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If you look at yourself as a star, you've already lostsomething in the portrayal of any human being.- Gene Hackman

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I'm just trying to portray what I find ironic or humorous.- Max Cannon
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The bottom line is that women do not generally occupy top level studio executive positions in the U.S. film industry (see discussion in ), women do not get the same opportunities as men in other positions in the film industry, most of the scripts for the films produced and released generally do not provide the more desirable roles for women as for men, women are often portrayed in a stereotypical manner in such scripts and women do not get paid as much as men in the film industry for the same or similar work. Those observations are historically true for Hollywood and continue to be true today, no matter that many in Hollywood would attempt to confuse the reality by making statements to the effect that "things are improving for women". On the other hand, if it takes another 100 years to reach equality, there is still two or three more generations of women for Hollywood to exploit.

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The cruelest thing a man can do to a woman is to portray her as perfection.- David Herbert Lawrence
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The negative and stereotypical portrayals of Arabs in Hollywood movies has been a consistent feature of American films for many years. The study, for which the results are summarized below, covered 81 Hollywood movies featuring Arabs during the 73 year period from 1921 through 1994. The study demonstrates that in sum, Hollywood, throughout its history, has consistently portrayed Arabs as evil, barbaric, oversexed, depraved, villainous, shifty, possessed, hostile, fanatical, criminal, mystical, wicked and crazed. Arabs have also been portrayed as thieves, shady, kidnappers, enemies, mysterious, murderers, assassins, terrorists, blood-thirsty, saboteurs, extremists, cult-ridden, curse-stricken, oily, shifty-eyed, violent and as idiots. Also, based on this study, it would appear that Arabs in general are, in more modern times, most commonly portrayed in Hollywood films as terrorists.


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Movie Portrayals--The chapter entitled "Patterns of Bias: Movies Mirror Their Makers" also contends that movie portrayals provide further evidence regarding the nature of the Hollywood control group. If we accept the assumption that groups of people who control Hollywood are not likely to consistently portray themselves in a negative manner in the motion pictures that they produce and/or distribute, it is equally fair to assume that those people who have been consistently portrayed in a negative manner in motion pictures probably do not control Hollywood. As reported in the books entitled and , there appears to be substantial evidence that the Hollywood control group does in fact consistently portray itself in a more positive manner (or in most instances where the portrayal was negative, it was created by filmmakers with the same religious/cultural background of the person portrayed) while consistently portraying other populations in a negative or stereotypical manner. For a listing of the various ethnic, cultural, religious and racial groups that have publicly complained about the portrayal of their members in movies see that discussion in the earlier chapter "Patterns of Bias: Movies Mirror Their Makers" and/or in the more detailed book version. Additional, evidence tending to show that there is a positive correlation between who does not control Hollywood and who is consistently portrayed in a negative or stereotypical manner in American movies, is also set forth in that book. The material found there also tends to support the conclusion of this volume, (i.e., that Hollywood is controlled by a small group of Jewish males of European heritage, who as a group, are politically liberal and not very religious).

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Entertainment attorney Mark Litwak reported in 1986 that there were " . . . about twenty-five product-placement firms that specialize in getting products into movies. The two largest each represent about sixty companies and hundreds of products. One charges anywhere from $10,000 to more than $100,000 a year in return for a guarantee to get a product in six pictures--and always have it portrayed in a positive light." That being the case, there can be no doubt that those commercial entities paying $10,000 to $100,000 for placement of their products in motion pictures are absolutely convinced that movies influence the commercial decision-making behavior of moviegoers. In support of that contention, a 1990 UK survey revealed that " . . . the percentage of people who can recall an advertising film the day after it has been shown in a cinema averages 87 per cent. The equivalent for a TV commercial is 20 per cent." Thus, it is clear that the power of the motion picture to influence our commercial decisions and other behavior is even greater than television.

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Finally, in his January, 1995 State of the Union Address, President Bill Clinton urged those in the so-called entertainment community to be more responsible and recognize the impact on society of the violence portrayed in their movies. Unfortunately, Hollywood is likely to ignore such requests, even if made by the President (see the discussion of remedies in this book's companion volume ). Hollywood gives too much money to Presidential candidates and key Congress-persons to have to be concerned about anything other than this sort of empty rhetoric from politicians.

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The 1932, Warner Bros. feature starring Paul Muni was (as noted earlier) an " . . . autobiographical account of the savage cruelty (the author Robert Burns) . . . suffered when wrongly convicted of a crime and sentenced to a Georgia chain gang . . . " The film " . . . made the public aware of the brutality perpetrated by corrections officers. The outcry following the release of the film forced improvements in prison conditions." In other words, a motion picture helped to bring about significant changes in the way our society addressed a particular problem (in this instance, prison conditions).

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Clayton Koppes and Gregory Black pointed out that as long ago as 1932, " . . . the industry's perceived preference for themes dealing with social problems . . . " was disturbing to some. As an example, Koppes and Black cited the film (1932) in which Paul Muni graphically portrayed the viles of forced labor in Southern prisons." In addition Koppes and Black point out that (1933) " . . . flirted with a quasi-fascist dictatorship as a way of solving the depression . . . " and " . . . [g]angster pictures brought the depiction of a breakdown of law and order to every neighborhood theater."