History of European Jews in the Middle Ages

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Jewish history in the Middle Ages covers the period from the 5th to the 15th century. During the course of this period, the Jewish population gradually shifted from the Mediterranean Basin to Eastern Europe.

Jewish tradition traces the origins of Jews to the Israelite tribes of Palestine in the late 2nd -early Ist millennium BCE. As early as the Babylonian exile Jews, through exile under military constraint or otherwise, came to live in many other Middle Eastern countries, and later formed communities throughout the eastern Mediterranean lands, constituting collectively a Jewish diaspora. Their presence is attested in Greece from the fourth century BCE onwards in places as varied as Chios, Aegina, Attica and Rhodes[1] and in Italy as early as the 2nd century BCE.[2]

The Jews in Europe gradually consolidated their communities through the first millennium, emerging as Ashkenazi Jews around the end of the latter period. European Jews were specialized within the economy as artisans, merchants, and money-lenders.[3] A significant depletion in their numbers in Western Europe began to take place with the rise of the Crusades, which brought about many pogroms and successive expulsion orders, in England (1290), France (14th century) and Spain (1492). With the end of the medieval age, a similar phenomenon was to repeat itself in the Italian peninsula and throughout most German towns and principalities in German-speaking lands in the sixteenth century. Large Yiddish speaking populations arose over these same centuries in Eastern Europe. By the 17th century a trickle back process began, with reverse migration back to central and western Europe, following pogroms in the Ukraine (1648-1649).[4]


Fall of Rome

The majority of archaeological and epigraphical evidence of the Jews in Late Ancient Rome lies in funerary sites, making it difficult to uncover a historical picture of their daily lives or their interactions with outsiders.[5] After the decline of the Roman Empire, the Visigoths controlled large portions of former Roman territory, including southwestern Gaul until 507, and much of the Iberian peninsula until 711. From the start, Jewish communities generally flourished under Visigothic rule in both Gaul and Spain.[6] In 506, Alaric II decreed that Jews were to be considered Roman citizens and were to live under Roman law. They were given freedom to practice their religion, although efforts to convert pagans and Christians to Judaism were to be curtailed. Alaric also decreed that the judicial autonomy of the Jewish communities was to be respected. After Sisebut took the Visigothic throne in 612, these privileges were revoked, and suppression of the Jewish faith became policy, resulting in attempted forced conversion. There was a brief respite in 640, when Chindasuinth usurped the throne and pursued a pro-Jewish policy. His son Recceswinth, to the contrary, denounced Jews as "polluting the soil of Spain" in 653, and enacted a new code meant to make it impossible for Jews to remain in Spain. These laws proved to be unpopular, and were resisted by both Jews and Christians alike.[7] Despite these persecutions, Jews were able to help Muslim invaders capture Spain, ending Visigothic rule.[8]


Jewish migration from Roman Italy is considered the most likely source of the first Jews on German territory. While the date of the first settlement of Jews in the regions which the Romans called Germania Superior, Germania Inferior, and Magna Germania is not known, the first authentic documents relating to a large and well-organized Jewish community in these regions date from 321[9][10][11][12] and refers to Cologne on the Rhine.[13][14][15] These documents stated that Jews could be called to the Curia and owed taxes to Rome, and that Jewish religious leaders were exempt from curial service, signalling that a uniquely Jewish community, prosperous enough to be taxed, had existed in Cologne for some time. During the Carolingian period, Jews had a vital function as importers of goods from the East, and their laws and customs were generally tolerated, although they were not allowed to proselytize to Christians. These peaceful relations would end with the beginning of the First Crusade and thousands of Jews in communities all along the Rhine were attacked and killed under the presumption that if they were going to attack enemies of the Christ in Jerusalem, they should attack Christ's enemies around them in Germany,[16] ushering in a lasting anti-semitism that included pogroms, blood libel, and being blamed as the cause of catastrophes like the Black Death and the Mongol invasion of Europe. Despite this bigotry, German Jews continued to practice, refine, and evolve their religious and social customs, including the development of the Yiddish language and an identity as Ashkenazi Jews. They eventually established a uniquely Jewish occupation, working as Court Jews within the Holy Roman Empire.[17]

Church laws in the Early Middle Ages

Conversions of Jews to Christianity, whether forced or voluntary, during the medieval period were an integral part of the life of Jewish communities in the medieval period. The pressures to convert, other than compulsory baptism to save one's life, could be theological, economic and intellectual. Voluntary conversion by such renegades (meshummadim) was motivated by a number of facts: a change of belief could account for the conversion, as could the desire to marry a Christian or to escape from the restrictions on life as a Jew, or to resecure a livelihood or home. Such conversions proved particularly devastating for the English and Spanish Jewish communities.[18]

By the 10th century, most of Europe was under the rule of Christian monarchs who made Christianity the official religion of their realms. In the seriously diminished Roman or Byzantine Empire, Christianity had been the state church since the 380 Edict of Thessalonica. A privileged niche for Jews in the new order nonetheless remained. The Church forbade Christians from charging interest to fellow Christians; therefore the only source of loans were non-Christians such as Jews. While this status did not always lead to peaceful conditions for the Jewish people, they were the most compatible[citation needed] non-Christians for the position due to their shared devotion to the same Abrahamic God that the Christians worshiped. While many Jews rose to prominence in these times, Judaism was mostly practiced in private to avoid persecution. The descendants of the survivors of this period, the Ashkenazi Jews, still commemorate some of the more memorable tragedies of this period[which?] in their liturgy.

Their fate in each particular country depended on the changing political conditions. In Italy (see History of the Jews in Italy) they experienced difficult days during the wars waged by the Heruli, Rugii, Ostrogoths, and Lombards.[citation needed] The severe laws of the Roman emperors were, in general, more mildly administered than elsewhere[citation needed]; the Arian confession, of which the Germanic conquerors of Italy were adherents, was characterized by its tolerance.


In the wake of a narrow military defeat over Muslim forces, Leo III of Constantinople decided his nation's weakness lay in its heterogeneous population and began the forcible conversion of the Jews, as well as the New Christians. However, some were able to secretly continue their Jewish practices. In 1040, Rashi was born, and in the wake of the Norman conquest of England, Jews left Normandy to settle in London and other cities such as York, Norwich, Oxford, Bristol and Lincoln, where Pope Gregory VII prohibited Jews from holding offices in Christendom. Iban Iashufin, the King of the Almoravides, captured Granada[19] and destroyed the Jewish community, as the survivors fled to Toledo.[20] In 1095, Henry IV of Germany granted the Jews favorable conditions and issued a charter to the Jews and a decree against forced baptism. In 1171, after the birth of Rambam, Jews were accused of committing ritual murder and blood libel in the town of Blois. The adult Jews of the city were arrested and most were executed after refusing to convert. In 1210, a group of 300 French and English rabbis made aliyah and settled in Israel. During the Black Death, the clerics accused Jews of poisoning the wells of Europe to kill all the Christians.[21]

Sicut Judaeis

Sicut Judaeis (the "Constitution for the Jews") was the official position of the papacy regarding Jews throughout the Middle Ages and later. The first bill was issued in about 1120 by Calixtus II, intended to protect Jews who suffered during the First Crusade, and was reaffirmed by many popes, even until the 15th century. The bill forbade, besides other things, Christians from forcing Jews to convert, or to harm them, or to take their property, or to disturb the celebration of their festivals, or to interfere with their cemeteries, on pain of excommunication.[22] Although the Jews and Christians of Rome were organized into distinct communities, the boundaries of which were not only reinforced on a daily basis but were regularly performed on ceremonial occasions such as the papal adventus, Jews and Christians experienced unusually robust cultural and social interactions, especially as the Jews increasingly aligned themselves with the protective power of the papacy.[23]

Tosaphist period

In the following years, the Church's Fourth Lateran Council decreed that Jews be differentiated from others by their type of clothing to avoid intercourse between Jews and Christians. Jews were sometimes required to wear a badge or a pointed hat. Christian theologians began calling for the slavery of all Jews. In 1229 King Henry III of England forced Jews to pay half the value of their property in taxes, following burning of the Talmud in Paris and the Tartars' capture of Jerusalem.[24] During the Fatimid period, many Jewish officials served in the regime.[24] King Henry III of England ordered Jewish worship in synagogue to be held quietly so that Christians passing by would not have to hear it, giving an order that Jews may not employ Christian nurses or maids, nor may any Jew prevent another from converting to Christianity. A few years later, French King Louis IX expelled the Jews from France, ending the Tosaphists period. Most Jews went to Germany and further east.[25]

Later Immigration to Germany



The Crusades

The trials the Jews periodically endured in the various Christian West kingdoms echoed the catastrophes that occurred during Crusades. In the First Crusade (1096) flourishing communities on the Rhine and the Danube were utterly destroyed. Furthermore, there were also attacks on the Jews that lived in cities along the Rhine. Prior to these attacks, many Jews were seen as integral members of society despite religious differences. Many Jews worked in the money lending trade. Their services allowed for societies to function financially. In one case Jewish moneylenders were responsible for financially maintaining a monastery.[31] Without these loans the monastery would have been unable to survive. However, this fiscal responsibility that the Jews carried might have caused tensions amongst the middle and upper class. These sects of society would not have approved of the power that the Jewish communities held. At this point there were no strictly Jewish communities. Jews were not concentrated in one area, rather their presence was spread over a larger geographical region. Oftentimes a few families lived immersed in a predominantly Christian settlement. The Jewish families were comfortable in this setting and functioned successfully.[neutrality is disputed] In some circumstances, Christians both accepted and welcomed the Jews. When violence against the Jewish people began to occur some Christians attempted to protect their fellow neighbors. In the town of Cologne, Jews fled to the homes of their Christian neighbors where they were given shelter.[31] Christians discussed the topic of conversion with the Jews. There existed a theory that if the Jews were to convert to Christianity then they would no longer be the target of such violence. There were discussions regarding conversion to Christianity. Religious leaders including Bishops and Archbishops alike tried to spare the Jews from violence. One Archbishop from Mainz went so far as to offer monetary bribes to protect Jewish families.[31] These Jews did not want relief from the exile that occurred hundreds of years prior, moreover they saw the towns in which they had immigrated to as their homes. They were well received members of the community. In the Second Crusade (1147) the Jews in France suffered especially under Louis VII. Philip Augustus treated them with exceptional severity. In his days the Third Crusade took place (1188); and the preparations for it proved to be momentous for the English Jews. After being the victims of increasing oppression Jews were banished from England in 1290; and 365 years passed before they were allowed to settle again in the British Isles. The Jews were also subjected to attacks by the Shepherds' Crusades of 1251 and 1320.

Protection attempts by Christians during the First Crusade

During the First Crusade of 1096, there are documented accounts of Christian attempts to protect Jews from their violent attackers. The first of such attempts was carried out by the archbishop of Mainz, located in the Rhineland of Germany, in response to local Jews who had organized a bribe in return for the archbishop's protection.[32] Although the archbishop at first accepted the bribe, community leaders persuaded him to protect the Jews' money instead of taking it, while still offering them refuge in his quarters.[32] Ultimately, the archbishop’s rescue attempt was unsuccessful. Crusaders, aided by some townspeople, eventually stormed the archbishop's chamber and slaughtered the Jews hiding there.[33] However, the fact remains that this was an attempt at Jewish protection by a member of the Christian clergy.

In another instance, the bishop of Trier offered to keep Jews safe from Crusaders in his palace; however, local intimidation eventually forced him to abandon those whom he had previously aided. Because the bishop had no ancestry or allies in Trier, he felt that he could not muster the political power needed to carry out a successful resistance without the support of the townspeople. Instead, he offered the Jews an ultimatum: convert to Christianity or leave the palace. When doing so, he remarked, “You cannot be saved—Your God does not wish to save you now as he did in earlier days.”[34]

In Cologne, Jews were protected by local gentiles after violence had broken out at the beginning of Shavuot, a Jewish holiday. During the two days of Shavuot, one Jewish woman was killed by Crusaders while venturing to the safety of a Christian neighbor's home, where her husband was waiting for her. While the woman's death may be perceived as tragic, the vast majority of Jews in Cologne survived Shavuot because local Christians had reached out and offered their homes as a means of asylum from the Crusaders.[35]

Jewish-Christian relations

The relations of Jews and Christians were fraught with tensions about the death of Jesus and the Christian perception of Jewish obstinacy in refusing to accept the only faith the Christians knew in the world. The pressure on Jews to accept Christianity was intense.[36] Recent years have seen a debate among historians on the nature of Jewish-Christian relations in medieval Europe. Traditionally, historians focused on the trials Jews had to endure in this period. Christian violence towards Jews was rife, as were ritual murder accusations, expulsions, and extortion. However, recently historians have begun to show evidence of other relationships between Jews and Christians, suggesting Jews were more embedded into Christian society than was previously thought.

Jonathan Elukin is one historian who thinks in this vein, as elucidated in his book Living Together, Living Apart. He shows that during the Crusades, some Jews were hidden and protected from being attacked by Christians. Some Jews worked in Christian villages. There were also several cases of conversion to Judaism as well as interfaith marriages.[37]

One such case was Jacob ben Sullam, a Christian looking to become a part of Jewish society. He chose to "slaughter [himself]" of his Christian identity in the hope of being accepted as a Jew in the Jewish community.[38]

As Christians sought conversion to Judaism, a number of Jews similarly wanted to convert to Christianity. For example, Herman, a Jew who adopted Christianity to the degree that his family worried that he would reject his Jewish heritage completely. Herman’s conversion startled the rabbis and made them fear losing other Jews to Christianity.[39]

The close bonds between Jewish and Christian neighbors led to Jewish communities thriving in some Christian cities.[39] Jews experienced economic security and prosperity in their communities, even while enduring constant threats of violence.[40] Though strict constraints were placed on Jews in the thirteenth century by the French monarchy, Jews continued to experience a stable living situation.[41] Although the French monarchy prohibited the creation of Jewish religious centers, friendly relations with Christians enabled them to build a synagogue in Béziers in 1278.[40] After being expelled from certain areas in Europe, Jews regularly returned to their old places of residence, if they had previously experienced a prosperous life there.[41]

Another such historian is Ivan Marcus. The section of his book Cultures of the Jews, "Jewish-Christian Symbiosis" deals with the relationship between Christians and Ashkenazi Jews. Marcus claims that the time is written off as a time of intolerance against Jews living in Europe.[42]:450 For Marcus times of persecution were rarities and few and far between.[42] The two communities lived amongst each other and interacted socially on an everyday basis.[42] They interacted at such a personal level both Christian and Jewish leaders thought that the other group would heavily influence their respective faiths.[42]:450–451 When persecution did occur however it was only the more drastic measures that stopped the close interactions between the two groups.[42]:451 Had the intense violence described in other sources been the standard for living condition of the Askkenazi Jews then they would not have survived the era let alone their culture which is the roots for many Jews today.[42]:452 During times of persecution against the Jews, chronicles show that Christian friends provided some of them aid and shelter. A chronicler tells a story of a Jewish woman who is given food and shelter for two days from a gentile acquaintance during a time of violence against the Jews during Shavuot.[35] This gentile acquaintance is believed to be Christian. Also, the chronicles show that some Christians converted to Judaism during these times. Some converts even sacrificed themselves in order to show their loyalty to the Jewish community.[39]

In England, many Jews worked and lived in small, mostly Christian towns.[43] Historians interpret this as Jews feeling comfortable living and working in places surrounded by Christians. Another example some historians use to show Jewish attachment to their place in Western Christendom is the Jewish expulsion in France. After they were expelled in 1182, they returned in 1198.[41]

Through some of the Christian world, Jews enjoyed privileges at the hands of nobles and even kings that were almost equal to the local Christians. For example, in the Kingdom of Aragon, in 1241, King James of Aragon issued a decree that the Jewish community of Barcelona would be given the right to elect members of the Jewish community to police itself and investigate Jewish criminals and crimes within the Jewish community. Once the elected police force caught a criminal, they were given the right to impose fines (paid to the crown, not the Jewish community), banish them from the Jewish quarter, or even banish them entirely from the city of Barcelona. Further, these elected members were given the authority to judge cases between Jews in a court of law. In 1271, King James issued a similar decree with a sense of increased urgency which suggests that things had become volatile among the Jewish community, or that the perception of the Jewish community was overwhelmingly one of a state of chaos. This second decree also increased the rights of the council to whatever punishments they deem to be "convenient to the community," including any punishments that they deemed fit.[44]

Even after multiple expulsions and persecutions, some Jews still returned to their hometowns.[41] Once they returned, many prospered. In spite of royal restrictions attempting to limit their success. They built new synagogues.[40]


However, some historians do not agree with this view of history. Historian Daniel Lasker does not see the relationship of Christians and Jews in the same light. He contends that the expulsions Jews in Spain faced in 1492 were the product of the revolts seen a century earlier in 1391.[45] Even though the relationship might have been positive, it ended on a negative note.[46] The expulsions of the Jews in various regions is that ending, with a wide range of reasons behind them not just religion.[47] The reason for the Jews returning to regions they were expelled from was not acceptance as to what happened, but a sense of comfort and familiarity.[46] While Lasker acknowledges that Jews and Christians as having some positive relationships he does not want to write off the tension of the area.[48]

Accusations of ritual murder, blood libel and host desecration


Jews were frequently accused of ritual murder and of using human blood (especially, the blood of Christian children) to make matzah. In many cases, these "blood libels" led to the Catholic Church regarding the victims as martyrs. The Catholic Church canonized children in over 20 such cases. England seems to have counted for the first and most important examples of these. The most influential and widely-known of these is Little Saint Hugh of Lincoln (d. 1255 and written about in Chaucer's "Canterbury Tales") and Simon of Trent (d. 1475). It gained particular currency because of the intervention of Henry III of England, who ordered the death of the Coping, the first to 'confess', and a further 91 Jews to be arrested, leading to 18 being executed. Nevertheless, the rest were released despite their conviction, after monks and his brother Richard interceded.[49]





Black Death



In 1275, Edward I of England issued a decree forbidding Jews from lending money with interests, while allowing Jews to engage in craft, commerce and farming.[53] The Jews, who were driven out of England in 1290,[54] out of France in 1394, out of numerous districts of Germany, Italy, and the Balkan peninsula[citation needed] between 1200 and 1600, were scattered in all directions, and fled preferably to the new Slavic kingdoms, where for the time being other confessions were still tolerated. Most fled to Poland, as it had a reputation for religious tolerance unparalleled during this era. This religious tolerance may have also been a byproduct of the fact the Lithuania was the last country in Europe to become Christianized. Here they found a sure refuge under benevolent rulers and acquired a certain prosperity, in the enjoyment of which the study of the Talmud was followed with renewed vigor. Together with their faith, they took with them the German language and customs, which they then cultivated in a Slavic environment with unexampled faithfulness for centuries.






Italian dukes in the Renaissance era accorded protections to resident Jewish communities for a range of political or economic reasons. However, the local authorities rigorously attempted to impose Jewish badges. Franciscan friars exerted pressure on the dukes to enforce the wearing of yellow badges by Jews which the dukes resisted.[56] Taxation records reveal a great quantity of Jewish contribution to the duchy's finances. The Jewish tax contribution in the state budget was 0.2 percent in 1460. By 1480 this had increased to 1 percent. In 1482, 6 percent of the extraordinary tax came from the Jewish communities. This evidence indicates the wealth of the Jewish population and also indicates a possible population boom.[57] However, Jews lost their support on the eve of the Italian wars from Eudovica Sforza.[58]


There was no progress towards inter faith harmony in fifteenth century Spain.[59] Mark Meyerson notes the silence of fifteenth century records on the Jewish-Christian relations in Morvedre.[60] In that town Jews constituted a quarter of the urban population and had a significant contribution to the area's economy.[61] The Jewish situation varied across Spain. The Jewish quarter of Cervera was sacked by Catalan troops and they warned Jews in Tarrega of the same fate. These events set off the emigration of affluent converso households from Barcelona. The situation was less severe for Jews and conversos in Aragon. In the kingdom of Aragon the strong Jewish ties to the monarchy, in the form of political support revenue supplies and assistance, ensured their relatively safer position.[62] The introduction of credit mechanisms by the Jews in Morvedre facilitated the Jewish revival in the region and granted the Jews dominance in the kingdom's credit markets.[63] The Jewish community as a whole generally functioned with economic success.[64] The Jewish economic activity was diversified not only in the kingdom of Valencia but also in the kingdom of Aragon. Jews continued lending sums to non-Jews and Jewish usury was no longer contested in public, and religious relations remained stable and unmarred by violent activity.[65]


Jews enjoyed a time of prosperity until the end of the fifteenth century in Provence. There were no significant legal distinctions between the citizenship rights of Jews and Christians under the statutes of Marseilles. Jews were officially given same citizenship rights in Saint-Remy-de-Provence in 1345 and by 1467 in Tarascon.[66] Comtat Venaissin and Avignon, both being papal principalities, witnessed an era of peace for the Jewish communities who were established there without expulsions being a part of their lives.[67] The Jews of Provence received official protection but this was because of Jewish usefulness for the royalty. This did not, however, preclude anti-Jewish events which precipitated voluntary Jewish departures.[68] Once Provence was annexed by the Kingdom of France in 1481, the flourishing Jewish residents found themselves expelled by 1498.[69]


According to most scholars, the Middle Ages ended around 1500-1550, giving way to the Early Modern Era, c. 1550-1789. The Enlightenment appeared at the end of the Early Modern Era, and was characterized by a set of values and ideas that completely opposed the previous Medieval age. It stressed logic and the importance of thinking for oneself, instead of blindly following tradition or prejudice — a huge boon for the Jews. The Enlightened Monarch was an important product of the era; he or she strove to create a cultured, modern state populated by effective subjects, and often began the journey to this state by improving the living conditions of the poor and minorities, which included Jews in most countries. The monarchs tried to include their Jewish subjects in mainstream society, reducing restrictions and passing more general laws that applied to all, regardless of religion.[70]

A Jewish Enlightenment occurred alongside the broader European one, originally appearing at the end of the eighteenth century. Known as Haskalah, it would re-emerge in the 1820s and lasted for the better part of the century. A form of "critical rationalism"[70] inspired by the European Enlightenment, Haskalah focused on reform in two specific areas: stimulating an internal rebirth of culture, and better preparing and training Jews to exist in a christocentric world. It did not force its adherents to sacrifice one identity for the other, allowing them to simultaneously be Jewish and emulate their Gentile contemporaries. One of the most important effects of the Enlightenment was emancipation for Jews. Beginning in Napoleonic France after the Revolution-which was directly inspired by the Enlightenment-Jews received full rights and became equal citizens. This trend spread eastward across the continent, lasting until 1917, when Russian Jews were finally emancipated during the first Russian Revolution.[70]

See also


  1. ^ Alexander Panayotou, 'Jews and Jewish Communities in the Balkans and the Aegean until the twelfth century,' in James K. Aitken, James Carleton Paget (eds.), The Jewish-Greek Tradition in Antiquity and the Byzantine Empire, Cambridge University Press, 2014 pp.54-75, pp.64ff.
  2. ^ Peter Schäfer, Judeophobia: Attitudes Toward the Jews in the Ancient World, Harvard University Press 2009
  3. ^ Botticini and Eckstein, Maristella and Zvi (2012). The Chosen Few : How Education Shaped Jewish History, 70-1492. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press. p. 49. ISBN 9780691144870.
  4. ^ Yohanan Aharoni, The Jewish People: An Illustrated History, A&C Black 2006 p.305.
  5. ^ Rutgers, Leonard. "The Jews in Late Ancient Rome: Evidence of Cultural Interaction in the Roman Diaspora". Retrieved 1 August 2018.
  6. ^ Bachrach, Bernard. "Early Medieval Jewish Policy in Western Europe".
  7. ^ Bachrach, Bernard. Early Medieval Jewish Policy in Western Europe. pp. 9–16.
  8. ^ Bachrach, Bernard. Early Medieval Jewish Policy in Western Europe. p. 26.
  16. ^ Marcus, Ivan (2014). "Review of Anti-Judaism: The Western Tradition by David Nirenberg". Jewish History. 28: 194 – via JSTOR.
  17. ^ Gay, Ruth (September 1994). "The Jews of Germany: A Historical Portrait". Yale University Press.
  18. ^ Ruth Langer, Cursing the Christians?: A History of the Birkat HaMinim, Oxford University Press, 2011 p.73
  20. ^ Sephardim by Rebecca Weiner.
  23. ^ Champagnea and Boustan, Marie Thérèse and Ra‘anan S. (November 2011). "Walking in the Shadows of the Past: The Jewish Experience of Rome in the Twelfth Century". Medieval Encounters. 11: 464. line feed character in |title= at position 47 (help)
  25. ^ a b "Timeline for the History of Judaism - Medieval Period in the West". Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved 9 November 2013.
  27. ^ "The Black Death and the Jews 1348-1349 CE" (PDF). www.ffst.hr. Retrieved 21 December 2013.
  28. ^ "MARTINEZ, FERRAND". Jewish Encyclopedia. Retrieved 21 December 2013.
  29. ^ "Middle East Information Center". Archived from the original on 5 January 2012. Retrieved 21 December 2013.
  33. ^ Elukin, Living Together, Living Apart, p.78.
  34. ^ Elukin, Living Together, Living Apart, p. 80.
  36. ^ Abraham Malamat (1976). A History of the Jewish People. Harvard University Press. pp. 412–. ISBN 978-0-674-39731-6.
  38. ^ Elukin. Living Together, Living Apart. p. 82.
  39. ^ a b c Elukin. Living Together, Living Apart. p. 84.
  40. ^ a b c Elukin. Living Together, Living Apart. p. 87.
  41. ^ a b c d Elukin. Living Together, Living Apart. p. 86.
  42. ^ a b c d e f Biale, David; Ivan G. Marcus (2006). "A Jewish-Christian Symbiosis: The Culture of Early Ashkenaz". Cultures of the Jews (1st ed.). New York: Schocken Books. ISBN 9780805212013.
  43. ^ Elukin. Living Together, Living Apart. p. 85.
  44. ^ "Medieval Sourcebook: Royal Grants to the Jewish Community of Barcelona, 1241-1271". Internet History Sourcebook Project. fordham.edu. November 1998. Retrieved 2 May 2016.
  45. ^ Lasker, Daniel J. (2007). Eyffinger, Shalem, ed. "Living Together, Living Apart: Rethinking Jewish-Christian Relations in the Middle Ages". Hebraic Politics Studies. Shalem Press. 2 (4): 474.
  49. ^ Hillaby, Joe; Hillaby (2013). The Palgrave Dictionary of Medieval Anglo-Jewish History. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 468. ISBN 978-0230278165.; "The Knight's Tale of Young Hugh of Lincoln", Gavin I. Langmuir, Speculum, Vol. 47, No. 3 (July 1972), pp. 459–482.


  53. ^ Botticini and Eckstein, Maristella and Zvi (2012). The Chosen Few : How Education Shaped Jewish History, 70-1492. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press. p. 56. ISBN 9781400842483.
  54. ^ Robin R. Mundill (16 May 2002). England's Jewish Solution: Experiment and Expulsion, 1262-1290. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-52026-3.
  55. ^ Rozovsky, Lorne. "Will Ladino Rise Again?". Chabad.org. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
  56. ^ Flora Cassen (31 July 2017). Marking the Jews in Renaissance Italy: Politics, Religion, and the Power of Symbols. Cambridge University Press. p. 50. ISBN 978-1-316-81302-7. For a variety of reasons (usually financial and political) Italian dukes often protected the Jews, while local authorities, often resistant to ducal power, regularly tried to impose the Jewish badge. Franciscan friars, who enjoyed great popularity at the time, especially with impoverished populations, pressured the dukes and local authorities to make the Jews wear a yellow badge. Throughout the fifteenth century, however, the Jews, by means of frequent and increasing payments, could usually rely on the Visconti and Sforzas to safeguard them against increasingly frequent and loud calls for them to be forced to wear a yellow badge.
  57. ^ Flora Cassen (31 July 2017). Marking the Jews in Renaissance Italy: Politics, Religion, and the Power of Symbols. Cambridge University Press. p. 50. ISBN 978-1-316-81302-7. Taxation records, evidencing Jewish contribution to the duchy's finances, suggest that Jewish population was growing or becoming wealthier, or both. In 1460 the Jews' tax contribution accounted for 0.2 percent of the state's budget; by 1480 it was 1 percent. In addition, in 1482 the Jews paid 6 percent of the state's extraordinary revenue.
  58. ^ Flora Cassen (31 July 2017). Marking the Jews in Renaissance Italy: Politics, Religion, and the Power of Symbols. Cambridge University Press. p. 50. ISBN 978-1-316-81302-7. But Ludovico Sforza (Il Moro), duke from 1481 to 1499, on the eve of the Italian Wars, withdrew his support for the Jews.
  59. ^ Mark D. Meyerson (24 January 2010). A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain. Princeton University Press. p. 240. ISBN 978-0-691-14659-1. Indeed, it was not. Neither Jew nor Christian ventured any enlightened opinions about the religion of the other; neither made any astonishing gestures of goodwill toward the other.
  60. ^ Mark D. Meyerson (24 January 2010). A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain. Princeton University Press. p. 240. ISBN 978-0-691-14659-1. The silence of the records concerning fifteenth century Morvedre is just as, if not more, striking than anything that was said or done. These records tell us nothing about vicious anti-Judaism, nothing about frequent or systematic harassment of the Jewish community, nothing about Christian mob violence against Jews or even common interpersonal; violence between individual Christians and Jews. The records, in other words, tell us nothing about the kinds of behavior we might expect to find during the decades preceding the expulsion.
  61. ^ Mark D. Meyerson (24 January 2010). A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain. Princeton University Press. p. 240. ISBN 978-0-691-14659-1. In regard to the history of Morvodre - or Sagunto - the demographic and economic facts speak eloquently: the Jews comprised more than one-quarter of the town's population, municipality and aljama were fiscally interdependent; the Jews had an integral role in the local and regional economy.
  62. ^ Mark D. Meyerson (24 January 2010). A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain. Princeton University Press. p. 244. ISBN 978-0-691-14659-1. Catalan troops sacked the Jewish quarter of Cervera and threatened to do the same in Tarrega. Fearing rebel aggression, affluent converso families fled from Barcelona. In the kingdom of Aragon Jews and conversos encountered fewer difficulties of this sort, in part because Aragonese opposition to the Trastamaras was less fierce...In fact, Zaragoza, the capital and home of the largest Jewish community, offered Juan II much assistance during the Catalan civil war. Valencians, as has been noted, cooperated for the most part with Alfonso IV and Juan II, and provided both kings with substantial revenue. The Jews and conversos of the kingdom were therefore not put in a dangerous situation by virtue of their ties to the monarchy.
  63. ^ Mark D. Meyerson (24 January 2010). A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain. Princeton University Press. p. 244. ISBN 978-0-691-14659-1. ...the Jews' revival in Morvedre was facilitated and their relations with Christians ameliorated by a third key factor. This was the introduction of new credit mechanisms - the censal and violari- and the rise of the purchasers of these annuities, the censalistas, to a position of dominance in the kingdom's credit markets, a position the Jews had occupied until the later fourteenth century.
  64. ^ Mark D. Meyerson (24 January 2010). A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain. Princeton University Press. p. 244. ISBN 978-0-691-14659-1. Well-to-do Jews diversified their investments and the Jewish community as a whole engaged in a wider range of economic activities, often, as has been seen, with considerable success. Even though Jews still loaned small amounts to farmers and artisans, Jewish usury-now illegal but in fact disguised-ceased to be a subject about which bishops and friars fulminated and Christian debtors protested.
  65. ^ Mark D. Meyerson (24 January 2010). A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain. Princeton University Press. p. 244-245. ISBN 978-0-691-14659-1. Jewish usury, a perennial source of tension between Christian and Jew in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, was no longer one in the kingdom of Valencia in the fifteenth century. The kingdom of Aragon saw similar developments. There too municipalities and Jewish aljamas, such as those of Zaragoza and Huesca, were in debt to censalistas. There too Jewish economic activity was highly diversified. There too relations between Christians and Jews were stable, unmarked by outbreaks of violence. There too, although Jews still loaned small sums to Christians and Muslims, "Jewish usury" ceased to be a major topic of public discussion.
  66. ^ Esther Benbassa (2 July 2001). The Jews of France: A History from Antiquity to the Present. Princeton University Press. pp. 25–. ISBN 1-4008-2314-5. In Provence, too, until the end of the fifteenth century, the Jews enjoyed relatively favorable conditions. Whereas, in the kingdom, a policy of Jewish exclusion was pursued under Saint Louis, the statutes of Marseilles enacted in 1257 made no juridical distinction between them and Christians, both coming under the category of 'citizen' (Civis Massilie). And by the end of the fifteenth century, the legal condition of the Jews, despite a whole series of arrangements signaling their inferiority, was still not fundamentally different there than that of their fellow Christian citizens. They were recognised to have the same status in Saint-Remy-de-Provence in 1345, and in Tarascon in 1467.
  67. ^ Esther Benbassa (2 July 2001). The Jews of France: A History from Antiquity to the Present. Princeton University Press. pp. 25–. ISBN 1-4008-2314-5. A relative peace reigned also in the Comtat Venaissin and in Avignon for the Jewish communities that had reestablished themselves there. These regions being papal possessions (from 1274 and 1348, respectively), expulsion was not the order of the day.
  68. ^ Esther Benbassa (2 July 2001). The Jews of France: A History from Antiquity to the Present. Princeton University Press. pp. 25–. ISBN 1-4008-2314-5. During the reign of the 'good king Rene' d'Ajou, between 1434 and 1480, the Jews of Provence benefited from protection, dictated by royal decisions in domestic and foreign policy. In this context, once again, the Jews' usefulness served the sovereign's purposes. Nonetheless, anti-Jewish disturbances were common throughout the fifteenth century, followed by movements of voluntary exodus.
  69. ^ Esther Benbassa (2 July 2001). The Jews of France: A History from Antiquity to the Present. Princeton University Press. pp. 25–. ISBN 1-4008-2314-5. Provence, which had formerly brought together flourishing Jewish communities, was annexed to the kingdom of France in 1481. The expulsion of the Jews was finally announced in 1498.
  70. ^ a b c Dubin, Lois C. (2005). Modern Judaism: An Oxford Guide. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 30, 31, 33, 37.

 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domainRichard Gottheil, M. Brann and Joseph Jacobs (1901–1906). "Europe". In Singer, Isidore; et al. Jewish Encyclopedia. New York: Funk & Wagnalls Company.

External links

  • Church And The Jews In The Middle Ages
  • Medieval Jewish History - Jews living under Islamic and Christian rule
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