about strategies for reading with their partners, rather than the simple presentation we had done the year before.
Each year, the program ran for seven weeks during the summer. Each session of Reading Buddies was an hour and a half long. Approximately one hour of this time was spent in one-on-one reading. The pairs also had the option of using literacy-based games and activities during this time. The other half hour was spent in group activities, including storytimes, puppet shows, and interactive storybased activities.
Reading Buddies gives children the opportunity to practice reading throughout the summer, a time when many children fall behind in reading fluency. In order to be successful, Reading Buddies should have an impact on the children who participate. The study was designed to assess the program's impact on the children's reading abilities and attitudes towards reading.

The Summer Reading Gap
There are few who doubt the importance of the ability to read. Reading is necessary for success in a world in which text is a major medium for communication. Children who are fluent readers will be more successful in school and as adults, but attaining that level of reading ability requires practice (Ross, 2006). As elementary students, children will naturally learn at different rates and be subject to outside influences such as socio-economic status and family literacy.
Research in education has identified what is known as the "summer reading gap." This is a phenomenon in which some children maintain or increase their reading level over the summer holiday, whereas other students seem to go backwards in development (Roman, Carran, & Fiore, 2010). This effect is cumulative, leading to greater and greater discrepancies in ability as children progress through school. The summer reading gap has also been linked to socioeconomic status, as students from higher income families tend to have greater access to libraries and other learning opportunities during the summer months (McGill-Franzen & Allington, 2003).
As Heyns (1978) initially pointed out, public libraries are in a unique position to address the summer reading gap. Not only are they open during the summer, but libraries have been offering variations of the summer reading program for over a century (Roman et al., 2010). Today, almost all libraries offer free, structured reading programs for children of all ages. This programming serves to motivate children to continue reading while they are out of school, and thus may serve to prevent or limit summer learning loss.
Although there is a field of research addressing the summer reading gap from the education perspective, relatively little literature directly examines how summer reading programs in libraries impact student achievement. Heyns's (1978) study found that children who participated in summer reading programs gained more vocabulary than children who did not, regardless of socioeconomic status, gender, or number of books read. Roman et al. (2010) recently conducted a large-scale longitudinal study, comparing students who participated in summer reading programs at libraries with students who did not. Overall, this study showed that children who participated in voluntary summer reading programs increased their reading levels more than children who did not. In the research that does exist, it seems that voluntary participation in a reading program has more impact than forced reading, whether at home, summer school, or the library. It appears that the greatest factor in summer reading achievement may be access to and regular use of library materials and programs.
All of these programs showed an improvement in the students' reading abilities. Burns et al. (2008) studied the long-term effects of a reading program, and found that two years after the Help One Student to Succeed (HOSTS) program, HOSTS students had higher fluency, comprehension, and reading progress scores than non-HOSTS students.
The length of the program is an important factor. Fitzgerald's (2001) study of a tutoring program compared a group of students who received tutoring for a full term and students who were tutored for less than the full term. The students who were tutored for the full term showed higher gains in reading ability. Fitzgerald also noted that students showed greater growth in the second half of the program, and that different skills improved at different points in the program: during the first half, students showed more improvement in phonological awareness, whereas in the second half there was greater improvement in reading words.
The tutors also impacted the effectiveness of the programs. The age of tutors does not appear to be an important factor: programs with volunteers who were peers (LaGue & Wilson, 2010), older students (Block & Dellamura, 2001;Marious, 2000;Paterson & Elliot, 2006;Theurer & Schmidt, 2008), college students (Fitzgerald, 2001), adults (Jalongo, 2005), or a mix of community volunteers (Gattis et al., 2010;Vadasy et al., 1997), all showed improvements in students' reading. In all of these studies, tutors received some form of training. Vadasy et al. (1997) studied a program with very structured lesson plans and found that the "children whose tutors implemented the lessons as designed demonstrated significantly higher reading and spelling achievement" (Lesson Content section, para. 2). Though not studied in depth, Theurer and Schmidt (2008) noted that while some of the "fifth-grade buddies were naturals and interacted comfortably with the first graders, others seemed uncertain and tentative, not quite knowing what was expected of them" (p. 261). They integrated training on choosing books, reading strategies, and interpersonal skills into the program.
Because these studies look at programs that are based in schools and run throughout the school year, the programs are longer than our summer Reading Buddies program, which runs for seven weeks. As shown in Fitzgerald's (2001) study, the length of the program can impact the students' gains in reading.
The structure of the programs studied varied, and it is difficult to compare the effects of each program. Vadasy et al.'s (1997) conclusions support a more structured program. Our Reading Buddies program was loosely structured, with the majority of the time spent reading one on one with the volunteers, so it is important to have a closer look at the effects of a loosely structured program on students' reading abilities.

Reading Abilities and Attitudes
Reading Buddies aims to improve children's reading abilities, but also to instill a positive attitude about reading. The two factors are intricately related. It seems that students who have a negative attitude about reading are less likely to read voluntarily and will read less overall than their reading-positive companions (Sainsbury & Schagen, 2004). Over time, this leads to larger and larger gaps in ability between students. Research has indicated that reading achievement and attitudes about reading are related among elementary students (Diamond & Onwuegbuzie, 2001). Indeed, McKenna and Kear (1990) developed the Elementary Reading Attitudes Survey (ERAS) as another way (besides reading tests) for teachers to assess their students.
Logan and Johnston (2009) studied over 200 students in order to compare reading abilities and attitudes between boys and girls. They found that girls had more positive attitudes towards reading overall, and that this was correlated with their reading ability. Interestingly, the relationship between reading attitude and ability was found to be weaker in boys than in girls.
The Dominican Study (Roman et al., 2010) revealed that most librarians perceived that their programs had a positive effect on students' reading levels and attitudes about reading. Block and Dellamura (2001) also observed that children placed a higher value on reading at the end of their tutoring program. However, the students' attitudes about reading were never directly tested in either program.

Aims
The goal of the study was to test two hypotheses:  Hypothesis 1: Children enrolled in the Reading Buddies program will have better reading skills at the end of the program than at the start of the program.  Hypothesis 2: Children enrolled in the Reading Buddies program will have a more positive attitude towards reading at the end of the program than at the start of the program.

Reading Test
We used the Graded Word Recognition Lists from the Bader Reading and Language Inventory (6th ed., 2008) to test the participants' reading skills. The Graded Word Recognition Lists "can serve as a quick check of the student's word recognition and word analysis abilities" (Bader & Pearce, 2008, p. 4). They do not measure other reading skills such as comprehension.
The test consists of several lists of progressively more difficult words. This test was chosen because it covered a wide range of reading levels (preschool to high school), had been updated recently, and could be easily administered within the limited time we had available. While the test is American, the words chosen did not reflect any regional spelling variations. Differences in the American and Canadian school systems may have made the grade level results inaccurate; however, we were interested only in the change in reading level, not the grade levels themselves.
The test was administered one on one during the first and last sessions of the Reading Buddies program.

Elementary Reading Attitudes Survey
We used a modified version of the ERAS, or Elementary Reading Attitudes Survey (McKenna & Kear, 1990), to evaluate how participants' attitudes about reading changed over the duration of the Reading Buddies program. This survey was originally developed as a way for teachers to determine how their students felt about reading. It has also been used for research studies about reading attitudes (Black, 2006;Martinez, Aricak, & Jewell, 2008;Worrel, Roth, & Gabelko, 2002), mostly in school settings.
The ERAS uses images of the popular comic book character, Garfield, to elicit participants' emotional responses about reading. Questions ask "How do you feel …?" about a readingrelated activity and participants circle one of four images of Garfield that corresponds with their feeling.
The ERAS was extensively tested during its development to determine its validity and reliability. After the format and items had been decided upon, the researchers administered the test to over 18,000 first-to sixth-grade students across the United States. Calculation of Cronbach's Alpha revealed high internal consistency of items within each sub-scale. To determine the validity of the survey, participants were asked directly about their reading habits and other activities. High scores on the survey, indicating a very positive attitude towards reading, were correlated with literary activities such as good access to school and public libraries. Low scores on the survey were correlated with non-literary activities such as large amounts of television-watching.
The survey contains two sub-scales, one measuring recreational reading and one measuring academic reading. For the purposes of this research, we only used the first sub-scale. We chose to eliminate the second sub-scale because of frequent references to the school context, which are not suited to our purpose.
In each year of the study, the ERAS survey was administered to the groups of Reading Buddies participants during the first and last sessions of the program. The 10 questions of the first subscale were read aloud to the participants, who completed their own paper copy of the survey.

Demographics and Program Participation
As part of the ERAS, participants were also asked for their grade and sex. During the program, attendance records were kept, so there was a record of how many sessions each child attended.

Results
In 2011, 19 out of the 37 children participating in the program completed both the pre-and posttests. In 2012, there were 18 Reading Buddies participants who took part in the study (although only 17 completed both the pre-and post-test of the ERAS), for a total of 37 study participants over two years.
Nineteen of the study participants were boys and 18 were girls. The breakdown of grades they had just completed was as follows: During registration, we asked that parents register their children in Reading Buddies only if they expected to be able to attend at least five of the seven sessions. Figure 2 shows the number of participants grouped by the number of sessions they attended.

Reading Test
Participants were given a score on the reading test between -1 (preschool) and 9 (high school). The score is intended to reflect a normal reading level for a student's grade (e.g., a score of 2 is a second-grade reading level). Half scores could also be given (e.g., 1.5). We subtracted the participants' pre-test reading scores from their post-test reading scores to determine the change in reading level.
On average, there was a small increase in the participants' reading levels over the course of the program. The average change in reading test scores was 0.08. The range for the change in reading test scores was from -1.5 to 2. Ten participants showed an increase in reading score, 8 showed a decrease, and 19 showed no change. As Figure 3 shows, few children's reading levels changed by more than 0.5 in either direction.  Table 1.
Few children attended fewer than five sessions (over half the study participants came to six sessions), so results here are also not conclusive.
Grade level also appeared to make a difference to changes in reading levels. Between kindergarten and Grade 2, the change in reading level became more positive as the grade level increased. However, the correlation coefficient was not significant at -0.01. While it appears that the program's positive effects peak around Grade 2, it is important to keep in mind that the majority of the study participants were in first and second grade (only two third-grade students participated in the study).

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The program also had a bigger impact on girls' reading scores than on boys', though overall it did have a small positive impact on both. The average change in score for girls was 0.14 and for boys was 0.03.

Reading Attitudes Survey
All participants were given a reading attitudes score between 10 and 40, with higher scores indicating a more positive attitude towards reading. Contrary to our expectations, the average change in ERAS scores between the first and last sessions was a decrease of 1.17 points. The change in ERAS scores ranged from -14 to 15. Sixteen participants showed an increase in their ERAS score, 19 showed a decrease, and 1 showed no change. While there was a wide range in changes to the ERAS scores, large changes in ERAS scores were uncommon: the majority or participants remained within 5 points of their pre-test score. See Figure 4.
There was no correlation between the number of sessions attended and changes in ERAS scores. There appeared to be a relationship between the grade level of the child and the changes in their attitude toward reading in the 2011 group -the positive effects of the program increased up until the third grade -however, this was not so evident once the 2012 data was added. The correlation coefficient for last completed grade and change in ERAS score was 0.29. As there were only two third-grade students and three kindergarten students who participated in the study, it is difficult to draw any conclusions about these results.
The program had slightly less impact on girls' ERAS scores than on boys', although both sexes show a slight decrease in attitude towards reading over the summer. On average, the female participants' scores decreased by 0.35 points and the male participants' scores decreased by 1.89 points. See Figure 5.

Figure 4 Changes in ERAS scores between the first and last session of Reading Buddies
In general, the boys also had lower raw scores on the ERAS test than the girls. In the pre-test, girls scored an average of 35.88 versus boys' average scores of 30.42. The post-test revealed similar results, with girls scoring 35.53 and boys scoring 28.53.

Discussion
The small number of participants in this study makes drawing any strong conclusions difficult.
Our results show some interesting trends with regard to what effect the Reading Buddies program has had on its participants, but it is difficult to declare whether the program was successful or not. On average, the participants showed a slight increase in their reading level over the summer and their attitudes about reading became slightly more negative; however, the changes were very small. Many participants maintained the same reading level and a similar attitude towards reading.
Although the average change in score for the reading test was slightly positive, there were some participants whose reading levels decreased between the pre-and post-test. This may be a symptom of the overall learning loss that occurs during the summer. Since we have no control that occurs during the summer. Since we have no control group for comparison, it is difficult to evaluate whether our program made a significant difference in combating summer learning loss.
The research demonstrates that the more sessions the children attended, they more likely it was that their reading abilities would increase. This should be emphasized to parents, so that fewer sessions are missed during the summer. It is also possible that a longer program would have a more positive impact (e.g., a program run during the school year). We suspect that the short duration of the program will prohibit it from ever causing large increases in reading ability; however, the number of sessions seems to be sufficient to help maintain reading levels.
For several of the participants, the program had a negative impact on their attitude towards reading. Though it is impossible to say why this was the case, the child's attitude towards participating in the program may have been a factor. Participants may have attended the program at the behest of parents or teachers, rather than of their own volition. Selection bias may also have been a factor, as the program was Sex differences between ERAS scores marketed towards struggling readers, who may have a more negative attitude towards reading than the general population.
However scant the data may be, this information may point in the direction of potential changes to the program. On average, the boys entering the program had less positive attitudes towards reading than the girls, and also saw less positive effects from the program on both measures. This is consistent with research indicating that boys generally fall behind girls in reading level as they progress through school (Taylor, 2005).
Better results for boys might be achieved if more attention were paid to their particular needs and interests.
There were many factors that could not be measured in this study. The Reading Buddies sessions were loosely structured, and the pairs had choices with regards to how much time they would spend reading, discussing the books, and playing literacy-based games. The impact of supplementary activities versus time spent in one-on-one reading during the program was not measured. The task of keeping a record of the time spent on various activities may have distracted volunteers from their most important task: engaging with their younger partners. Additionally, some activities (e.g., reading and discussion) are so intertwined that measurements of time spent on them were unlikely to be accurate.
The volunteers' skill as reading partners was also not taken into account. Volunteers all received the same training; however, many other factors affected their performance, such as personality, previous experience in similar programs, comfort levels with children, willingness to ask for help, and improvement over the course of the program. Quantifying the volunteers' skill as reading partners was impractical given the number of factors involved.
There were also factors outside of the program that we were unable to measure. As discussed, voluntary reading is more effective than forced reading at reducing the summer reading gap (Roman et al., 2010). It stands to reason that participants who were motivated to read on their own may have had more success in the program than those who did not read voluntarily. Unfortunately, we had no way of accurately measuring how much voluntary reading participants were doing outside of the program.
During the program, it was casually observed that some of the participants' parents were more enthusiastic about reading than others. This behaviour included making an effort to attend every session, encouraging children to check out books, bringing the family to other reading programs at the library, and reading books themselves while waiting for their children. It would be very interesting to see if this parental influence was related to improvements in reading level and attitudes, however we had no way of determining this during the first two years of the program. For future years, we hope to provide parents with information or training at the start of the program to emphasize the importance of modelling reading behaviour within the family.

Conclusions
This study was undertaken to determine how our library's summer reading mentor program would influence the participants' reading abilities and attitudes about reading.
Our first hypothesis about the Reading Buddies program was supported: on average, the effects of the program on reading skills were positive. However, due to the small number of participants, further study will be needed to confirm these results. It is also clear that, while reading levels may improve slightly during Reading Buddies, maintaining children's reading levels is a more realistic goal for this program.
The second hypothesis, which postulated that the program would lead to an increase in positive attitudes about reading, was not supported by the data gathered. Some participants did demonstrate a higher score on the post-test, as compared to the pre-test, but on average the study showed a small negative impact on attitude towards reading. Due to the small number of participants, further study will be needed to confirm these results.
It appears that Reading Buddies helps to combat summer learning loss, both reading abilities and attitudes; however a study with a control group would provide stronger evidence for this finding.