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This webpage reproduces a section of
The Library of History

Diodorus Siculus

published in Vol. VII
of the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1952

The text is in the public domain.

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(Vol. VI) Diodorus Siculus
Library of History

Book XV, 77‑95 (end)

p163 77 1 When Chion was archon at Athens, at Rome military tribunes with consular power were elected, Quintus Servilius, Gaius Veturius, Aulus Cornelius, Marcus Cornelius, and Marcus Fabius. During their term of office, though peace prevailed throughout Greece, clouds of war again gathered in certain cities p165and strange new outbreaks of revolution. For instance, the Arcadian exiles,1 setting out from Elis, occupied a stronghold known as Lasion of the country called Triphylia. 2 For many years Arcadia and Elis had been disputing the possession of Triphylia, and according as the ascendancy shifted from one country to the other, they had alternately been masters of the district; but at the period in question, though the Arcadians were ruling Triphylia, the Eleians, making the refugees a pretext, took it from the Arcadians.2 3 As a result the Arcadians were incensed and at first dispatched envoys demanding a return of the district; but when no one paid any attention to them, they summoned an allied force from the Athenians and with it attacked Lasion. The Eleians coming to the rescue of the refugees, a battle ensued near Lasion in which, being many times outnumbered by the Arcadians, the Eleians were defeated and lost over two hundred men. 4 When the war had started in this way, it came to pass that the disagreement between Arcadians and Eleians widened in scope, for immediately the Arcadians, elated by their success, invaded Elis and took the cities of Margana and Cronion,3 and Cyparissia and Coryphasium.4

5 While these things were going on, in Macedon Ptolemy of Alorus5 was assassinated by his brother-in‑law p167Perdiccas6 after ruling three years; and Perdiccas succeeded to the throne and ruled Macedon for five years.

78 1 When Timocrates was archon at Athens, in Rome three military tribunes with consular power were elected, Titus Quinctius, Servius Cornelius, and Servius Sulpicius; and the hundred fourth Olympiad was celebrated by the Pisans and Arcadians, in which Phocides, an Athenian, won the stadium race. 2 During their term of office the Pisans, renewing the ancient prestige7 of their country and resorting to mythical, antiquarian proofs, asserted that the honour of holding the Olympian festival was their prerogative. And judging that they had now a suitable occasion for claiming the games, they formed an alliance with the Arcadians, who were enemies of the Eleians. With them as supporters they took the field against the Eleians who were in the act of holding the games. 3 The Eleians resisted with all their forces and a stubborn battle took place, having as spectators the Greeks who were present for the festival wearing wreaths on their heads and calmly applauding the deeds of valour on both sides, themselves out of reach of danger. Finally the Pisans won the day and held the games, but the Eleians later failed to record this Olympiad because they considered that it had been conducted by force and contrary to justice.

4 While these things were going on, Epameinondas p169the Theban, who enjoyed the highest standing amongst his fellow countrymen, harangued his fellow citizens at a meeting of the assembly, urging them to strive for the supremacy on the sea. In the course of the speech, which was the result of long consideration, he pointed out that this attempt was both expedient and possible, alleging in particular that it was easy for those who possessed supremacy on land to acquire the mastery of the sea. The Athenians, for instance, in the war with Xerxes, who had two hundred ships manned by themselves, were subject to the commands of the Lacedaemonians who provided only ten ships. By this and many other arguments suited to his theme he prevailed upon the Thebans to make a bid for the mastery at sea.

79 1 Accordingly the people immediately voted to construct a hundred triremes and dockyards to accommodate their number,8 and to urge the peoples of Rhodes, Chios, and Byzantium to assist their schemes.9 Epameinondas himself, who had been dispatched with a force to the aforementioned cities, so overawed Laches, the Athenian general, who had a large fleet and had been sent out to circumvent the Thebans, that he forced him to sail away and made the cities friendly to Thebes. 2 Indeed if this man had lived on longer, the Thebans admittedly would have secured the mastery at sea in addition to their supremacy on p171land; when, however, a little while later, after winning a most glorious victory for his country in the battle of Mantineia, he died a hero's death, straightway the power of Thebes died with him. But this subject we shall set forth accurately in detail a little later. 3 At that time10 the Thebans decided to take the field against Orchomenus for the following reasons. Certain refugees who wanted to change the constitution of Thebes to an aristocracy induced the knights of Orchomenus, three hundred in all, to join them in the attempt. 4 These knights, who were in the habit of meeting with some Thebans on a stated day for a review under arms, agreed to make the attack on this day, and along with many others who joined the movement and added their efforts, they met at the appointed time. 5 Now the men who had originated the action changed their minds, and disclosed to the boeotarchs the projected attack, thus betraying their fellow conspirators, and by this service they purchased safety for themselves. The officials arrested the knights from Orchomenus and brought them before the assembly, where the people voted to execute them, to sell the inhabitants of Orchomenus into slavery, and to raze the city. For from earliest times the Thebans had been ill-disposed towards them, having paid tribute to the Minyae11 in the heroic age, but later they had been liberated by the Heracles. 6 So the Thebans, thinking they had a good opportunity and having got p173plausible pretexts for punishing them, took the field against Orchomenus, occupied the city, slew the male inhabitants and sold into slavery the women and children.

80 1 About this time the Thessalians, who continued the war upon Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, and, suffering defeat in most of the battles, had lost large numbers of their fighting men, sent ambassadors to the Thebans with a request to assist them and to dispatch to them Pelopidas as general.12 For they knew that on account of his arrest13 by Alexander he was on very bad terms with the ruler, and besides, that he was a man of superior courage and widely renowned for his shrewdness in the art of war. 2 When the common council of the Boeotians convened and the envoys had explained the matters on which they had been instructed, the Boeotians concurred with the Thessalians on every matter, gave Pelopidas seven thousand men and ordered him speedily to assist as requested; but as Pelopidas was hastening to leave with his army,14 the sun, as it happened, was eclipsed.15 3 Many were superstitious about the phenomenon, and some of the soothsayers declared that because of the withdrawal of the soldiers, the city's "sun" had been eclipsed. Although in this interpretation they were foretelling the death of Pelopidas, he notwithstanding set out for the campaign, drawn on by Fate. 4 When he arrived in Thessaly, and found that Alexander had p175forestalled him by occupying the commanding positions and had more than twenty thousand16 men, he encamped opposite the enemy, and, strengthening his forces with allied troops from among the Thessalians, joined battle with his opponents. 5 Although Alexander had the advantage by reason of his superior position, Pelopidas, eager to settle the battle by his own courage, charged Alexander himself. The ruler with a corps of picked men resisted, and a stubborn battle ensued, in the course of which Pelopidas, performing mighty deeds of valour, strewed all the ground about him with dead men, and though he brought the contest to a close, routed the enemy and won the victory, he yet lost his own life, suffering many wounds and heroically forfeiting his life. 6 But Alexander, after being worsted in a second battle and utterly crushed, was compelled by agreement to restore to the Thessalians the cities he had reduced, to surrender the Magnesians and the Phthiotian Achaeans to the Boeotians, and for the future to be the ruler over Pherae alone as an ally of the Boeotians.

81 1 Although the Thebans had won a famous victory, they declared to the world that they were the losers because of the death of Pelopidas. For having lost such a remarkable man, they rightly judged the victory of less account than the fame of Pelopidas. Indeed he had done many great services to his country and had contributed more than any other man to the p177rise of Thebes. For in the matter of the return of the refugees,17 whereby he recaptured the Cadmeia, all men agree in attributing to him the principal credit for its success. And it turned out that this piece of good fortune was the cause of all the subsequent happy events. 2 In the battle by Tegyra,18 Pelopidas alone of the boeotarchs won victory over the Lacedaemonians. In the battle of Leuctra he commanded the Sacred Band,19 with which he charged the Spartans first and thus was the primary cause of the victory. In the campaigns about Lacedaemon, he commanded seventy thousand men, and in the very territory of Sparta erected a trophy of victory over the Lacedaemonians, who never in all previous time had seen their land plundered.20 3 As ambassador to the Persian King he took Messenê under his personal charge in the general settlement, and though for three hundred years it had been stripped of inhabitants, the Thebans established it again.21 At the end of his life, in the contest with Alexander who had an army far outnumbering his, he not only gained a glorious victory, but also met his death with a courage that made it renowned.22 4 In his relations with his fellow citizens p179he was so favourably treated that from the return of the exiles to Thebes until his death he continued every year to hold the office of boeotarch,23 an honour accorded to no other citizen. So let Pelopidas, whose personal merits received the approbation of all, receive from us too the approbation of History.

5 At the same time, Clearchus, who was a native of Heracleia on the Black Sea, set out to win a tyranny, and when he had achieved his purpose, he emulated the methods of Dionysius tyrant of Syracuse, and after becoming tyrant of Heracleia ruled with conspicuous success for twelve years.24 6 While these things were going on Timotheüs, the Athenian general, commanding a force of both infantry and ships, besieged and took Toronê and Potidaea,25 and brought relief to Cyzicus,26 which was undergoing a siege.

82 1 When this year had ended, at Athens Charicleides27 became archon, and in Rome consuls were elected, Lucius Aemilius Mamercus and Lucius Sextius Lateranus. During their term of office the Arcadians collaborating with the Pisans administered p181the Olympian games, and were masters of the temple and the offerings deposited in it.28 Since the Mantineians had appropriated for their own private uses a large number of the dedications, they were eager as transgressors for the war against the Eleians to continue, in order to avoid, if peace were restored, giving an account of their expenditures.29 2 But since the rest of the Arcadians wished to make peace, they stirred up strife against their fellow countrymen. Two parties accordingly sprang up, one headed by Tegea, and the other by Mantineia. 3 Their quarrel assumed such proportions that they resorted to a decision by arms, and the Tegeans, having sent ambassadors to the Boeotians, won assistance for themselves, for the Boeotians appointed Epameinondas general, gave him a large army, and dispatched him to aid the Tegeans.30 4 The Mantineians, terrified at the army from Boeotia and the reputation of Epameinondas, sent envoys to the bitterest enemies of the Boeotians, the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians, and prevailed upon them to fight on their side.31 And when both peoples had quickly sent in response strong armies, many heavy engagements took place in the Peloponnese. 5 Indeed the Lacedaemonians, living near at hand, immediately invaded Arcadia, but Epameinondas, advancing at this juncture with his army and being not far from Mantineia, learned from the inhabitants that the Lacedaemonians, in full force, were plundering the territory p183of Tegea. 6 Supposing then that Sparta was stripped of soldiers, he planned a great stroke, but fortune worked against him. He himself set out by night to Sparta, but the Lacedaemonian king Agis, suspecting the cunning of Epameinondas, shrewdly guessed what he would do, and sent out some Cretan runners and through them forestalling Epameinondas got word to the men who had been left behind in Sparta that the Boeotians would shortly appear in Lacedaemon to sack the city, but that he himself would come as quickly as possible with his army to bring aid to his native land.32 So he gave orders for those who were in Sparta to watch over the city and be terrified at nothing, for he himself would soon appear with help.

83 1 The Cretans speedily carried out their orders, and the Lacedaemonians miraculously avoided the capture of their native land; for had not the attack been disclosed in advance, Epameinondas would have burst into Sparta undetected. We can justly praise the ingenuity of both generals, but should deem the strategy of the Laconian the shrewder. 2 It is true that Epameinondas, without resting the entire night, covered the distance at top speed and at daybreak attacked Sparta. But Agesilaüs, who had been left on guard and had learned only shortly before from the Cretans all about the enemy's plan, straightway p185devoted his utmost energy to the care of the city's defence. 3 He placed the oldest children and the aged on the roofs of the houses and instructed them from there to defend themselves against the enemy if he forced a way into the city, while he himself lined up the men in the prime of life and apportioned them to the obstacles in front of the city and to the approaches, and, having blocked all places that could offer passage, he awaited the attack of the enemy. 4 Epameinondas, after dividing his soldiers into several columns, attacked everywhere at once, but when he saw the disposition of the Spartans, he knew immediately that his move had been revealed. Nevertheless he made the assault on all the positions one after the other, and, though he was at a disadvantage because of the obstacles, closed in a hand-to‑hand combat. 5 Many a blow he received and dealt and did not call off the zealous rivalry until the army of the Lacedaemonians re-entered Sparta. Then as many came to the assistance of the besieged and night intervened, he desisted from the siege.

84 1 Having learned from his captives that the Mantineians had come in full force to assist the Lacedaemonians, Epameinondas then withdrew a short distance from the city and encamped, and having given orders to prepare mess, he left some of the horsemen and ordered them to burn fires in the camp until the morning watch, while he himself set out with his army and hurried to fall suddenly on those who had been left in Mantineia. 2 Having covered much ground on the next day, he suddenly broke in on the Mantineians when they were not expecting it. However, p187he did not succeed in his attempt, although by his plan of campaign he had provided for every contingency, but, finding Fate opposed to him, contrary to his expectations he lost the victory. For just as he was approaching the unprotected city, one opposite side of Mantineia there arrived the reinforcements sent by Athens,33 six thousand in number with Hegesileôs34 their general, a man at that time renowned amongst his fellow citizens. He introduced an adequate force into the city and arrayed the rest of the army in expectation of a decisive battle. 3 And presently the Lacedaemonians and Mantineians made their appearance as well, whereat all got ready for the contest which was to decide the issue and summoned their allies from every direction. 4 On the side of the Mantineians were the Eleians, Lacedaemonians, Athenians, and a few others, who numbered all told more than twenty thousand foot and about two thousand horse. On the side of the Tegeans the most numerous and bravest of the Arcadians were ranged as allies, also Achaeans,35 Boeotians, Argives, some other Peloponnesians, and allies from outside, and all in all there were assembled above thirty thousand foot and not less than three thousand horse.

85 1 Both sides eagerly drew together for the decisive conflict,36 their armies in battle formation, while p189the soothsayers, having sacrificed on both sides, declared that victory was foreshadowed by the gods. 2 In the disposition of forces the Mantineians with the rest of the Arcadians occupied the right wing with the Lacedaemonians as their neighbours and supporters, and next to these were Eleians and Achaeans; and the weaker of the remaining forces occupied the centre, while the Athenians filled the left. The Thebans themselves had their post on the left wing, supported by the Arcadians, while they entrusted the right to the Argives. The remaining multitude filled the middle of the line: Euboeans, Locrians, Sicyonians, Messenians, Malians, Aenianians, together with Thessalians and the remaining allies. Both sides divided the cavalry and placed contingents on each wing. 3 Such was the array of the armaments, and now as they approached one another, the trumpets sounded the battle charge, the armies raised the battle shout, and by the very volume of their cries betokened their victory. 4 Now as the Athenian horse attacked the Theban they suffered defeat not so much because of the quality of their mounts nor yet on the score of the riders' courage or experience in horsemanship, for in none of these departments was the Athenian cavalry deficient; but it was in the numbers and equipment of the light-armed troops and in their tactical skill that they were far inferior to their opponents. Indeed they had only a few javelin-throwers, p191whereas the Thebans had three times as many slingers and javelin-throwers sent them from the regions about Thessaly. 5 These people practised from boyhood assiduously this type of fighting and consequently were wont to exercise great weight in battles because of their experience in handling these missiles. Consequently the Athenians, who were continually being wounded by the light-armed and were harried to exhaustion by the opponents who confronted them, all turned and fled. 6 But having fled beyond the flanks, they managed to retrieve their defeat, for even in their retreat they did not break their own phalanx, and encountering simultaneously the Euboeans and certain mercenaries who had been dispatched to seize the heights near by, they gave battle and slew them all. 7 Now the Theban horse did not follow up the fugitives, but, assailing the phalanx opposing them, strove zealously to outflank the infantry. The battle was a hot one; the Athenians were exhausted and had turned to flee, when the Eleian cavalry-commander, assigned to the rear, came to the aid of the fugitives and, by striking down many Boeotians, reversed the course of the battle. 8 So while the Eleian cavalry by their appearance in this fashion on the left wing retrieved the defeat their allies had sustained, on the other flank both cavalry forces lashed at one another and the battle hung for a short time in the balance, but then, because of the number and valour of the Boeotian and Thessalian horsemen, the contingents on the Mantineian side were forced back, and with considerable loss took refuge with their own phalanx.

86 1 Now the cavalry battle had the foregoing issue. p193But when the infantry forces closed with the enemy in hand-to‑hand combat, a mighty, stupendous struggle ensued. For never at any other time when Greeks fought Greeks was such a multitude of men arrayed, nor did generals of greater repute or men more competent ever display such gallantry in battle. 2 For the most capable foot-soldiers of that time, Boeotians and Lacedaemonians, whose lines were drawn up facing one another, began the contest, exposing their lives to every risk. After the first exchange of spears in which most were shattered by the very density of the missiles, they engaged with swords. And although their bodies were all locked with one another and they were inflicting all manner of wounds, yet they did not leave off; and for a long time as they persisted in their terrible work, because of the superlative courage displayed on each side, the battle hung poised. 3 For each man, disregarding the risk of personal hurt, but desirous rather of performing some brilliant deed, would nobly accept death as the price of glory. 4 As the battle raged severely for a long time and the conflict took no turn in favour of either side, Epameinondas, conceiving that victory called for the display of his own valour also, decided to be himself the instrument to decide the issue. So he immediately took his best men, grouped them in close formation and charged into the midst of the enemy; he led his battalion in the charge and was the first to hurl his javelin, and hit the commander of the Lacedaemonians. Then, as the rest of his men also came immediately into close quarters with the foe, he slew some, threw others into p195a panic, and broke through the enemy phalanx. 5 The Lacedaemonians, overawed by the prestige of Epameinondas and by the sheer weight of the contingent he led, withdrew from the battle, but the Boeotians kept pressing the attack and continually slaying any men who were in the rear rank, so that a multitude of corpses was piled up.

87 1 As for the Lacedaemonians, when they saw that Epameinondas in the fury of battle was pressing forward too eagerly, they charged him in a body. As missiles flew thick and fast about him, he dodged some, others he fended off, still others he pulled from his body and used to ward off his attackers. But while struggling heroically for the victory, he received a mortal wound in the chest. As the spear broke and the iron point was left in his body, he fell of a sudden, his strength sapped by the wound. About his body a rivalry ensued in which many were slain on both sides, but at last with difficulty by their superiority in bodily strength, the Thebans wore the Lacedaemonians out. 2 As the latter turned and fled, the Boeotians pursued for a short time but turned back, considering it most essential to take possession of the bodies of the dead. So, when the trumpeters sounded recall for their men, all withdrew from battle and both sides set up trophies claiming the victory. 3 In fact the Athenians had defeated the Euboeans and mercenaries in the battle for the heights and were in possession of the dead; while the Boeotians, because they had overpowered the Lacedaemonians and were in possession of the dead, were for awarding the victory to themselves. 4 So for a long time neither side sent envoys to recover its dead, p197in order that it should not appear to yield the primacy; but later, when the Lacedaemonians were the first to have sent a herald to ask for the recovery of their dead, each side buried its own. 5 Epameinondas, however, was carried back to camp still living, and the physicians were summoned, but when they declared that undoubtedly as soon as the spear-point should be drawn from his chest, death would ensue, with supreme courage he met his end. 6 For first summoning his armour-bearer he asked him if he had saved his shield. On his replying yes and placing it before his eyes, he again asked, which side was victorious. At the boy's answer that the Boeotians were victorious, he said, "It is time to die," and directed them to withdraw the spear point. His friends press cried out in protest, and one of them said: "You die childless, Epameinondas," and burst into tears. To this he replied, "No, by Zeus, on the contrary I leave behind two daughters, Leuctra and Mantineia, my victories."37 Then when the spear point was withdrawn, without any commotion he breathed his last.

88 1 For us who are wont to accord to the demise of great men the appropriate meed of praise, it would be most unfitting, so we think, to pass by the death of a man of such stature with no word of note. For it seems to me that he surpassed his contemporaries not only in skill and experience in the art of war, but in reasonableness and magnanimity as well. 2 For among the generation of Epameinondas were famous men: Pelopidas the Theban, Timotheüs and Conon, p199also Chabrias and Iphicrates, Athenians all, and, besides, Agesilaüs the Spartan, who belonged to a slightly older generation. Still earlier than these, in the times of the Medes and Persians, there were Solon, Themistocles, Miltiades, and Cimon, Myronides, and Pericles and certain others in Athens, and in Sicily Gelon, son of Deinomenes, and still others. 3 All the same, if you should compare the qualities of these with the generalship and reputation of Epameinondas, you would find the qualities possessed by Epameinondas far superior. For in each of the others you would discover but one particular superiority as a claim to fame; in him, however, all qualities combined. For in strength of body and eloquence of speech, furthermore in elevation of mind, contempt of lucre, fairness, and, most of all, in courage and shrewdness in the art of war, he far surpassed them all. 4 So it was that in his lifetime his native country acquired the primacy of Hellas, but when he died lost it and constantly suffered change for the worse and finally, because of the folly of its leaders, experienced slavery and devastation. So Epameinondas, whose valour was approved among all men, in the manner we have shown met his death.

89 1 The states of Greece after the battle, since the victory credited to them all was in dispute and they had proved to be evenly matched in the matter of valour, and, furthermore, were now exhausted by the unbroken series of battles, came to terms with one another. When they had agreed upon a general truce and alliance, they sought to include the Messenians in the compact. 2 But the Lacedaemonians, because p201of the irreconcilable quarrel with them, chose not to be parties to the truce and alone of the Greeks remained out of it.38

3 Among the historians Xenophon the Athenian brings the narrative of "Greek Affairs"39 down into this year, closing it with the death of Epameinondas, while Anaximenes of Lampsacus, who composed the "First Inquiry of Greek Affairs"40 beginning with the birth of the gods and the first generation of man, closed it with the battle of Mantineia and the death of Epameinondas. He included practically all the doings of the Greek and non-Greeks in twelve volumes. And Philistus41 brought his history of Dionysius the Younger down to this year, narrating the events of five years in two volumes.

90 1 When Molon was archon at Athens, in Rome there were elected as consuls Lucius Genucius and Quintus Servilius. During their term of office the inhabitants of the Asiatic coast revolted from Persia, and some of the satraps and generals rising in insurrection made war on Artaxerxes.42 2 At the same time Tachôs the Egyptian king decided to fight the Persians and prepared ships and gathered infantry forces.43 p203Having procured many mercenaries from the Greek cities, he persuaded the Lacedaemonians likewise to fight with him, for the Spartans were estranged from Artaxerxes because the Messenians had been included by the King on the same terms as the other Greeks in the general peace. When the general uprising against the Persians reached such large proportions, the King also began making preparations for the war. 3 For at one and the same time he must needs fight the Egyptian king, the Greek cities of Asia, the Lacedaemonians and the allies of these, — satraps and generals who ruled the coastal districts and had agreed upon making common cause with them. Of these the most distinguished were Ariobarzanes,44 satrap of Phrygia, who at the death of Mithridates had taken p205possession of his kingdom, and Mausolus,45 overlord of Caria, who was master of many strongholds and important cities of which the hearth and mother city was Halicarnassus, which possessed a famous acropolis and the royal palace of Caria; and, in addition to the two already mentioned, Orontes,46 satrap of Mysia, and Autophradates,47 satrap of Lydia. Apart from the Ionians were Lycians, Pisidians, Pamphylians, and Cilicians, likewise Syrians, Phoenicians, and practically all the coastal peoples. 4 With the revolt so extensive, half the revenues of the King were cut off and what remained were insufficient for the expenses of the war.

91 1 The peoples who had revolted from the King chose as their general Orontes in charge of all branches of the administration. He, having taken over the command and funds needed for recruiting mercenaries, amounting to a year's pay for twenty thousand men, proceeded to betray his trust. For suspecting that he would obtain from the King not only great rewards but would also succeed to the satrapy of all the coastal region if he should deliver the rebels into p207the hands of the Persians, he first arrested those who brought the money and dispatched them to Artaxerxes; then afterwards he delivered many of the cities and the soldiers who had been hired to the commanding officers who had been sent by the King. 2 In a similar manner, betrayal occurred also in Cappadocia, where a strange and unexpected thing took place. Artabazus,48 the King's general, had invaded Cappadocia with a large army, and Datames,49 the satrap of the country, had taken the field against him, for he had collected many horsemen and had twenty thousand mercenary foot-soldiers serving with him. 3 But the father-in‑law of Datames, who commanded the cavalry, wishing to acquire favour and at the same time having an eye to his own safety, deserted at night and rode off with the cavalry to the enemy, having the day before made arrangements with Artabazus for the betrayal. 4 Datames then summoned his mercenaries, promised them largess, and launched an attack upon the deserters. Finding them on the point of joining forces with the enemy and himself attacking at the same time Artabazus' guard and the horsemen, he slew all who came to close quarters. p2095 Artabazus, at first unaware of the truth and suspecting that the man who had deserted Datames was effecting a counter-betrayal, ordered his own men to slay all the horsemen who approached. And Mithrobarzanes,50 caught between the two parties one group seeking revenge against him as a traitor; the other trying to punish him for counter-betrayal — was in a predicament, but since the situation allowed no time to deliberate, he had recourse to force, and fighting against both parties caused grievous slaughter. When, finally, more than ten thousand had been slain, Datames, having put the rest of Mithrobarzanes' men to flight and slain many of them, recalled with the trumpet his soldiers who had gone in pursuit. 6 Amongst the survivors in the cavalry some went back to Datames and asked for pardon; the rest did nothing, having nowhere to turn, and finally, being about five hundred in number, were surrounded and shot down by Datames. 7 As for Datames, though even before this he was admired for his generalship, at that time he won far greater acclaim for both his courage and his sagacity in the art of war; but King Artaxerxes, when he learned about Datames' exploit as general, because he was impatient to be rid of him, instigated his assassination.51

92 1 While these things were going on, Rheomithres,52 who had been sent by the insurgents to King Tachôs in Egypt, received from him five hundred p211talents of silver and fifty warships, and sailed to Asia to the city named Leucae.53 To this city he summoned many leaders of the insurgents. These he arrested and sent in irons to Artaxerxes, and, though he himself had been an insurgent, by the favours that he conferred through his betrayal, he made his peace with the King. 2 In Egypt King Tachôs, having completed his preparations for the war, now had two hundred triremes expensively adorned, ten thousand chosen mercenaries from Greece, and besides these eighty thousand Egyptian infantry. He gave the command of the mercenaries to the Spartan Agesilaüs,54 who had been dispatched by the Lacedaemonians with a thousand hoplites to fight as an ally, being a man capable of leading troops and highly regarded for his courage and for his shrewdness in the art of war. 3 The command of the naval contingent he entrusted to Chabrias55 the Athenian, who had not been sent officially by his country, but had been privately prevailed upon by the king to join the expedition. The king himself, having command of the Egyptians and being general of the whole army, gave no heed to the advice of Agesilaüs to remain in Egypt and conduct the war through the agency of his generals, though the advice was sound. In fact when p213the armament had gone far afield and was encamped near Phoenicia, the general left in charge of Egypt revolted from the king, and having thereupon sent word to his son Nectanebôs prevailed upon him to take the kingship in Egypt, and thereby kindled a great war. 4 For Nectanebôs, who had been appointed by the king commander of the soldiers from Egypt and had been sent from Phoenicia to besiege the cities in Syria, after approving of his father's designs, solicited the officers with bribes and the common soldiers with promises, and so prevailed upon them to be his accomplices. 5 At last Egypt was seized by the insurgents, and Tachôs, panic-stricken, made bold to go up to the King by way of Arabia and beg forgiveness for his past errors. Artaxerxes not only cleared him of the charges against him but even appointed him general in the war against Egypt.

93 1 Shortly after, the King of Persia died, having ruled forty-three years, and Ochus, who now assumed a new name, Artaxerxes, succeeded to the kingdom and ruled twenty-three years; — for since the first Artaxerxes had ruled well and had shown himself altogether peace-loving and fortunate, the Persians changed the names of those who ruled after him and prescribed that they should bear that name.56 2 When King Tachôs had returned to the army of Agesilaüs,57 p215Nectanebôs, who had collected more than a hundred thousand men, came against Tachôs and challenged him to fight a battle for the kingship. Now Agesilaüs, observing that the king was terrified and lacked the courage to risk a battle, bade him take heart. "For," said he, "it is not those who have the advantage of numbers who win the victory, but those who excel in valour." But since the king paid no heed to Agesilaüs, he was obliged to withdraw with him to a large city. 3 The Egyptians at first started to assault them once they were shut in it, but when they had lost many men in their attacks on the walls, they then began to surround the city with a wall and a ditch. As the work was rapidly nearing completion by reason of the large number of workers, and the provisions in the city were exhausted, Tachôs despaired of his safety, but Agesilaüs, encouraging the men and attacking the enemy by night, unexpectedly succeeded in bringing all the men out safely. 4 And since the Egyptians had pursued close on their heels and the district was now flat, the Egyptians supposed that they had the enemy surrounded by superior numbers, and would utterly destroy them, but Agesilaüs seized a position which had on each side a canal fed by the river and thus halted the enemy's attack. 5 Then having drawn up his force in conformity with the terrain and protected his army by the river channels, he joined battle. The superior numbers of the Egyptians had become useless, and the Greeks, who surpassed them in courage, slew many Egyptians and forced the rest to flee. 6 Afterwards Tachôs easily recovered the p217Egyptian kingship,58 and Agesilaüs, as the one who single-handed had restored his kingdom, was honoured with appropriate gifts. On his journey back to his native land by way of Cyrenê Agesilaüs died, and his body packed in honey59 was conveyed to Sparta where he received kingly burial and honour.

So far did events in Asia progress to the end of the year.

94 1 In the Peloponnese, though the Arcadians had agreed on a general peace after the battle of Mantineia, they adhered to their covenant only a year before they renewed the war. In the covenant it was written that each should return to his respective native country after the battle, but there had come into the city of Megalopolis60 the inhabitants of neighbouring cities who had been moved to new homes and were finding transplantation from their own homes difficult to bear. Consequently when they had returned to the cities which had formerly been theirs, the Megalopolitans tried to compel them to abandon their homelands. 2 And when for this reason a quarrel arose, the townsfolk asked the Mantineians and certain other Arcadians to help them, and also the Eleians and the other peoples that were members of the alliance with the Mantineians, whereas the Megalopolitans besought the Thebans to fight with them as allies. The Thebans speedily dispatched to them three thousand hoplites and three hundred cavalry with Pammenes as their commander. 3 He came to Megalopolis, and by p219sacking some of the towns and terrifying others he compelled their inhabitants to change their abode to Megalopolis. So the problem of the amalgamation of the cities, after it had reached such a state of turmoil, was reduced to such calm as was possible.

4 Of the historians, Athanas61 of Syracuse wrote thirteen books beginning with the events attending and following Dion's expedition, but he prefixed, in one book, an account of the period of seven years not recorded in the treatise of Philistus and by recording these events in summary fashion made of the history a continuous narrative.

95 1 When Nicophemus was archon at Athens, the consular office at Rome was assumed by Gaius Sulpicius and Gaius Licinius. During their term of office Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, sent pirate ships against the Cyclades,62 stormed some and took many captives, then disembarking mercenaries on Peparethos63 put the city under siege. 2 And when the Athenians came to the assistance of the Peparethians and left Leosthenes in command of the mission, Alexander attacked the Athenians. Actually they were blockading such of Alexander's soldiers as were stationed in Panormus. And since the tyrant's men attacked unexpectedly, Alexander won a surprising success. For he not only rescued the detachment at Panormus from the greatest danger, but he also captured five Attic p221triremes and one Peparethian, and took six hundred captives. 3 The Athenians, enraged, condemned Leosthenes to death as a traitor and confiscated his property, then choosing Chares64 as general in command and giving him a fleet, they sent him out. But he spent his time avoiding the enemy and injuring the allies. For he sailed to Corcyra, an allied city, and stirred up such violent civil strife in it that many murders and seizures took place, with the result that the Athenian democracy was discredited in the eyes of the allies. So it turned out that Chares, who did many other such lawless acts, accomplished nothing good but brought his country into discredit.

4 The historians Dionysodorus and Anaxis,65 Boeotians, closed their narrative of Greek history with this year. But we, now that we have narrated the events before the time of King Philip, bring this book to a close here in accordance with the plan stated at the beginning.66 In the following book which begins with Philip's accession to the throne, we shall record all the achievements of this king to his death, including in its compass those other events as well which have occurred in the known portions of the world.

The Loeb Editor's Notes:

1 There seems to be no specific reference to this group at Elis, though they probably went into exile at the same time as the groups which chose Sparta and Pallantium (chap. 59.2). Even so Elis and Arcadia are allies in chap. 62.5, 64.6, and 68.1. See Xenophon, Hell. 7.4.

2 See Xenophon, Hell. 7.12‑27; Polybius, 4.74.

3 Margana was a town in Pisatis their claims to which the Eleians renounced to Sparta in a treaty in 400 (Xenophon, Hell. 3.2.3). Cronium appears to refer to the Hill of Cronos by the Alpheius in Pisatis.

4 Of these Strabo says (8.4.1) "Messenê comes after Triphylia; and there is a cape which is common to both; and after this cape come Cyparissa and Coryphasium" (L. C. L., translated by H. L. Jones).

5 See chap. 71.1.

6 See chap. 60.3.

7 For the struggle over the presidency of the Olympian games see P.‑W. Realencyclopädie, 17.2531‑2536. Xenophon recounts this strife in Hell. 7.4.28‑35. Pausanias notes the omission of the 104th Olympiad from the record of the Eleians in 6.4.2, 8.3, 22.3, in the last passage using the term ἀνολυμπιάς. For the relations of Elis and Arcadia see Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.97‑99.

8 Demosthenes says (14.22) that one dockyard accommodated thirty ships. Certainly the dockyards cannot be equal in number, ἴσα τὸν ἀριθμόν, as Diodorus says. Post suggests that Diodorus may be using νεώρια in the sense of νεωσοίκους (slips).

9 The attempt of Epameinondas to wrest naval supremacy from Athens is recounted by Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.105. See Isocrates, Philip, 53 and Plutarch, Philopoemen, 14.1, 2.

10 Diodorus' dating of the destruction of Orchomenus is established by the fact that Isocrates (Archidamus, 27) does not know of the event. See Pausanias, 9.15.3; Demosthenes, 20.109; Plutarch, Comparison of Pelopidas and Marcellus, 1.

11 Peoples of prehistoric Greece who from Orchomenus ruled a large area of central Greece.

12 See Plutarch, Pelopidas, 31‑35; Nepos, Pelopidas, 5.

13 See chaps. 71.2, 75.2.

14 According to Plutarch, Pelopidas left his army because of the eclipse and took command of the Thessalian League.

15 13 July 364.

16 Probably an exaggeration. The victory was not so important, otherwise the Thebans would not have found it necessary to send a large army into Thessaly shortly afterward. For this battle of Cynoscephalae see Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.86‑87.

17 But Diodorus does not mention Pelopidas in his account (chaps. 25, 26) of retaking the Cadmeia. (For this see Plutarch, Pelopidas, 7‑12.)

18 A village of Boeotia near Orchomenus. The battle of Tegyra is described by Plutarch (see critical notes) as a "sort of prelude" to that of Leuctra and one of Pelopidas' most glorious exploits.

The critical note to the Greek text (ἐν δὲ τῇ περὶ Τεγύραν) reads:

Τεγύραν Stephanus (cp. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 16 f.), Dindorf, Bekker: Τεγέαν MSS., Vogel.

19 See Plutarch, Pelopidas18; 20.2; 23.2, 4. Nepos, Pelopidas, 4.2.

20 See chaps. 62.4 ff. and notes.

21 See Plutarch, Pelopidas, 30.5; Xenophon, Hell. 7.1.35‑6.

22 See chap. 80 and notes.

23 Confirmed by Plutarch, Pelopidas, 34.5.

24 Clearchus had been a student of Isocrates and Plato. He was exiled from Heracleia a few years previous to 364 and had become a mercenary commander in the service of Persia. Called in by the council of Heracleia to combat the democracy, Clearchus placed himself at the head of the democratic movement, ousted the oligarchs, confiscated their property, freed their slaves, and set up a tyranny along the line of Dionysius of Syracuse. See Justin, 16.4‑5.

25 On Toronê and Potidaea see Isocrates, Antidosis, 108, 113 f. and Polyaenus, 3.10.5.

26 The Theban fleet under Epameinondas had been operating during the summer of 364 in the Sea of Marmora and had caused Byzantium to withdraw from the Athenian confederacy (see chap. 79.1). At the arrival of Timotheüs in the region, Epameinondas prudently withdrew and Timotheüs recovered Byzantium and relieved the siege of Cyzicus. See Nepos, Timotheüs, 1.3 and Glotz, Hist. gr. 3.170.

27 The battle of Mantineia, described under this archonship, occurred in 362 just as the Mantineians were gathering in the harvest (Xenophon, Hell. 7.5.14), which would normally take place from the middle of June on (Fougères, Mantinée et l'Arcadie orientale, 56, 460).

28 For the use of the treasure see Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.98, and for the gold coins issued in the name of Pisa see op. cit., Volume of Plates, II.6.d.

29 Diodorus completely reverses the rôle of Mantineia in the matter of the use of the treasures of Olympia. Mantineia, according to Xenophon, Hell. 7.4.33, protested against this and headed the party eager to make peace with Elis. The quarrel over the appropriation of sacred money brought to light the fundamental split in Arcadian politics.

30 See Xenophon, Hell. 7.4.34, 35.

31 See Xenophon, Hell. 7.5.3.

32 See Xenophon, Hell. 7.5.4‑17; Polybius, 9.8; Plutarch, Agesilaüs, 34. Diodorus' account diverges from the other three in that it is Agesilaüs who is represented by them as already on the way to Mantineia and forced to return to protect Sparta. Except for the well-known bias of Xenophon for Agesilaüs, one could unhesitatingly suspect Diodorus, especially since no Spartan king Agis is known for this date. Cleomenes, brother of Agesipolis and son of Cleombrotus, succeeded the former in 370 and still ruled (see chap. 60.4 and note 12 on p119).

33 See chap. 82.4 and Xenophon, Hell. 7.5.15.

34 The name of the Athenian commander is given as Hegesileôs by Ephorus (Diog. Laert. 2.54) and by Xenophon (De Vectigalibus, 3.7). Hegesileôs was uncle of Eubulus and general again in the year 349/8. See critical note.

The critical note to the Greek text (στρατηγὸν δ᾽ ἔχοντες Ἡγησίλεων) reads:

See Kirchner, Pros. Att. no. 6339: Ἡγήλοχον.

35 Probably from Thessaly, Ἄχαιοὶ Φθιῶται, if present text is retained. See chap. 85.2 for Achaeans of Peloponnesus.

36 The fundamental account of the battle of Mantineia is found in Xenophon, Hell. 7.5.18‑27. For references to maps and special problems see Glotz, Hist. gr. 3.177, note 101.

37 Had Λεῦκτρα not been a neuter plural, the Greek would have permitted the more effective turn of phrase available in English. Cp. Philip of Macedon's daughter, Thessalonikê, "Victory in Thessaly."

38 See chap. 94.1; Plutarch, Agesilaüs, 35; Polybius, 4.33.8‑9.

39 The Hellenica.

40 Anaximenes (c. 380‑320 B.C.) was a student under Zoïlus and Diogenes and later a teacher. He accompanied Alexander the Great. This work had the title πρῶται ἱστορίαι (Athenaeus, 6.231C) or πρώτη Ἑλληνικῶν (Harpocration, s.v. Ἀμφικτύονες). Other works were Φιλιππικά and τὰ περὶ Ἀλέξανδρον. (See Christ-Schmidt6, Gr. Litt. 534.) See chap. 76.4.

41 Philistus, besides an earlier work, wrote a History of Sicily from the fall of Acragas (406/5) to the death of the elder Dionysius (367/6) in four books (see Book 13.103.3). This work on Dionysius the Younger was very much read down to Cicero's time but has come to us in very few fragments: F. H. G., 1.185; 4.639 (see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2.42).

42 This was the Satraps' Revolt. See Tarn, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.20‑21; Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 411 ff.

43 For the earlier Persian expedition against Egypt see chaps. 29, 41‑43.

44 The difficulties with the identification of Ariobarzanes and Mithridates hinge on the following facts: (1) Ariobarzanes in 407 was subordinate to Pharnabazus, satrap of Dascyleion (Xenophon, Hell. 1.4.7). (2) Ariobarzanes about 387 succeeded Pharnabazus in the satrapy of Dascyleion when Pharnabazus was summoned to the court to marry the daughter of Artaxerxes (Xenophon, op. cit. 5.1.28). (3) Artabazus refused to give up his throne to Pharnabazus' son Artabazus (chap. 91.2), by the King's daughter when Artabazus grew up, and so became ringleader of the Satraps' Revolt. (Cp. Nepos, Datames, 2.5; Trogus, Prol. 10; Demosthenes, 15.9; Isocrates, 15.111 ff.; Nepos, Timotheüs, 1.2, 3.) (4) Ariobarzanes was betrayed by his son Mithridates, sent up to camp and crucified about 362. (See Harpocration; Xenophon, Education of Cyrus, 8.8.4; Aristotle, Politics, 5.1312A, and Valerius Maximus, 9.11, ext. 2.) (5) Ariobarzanes (this passage) succeeded Mithridates in the kingship (sc. of Pontus). (6) Ariobarzanes died (Book 16.90.2) in 337/6 after ruling (sc. in Pontus) for twenty-six years (fits with this passage) and was succeeded by Mithridates. Note that Harpocration alone speaks of the crucifixion of Ariobarzanes. The mention by Aristotle of the attack on Ariobarzanes by Mithridates is tentatively place in the year 337/6 by Rackham, L. C. L. 450. Since Xenophon mentions the murder in the Education of Cyrus in juxtaposition with Rheomithres and Tachôs, it seems probable that the death of Ariobarzanes is to be placed in 362 and not in 337/6 when Xenophon was probably dead and the Education of Cyrus was almost certainly finished. One must therefore agree with Judeich (P.‑W. Realencyclopädie, s.v. "Ariobarzanes") that numbers 1, 2, 3, and 4 refer to the same man, a different Ariobarzanes from numbers 5 and 6. Beloch (Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2 § 60) comes to this conclusion and says that Diodorus is here mistaken in stating that Ariobarzanes takes over the throne from Mithridates. If this is Mithridates I of Pontus, he is succeeded by his son Ariobarzanes who is most likely the nephew of the satrap Ariobarzanes in question here. The nephew Ariobarzanes, probably known as Ariobarzanes of Cios (and Arrhinê (?), cp. Book 20.111.4), is succeeded by his son Mithridates II. The uncle, the revolting satrap, also had a son Mithridates who betrayed him and caused his death.

45 Mausolus, son of Hecatomnus of Mylasa who became "dynasty of Caria" about 390, succeeded his father about 377/6 (see Book 16.36.2) and married his sister Artemisia, who succeeded him (Book 16.36.2; 45.7). At first opposed to Ariobarzanes, he later joined in the revolt against the King. The monument erected to him by his widow is famous as the Mausoleum.

46 Orontes was the son of Artasuras and husband of Rhodogunê, daughter of the King (Xenophon, Anabasis, 2.4.8; 3.4.13; Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 27.4). Though satrap of Armenia in 401 (Xenophon, op. cit. 3.5.17; 4.3.4), he had by this time probably lost Armenia (in spite of Trogus, Prol. 10) and was satrap of Mysia only, but hoped, as Diodorus says, to acquire the satrapy of all the coast cities (i.e. satrapy of Sardes) now under control of Autophradates, by his betrayal of the insurrection to the King. Since Autophradates also returned to his allegiance, his aims were frustrated only to be revived in 355. He probably died about 344. (See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2.138‑140; and supra, chap. 2.2).

47 Autophradates was probably satrap of Sardes in 392, 9 of the coastal cities only in 388, and later, after the death of Tiribazus, again re-established in Sardes until his death (See for an account of him Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2.135‑136.)

48 Artabazus was the son of Pharnabazus (note 1, p202) and Apamê, daughter of Artaxerxes (Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 27.4; Xenophon, Hell. 5.1.28), born about 387 or later. He married the sister of Memnon and Mentor (Book 16.52.4) about 362. For his history see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2.147‑149.

49 Datames was the son of Camisares who ruled over part of Cappadocia (see Life by Nepos). He was probably leader of an offensive of the satraps at the time of Tachôs' invasion of Syria (see Polyaenus, 7.21.3). It was probably in the summer of 359 that Artabazus invaded Cappadocia, and at the latest in the following winter that Datames was murdered by Ariobarzanes' son Mithridates (Nepos, Datames, 10‑11; Polyaenus, 7.29.1). For a longer account see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2.254‑257; also tarn, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.20‑21; Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 411 ff.

50 This was the name of the traitor. For different versions of this story see Nepos, Datames, 6; Polyaenus, 7.21.7; and Frontinus, Strategemata, 2.7.9.

51 See note 2, p207.

52 Mentioned in Xenophon, Education of Cyrus, 8.8.4 as leaving his wife and children and the children of his friends as hostages in the power of Tachôs. Fought at Granicus and Issus (see Book 17.19.4 and 34.5).

53 On a promontory at the mouth of the Hermus River (see chap. 18.2 and 4).

54 Agesilaüs could have come to Egypt only after the battle of Mantineia, accordingly in the autumn of 362 or in the following spring. The campaign was probably in the summer of 361. After the revolt against Tachôs, he supported Nectanebôs in his struggle against the Mendesian pretender (Plutarch, Agesilaüs, 37‑38) and in the course of the winter (Xenophon, Agesilaüs, 2.31.1; Plutarch, op. cit. 40) left Egypt (end of 361 or beginning of 360). He died on the return journey to Sparta.

55 Chabrias had been general 363/2 (IG, 22.1.111) and could have come as a private commander in the late summer of 362 at the earliest. For his former service in Egypt see chap. 29.2‑4.

56 Since Xerxes II and Darius II intervened between Artaxerxes I (465/4‑425/4, see Books 11.69.6 and 12.64.1) and Artaxerxes II (405/4‑362/1, see Book 13.108.1), this statement is not quite accurate. The name Artaxerxes seems not to have been used for Arses and Darius III.

57 Diodorus's account of Agesilaüs in Egypt differs considerably from the other accounts: Xenophon, Agesilaüs, 2.28‑31; Plutarch, Agesilaüs, 36‑40; and Nepos, Agesilaüs, 8. Plutarch appears to be the most reliable. In particular Agesilaüs is elsewhere reported to have changed allegiance from Tachôs to Nectanebôs. According to Olmstead (History of the Persian Empire, 417, 419‑420) Agesilaüs served in Egypt from 360 to 358.

58 Contrary to Plutarch, Agesilaüs, 38.1 and 40.1, who seems more reliable. Tachôs fled, Agesilaüs established Nectanebôs and left with gifts from the latter.

59 Contrary to Plutarch, Agesilaüs, 40.3: ". . . enclosed his dead body in melted wax, since they had no honey . . ." (Perrin, L. C. L.). Nepos, Agesilaüs, 8.7 agrees with Plutarch.

60 For the founding of Megalopolis see chap. 72.4.

61 Athanas (Athanis in Plutarch and Athenaeus, 3.98D, who entitles his history Σικελικά) seems to have played an outstanding political rôle in Syracuse during Dion's time (Theopompus, fr. 212 M or 184 Oxford). The first book of his work handled the last seven years of the younger Dionysius from 363, where Philistus ended (see chap. 89.3), to Dion's return in 357. Then the presentation was more detailed and developed in twelve books to the death of Timoleon (F. H. G., 2.82.3). His influence is seen in Plutarch, Timoleon, 23.4, 37.6. See Christ-Schmidt6, Gr. Litt. 526.

62 See Demosthenes, 50.4‑5; Polyaenus, 6.2.

63 An island off Thessaly, north of Scyros. Perhaps Panormus is its harbour town.

64 For Chares and Corcyra see Aeneas Tacticus, 11.13 ff. Demosthenes notes the hostility of Corcyra in 24.202 and 18.234.

65 These Boeotian historians are to us mere names. No fragments exist.

66 See chap. 1.6.

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