American Anthropologist 1901

Bogoras, W. The Chukchi of Northeastern Asia. American Anthropologist January-March, 1901 Vol. 3(1):80-108

In this article Bogoras conveys his insights into the people known as the Chukchi, inhabitants of the country called Chukotskaya Zemlitsa, present day eastern Russia, Borgoras concentrates predominantly on their relations with the Russians, however there are instances where he describes their present everyday structure as well. Bogoras begins by examining the history of relations between the Russians and Chukchi, which began in the mid-seventeenth century. Here he notes the demeanor of the Chukchi as fierce and aggressive. Traditional stories are recounted in the beginning while the latter part of the article is mainly descriptive.

The Chukchi were said to have been overlooked on some maps of the eighteenth century and were portrayed as ransackers of Russian villages who showed little mercy. According to their traditions, the Chukchi decimated entire populations. Bogoras describes a heartless Russian man by the name of Pavlutsky and talks of how his death impacted the lives of the Russians and Chukchi. He was reportedly a crude man and his death led to broken connections between the Russians and Chukchi from 1774 until 1789.

Bogoras noted tribal divisions among the Chukchi and found there to be two groups, the Reindeer Chukchi and the Maritime Chukchi. Both are said to have the same language yet live in different conditions. The Reindeer Chukchi herd reindeer and are in charge of trade while maritime Chukchi subsist by hunting sea-animals and by fishing. The Chukchi pride themselves in their herding abilities and are viewed as being very fond of their reindeer. Many instances throughout the article are given to such stories. Through descriptive passages, Bogoras sheds light on everyday Chukchi life. Over twenty themes pertaining to everyday life are discussed ranging from physical characteristics and marriage, to things such as mortuary customs and shamanism.

In this article Bogoras gives insight on a people who are regarded as beast-like beings who ravage others. However, it is said that during the last half of the century the Chukchi have been much less warlike and brutal, thanks to their friendly association with the Russians.

JEN SLIWA Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Bowditch, Charles P. Memoranda on the Maya Calendars Used in the Books of Chilan Balam. American Anthropologist January, 1901 Vol. 3 (1):129-138.

The author presents evidence for hypotheses for the dates on the Maya Calendars used in the Books of Chilan Balam. A knowledge of Mayan words will help the reader to understand this article because there is no clear explanation by the author about what the words used in the article are equivalent to in the English language. The author also realizes that the hypothesis he presents may be incorrect, but at the very least, more facts and information may come out of the discussion and he will be ready to accept new evidence if it is proved to have substantiation.

The Books of Chilan Balam contain information about the death of Ahpulha. These books, the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani and the Book of Chilan Balam of Tizimin were translated and documented in Dr. Brinton’s book, Maya Chronicles. The Maya used a long count as well as a month and year count. Using the method of each calendar to determine the death of Ahpulha two different hypotheses can be put forth to determine how long Copan and Quirigua lasted. Bowditch determined that possibly Copan lasted 200 years and Quirigua 350 years by using the date found on Stela 9 of Copan. He states that more than likely the date of A.D. 34 for the monuments he found of these two cities are likely not very correct. The occupation of these cites determined by the calendar, may be a segment of the actual time the cities lasted.

This abstract covers information about the Mayan calendars found in the Books of Chilan Balam. The author is presenting hypotheses to determine the correct dates of the death of Ahpulha and for the cities of Copan and Quirigua. The author does not explain the meanings of Mayan words or give background information on who Ahpulha was or the histories of the two calendars discussed in the article.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Bowditch, Charles P. Memoranda on the Maya Calendars Used in the Books of Chilan Balam. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3:129-138.

Bowditch used the Mayan calendar date given in the Books of Chilan Balam for the death of Ahpula, the corresponding year of his death (1536), and dates given on stelae to determine the time ranges that stelae were erected at the sites of Copan and Quirigua.

Bowditch begins with passages from the Books of Chilan Balam that state the date for the death of Ahpula according to the Mayan calendar system. Mayan dates consist of a grand cycle number, cycle number, katun, tun, month, and day. A tun is approximately a year. A katun is a period of 20 tuns. There are 20 katuns per cycle, and 13 cycles per grand cycle. The grand cycle and cycle numbers were not given for Ahpula’s death. However, it was noted that 6 tuns remained in the katun.

According to the Mayan calendar system, a given date (katun, tun, month, and day) cannot be repeated for 18,720 years. To figure out the grand cycle and cycle numbers for Ahpula’s death, Bowditch found the years within this period with the same katun and year as Ahpula’s death that had approximately 6 tuns remaining in the katun. This left three possibilities for the grand cycle and cycle in which Ahpula died. Stelae markings at Copan and Quirigua indicate grand cycle, cycle, katun, tun, month, and day. By calculating the difference between these stelae dates and the Mayan date figured out for 1536, the corresponding year can be calculated for the stelae at Copan and Quirigua. Two of the possible three dates for the year 1536 cannot be true as they make the sites much too old. Thus Ahpula’s death took place during grand cycle 55, cycle 13. By looking at the oldest and youngest dates inscribed on stelae, it was calculated that stelae were erected at the site of Copan from A.D. 34 – 231, and at Quirigua from B.C. 75 – A.D. 275. This does not mean the sites were only occupied during those time periods.

KARINA NELSON University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Bowditch, Charles P. On The Age of the Maya Ruins. American Anthropologist vol. 3:697-700.

Charles P. Bowditch cites an inscription discovered in Chichen Itza by Edward H. Thompson as revealing the relative age of the ruined cities in which the inscriptions are found. This is based on the assumption that the date was inscribed during construction of the buildings or stelae. The date inscribed on the great cycle glyph is damaged, but it has similar characters to dates found at other locations. It is likely that the great cycle of the Maya calendar is a period of 54years. The possible date for the inscription is 54. 10. 2. 9. 1. 9., 9 Muluc 7 Zac (49).

The date found at Chichen Itza is later than inscriptions found at other ruined cities in Chiapas and Guatemala. Bowditch believes that a comparison between the date found at Chichen Itza and the dates of other ruined cities could indicate the occupation patterns of the different cities. The Book of Chilan Balam of Mani states that Maya peoples reached Chacnouitan 80 years after leaving Nonaual. In the next cycle of the calendar Chichen Itza was discovered, and the Maya people moved to Chichen Itza after occupying Chacnouitan for 99 years. The length of time from the first date of Piedras Negras, another Maya city, to the first date of Chichen Itza is 278.66 tuns, or about 274 years. It is possible that the people of Piedras Negras could have only occupied that city for 99 years, and then moved to Chichen Itza after they had occupied the city of Quirigua for 204 years. The migration of Maya people is speculative, but this speculation can fuel further investigation. Bowditch does not come to any conclusions in this article; however he does support a thorough investigation of ruined cities and their occupations.

DENA SEDAR University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Chamberlain, Alexander Francis. Kootenay Group-drawings. American Anthropologist January, 1901 Vol. 3 (1): 248-256.

Chamberlain studied four group-pictures made by living members of the Kootenay tribe. This Native American tribe is located in southern British Columbia and northern Idaho. The author does not state what material was used in the creation of these drawings, nether does he offer a date as to when they were done. The themes of these pictures were a gambling game; war dance; and buffalo hunt. A young man, twenty-two years old, from the Lower Kootenay tribe drew the first picture and an older man, age not mentioned, of the Upper Kootenay tribe did the others. The gambling games picture is a representation of a game played among the Lower Kootenay tribe. The war dance picture showed the tribe engaged in a war dance against the Blackfoot tribe. Unlike the gambling picture, individuals in the dance picture were represented only by their heads. In the buffalo hunt, different tribes were depicted as co-operating in the hunt; tribal differences were not emphasized. It is Chamberlain’s contention that these drawings illustrate the ability of Native Americans to represent more than one objects or incident in their art. According to him, given the complicated nature of these drawings, they suggest extensive possibilities of the “race”.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Chamberlain, Alexander Francis. Kootenay Group-Drawings. American Anthropologist, 1901 Vol.3(1):248-256.

The Kootenay were a peaceful tribe found along the Idaho/British Colombia border. They belong to the Amerind linguistic family, differing from their neighbors in terms of language and social structure. Most of the linguistic and ethnographic information available for this group was gathered in the late 1800’s by both Chamberlain and Franz Boas. The focus of this article is the artistic ability of the Kootenay, which had previously been disputed. Chamberlain reviewed several hundred drawings, which he felt proved their artistic abilities. Several drawings were produced for the author by two members of the tribe. One was an elderly man, while the other was a well-respected younger Kootenay member. Chamberlain notes a variety of subjects in the drawings, including gambling games, dances, and hunts.

The younger man produced for Chamberlain a drawing of a gambling game that, at that time, was found only among the Lower Kootenay. The game involved two rows of individuals who sat facing each other, with a fire between them. The players tried to guess which hand held the remains of two wooden sticks while gambling for items like blankets and knives. The game began in the evening, and could last for more than twenty-four hours. In Chamberlain’s opinion, the drawing produced of this game was detailed and well crafted, considering the artist came from a group with little background in “pictographic art”.

The elder man, a member of the Upper Kootenay tribe, produced several drawings, including representations of dances and hunts. In one scene, he depicted a war dance against the Blackfeet, which Chamberlain describes as a line of joyous Kootenay dancers opposite a line of dead Blackfeet. Another drawing shows a common dance with many Kootenay lined up in two rows, facing each other. Finally, the buffalo hunt drawing depicts a group of Indians shooting arrows into a number of buffalo (both bulls and cows). Chamberlain was very interested in this last picture, as it was created from the memory of communal bison hunting. This type of hunting had not occurred among the Kootenay for many years.

DULCE WASSIL University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Chamberlain, Alexander F. Significations of Certain Algonquian Animal-Names. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol3: 669-683.

Alexander Chamberlain presents a brief dictionary of Algonquian animal names and their translations. The author references several other researchers, including Baraga, Cuoq, Lacombe, Maclean, Tims, Rand, Trumbull, Gatschet, Brinton, Tooker, and others. The Algonquian languages represented include Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Cree, Delaware, Lenape, Massachusetts, Menomini, Micmac, Narragansett, Nipissing, Ojibwa, Ottawa, Passamaquoddy and Penobscot.

The author lists the animal name in English, designates the Native American language, and provides the animal name in the second language. In addition, the literal meaning of the name is translated into English. Etymology is noted when possible, and the author often provides the animal name and meaning in several Native American languages.

The following is a sample entry.

EAGLE.-Cree mikisiw, Ojibwa migis, “the barker.” Other names for eagles in Cree are piponasiw, “winterer”; asponasiw, “greedy one.” The etymology of the name for golden eagle, Cree kiyuw, Ojibwa kiniu, is uncertain. The white-headed eagle is called in Ojibwa wabishakwe, “its head is white”; and there are like names in several other dialects.

This article is dominated by animal species that would have been important to the Native Americans. Domesticated species, except for the dog, are completely absent from this list. Types of animals represented include large mammals such as moose and bear, medium and small mammals including rodents, birds, fish, and insects. The meaning of most of the animal names are directly related to some feature of the animal, either its physical appearance, characteristic sounds or hunting/feeding patterns. Many of the animal names describe the animal in reference to a similar species.

As noted by the author in the last paragraph, this paper “may serve as the suggestion of a dictionary of Amerindian natural history from the standpoint of linguistic psychology.” Although the list of animals is quite thorough, a useful complement would be a list of animals that the Amerindians were exposed to after contact with white people.

SYDNEY MAWHORTER University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Dorsey, George A. Certain Gambling Games of the Klamath Indians. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 14-27.

Throughout the history of human existence, men and women have been playing games for entertainment and to win prizes. In this article, Dorsey describes five categories for gambling games played by the Klamath tribe, which may have led to 60 or more games found in North America.

The first category of games involves a spear or arrow which is thrown or shot at a circular ring. These games depend on the human’s ability to shoot or hurl a weapon into a certain spot in the center of the ring. A good example of these games is that of “Woskank.” In this particular game, the object is to throw an arrow through an 11-inch diameter ring. This sport is usually played by men or boys during winter in order to help them prepare for the hunting season. The second category consists of games which requires the player to have the ability to hit a ball which is thrown at them with a stick. “Tchimmaash” is one of these games. In this pastime, the object was to throw a short willow pole into the opponents goal which are about a hundred feet apart. Two to ten women usually participate in this activity.

Games which depend on skills acquired by long and patient practices are put into the third category. In these games, the object is to catch a certain item upon the point of a bodkin or needle. In “Soquoquas,” the person tries to catch a ball which is attached to a string on the point of the pin. In the fourth category, the games are played by guessing the location of certain items which are hidden among many other objects. These games depend mostly on a player’s judgement. “Loipas” is a sport which involves regret concentration by a player.

The last category mentioned consisted of games in which players throw objects on the ground or in a bowl or basket, and the points that are determined by the side of the object in which it lands on. “Shushash” is played with four sticks marked with certain points. These sticks are thrown up and then land, and the side landed upon determined your points. This is similar to dice games.

ALEX JONES University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)


In June of 1900, Dorsey spent a week with the Klamath Indians of Upper Klamath Lake, Oregon. During this time he obtained some 250 odd ethnological specimens for the Department of Anthropology of the Field Columbian Museum. Among these were collected the equipment from more then ten varieties of games. Dorsey found these games to be of particular interest and importance. He states that gaming devices were probably more subject to adoption by other tribes then any other phase of American Aboriginal life. Dorsey cites the investigations of a Mr. Culin to point out that of the 60 or more games found in North America, they can be limited to five general divisions. Each of these five divisions are said to have possibly had a common origin.

The first class of specimens was noted as ring and javelin games. In this class often times a spear or arrow is hurled at a target, generally a moving ring. This game was popular during winter months to remain sharp and ready for spring hunts.

The second group was recognized as ball games. A good example of this variety is a game played solely by women. Two goals are set up about 100 yards apart and the two teams try to drive a “ball,” made of two wooden billets and connected by a cord about six inches long, through the other teams goal using a short willow pole to move the “ball.”

The third category is listed as ball and pin games. Varieties of this category are games where the object is to catch some type of object like a ball or a cup shaped bone on the end of a bodkin or needle. These are often referred to by other tribes as matrimonial games.

The fourth class of games are called guessing games. These games are associated with judgment. Often times one would have to guess the location of an object or differentiate between two or more concealed objects.

The final grouping is referred to as stave and dice games. This grouping utilizes objects that are thrown on the ground or into a basket or bowl. These are compared to games of chance as one side or the other of the object is associated with a certain value and the “count” is determined by the chance of the throw.

Dorsey points out that the order of these five categories is arbitrary and based on personal convenience. He does mention that there is some evidence that the second group is the oldest of American games.

JAMES C. PETERSON University of Wyoming (Dr, Michael Harkin)

Dorsey, George A. Recent Progress in Anthropology at The Field Columbian Museum. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 737- .

In this article, Dorsey’s purpose is to describe new collections acquired as a result of expeditions as well as to describe progress on the museum’s new installations. Dorsey notes that this article makes an account of the activities of the museum that take place between March and October of 1900.

In the first section, entitled “Accessions”, Dorsey lists the new acquisitions and their origins. He also gives credit to those who are responsible for acquiring the artifacts for the museum. For example, he notes that from the British Museum was “acquired by exchange sixty-six selected specimens illustrating the prehistoric archaeology of England down to and including the Bronze Age.”

In the U.S., Dorsey notes that the museum’s curator was responsible for acquiring from the West Coast about two thousand objects from `tribes’ including the Arapaho, Shoshoni, Nez Perce, and the Cut Head Sioux among others. A considerable portion of the article is devoted to describing expeditions undertaken in the name of the museum, subsequent acquisitions, and persons responsible for leading those expeditions.

The second section of the article – “Installations” – describes various installations on display in the museum, as well as installations in the planning stages. Much attention is given to spatial description and to the actual logistics of the installations in the museum’s various spaces. The descriptions read like the minutes of a meeting.

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Dorsey, George A. Recent Progress in Anthropology at the Field Columbian Museum. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3:737-750.

Dorsey summarizes activity at the Field Columbian Museum for the previous year (March – October 1900) and the past year (October 1900 – October 1901). For these two time periods he speaks of accessions resulting from expeditions and other new material acquired, and the work of installation into the museum.

From March – October 1900, Dorsey believed the most notable gift was a collection of Swiss-lake relics donated by a private collector. This collection contained over one thousand artifacts and added to the ability of illustrating European prehistoric archaeology. Exchanges were made with the British Museum and the Museum of Liverpool for European and Egyptian artifacts respectively. Roman mural paintings and bronze works were also donated. Museum expeditions yielded artifacts from the Northwest Coast, western America, and southwestern America. Several Native American tribes were represented for the first time in the department.

Artifact acquisition was confined exclusively to North America from October 1900 – October 1901. Much attention was paid to the tribes of southwestern America, both ethnologically and archaeologically. Dorsey states that the most prized acquisition was that of two shields described as the fetishes of the Zuni Priesthood of the Bow. A Knife-feathered monster is depicted on one, while the other shows a mountain lion and thunderbird. Also, a collection of basketry was acquired from the Pomo Indians of California. From the Shahaptian reservations, four very old and rare buffalo parfletches with deeply incised ornamentation were received. Objects were also collected from the Midwest and Northwest Coast.

Arranging and installing artifacts into the museum was difficult, with an attempt being made to keep collections from a geographic area within a single hall or adjoining halls. To make room for non-pueblo Southwestern artifacts, two South American halls were vacated. The South American collections were moved to other halls where exhibits had been recently abandoned due to their lack of anthropological connections. Full and descriptive labels were added to the Etruscan and Roman collections, greatly increasing their value.

KARINA NELSON University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Farrand, Livingston. Notes on the Alsea Indians of Oregon. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 239-247.

Livingston Farrand gives a thorough ethnological account on the few surviving families at the Siletz reservation in Oregon. Farrand visited Siletz on his Villard expedition for the American Museum of Natural History. His main objective was to study the Alsea to determine whether the Yakonan linguistic branch is actually independent. Other anthropologists who have studied the Alsea include Hale, J. Owen Dorsey, and Prof. Franz Boas.

The Alsea have been classified under the Yakonan linguistic branch along with the Yaquina and Siuslaw. Farrand describes their natural habitat as the coast of Oregon between latitude 44 and 45 degrees. There were no longer any Alsea existing in their “natural habitat”; all had been removed to the Siletz reservation. He describes their physical traits and how they practiced deformation of the head through fronto-occipital pressure. Farrand explains their general beliefs, surface burials, and creation stories. Their social organization is subdivided into three classifications: nobility, common people, and slaves. Marriage preference for men is with women from outside the tribe, and is forbidden between those who have a recognized relationship. Farrand describes the monetary retributions within a marriage for different situations. He details their naming practices as well as the social organization of families within a tribal community. Farrand also gives a vocabulary list of nuclear family kin terms. He describes their shamanistic customs such as their training, fasting, and methods of healing. He describes their tradition of devoting January to the telling of the creation stories and how the reservation lifestyle has had an adverse effect on this tradition.

Farrand concludes with the suggestion of further comparison of the Alsea with the Athapascan tribes to the south. Farrand gives a thorough, well written, and non-ethnocentric view of the few remaining families of the Alsea. Farrand never says, however, whether or not he believes the Yakonan linguistic branch is independent.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver).

Farrand, Livingston. Notes on the Alsea Indians of Oregon. American Anthropologist, 1901 Vol.3(1):239-247.

This article represents ethnographic data gathered by Farrand on the Alsea tribe from the Siletz reservation in Oregon. The author believed urgent ethnographic work was needed to record what remained of the Alsea, as their numbers were steadily decreasing due to diseases like tuberculosis. For Farrand, the Alsea were particularly interesting because they were among the most southern of the Northwest Coast groups, and were clearly influenced by their southern neighbors, the California (Athabaskan) tribes. Franz Boas had the studied the Alsea briefly in the late 1800’s, but was unable to record any ethnographic data about them. Further visits to the tribe by Farrand provided valuable linguistic information, thanks in part to a knowledgeable informant. With the linguistic information, the author was able to conduct interviews with members of the tribe, as well as identify things like kin relations based on terminology.

Farrand determined that the Alsea generally shared the broader Northwest Coast cultural tradition. Their social structure was similar to the northern class system of nobles, commoners, and slaves. Farrand notes that while it was possible for a commoner to be elevated to the status of a “noble”, slaves were unable to change their social standing. Children of poor families often became slaves, and could be regularly sold or traded. Marriage to outside tribes like the Yaquina and Siuslaw was encouraged, as was the practice of head deformation (usually fronto-occipital alteration). The Alsea used items like small huts or canoes for their surface burial rituals, believing the deceased would require the funerary items in the future. They had a northern belief system, recognizing both a “sky country” and an underworld. They did not seem to regularly “visit” the underworld, however, as the tribes directly north of them did. According to Farrand, the differences in the details of the Alsea myths from other Northwest Coast groups may indicate a direct influence of the California Athabaskans to the South.

DULCE WASSIL University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Lesser New-Fire Ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 438-453.

For the Walpi and Hano people, the Sumaikoli, also known as the Lesser New-Fire ceremony, is a fire festival that is rarely seen by outsider due to its secretive nature. The Walpi people have two types of fire festivals which they celebrate; the sumaikoli and the Greater New-Fire ceremony. Unlike the Greater New-Fire ceremony, the Sumaikoli is less complicated and performed only by a fratenity of priest called Yaya, which are ancient ones represented by distinct organizations in both the Hano and Walpi cultures. The author believes that the Sumaikoli may have originated from a different geographical location than the Greater New-Fire. He supports this theory by stating that the Tanoan clan of New Mexico had introduced the ceremony to the Hano people because “it is not observed at Orabi, where the influence of colonists of this kinship is less marked than at Walpi.”

The Sumaikoli is significant in that the priest prays to the Fire Gods to bring magic power which in turn will vanish any diseases or disorders brought upon primitive man. The ceremony lasts only one day and includes a fire kindled by friction, manufacture of prayer offerings, consecration of the prayer-offerings, and couriers carry fire and prayer emblems to four shrines.

There are four kinds of prayers the Yaya do to direct the magic powers from the fire. They are: kindling the nerw fire, verbal prayer, song prayer, and pantomimic or symbolic prayer. Each one of these prayers involve certain tasks which must be done in order to achieve magic. For example: in the verbal prayer, the priest must use words to tell the Gods how he wants the magic powers to act.

ALEX JONES University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)


The Hopi Indians of the Southwest consider fire to be a living being. The fire cult participates in rites of germination and rainmaking, along with prayers to the Fire-gods. A major festival in honor of the Fire-gods, the Greater New-fire festival, is celebrated at Walpi in November. This festival is controlled by four fraternities of male adults. It is a prayer festival in honor of the male Germ-god, Masauû, and his female complement, Germ-mother (Talatumsi). It is the most complicated ceremony performed on the East Mesa.

A less complex, but equally important festival occurs in March and July. While the meaning, a prayer, is similar to that of the Greater New-fire ceremony, it differs in several ways. This ceremony, the Lesser New-fire festival (or Sumaikoli to the Hopi), is a prayer not just to the Fire-gods, but to the Spider Woman (Kokyan-wüqti), the Sun, Moon, and the cardinal points. It has different geographical origins, possibly coming from Tanaon clans of New Mexico, and is organized differently. In stead of four fraternities, a single priesthood, the Yaya, controls the Lesser New-fire ceremony.

The Yaya is an ancient priesthood represented by distinct organizations in Walpi. The ancient priesthood had extraordinary power over fire, which helped to cure illnesses in humans, and produce positive results in other areas of life such as a successful harvest. Although the power of the Yaya was greater in ancient times, the priesthood observed in 1901 still had shamanistic and disease curing powers. The priests play an important role in the Lesser New-fire ceremony. They alone participate in the rituals, possession of sacred objects (wími), songs, prayers, smoking, and the invocation of Spider Woman. Rituals, such as the symbolic kindling of new fire, influence the gods to assure a good corn harvest. Without the Hopi priests performing these ceremonies, the Tribe’s successfulness in the future would be at risk.

NANCY STROUPE University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Owakulti Altar at Sichomovi Pueblo. American Anthropologist 1901 vol. 3: 211-226.

Fewkes discusses the Hopi wimi’s magical, occult powers, and how the wimi is associated with the Owakulti altar of Sichomovi. This alter was ceremonial, and was found in relation with the kiva at Sichomovi. Along with this altar, there were these items: Tiponis, objects that are totemic symbols of food; effigies, or idols of gods or goddesses; and a medicine-bowl and surrounding objects. There were two tiponis, one of the Buli or Butterfly clan, and the other, the Pakab, or Reed clan. There were three effigies at this altar: Sky-god, Coto-kinunwu; Growth-god, Muyinwu; and Owakul-mana, the ancestress of the clans. In front of this altar was the medicine bowl, with sacred meal leading away from it in six directions, with a corresponding butterfly for each direction.

The upright portion of this altar is also under strict accordance to Hopi religion. They are constructed of wooden slats, with each slat having symbols of maize and lightning, pictures of birds, insects, the sun, and figures of rain clouds. Fewkes goes into great detail about these wooden slats. Two major ceremonies take place during the Owakulti festival: Making the medicine, which is directly related to the wimi; and, the public dance six months later. Songs, ritual actions, pipe smoking, and medicine preparation occur during the first phase. Fewkes points out that butterfly symbols are present throughout the ceremony, and whistling and smoke blowing into the medicine is also important. The dance happens months later, and is performed by many women.

Fewkes uses the abovementioned altar to show how wimi is incorporated through the butterfly, reed, and kokop clan ownership. Fewkes is interested as an ethnographer to find out what the origins of the wimi, altar ownership, and rituals involved have to offer in finding out the origin of the Hopi tribe. His conclusions mention how archaeology has helped in determining some of these questions, and he leaves the article with many lines of evidence towards these questions.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The Owakülti Altar at Sichomovi Pueblo. American Anthropologist April-June, 1901 Vol.3: 211-226.

It is believed that the Hopi Tribe of the southwestern United States formed by the drifting together of several clans, or groups, each having a different language, religion, and set of customs. Before converging, J. Walter Fewkes believes that each clan practiced its own form of ancestor worship. After the merging of the clans into the Hopi Tribe, a new combination of rituals was enacted.

Each Hopi clan possesses one or more ancient sacred object (wími). These objects, similar to the churingas of the Central Australian tribes, were inherited from the distant past. These objects possess occult powers, and serve as protectors to the clan. The chief of each clan takes great care of the wími when it, or they, are not in ceremonial use. When the wími is used in ceremonies, the priests believe it can help the clan obtain certain advantageous results. These results often relate to crop production, but are not necessarily limited to agriculture. When the separate clans came together, it became necessary to organize the assembled wími into a prescribed arrangement. This arrangement is referred to as the poñya, or altar.

For a decade prior to Fewkes article, various altars had been reproduced in paintings or photographed for museum exhibits across the United States. An altar that had not been described before Fewkes was the Owakülti altar of the Sichomovi Pueblo, the subject of this article. The Owakülti altar is composed of two groups of wími. The first group is the objects that are arranged on the floor- the effigies, medicine bowls, and badges (tiponis). The other group consists of the wími that compose the upright portions of the altar. These are usually wooden slats and clay tiles with painted symbols. The symbols found on the Owakülti altar reveal similarities in symbols with other Tusayan altars of the region.

There are two festivals associated with the altar. The more elaborate and lengthy festival occurs in October and lasts for nine days and nights. During the festival, male and female priests perform rituals, namely the “making of the medicine”. The making of the medicine involves placing offerings around the medicine bowl. This ritual, along with others, is meant to encourage the gods to hasten the advent of the season for agriculture-the main form of subsistence for the Hopi.

NANCY STROUPE Univeristy of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Grinnell, George Bird. The Lodges of the Blackfeet. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 650-668.

Grinnell gives a thorough ethnographic study of the Piegen tribe lodges of the Blackfeet Native Americans. Grinnell states that his findings are also applicable to the Kainah or Bloods, and to the Sikskau or the Blackfeet Native Americans. Grinnell gives an extensive explanation of the process of making a lodge from the gathering of materials to its erection. He describes the roles that the women in the tribe have to perform in order to construct a new lodge. He gives a comparison of Crow lodges to the Blackfeet or Piegen lodges.

Grinnell then goes on to give the history of the Thunder-Bird lodge owned by Iron Pipe. He then explains the different uses for different parts of the buffalo and the importance of the buffalo to the tribe. Each lodge is created through a vision or dream and therefore there is a story or purpose behind each lodge. If a lodge design comes to someone in a dream they paint a butterfly near the smoke hole of the lodge. He recounts the story of the In-is’-Kim (buffalo stone) lodges found by Weasel Heart and Fisher which tells of the Under-water people – Su’ ye tuppi. Grinnell talks about the painting on the separate lodges which include: Yellow-painted buffalo lodge, Black Buffalo lodge, the lodge belonging to Head Carrier, Growing Buffalo’s lodge, White Dog’s lodge, Red Head’s lodge, Stingy’s lodge, Three Bears lodge as well as the story of its discovery, Single Circle lodge owned by Old Running Rabbit, a shin lodge made at Grinnell’s request for the American Museum of Natural History, Yellow-painted or Otter lodge owned by George Starr, Dan Lone Chief’s lodge, Short Robe’s lodge, and a lodge that Little Plumed dreamed of but no one owns.

Grinnell then describes some of the symbolism of the Blackfeet. He suggests that due to their naturalistic renditions the paintings on the lodges, they be referred to as pictures rather than symbols. He even compares aspects of the Blackfeet’s religion to Christianity.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)


Grinnell offers an extensive look at the manufacture, erection and decoration of the “old-time” skin lodges known generally to prairie tribes, but more specifically here to the Piegan tribe of the Blackfeet. He discusses the process of making a skin lodge from the point of recognizing the need for a new one to the design and painting of the lodges. He discusses the importance of the buffalo to plains or prairie tribes in detail. Grinnell recognizes that these operations will more or less differ between tribes, but he points out that he is unaware of this type of comparative study to date, thus justifying the need for this article.

The lodges of the Blackfeet were always made of an even number of skins anywhere between 8 to over 30. These lodges commonly used 20 to 30 poles and contained two or more fires. Lodges were made in spring or early summer and under constant use lasted only about one year. Often, leaking from the spring rains dictated the need for a new one at which time the woman would notify her husband that they would need skins for a new lodge. Once the skins were acquired and tanned, all sinews collected and awls prepared, the woman would converse with her husband and then an old man in the tribe would invite certain women to eat with her. This is how the work was divided among the tribe so all could help.

Grinnell takes time to list and discuss the important uses of all of the different parts of the buffalo, for the Blackfeet, and uses this to make a connection to the naming of different lodges, like the buffalo stone lodges, and the creation of design when painting a lodge. Each lodge had a story behind its creation as the designs were formed through a dream or vision. Grinnell lists many aspects of the designs and their significance to the Blackfeet, but recognized that there was no complicated theory needed to explain the paintings.

JAMES C. PETERSON University of Wyoming (Dr. Michael Harkin)

Holmes, William H. Use of Textiles in Pottery Making and Embellishment. American Anthropologist July-September, 1901 Vol.3 (3):397-403

The author’s objective is to address the use of textiles in pottery made by Native American tribes. He starts with a six paragraph introduction to textile art and the five classes of textile markings that are found on pottery. He states that “textile forms and markings are a characteristic on the initial stages of the ceramic art.” However, the author is unclear about whether textile art is a local development of the United States or if it represents a phase through which all cultures passed. Regardless of its origin, the author believes that the textile stage represents a beginning to more complex stages of art and civilization.

He addresses five classes of textile markings. He observes that as one travels farther south, less textile markings are found; also, the five types of textile markings are not evenly distributed throughout the country. The author devotes a section to each type of textile marking.

The first class mentioned is the class that involves impressions made by the surface of “rigid forms.” An example of this is baskets used for molding and modeling clay. The author has found that contrary to popular belief, the use of baskets as molds for pottery is the exception and not the rule. He says that he believes that some imprints that were taken to be made by baskets were actually made by cords that were pressed into the pottery.

The second class is “pliable fabrics as aids in modeling.” Sacks, nets, and cloths were used to lift the pottery and to keep it moist and prevent drying and cracking.

The third class mentioned was “textiles used in maleating the surfaces of vessels.” This is the use of textiles not just for supporting the vessels but also as a way to mold the surface of the clay together.

The fourth class is cords wrapped around paddles or rocking tools. Maleating tools and cord-wrapped rocking tools are used to mold the surface of the clay together, smooth irregularities, make the walls of the vessel stronger, and make the object more visually pleasing.

The fifth class is impressions of cords or other “textile units” used solely to enhance the beauty of the object. This led to the imitation of textile imprints. The use of the roulette, engraved paddles, and stamps may have arisen from this. Thus, the author argues that the textile art has served in “shaping and modifying ceramic art” and ” given rise to varied forms of embellishment” and later phases of cultural development.

BRITTANY MCPHERSON University of South Carolina, Columbia (Gail Wagner)

Holmes, William H. Use of Textiles in Pottery Making and Embellishment. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 396-403.

In this article, William Holmes describes how textiles were used by Native Americans to decorate their pottery. Holmes briefly discusses the history and distribution of this practice throughout the United States and Canada. The use of textiles in pottery-making is divided into five classes by the author, and each is described. In addition, Holmes suggests that the use of textiles in pottery making fulfilled more than an aesthetic purpose.

The most important aspect of this article is Holmes’ classification of textile use and descriptions of the pottery produced. The five classes of textile use are: impression from the surface of rigid forms, impressions of pliable fabrics, impressions from textiles used with the hand or other implement, impressions of cords wrapped around a paddle or rocking tool, and cords and other textiles used to produce a textile-like pattern. The author also designates a class of mechanically-imitated textile patterns.

Holmes points out that the use of textiles may have served a functional as well as aesthetic purpose. Baskets and other pliable fabrics could provide support for a piece of pottery as it is manufactured, decorated, and dried. Using a textile-wrapped paddle or rocking tool may have functioned to strengthen the clay, making the vessel less likely to break. The replication of a textile pattern using cord or a piece of textile may also have been another mode of displaying art.

Despite the fairly thorough description of the five classes designated by the author, there is very little in-depth discussion of the actual distribution of the different classes. Holmes does say that a class may “characterize the wares of a particular region of belong to particular groups of ware,” but does not develop this point further.

SYDNEY MAWHORTER University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Holmes, William H. Aboriginal Copper Mines of Isle Royale, Lake Superior. American Anthropologist October-December, 1901. Vol. 3: 684-696.

This article reports on William H. Holmes’ trip to the Isle Royale to explore excavated ancient aboriginal copper mines. The ultimate goal of this trip was to gather information for a museum exhibit. Holmes had previously studied the works of other anthropologists who researched ancient mining techniques and industries but had never seen them first hand.

Holmes begins his account by describing aborigine mining methods. The aborigines’ method for extracting copper involved using a rock as a sledge hammer to break up the surrounding rock and then fire to burn the excess away. Holmes expressed surprise that the aborigines, with their “primitive tools,” could efficiently mine as much as they did (688). Modern miners did not find much copper, as most had already been obtained by the aborigines.

Holmes determined the intensity with which the aborigines worked by the amount of broken or chipped sledge-hammer rocks found when he performed his own excavation. He was impressed by the quality and precision of the sledge rocks as they were “by no means rude affairs, or mean makeshifts” (693). The aborigines specifically chose the perfectly shaped rocks found only on shores miles away from the site.

Holmes ends the article with the argument that a copper trade system between people in the surrounding area had existed. He speculated that after the copper was removed from the mines it was transported elsewhere to be made into functional products. His evidence for this theory was the lack of mining workshops found on the site. He also discovered similar mining techniques used by different populations in the same region and concluded that the Lake Superior region was where copper mining and trade began in the Midwest (696).

MARIE WENCEL Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Hrdlicka, Aleš. An Eskimo Brain. American Anthropologist vol. 3:454-500.

Aleš Hrdlicka conducted a thorough examination on the brain of Kishu, an adult male Eskimo about 45 years of age, who died of acute general tuberculosis. Measurements of the skull and brain indicate that Kishu was not racially exceptional, meaning that results from the examination of the brain can be applied to Eskimos of the same region. Hrdlicka’s examination included a detailed study of many areas of the brain, with measurements taken at each location studied. Hrdlicka discusses the difficulties that are present in the examination of brains, as the brain can be very yielding when examined, and can become deformed when removed from the skull. It is important to remember that the shape of the brain will vary depending on the individual and their race.

The crude measurements of Kishu’s brain are as follows; the length of the brain is approximately 18 cm, and the maximum breadth of the cerebrum is 13.6 cm. The mean of these measurements is 16.5, which is a slightly greater mean than that of whites. Kishu’s brain was heavier and larger than the average brain of a white male with a similar stature. It was determined that there are relatively high frontal and low parietal indices present in Eskimos. There are also relatively great fissure lengths in Eskimos compared to the average white. Previous records of Eskimo brain studies show that there are differences in the brain even among Eskimos, and Hrdlicka contributed these differences to poor study methods or the use of extreme examples of Eskimo brains in the studies.

Hrdlicka points out that studies involving brain measurements are not based on a single methodology, but instead vary from researcher to researcher. This should be taken into account when comparisons are made between studies conducted by different researchers. Hrdlicka concludes that further study needs to be conducted in order to have a greater understanding of the differences that are found between the brains of whites and the brains of Eskimos.

DENA SEDAR, University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Hrdlicka, Ales A Painted Skeleton from Northern Mexico, With Notes on Bone Painting Among the American Aborigines. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol3: 701-725.

Hrdlicka presents a report and analysis of a skeleton recovered from Chihuahua, Mexico. Three distinctive characteristics of the skeleton, and the use of paint in mortuary practices among Native Americans are discussed. The use of paint, or variety of pigmentation, is classified into five groups. Hrdlicka gives a description of the skeleton in the usual manner of physical anthropologists, listing measurements and unique characteristics of each element present.

The skeleton is assumed to belong to the Tepehuane tribe. Although the skeleton could not be dated, Hrdlicka estimates that the individual was a male “in somewhat advanced adult life.” The unusual characteristics of the skeleton include an apparent artificial opening of both the spinal canal and foramen magnum, and the presence of red paint, or ochre, on most of the bones. Hrdlicka comments that the most distinctive characteristic is the low (1300 cc) cranial capacity of this individual, and the prominent, high temporal crests exhibited by the individual.

The remainder of the article discusses the use of paint in mortuary practices of Native Americans. Hrdlicka divides the painting or staining of bones into five main categories: stains resulting from the soil a skeleton is buried in, green stains on skulls from copper ornaments, stains resulting from pigments being buried with the body, hand-painted skulls, and skulls with designs in color. Hrdlicka focuses on the last three categories as he feels they most closely represent the customs of Native Americans.

Hrdlicka discusses the practices of several tribes, including the Huron, Iroquois, and Navajo tribes. He points out that although their practices do vary, most mortuary rituals utilize red ochre. The ochre is applied to the corpse or skeleton, or buried with the individual. The use of red ochre is found across North America, South and Central America, Eastern Asia, and several other areas.

Finally, Hrdlicka addresses the significance of the paint, arguing that painting the skeleton or corpse is merely an extension of painting the living. The color red seems to be significant, a mark of bravery and valor to many tribes. The ochre may have been considered a prerequisite for the afterlife, to disguise the look of the deceased individual, or have even functioned to help preserve the body.

SYDNEY MAWHORTER University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Johnston, W. W. The Ill Health of Charles Darwin: Its Nature and its Relation to his Work. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 129-139.

The author, taking into account the awesome and consistent nature of Darwin’s illness, wants to give ” a name” to its “assemblage of sufferings”.

We first learn that Darwin was interested in studying medicine in Edinburgh. After an inability to make it through two surgical procedures, he decides that medicine is not for him. He then, with the encouragement of his father, enters the seminary, but here too he is not successful primarily because of lack of interest. Encouraged by those who saw in him a serious interest in nature, Darwin sets off for a five-year voyage on the HMS Beagle. It is on this trip, Johnston claims, that Darwin experiences the first signs of his life-long infirmity: heart palpitations. Five years after he returns from South America, he decides to leave London for the country, a decision that the author claims was significant because it enabled him to write the The Origin of Species.

Johnston lists two primary causes of Darwin’s illness: 1) “The Voyage of the Beagle, and 2) “Continued Work after the Beagle Voyage.” In the first section, the author notes that though this voyage was the beginning of his intellectual life, it also marked the beginning and source of his illnesses. In essence, Johnston attributes Darwin’s illnesses to the extent to which he “overstrain[ed] his faculties.” Johnston continues: “His work on the Beagle was always overwork; his nervous system was always inevitably and unavoidably overtaxed.” In his discussion of the second cause listed above, Johnston notes that though Darwin should have rested upon his return to England, he in fact did not. Instead he began to work on a number of projects. Johnston provides a detailed chronological list of the numerous projects that began less than a year after his return from South America in October 1836. Johnston notes that for years Darwin worked ceaselessly. For example, he writes that “In November, 1859, was published The Origin of Species; this book cost him, he says, thirteen months and ten days of hard labor.” Furthermore, in a section that explores the nature of Darwin’s illness, Johnston provides symptoms that sound a lot like chronic fatigue. Johnston provides verbatim testimony from Darwin’s son and such things as daily schedules devised by Darwin himself in order to take into account his sickness so that he could get his work done.

Johnston concludes by making eight points. The first is that until the Beagle voyage, Darwin was in “perfect health.” The final point is that “Darwin’s disease was chronic neurasthenia of a severe grade due first to the overstrain of the Beagle voyage and second to the life of hard intellectual work begun in 1837 and continued until 1882.”

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Johnston, W.W. The Ill Health of Charles Darwin: Its Nature and Its Relation to His Work. American Anthropologist, 1901 Vol.3(1):139-158.

Charles Darwin was an important figure in modern science, having contributed information on a variety of topics in multiple fields. He wrote numerous books and articles, and either edited or superintended several other publications. Darwin is often remember for his theories of evolution and natural selection, but the fact that he was almost continually ill is often overlooked. This article addresses the nature and origin of Darwin’s illness in order to better understand this extraordinary figure.

Johnston begins by giving an account of Darwin’s life, including his early years, travels on the Beagle, and life after the voyage. Darwin was a healthy young man when he was presented the opportunity to travel on the H.M.S. Beagle as the ship’s naturalist. During the five year voyage, the crew of the Beagle (and Darwin in particular) worked continuously; traveling from one place to the next, making long excursions in the different countries they visited, and spending endless days at sea. At one point, while in South America, Darwin became violently ill. Upon his return to England in 1836, Darwin began the task of sorting, writing, and publishing his findings. He also sent many correspondences to his colleagues, as he continued to gather data in support of his ideas. Johnston believes that it was the pressure of social events and city life that caused Darwin to, once again, become very ill. Following Sir Andrew Clark’s advice, Darwin moved to his country home, Down, where his work continued in a more peaceful environment. Without much rest, however, his ill health persisted until he finally passed away in 1882 due to heart failure.

Though the exact nature of Darwin’s disease remains unknown, Johnston believes it was related to the nervous system. It likely began with his constant overexertion on the Beagle, a practice he continued when he returned home. The realization of the need for rest and relaxation came too late for Darwin. The years of overworking his body had already taken their toll. The symptoms of his illness included sensitivity to heat and cold, insomnia, extreme fatigue, headaches, and nausea. In later years, the severity of many of these symptoms decreased, though Darwin soon developed serious heart related problems that would ultimately lead to his death.

DULCE WASSIL University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Kroeber, A. L. Decorative Symbolism of the Arapaho. American Anthropologist 1901. Vol 3: 308-336.

Kroeber uses the decorative and symbolic tendencies in Arapaho traditional art to illustrate that the origins of a culture can never be certain. By examining beadwork and paintings on Arapaho moccasins, hides, par fleches and paint pouches, Kroeber questions whether it was the symbolic or the decorative aspect of the art that the Arapaho first implemented. The realistic-symbolic approach dictates the Arapaho worked actual life forms around them into art, which evolved through repetition into conventional decoration. The decorative-technical approach asserts that the Arapaho began with mere ornaments that accidentally resembled an object, and the ornaments were modified to resemble objects increasingly until a system of symbolism emerged. Kroeber concludes that symbolism and decoration exist in each other, and that because man has a natural need to symbolize and decorate, neither element came first.

Kroeber applies this coexistence to examine if origins of a culture can be known, because the Indians are without a sense of historical knowledge and are largely influenced by native mythology. A poignant event may be remembered for a time but on the whole whatever bit of truth retained in the tale is inextricably blended with mythic elements. Every man idea of origin is built upon knowledge he has gained from factors around him that existed before him. Thus every new thought can be traced back to the beginning of thinking, every new word to the beginning of speech, etc.

Any explanation of a cause is based on three deductions. The first is that before the beginning of the phenomena explained (such as why there are stripes on a chipmunk back), itself and its cause were absent. The second is that a suddenly-arising cause singly produced the phenomenon. The third is that this cause completely ceased just as suddenly as it had sprung up and that its product remains unaltered until the present. Because origins are subjective according to the person who perceives them and therefore are subject to time and distortion, the author asserts tha “all search for origins in anthropology can lead to nothing but false results.” However, the fact that all cultures have explanations of origins and that explanations fall into a process is a worthy study in itself.

Kroeber concludes that all ethnic phenomena only exist in a cultural context. One cannot separate mythology from what actually occurred. Thus anthropologists can only understand causes and origins in relation to the culture’s understanding of itself.

CHRISTINE EGGERS University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Kroeber, A. L. Decorative Symbolism of the Arapaho. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 308-336.

Through the analysis of Arapaho art, particularly that which occurs on moccasins, parfleches, and bags, A. L. Kroeber addresses the larger anthropological question of origin studies. There are two main characteristics of Arapaho art- symbolic representation (where symbols are used to represent something else) and conventionalized decoration. He argues that determining which characteristic came first is a biased and impossible endeavor.

Symbolic representation and decoration are two tendencies of Arapaho art that cannot be studied apart from each other. Both forms of art are well-established, intertwined, and quite old. They do not exist side by side, but instead are part of each other. The coexistence of these tendencies, Kroeber believes, is a necessary one. It has to occur because the need to represent and the need for decoration are rooted in the human mind. These general tendencies are everlasting, though they do change and vary in their combinations. Since they are products of the mind, they are beginningless. Kroeber argues that art, being the product of the human mind, has no distinguishable original tendencies.

The study of phenomena such as art and mythology has been flawed in anthropology. Biases run rampant and there are false presumptions made about cause and effect. Anthropologists tend to look at cause as an isolated incident. Kroeber believes this is a mistake because cause is a combination of innate tendencies that exist together. Humans act for a variety of reasons, not a single cause.

Cultural phenomena, like art, do not exist separately: they have their being only in culture. Tendencies such as the desire to represent and the desire for decoration can never be separated from culture and studied in isolation. They can only be studied in their relation to the “whole of life” for a particular culture, or as we call it “world view”. The study of separate origins for different artistic tendencies in Arapaho, and all cultures, is impossible due to their interconnected nature.

NANCY STROUPE University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Lamb, D.S. Mummification, Especially of the Brain. American Anthropologist. January, 1901. Vol. 3(1): 294-307.

Mummification has been practiced all over the world, at different times. Lamb’s article focuses not on his own studies, but a synthesis of others’ work. He describes the mummification practices, particularly describing those of the brain, primarily in Egypt, but also among the Guanches of the Canary Islands, the Inca, Europe, and among Native Americans. He describes in detail the Egyptian process of siphoning out the brain matter through a hole in the nose and the preservatives or wrapping that was then inserted. There are several variations on this theme and he describes them with information regarding temporal and spatial details when possible. He then speculates as to why the foramen magnum was so seldom used to remove the brain, which preservatives were or were not used and why, and testing done to analyze brain matter left in the brain. His descriptions of mummification in other geographic regions mostly general, with detail of methods used for the complete mummification process, not specifically of the brain.

KRISTEN LABRIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Lamb, D.S. Mummification, Especially Of The Brain. American Anthropologist vol. 3(1):294-307.

D.S. Lamb analyzes the works of other scholars to understand the mummification process of cultures found throughout the world. He emphasizes Egyptian mummification, especially of the brain. Mummification was practiced throughout the world with a religious motivation, it was done ensure that the body and the spirit could be reunited in case disaster occurred in the afterlife. The Egyptians practiced embalming on people of all social levels from about 4000 B.C. to about 700 A.D. The brain was usually removed, but it wasn’t a requirement of mummification. The brain was typically removed by hooking an iron rod through the nose and pulling out the brain in fragments. Preservatives and bandages were then inserted into the brain. It is unlikely that the brain was removed through the spinal canal or foremen magnum. If the extraction of the brain was not through the nose, the other method used was to perforate the ethmoid bone and the brain was then washed out with water.

The usual method employed by the Egyptians to preserve the body was to make an incision in the left side of the abdomen, and in most cases, removing the organs. Both the abdominal cavity and the organs would be treated with preservatives, with the organs either being replaced or stored in vessels near the body. The body was then wrapped in bandages intermingled with preservative substances. The process of mummification took around seventy days, while the cost varied from inexpensive to twelve hundred dollars.

Lamb then describes the varying mummification practices in different world locations. The Guanches of the Canary Islands used a dry-air method of preservation, while the Incan process of embalming used a heat drying procedure. The bodies were placed in a sitting position and then wrapped in coverings. Preservation of remains can occur unintentionally if the environment is dry enough or a body is imbedded in snow or ice. Native Americans in North America would often directly commit bodies into the ground or into man made mounds, resulting in dried bones, which is common when a body is directly deposited into the ground. Lamb concluded that because a brain has never been found naturally preserved, the comparison of ancient brains to modern brains is an impossible task. He does believe that comparative studies of the brain would be beneficial to science.

DENA SEDAR University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Mason, Otis T. The Technic of Aboriginal American Basketry. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 109-129.

In this article, Mason simply explains how baskets are made. Basketry is a textile industry that uses both flexible and rigid materials. Basketry forms fall into five general classifications: (1) flat and generally flexible; (2) slightly concave, such as a food plate; (3) generally hemispherical, such as a bowl; (4) rounded sides and bottoms, such as a cooking pot; (5) having a constricted mouth, sometimes with a lid. There are two main types of basketry, hand-woven and coiled. Hand-woven basketry is done on a warp setup, while coiled basketry is sewn in a coil fashion around rods or splints.

Although the terms warp (vertical) and weft (horizontal) are used, hand-woven basketry is not made on a loom. All of the weft materials are plaited between the warp by hand, somewhat like braiding. Hand-woven basketry can be divided into four subgroups: Checkerwork; warp and weft are alike in thickness, and pliability, making it impossible to tell which is which by looking at the finished product. Diagonal or twilled; each weft is woven around two or more warp materials, producing a diagonal effect. Using different colored materials can produce beautiful designs and geometric patterns. Wickerwork; different from checkerwork only that the warp is wide and rigid, while the weft is slender and flexible. The outer appearance is that of a series of ridges. This method can also create a diagonal effect. Twined or wattled; the warp is rigid and the weft materials are soft. The difference is that the weft products are woven in pairs, and sometimes threes. Between each warp rod the weft materials are twisted, creating a two or three-ply twine. Coiled basketry is made by sewing with an ‘over-and-over’ stitch around a flexible foundation material. Each stitch interlocks with the previous one. This type of basketry is divided into six subgroups, depending on the foundation used: Single-rod; the foundation is a single rod of material, being more or less uniform in diameter. Each stitch encloses two rods, the ‘new’ rod, and the one previous. Two-rod; the two rods lie next to each other, one on top of the other. Each stitch encloses three rods, the two next to each other, and the one on top of the previous pair. Rod and welt; a single rod is paired with a single strip of tough fiber. Stitches take in the rod and welt, as well as the welt only from the previous stitch.

Three-rod; three or four small willow stems act as the foundation. The stitches take in the entire coil, or rod, and one of the stems from the stitch before. Splint; the foundation is made up of a coil of longer and shorter splints massed together. Stitches take in the entire coil, and some of the coil from the previous stitch. Grass; the foundation coil is made up of grass or small straws.


Mason, Otis. The Technic of Aboriginal American Basketry. American Anthropologist January-March, 1901 Vol.3(1):109-128.

The complex and variable methods of basket making among American Indians are Mason’s focus in this article. Mason outlines the basic nature of baskets and their place in the textile industry as a pretext to his analysis of the two different styles, weaving and coiling, that constitute basket making. Mason demonstrates that these two styles constitute the foundation of the many complex and simple forms of basket making that pervade the American continent. By beginning each description by noting the regional origin and commonality of the specific styles Mason provides helpful anthropological context to the examinations of specific techniques. The brief analyses of patterns and/or designs used (if any) on baskets likewise illuminate the cultural context of a seemingly mundane object in American Indian life. Although relying somewhat on a basic understanding of the concepts of weaving, such as weft, warp, lattice and ply, Mason succeeds through clear descriptions and diagrams in making the complex art of basket making understandable even to someone who has not attempted weaving or basket making. One should note however, that in order to actually attempt making a basket utilizing the patterns Mason describes it would be necessary to have additional understanding of such details as exactly how to acquire the materials needed and how to begin the process of making a basket. Mason shows the techniques of weaving, but clearly does not intend to use this essay to teach people how to make baskets. Rather, Mason provides complex descriptions with cultural context of materials, designs, and uses to show how societies actually create and utilize different styles of weaving to achieve specific purposes and meanings. For example, Mason describes how Hopi weavers dye stems and weave them into the warp of a basket frame to create patterns of color on the basket that depict birds, clouds, and other sacred symbols. More practical applications of weaving are also described, such as the way in which the style known as plain twined weaving was used to build fish traps in streams. Mason’s detailed description of the varieties, materials and processes that go into basket making is simultaneously simple, easy to understand and strikingly in depth.

LEWIS HINNANT University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Mathews, R.H. Initiation Ceremonies of the Wiradjuri Tribes. American Anthropologist January, 1901 Vol. 3 (1): 337-341.

Mathews describes the ceremonial ground used during the Burbung (initiation) ceremony of two young men of the Wiradjuri tribe. The tribe is native to county Mossgiel in New South Wales, Australia, about thirty-three miles from the town of Ivanhoe. The boorbung (a circular enclosure) is created by heaping soil together in order to form a circle approximately twenty-three paces in diameter. The embankment that results is about one and one half foot in height and has a narrow opening. Along the pathway leading from the boorbung to the forest, drawn into the dirt are certain objects: the goombo (four elongated heaps of dirt), and the gareel (a fence of boughs). Within the circle, Mathews describes a number of dirt constructions made to represent various objects. These objects are: the kurrea – a serpent-like monster; an oval – an emu’s egg; a kangaroo; a man; a dog; a large boomerang; a nulla-nulla; the pudenda of a woman; and an imaginary animal similar to a dog or an opossum. In addition to these objects, Mathews also found others including footprints of men, emus and kangaroos; boomerangs; eggs of birds; yoman patterns; a wombat’s burrow; and mellee-hen’s nest. Located near to the goombo he also found an image of Dharamoolan. He reported that the tribe usually constructed two, but may make as many as four if another tribe was visiting during the ceremony. The images of Dharamoolan were carefully hidden and then destroyed after the ceremony.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Mathews, R. H. Initiation Ceremonies of the Wiradjuri Tribes. American Anthropologist vol. 3(1):337-341.

R.H. Mathews describes the social rites of the native tribes composing the Wiradjuri community in New South Wales, Australia that include an inaugural ceremony for young novices entering manhood. Early in 1898 a Burbung took place for a ceremony at which two novices were admitted into the privileges of manhood. The manner of summoning tribes, the procedure in taking novices away and ceremonial performances and rituals were described by Mathews in previous articles, however a description of the Burbung ground and its surroundings are include in this article for the purpose of comparison.

Mathews begins describing the Burbung ground by discussing the boorbung, a circular enclosure that is approximately 23 paces in diameter, and was created by forming an embankment about a foot wide. A narrow opening in the embankment leads to a pathway that leads to the goombo, which consists of four elongated heaps of earth and a gareel, or fence. Mathews includes descriptions of representations that are created near the goombo. The largest representation is of a serpent-like monster called a kurrea, which was outlined in the soil. The representation was about 130 feet in length and 15 to 18 inches in width. Near the kurrea’s head was the representation of an emu’s egg, and a representation of a kangaroo. A man, with an elongated body and short legs, was depicted in one of the bends of the kurrea’s body. Near the man was the drawing of a dog. On the opposite side of the kurrea’s body there was a depiction of a boomerang and a nulla-nulla. There was also a representation of the pudenda of a woman. About one hundred yards away there was a depiction of an imaginary animal of the dog or opossum tribe.

Mathews discusses ceremonies performed while waiting for the arrival of strange tribes, and ceremonies conducted upon the arrival of the strange tribes. An image of Dharamoolan, a mythical being, was constructed and set up near the goomba. A framework was made and covered with a mud and grass mixture, to make the figure of a man with only one leg, which represents Dharamoolan, who only had one leg. The figure was hidden when not in use, and was destroyed in a fire at the end of the ceremonies.

DENA SEDAR University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

McGee, W. J. Man’s Place in Nature. American Anthropologist January, 1901 Vol.3(1):1-13.

This article describes the changes anthropology has undergone since Huxley gave his speech entitled Man’s Place in Nature. Tylor wrote his book Primitive Culture after this time. McGee outlines the position of anthropologists on the comparison of the lowest primitive humans to the highest anthropoids.

McGee states that the speech initiated data collection, further knowledge in this area, and widespread opinion. He states that man’s place in nature is defined, in order of importance, by what they are, what they do, and what they think. The anthropological stages in the development of the “esthetic” arts move from the stage of symbolism to “conventionism” and last to a refined realism used by “civilized and enlightened” people. The further along a group of people become “civilized” they drop the zoic motives and more realistic meanings arise, but he asserts that it takes a very long time to go through these stages. The use of totems as symbols developed into an alphabet with some symbolic meanings left. After this stage the group is likely to develop aspirations and realistic meanings as opposed to symbolic meanings. Some of the groups given as examples in this article include the Seri Indians and the Papago.

Another major point stated in the article is the belief that “primitive humans” are more closely linked to the highest anthropoids than to higher levels of the genus Homo because of their actions and how they think. McGee believes they act and think more like the highest levels of anthropoids than like a scientist.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)


In this article, McGee sets forth to outline the anthropological contributions on man’s place in nature from the time of the “Huxleian declaration” (Man’s Place in Nature, 1863) to his present time, 1901. Huxley pointed out connections between the activities of hominids and those of men. McGee then goes on to point out and discuss the contributions offered in this same area over the next nearly 40 years.

McGee notes that the post-Huxleian view of nature has expanded to include not just the physical aspects of organisms but also the mental. This is made evident by recognizing man’s place in nature from three categories: (1) structural, or what mankind and their kindred are; (2) activital, or by what they do; (3) mental, or psychic, by what they think. It is this last point of mental homologies that the majority of post-Huxleian progress has been made, relating to what men do and what men think. McGee sites the foundation for this knowledge to Tylor’s Primitive Culture (1871). Using many other citations from relevant books and articles, McGee sets up a “modern” platform for studying the mental attributes of both human and sub-human organisms.

From the modern platform of mental attributes, McGee moves to human progress in terms of the development of activities and the stages of industrial progress. He recognizes that the time needed for developing from the simple to the elaborate is “long, very long.” These steps lead man to a level of nature-conquest and a high level of consciousness.

The arguments that McGee uses in this article are well based in the research and writings of the time. Much emphasis is put on the ascension of the sub-human mentality that reflects lower animals to that human plane of science and statecraft. Comparisons observed in typical tribes of “primitive” peoples showed mental operations, as well as bodily habits and structure, to be very close to “sub-humans.” While placing man wholly within the realm of nature, McGee goes to great efforts to distance the thinking of the lowest man to the mental power that is found in scientist and states man that is the “highest product and expression of nature.”


Nicholas, Francis C. The Aborigines of the Province of Santa Marta, Colombia. American Anthropologist October, 1901 Vol.3 (4):606-649.

Nicholas examines the Indian tribes within Santa Marta, Colombia through documents written during the early to mid 1700’s, by Spaniards, and from recent observations. Spaniards entered the area, made them pay tribute, converted them to Catholicism, and taught them Spanish, all of which are still prevalent in their societies. The Carib tribes, which he writes about, include the Mascas, Chimilas, Alcoholados, Aurohuacos, Guagiros, Cosinas, Tupes, Acanayutos, Pampanillas, Orejones, Motilones, and Pintados.

These tribes are considered by Nicholas to be barbarous and dangerous; according to him, they engage in cannibalism, which gives them the name of Caribs. Nicholas discusses each tribe intently by presenting information such as marriage customs, birth customs, religion, warfare, food, drink, clothing or lack thereof, shelter, legends, economy, activities, death rituals, revenge, government, menstruation rituals, and physical appearance, among others.

Another aspect Nicholas examines is the meaning behind each of the names, which the Spanish gave the tribes when they landed. These names were based on such aspects as the people’s looks and hairstyle, their actions, the number of people in the tribe, and legends about the ancestors of the people who carry the name.

These tribes were considered to be powerful and plenty, but by the time Nicholas examined them 160 years later, the population had dwindled considerably and they were friendlier and not as “barbarous” as they once were considered. Although many of their customs were preserved over the years, the Carib people are producing few offspring to pass on these customs, according to the author.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)


In this article Francis C. Nicholas reports on his explorations of the Indians in the province of Santa Marta, Columbia in the late 1800s. The article is structured around the translations done by the author on the works of Father Alvarez Don Jose Nicolas de la Rosa, who published a book of his observations among the Indians in the year 1739. Nicholas notes in the last part of the article that most of the tribes that Father de la Rosa wrote about have disappeared. Of the few that are remaining, he attempts to summarize their ways of living compared to the translations of Father de la Rosa. Both accounts attempt to give a detailed portrayal of the ways of life of the Indian tribes, although they do not state any theory directly. Their accounts show an attempt to classify and show the influence of the Spanish colonization on the aborigines.

The Indians of Santa Marta are called Caribs. Father de la Rosa focuses on aspects of birth and death rites, feasts, and relations among the Indians. He begins his work by distinguishing the peaceable Indians from the vicious and barbaric Indians. He states that the majority of the peaceable follow the Spanish doctrine and law. Some of peaceable Indians include the Aurohuaco, Indians of San Sebastian, and the Pampinillas among others. Some of the barbaric Indians include the Alcoholados and the Chimilenas which Father de la Rosa classifies as one race. He describes them as monstrous-like and savage. He then proceeds to describe a religious ritual of the Chimilenas as an adoration of the devil and horrible in nature. On the contrary the peaceable are described mostly as humble and serene beings. These Indians, he says, are generally more disposed to talk and trade with Spaniards.

In his recent observations, Nicholas makes distinctions between the tribes that remain and the Indians are too few to represent a tribe. He classifies those in the tribes as a stronger type of aborigine, while the others are a lower type of man, depicted as dirty and degenerate. Nicholas’ observations focus principally on the Aurohuaca tribe which he depicts as more developed. According to legend they have kept a temple filled with gold and created a myth of a prophet who proclaimed to them not show their hidden gold to white men. Those white men would come in the future to hoard treasures. From that Nicholas then concludes that the prophet was a missionary and the white men were the colonizers.

Although no underlying theory is made, Nicholas’ observations contrast Father de la Rosa’s writings. Nicholas sees the Indians that maintained or kept on living in a tribe as a ‘stronger type’ while Father de la Rosa perceived the change as making them a more ‘peaceable type’. No theories or scholarly works are mentioned in the article; the article is solely based on description. Even so, the descriptions show an influence of Tylor’s unilineal evolution in that the Carib Indians are classified by various descriptions as ‘stronger’ or ‘peaceable’ types.

ROCIO CASTANEDA Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)

Nuttall, Zelia. Chalchihuitl in Ancient Mexico. American Anthropologist April, 1901 Vol.3(2):227-238.

Zelia Nuttall studies the importance of a prized stone, chalchihuitl, in ancient Mexico and tries to uncover the areas in which they are formed. As shown by Nuttall’s example, the stone was used to pay tribute to Ahuitzotl, in exchange for the inhabitants of his newly acquired land to live in their home. This stone seems to be only found in the Pacific coast region of Mexico, and is formed in many different shades.

Chalchihuitl is formed in areas which are always green, and the stone seems to emit a cool and moist atmosphere in the surrounding area. Only certain `natives’ are skilled enough to produce the chalchihuitl stones from their rough, unpolished form to the polished finished product. These stones, in their various colors are used to make ornaments such as beads, labrets, and earrings. Noblemen string a certain chalchihuitl stone, which is in the shade of green mixed with white, around their wrists to show their nobility. This stone is only worn by nobility and therefore, is forbidden to be worn by the people in lower castes. Another type is quetzal-chalchihuitl, which is similar to the stone worn by nobility. This stone is translucent and green, without any other markings.

The author is concerned with identifying the original cities, which paid tribute through chalchihuitl, to the next conqueror, Montezuma. Although some of the names were abbreviated, changed slightly, or totally changed when the research was conducted, Nuttall was able to identify the area, which encompassed the cities on Montezuma’s Tribute Roll. The Mexican states, which include these cities, are Chiapas, Vera Cruz, Oaxaco, Puebla, and Guerrero. The author hopes geologists will discover the hidden stones through this research.

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Nuttall, Zelia. Chalchihuitl in Ancient Mexico. American Anthropologist vol. 3(2):227-238.

Zelia Nuttall discusses the importance of chalchihuitl, also known as jadeite, in ancient Mexico. Chalchihuitl, a highly valued commodity, was used in ancient Mexico to pay tribute. She cites a chronicle of Tezozomoc, which relates how Ahuitzotl, a ruler of ancient Mexico, was appeased by the offer of chalchihuitl. Chalchihuitl is believed to have been a product of the Pacific coast region. It naturally occurs in a variety of colors and opaqueness, with the different colors representing a certain rank. Nuttall believes the presence of the word chachihuih iximatqui in the Nahuatl language proves the existence of a native cast of skilled workers whose ultimate goal was to convert crude bits of chalchihuitl into highly prized beads and ornaments worn by chieftains. She conducted an investigation in an attempt to locate towns that were listed in Montezuma’s Tribute Roll and were associated with the tributes of chalchihuitl.

Many of the towns were situated in the ancient Mixtecapan, which is included in the present states of Puebla, Guerrero and Oaxaca. Other towns are situated in the state of Vera Cruz and in Chiapas, near the border of Guatemala. The natives of Chiapas fought against the rule of the Mexican ruler Ahuitzotl, although they were eventually subdued. On submission to Ahuitzotl the natives of Chiapas paid tribute in gold, emeralds and all kinds of precious chalchihuitl. The tributes varied from town to town, ranging from two strands of chalchihuitl beads to four strings of chalchihuitl beads, three large pieces of chalchihuitl and three strings of chalchihuitl beads every six months.

The largest concentration of locations required to pay a tribute was in the state of Puebla. The tributes were of two strings of chalchihuitl beads, but if one of these strings constituted a necklace the number of beads could have been over one hundred. Geologists are unaware of any natural deposits of chalchihuitl, however, an investigation of place names with a component of the chalchihuitl name could indicate possible deposits of chalchihuitl. Nuttall believes one of the most promising locations could be in Chiapas, which is designated as “The Land of Chalchihuitl”.

DENA SEDAR University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Powell, J.W. The Categories. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3:404-430.

Powell aptly names this article as he sets out to develop a new set of categories from what he sees as the view of objective science. He writes this article to help science avoid many logical fallacies encountered when not following his categorical axioms. Powell’s categories are set forth to help anthropology and other fields build the foundation to all deductive reasoning. To start, he looks at a number of other categories that have been laid out by others like Aristotle, Spencer, and Kant. Powell briefly breaks down what is inherently wrong with these categories and then sets up the how and why of the argument for his own theory.

The first point of emphasis is 1) How bodies are resolved into particles. Powell points out those bodies are incorporated of particles, and that particles are organized into bodies. Next is the idea of 2) How concrete objects are resolved into abstract objects. Using abstract attributes to explain a concrete object does this. 3) Relations is the condition when two or more terms has a connection between them. Another point is that 4) Absolutes are constant and relations are variable. Powell states that the “ultimate particles” of the universe are constant and that these are also absolute so all absolutes are constant. 5) Quantities, 6) Properties, 7) and Qualities are the next three points of explanation. 8) The development of attributes can be seen as particles having their own attributes while bodies have additional attributes. The final element is 9) The fundamental classes of bodies. Powell looks at the idea that all of the physical bodies of the universe are set up in an ascending degree of organization.

Powell then demonstrates that all human organization is inspired by purpose. With the development of the mind came predetermined purpose for “betterment.” He then relates what he has defined with the fundamental law of evolution and the law of affinity. Through these efforts he states that “evolution by affinity has been progressively accelerated.”

With this he lists his twenty-five categories along with the supporting axioms and then recognizes them as the “foundation of all deductive reasoning.”


Powell, J.W. The Categories. American Anthropologist, July-September, 1901 Vol. 3: 404-430.

In J.W. Powell’s article “The Categories,” Powell attempts to derive a new set of categories to classify scientific bodies. Powell defines a category as something which is ultimately reduced to its simplest form. He argues that Aristotle classified objects based on language, while Kant classified objects using mental capabilities such as feelings and sensitivity. Kant distinguishes twelve categories, four groups of three qualities. Powell’s goal throughout his argument is to unify mind, matter and energy within the classification process. According to Powell’s scientific approach, all bodies are made of particles and particles of nature are organized into scales: molecular bodies, star bodies, rock bodies, plant bodies and animal bodies. He ultimately states that plants turn particles into gasses, such as oxygen. Animals then breathe this oxygen and in turn use it to fuel their mental processes. In terms of anthropology, Powell’s argument is extremely philosophical. Using deductive reasoning Powell ultimately derives these five categories, breaking down the particle into five parts: unity, speed, extension, persistence, and protoconsciousness. His conclusion can be summed up in this table.

Unity Categories

Extension Categories

Speed Categories

Persistence Categories















Quantities …


















KIM REGISTER University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Powell, J.W. Classification of the Sciences. American Anthropologist 1901 vol. 3: 601-605.

Powell defines how pentalogic groups, pentalogic series, genera, genus, and classes make up scientific classification. Powell argues that a scientific classification is not a creation of the scientific mind, but maybe a discovery by this mind. He gives two principles needed when classifying the sciences: a plan of organization that incorporates the bodies and the concomitance of the categories. We get corporeal (concrete) and categorical (abstract) ways of viewing the sciences. Because these two views can be interrelated, Powell gives examples of how two scientists might look at the same problem differently, but through their scientific deductions, arrives at similar conclusions. “The chemist…seems to be a physicist, …the physicist sometimes seems to be a chemist”. Powell points out that every science is also based in a fundamental beginning, from which their science grows (e.g., astronomy = space, geonomy = motion, zoonomy = judgment, phytonomy = heredity, etc.). What he does for the rest of the article is explain and give examples of how similar categorical sciences (those above) can be, in that “grand categorical sciences of natural bodies [can be] considered as abstractions”. They are abstract sciences, based in classification systems. Powell describes a large body of science called ethronomy, and also science involved with humans, called andrology and demology. He ends with the fact that science, in it becoming abstract, leads to more classifications needed for it to become defined.

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Powell, J. W. Classification of the Sciences. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3:601-605.

Powell argues for a taxonomic classification of the sciences, coining new terms along the way. Despite the affirmation that classifications are a creation of scientists, and that there are many valid classifications, Powell strives for the one true classification.

Powell uses two principles to create a hierarchy of sciences. The first is organization of things within a scientific category, which groups things together. The second is identification and discrimination of scientific categories grouped under a larger common science. For example, within the study of mammals, teeth are studied to determine some distinguishing characteristics between herbivores and carnivores. This category of study is also opened to the larger scientific arena involving other animals, plants, minerals, etc. All scientific categories are then related, as distinguishing factors of one line of study are only relevant when compared to other lines of study. Also, different categories are often related, and a particular study may incorporate several types of science. For example, chemists may need to incorporate physics, or physicists use chemistry.

By dividing the sciences, one sees how particular veins of study have evolved and how that science’s particular theme has come about. Within each particular science, one topic generally becomes the predominant area of study and thus becomes the definition of that science.

Powell proposes five grand classifications for the physical sciences, each containing five common subdivisions. He does not, however, give terms to all twenty-five proposed sciences. Besides the five common subdivisions in the grand classifications, there are also category-specific subdivisions giving rise to more specialized sciences. Powell demonstrates the hierarchy of sciences using the study of humans as an example. The study of humans gives rise to somatology (study of the body) and psychology (study of the mind), which collectively constitute andrology (study of individuals). Andrology and demology (study of groups) together constitute anthropology (study of humankind), while this coordinated with greater systems is called anthroponomy.

KARINA NELSON University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Powell, J. W. Sophiology, or the Science of Activities Designed to Give Instruction. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 51-80.

Powell’s aim in this article is to delineate the “nature of opinions held by mankind in different stages of culture” from “the way in which science supplants superstition through the agency of verification.” In order to explore the nature of opinion, Powell divides his article into six sections. In each section, Powell discusses the method by which opinions are developed. The first four sections are “Opinion or the Subject Matter of Instruction,” “Mythology,” “Metaphysic,” and “Science.” The fifth section, “Instruction,” is a discussion of how opinions are promulgated.

The first section is a general treatment of the development of opinions. Here he argues that it is by repeated observations “and judgements that concepts or notions arise. These notions constitute opinions.” He also defines sophiology in this first section. “Sophiology,” he writes, “can be defined as the science of opinions, and their classification as errors or truths when accepted as such by leaders of human thought.”

In “Mythology,” Powell argues that myths are those fallacious opinions that survive successive ages and thus are “woven” into the fabric of that culture. He attributes myths or opinions of this sort to “imputation… the reference of a sense impression of which the mind is conscious as an effect, to a mistaken cause.” The opposite side of this coin is the process of “verification,” a process from which “science is born.”

In the next section, “Metaphysic,” Powell defines the term as “a system of explaining how the essentials of bodies are generated one from another.” The section essentially outlines the debates between the philosophical idealists and materialists. He defines metaphysic as ” a system of explaining how the essentials of bodies are generated one from another.”

In his “Science,” Powell discusses the “errors” of human thought and the process by which they become not science but folklore: “Folklore is the study of superstitions,” according to Powell and it is folklore which he claims as the “subject matter of science.” In essence, the purpose of this section is to outline the process by which science is used to distinguish between “valid concepts and uncanny vision.”

The final section of the article, “Instruction,” is designed to outline the process by which “opinions are propagated.” He lists five means by which “Sophiology” or the “grand arts of instruction” do their work. These include nuture, oratory, education, publication, and research.

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Powell, John Wesley. Sophiology, or the Science of Activities Designed to Give Instruction. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3[1]:51-79.

Through the potent theoretical lens of late 19th century unilineal cultural evolution, Powell reviews the origin and development of opinion. Powell champions science as the ultimate development of rational thought. Promoting materialism, thereby acknowledging a structural basis to all human endeavor, Powell states; Athe world is concrete and there is nothing abstract but in consideration.@ As Powell attempts to identify the Anature of the opinions held by mankind in different stages of culture,@ he often credits and refers to Athe great ethnologist Edward B. Tylor.@

Sophiology is Athe fifth great system of arts@ and is best described as the Asystem of instruction.@ Powell suggests any study that endeavors to identify the agency responsible for the propagation of opinions, engages the discipline he calls Asophiology.@

In Powell=s proposal, human concepts are bodies. Bodies are singular-seeming presentations of groups of mutually dependent particles. As bodies, concepts are made up of opinions. Opinions, as particles, have quantity, quality, relation, and essential properties. Particles can be identified, isolated, analyzed. By describing the abstraction which constitutes the human consideration of the world with a biological or physical analogy (so common in early 20th century thought), Powell hopes to propose a discipline that can apply methods of physical identification, statistical analysis, and recent advances in evolutionary science to the study of social and ideological development. By identifying Aparticles@ that produce Abodies,@ Powell hopes to show how Aconcepts grow as the product of thought.@ They grow from simple to complex; from primitive to advanced, from fallacious to factual.

If the data essential to Sophiology is to be drawn from Athe history of opinions … together with the history of science,@ then Powell must identify a general hierarchical arrangement of concepts indicating evolutionary development. To do this, he describes the concepts of folk knowledge, Aprimitive@ peoples, and Asavage@ intellects as Asurvivals@ and evidence of concepts and opinions common in the early evolution of the more Aadvanced@ scientific cultures and concepts. Such approach then allows Powell to outline the Afive rubrics@ considered essential in the evolutionary development of concepts. He presents them in Athe order they were developed by mankind.@ This order is as follows: animism, cosmology, mythology, metaphysic, and science.

Powell considers animism, cosmology, mythology, and metaphysic rife with false inferences. He suggests “false inferences primarily arise through referring sense impressions to wrong causes.” Science, Powell argues, is the only rubric to test sense impressions to proposed causes. Scientific concepts alone are capable of identifying the relationship. Science, as the evolutionary grand total of all other strategies of thought, is the only human concept advanced enough to make a true inference between cause and effect. Although not its intent, the article is most useful for conveying the unilineal paradigm of social evolution as expressed and applied at the turn of the 20th century.

PAULA RENAUD University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Russel, Frank Laboratory Outlines for Use in an Introductory Course in Somatology. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol3: 28-50.

In this article, Frank Russell provides a detailed outline of measurements and observations that are useful in somatology, the physiological and anatomical study of the human body. In the opening paragraph, the author notes that at the time this article was published, students enrolled in this kind of laboratory were either preparing for careers in medicine or anthropology. The author divides the outline into two main sections, Osteology and Anthropography. The methods described follow the current methods of physical anthropologists quite closely.

In the Osteology section, some of the methods described include: obtaining a length and diameter measurement for each bone, identifying landmarks, measuring angles of torsion and measuring cranial capacity. Descriptions of non-metric analyses are also included. The author stresses that the specimen should be compared to “Caucasian and Amerindian bones,” and also to species of anthropoid apes. Variation between sexes should also be noted. The author briefly discusses the application of statistical methods to the measurements of cranial length, breadth, and height.

The second section focuses on Anthropography, which deals with the geographical distribution of human cultures. The procedures described in this section include photography of the living subject, casting of the hand, foot and face, fingerprinting, and anthropometry, or measurement of living subjects. The measurements suggested for the living subject are considerably fewer than those suggested for the skeleton. The author also recommends that the anthropologist note the eye color of their subject, examine the “fold of skin at the inner angle of the eye,” and mount a cross-section of the subject’s hair on a microscope slide.

The outline for osteological analysis in this article is extensive, however, the author does not describe the exact procedure or method of obtaining most of the measurements. The student must already know or have a reference that describes points and landmarks on the skeleton. The non-metric analyses are also not well-described, except in the case of the cranial sutures.

SYDNEY MAWHORTER University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Saville, M.H. Mexican Codices: A List of Recent Reproductions. American Anthropologist July – September, 1901. Vol. 3(3): 532-541.

This article serves to briefly inform anthropologists and their students about the history and accessibility of ancient Mexican codices. Nahuatl-speaking cultures documented pertinent cultural and historical information in hieroglyphic books called codices. A codex is formed of material – deerskin, bark paper, or maguey paper – pasted together into a long strip, painted with hieroglyphics on both sides, and folded “screen-fashion.” Although Spanish missionaries burned many of these documents to eradicate indigenous religious beliefs, in some cases indigenous peoples later recreated codices, including written descriptions of them in Nahuatl. On this basis, Saville defines two categories of codices: pre-Columbian, those made of deerskin or bark paper dating prior to Spanish conquest, and post-Columbian, those written on maguey or European paper following the conquest. Saville identifies several sources he considers valuable, such as the Codex Mendoza (Mendocino) and the Codex Sahagun; however, he limits his discussion to their location and state of reproduction. He then closes with a list of some thirty-five reproductions, arranged by year of publication, detailing the historical time period, publisher, and library or holder of the document.

MARY KOSKO University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Saville, M. H. Mexican Codices: A List of Recent Reproductions. American Anthropologist July-September, 1901 Vol.3: 532-541.

One of the key means of studying ancient Mexican cultures available in 1901 was the analysis of ancient books, or codices. Codices were pictorial and hieroglyphic texts painted on strips of deerskin or tree membranes. After the painting was complete on both sides, the strips were coated in stucco, or lime, for preservation purposes. They were then arranged in proper order and bound, usually by a professional binder.

The codices are important for anthropologists and archaeologists because they portray important aspects of ancient Mexican culture such as migrations, the succession of chiefs, conquests, tributes, fortune telling rituals of priests, religious festivals, the sacred calendar, and astronomical material. The codices were known for their beauty and their elaborate system of writing. Even the Spanish explorer, Hernan Cortés, was impressed by the indigenous Mexican artists who were hired to paint the Spaniards, their arms, and their costumes for a pictorial report to their leader, Montezuma.

Unfortunately, most codices were burned by Spanish missionaries in an attempt to remove the natives from their religion. Some have survived, however, and have been housed at various libraries throughout the world. These original codices are classed under the term pre-Columbian. After many of the original codices were burned, native elders of the fifteenth century came together to reproduce what they could of many of the major codices. These were then usually translated into Spanish. These codices that were reproduced and translated fall under the class of post-Columbian. A list of pre-Columbian and post-Columbian codices, along with their locations in 1901, can be found at the end of the article.

The codices, and their translations, are valuable tools that students of anthropology and archaeology can use to try and understand and interpret cultures in Mexico prior to Spanish contact.

NANCY STROUPE University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Smith, Harlan J. Summary of the Archeology of Saginaw Valley Michigan. American Anthropologist January, 1901 Vol. 3 (1): 286-293.

Smith created an inventory of the various locations of the archeological finds of the Saginaw valley. This valley covers two Michigan counties: Huron and Tuscola. It was the author’s intention to create a resource that can be used by field workers and others when studying this location. These were not all his own findings; some were based on reports he obtained from several sources. This article is a catalog of all findings attributed to this location.

Smith identified a number a coast mounds. These are located between Port Austin and Pointe Aux Barques and between Grindstones City and Huron City. He also reported that at Caseville, Mai-sou Island, Pigeon River and Unionville there are additional mounds. There are remains of a workshop found on North Island on the northern side on the highest point where chert implements were found. A cache was identified at By Port. At Bad Axe, Squaw Creek and Quanicasse, earthworks were discovered.

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Smith, Harlan I. Summary of the Archeology of Saginaw Valley, Michigan. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3:286-293.

Smith’s main goal for this series of papers was to summarize all of the information currently available on the archaeology of Saginaw Valley, Michigan. This includes stating general site locations and types, typical artifacts found, the current location of these artifacts, information on the local environment (including typical flora and fauna, especially those important for subsistence), nearby locations of lithic raw material, and published information on the region (if any).

Smith begins by briefly describing the region of Saginaw Valley in east central Michigan. Smith describes the river systems present in the valley and geologic formations of archaeological significance, such as formations of commonly quarried cherts. At the time of European contact, the region was occupied by the Ojibwa, but prehistorically had been occupied by the Sauk. Smith notes the importance of the rivers to native peoples, which greatly influenced their settlement patterns and transportation routes. He also notes that the evidence thus far collected suggests that prehistoric conditions of life were similar those found at the time of contact.

The remainder of the article is a summary of the archaeology of the Eastern Shore of Saginaw Bay. Subsequent articles summarize other regions of Saginaw Valley. In this initial article, Smith summarizes much of Huron and Tuscola Counties, briefly describing known sites and earthworks, while noting that additional information on these counties will be later presented under the Cass River Valley section. Smith recites information on five mound groups and three earthworks from the publications of Professor Cyrus Thomas and Gerard Fowke. Fowke received most of his information from Dr. G. Archie Stockwell. Smith describes other sites that he investigated with some assistance. He describes four village sites as well as lithic reduction areas that he calls workshops. Additionally, Smith describes the Bay Port Cache. At this site a cross-section of a chert nodule and forty-seven “turtle-back” blanks were found, collected, and later presented to Smith.

KARINA NELSON University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Smith, Harlan I. Summary of Archeology of Saginaw Valley, Michigan II. American Anthropologist Apr. – June, 1901 Vol. 3(2): 286-293.

This article is a brief summary of previous excavations conducted in the Saginaw Valley, Michigan. The Saginaw Valley is located in the east-central region of the Lower Michigan area. Smith gives an introduction pertaining to the flora of the area and certain geographical features to allow the reader to form an adequate mental image of the valley. The region was occupied by the Ojibwa Indians at the time of European contact, though there were some influences present from the Sauk Indians as well.

Smith provides information on subsistence practices of the Ojibwa, who mainly consumed wild rice, maple sugar, squash, corn, wild fruits and game. Ojibwa Indians also lived close to riverine environments in order to take full advantage of the resources available from the river. Additionally, the canoe provided the Indians with faster and more efficient means of travel.

Many of the sites he discusses remain covered by mounds along the rivers and streams of the Saginaw Valley, and Smith takes this to suggest that the prehistoric Indians of the regions lived very similar lives right up until European contact.

The author proceeds to describe excavations conducted in the area, allocating a paragraph or two to each site. His descriptions of the sites are perfunctory and provide just the basic information, enough to elicit further research if necessary.

Clarity: 4
JAYUR MEHTA University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Weiner)

Smith, Harlan. Summary of the Archaeology of Saginaw Valley, Michigan-II. American Anthropologist, 1901 Vol.3(1):501-512.

This article provides a summary of archaeological sites in the Saginaw Valley, as well as a critique of William McCormick’s works in The History of Saginaw County, and his article “Mounds and Mound-Builders of the Saginaw Valley”. McCormick was one of the early settlers to the Saginaw Valley, and was the first person to collect archaeological records from this area. There are a number of archaeological sites in the Saginaw Valley, represented by both villages and burial mounds. The inhabitants of these sites, the Sacs, seasonally moved their camps from the interior lakes to the bay.

In Smith’s opinion, there are several problems McCormick’s contributions. The first issue Smith raises is McCormick’s repeated use of the term “race”, instead of “tribe”, when referring to the skeletal remains of the local Native American groups. According to Smith, “race” implies a distinct group of people with identifiable skeletal features, like Europeans. The term “tribe”, on the other hand, refers to related, neighboring groups who have similar skeletal traits. Smith believes the skulls identified by McCormick as belonging to an “ancient race” were often misinterpreted, as McCormick had little training in the study of human osteology. Instead, these remains were likely from the ancestors of a local tribe, though at least one of the skeletons may represent an individual from a distant tribe, like the Potawatomi.

A second issue raised by Smith is the nature of burial mounds listed by McCormick and others. Smith contends that many of the sites McCormick considers to be artificially constructed burial mounds may in fact be naturally occurring hills and ridges that were used for burial purposes. According to McCormick, the depressions often found behind the mounds were created by removing the dirt for mound construction. Smith, however, states that certain geological processes such as wind erosion and subsequent deposition could account for the mounds and the ponds or depressions that often occur behind them. His idea is supported by the fact that the burials found in these mounds occur at different depths. This is contrary to what one would expect if the mounds were artificial creations for the burial of a number of people.

DULCE WASSIL University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Smith, Harlan I. Summary of the Archeology of Saginaw Valley, Michigan-III. American Anthropogist 1901 Vol3:726-736.

Smith’s article is really just that – a summary. He presents no arguments, but instead summarizes a number of archeological discoveries at various sites in and around Saginaw Valley.

In the article, Smith lists sixteen sites and mounds with names such as Melbourne Fields, Carrollton Graves, and Ayres Mound. In his discussion of each site, he describes in detail the physical characteristics as well as exactly what was discovered at each site. For the most part, Smith reports the discovery of human skeletons: “Human skeletons were found in the sand-ridge…;” “A number of human skeletons were found in the highest part of the sand-ridge…;” and “Three masses of human bones have been found by the writer on Mr. Germain’s lot.” Smith also describes the mounds in a similar manner by offering detailed descriptions of the length, width, and height of each mound as well as by including such details as the composition and color of the soil surrounding the mound.

MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Smith, Harlan I. Summary of the Archeology of Saginaw Valley, Michigan – III. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3:726-736.

This is the third article in a series aimed at summarizing all of the information currently available on the archaeology of Saginaw Valley, Michigan. In this installment, Smith summarizes the sites in the Saginaw River Valley, which is exclusively within Saginaw County. It is noted that the summary of sites in Saginaw County is to be continued in subsequent articles. As with previous articles, basic information is conveyed including site location and type, typical artifacts found, information on the local environment, nearby locations of lithic raw material, and published information on the region (if any). Unlike previous articles, for this installment Smith only documents sites that he has had personal involvement in, whether it was personal investigation of the site or informants bringing information to him about particular sites.

Smith was informed of traces of ancient cornfields at Melbourne, and also had involvement in one village site, three camp sites, three mound groups, and eight graves. Many of the graves were discovered through urban development such as pipe laying or excavation for building foundations. The graves include both prehistoric and historic burials. Of particular interest is Brooks Grave in the City of Saginaw discovered during the excavation for a cellar. Several skeletons were found, with the heads arranged in a small circle and the bodied radiating out from the central point.

The Germain Mounds and Ayres Mound are notable. The Germain Mounds contain eight mounds that show no evidence of being made by Native Americans. However, it is known that recruits for the Civil War camped in the area. These mounds may be the remains of temporary structures made by the soldiers. Ayres Mound was excavated by Smith, and was low and dome-shaped. There was evidence for burning, including burned chert. Several stone tools and debitage were also recovered.

KARINA NELSON University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Spofford, Ainsworth R. Rare Books Relating to The American Indians. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3:270-285.

Spofford briefly presents facts and comments regarding rare books and pamphlets that relate to Native Americans, and were also published before 1700. He highlights rarities written in various languages-Latin, Spanish, French, English, German, Dutch, Italian, Portuguese, Swedish, Russian, as well as works written in varying Native American dialects. The writings are pertaining only to certain subject areas. The contents focus on early discoverers and explorers who have written about Native Americans, histories of one or more groups of Indians, narratives written by or concerning missionaries among Native Americans, fiction and poetry based on Indian life, books written in Native languages, or those regarding treaties relating to Native Americans. All works discussed posses a unique quality such as a tract containing letters written by Columbus, printed in the 1492. Also, an illustrated book written by Captain John Smith. Some prints are said to be the sole copy and others can only be found in the Smithsonian Institute or the Library of Congress. He also writes of three books that are compiled of bibliographical information that are of importance to researchers. For each book or pamphlet he presents, information such as the author, language, publisher, publication date, value, and current location of the print is given.

CANDICE DELLINGER University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Spofford, Ainsworth R. Rare Books Relating to the American Indians. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 270-285.

Every researcher, scholar, and historian, past to present, knows the value bibliographies have in locating important sources in a relatively limited amount of time. Concise, well-organized, and thorough bibliographies are worth their weight in gold when it comes to extensive research. In 1901, Ainsworth Spofford provided a bibliography of bibliographies and books relating to a subject heavily studied at the time and one that continues to be studied today- American Indians. His list is divided into several subjects including explorers and discoverers who have written about Indians, histories of Indians, missionary narratives, narratives of Indian captives, books on native Indian languages, and fiction and poetry concerning Indian life.

The original copies of these books were indeed rare at the time this article was published. Limited copies were available for study and those that were available were often located overseas in London or Paris. Thanks to modern technology, many of the works listed by Spofford are available in reprints or even on microfilm at university and federal libraries throughout the United States and Canada. Where only a few copies of rare books on American Indians used to exist, often over one hundred copies of those listed by Spofford are now accessible to the general public.

Some books mentioned, such as the Holy Bible translated to Indian languages by the missionary John Eliot, are still only available at one library. Despite the difficulty in obtaining a few of the books listed, it is useful to have a bibliography of this nature in terms of looking at how Native North Americans were studied in the past.

NANCY STROUPE University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Wilson, Thomas Arrow Wounds. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol3: 513-531.

Thomas Wilson addresses the occurrence of arrow wounds from the Neolithic to present, and describes several examples in detail. Wilson dismisses Baron Percy’s theory that “military surgery had its origin in the treatment of wounds inflicted by arrows and spears” in Ancient Greece, which he believed to be the earliest instance of the use of arrows. Wilson provides evidence to the contrary, evidence that shows people of the Neolithic and Bronze Ages, and possibly even the Paleolithic, had stone-tipped arrows. Wilson discusses several Neolithic and Bronze Age examples of arrow wounds, then provides an overview of several historical cases.

Wilson points out that burials were made during the Paleolithic in western Europe, and that the Paleolithic people did have weapons such as arrows and hatchets, but the skeletal evidence at the time was not complete enough to make a definitive statement. Wilson does, however, list several examples of arrow wounds from the Neolithic period in France, including a vertebra from Pierre-Michelot, crania from Villevenard, and another vertebra from La Tourasse, just to name a few. Illustrations of two of these specimens are provided. The author also discusses prehistoric American remains that show evidence of arrow wounds. Many of these examples are crania and vertebrae that still contain the arrow point (or part of the point) that caused the trauma, and in several cases, death. Illustrations of some of the American specimens are included.

In addition to the prehistoric cases, Wilson discusses several historic cases, mostly soldiers who were injured while fighting Indians. While the historic points are more frequently manufactured from iron, not stone, the injuries remain similar and occur in the same general areas of the body. A few interesting cases are presented, in which the victim survived, often for years, with the arrow point remaining in their body.

This article is interesting, with fairly accurate dating for the historic specimens. However, Wilson does not provide dates for the prehistoric specimens, information that would be useful to a research project. This article illustrates the advances that have been made in the fields of archaeology and paleopathology.

SYDNEY MAWHORTER University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)

Willoughby, Charles C. Antler-Pointed Arrows of the South-Eastern Indians. American Anthropologist, 1901 Vol.3(1):431-437.

In the late 1800’s, the Peabody Museum received from the Boston Museum Theater a number of valuable archaeological artifacts. These had originally come from the Charles Wilson Peale Museum, an important institution in the development of science during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Among the materials received were several sets of arrows, which probably came originated in the South-East. The arrows belonging to any particular set can be distinguished from the other sets in a number of ways. The length of the arrow can vary greatly, and is indicative of the size of the bow for which it is made. The point can vary in shape, material, and hafting technique, and be painted or left unpainted. The shaft of the arrow (the riband) can be marked in a number of ways (such as red and black banding) and can be made from a variety of sources. The feathering can vary in species type, coloration, length, and the height it is trimmed to. Finally, the nock (the basal area of the arrow) can be either contracting or expanding, while the notch (the area where the arrow contacts the bow string) can range from shallow to deep. Considering these attributes, it can be determined that certain arrows belong to the same quiver. In this case, at least three sets of arrows were identified.

Apart from the central and western North American Indians, arrow points were generally constructed from materials other than flint. Arrow tips made from sources other than stone are common among Eastern US Indian groups. Suitable materials for points include bone, antler, claw, tooth, horn, horseshoe crab tail, and metal. In areas like New England, the use of stone for arrow tips disappeared at an early stage. Others, like the Sioux, however, continued to use stone tips as well as bone or metal tips. Because antler tips are common in the eastern portion of the US, it is reasonable to assume the above mentioned arrows came from this region. Further, the tips can be compared to similar types, found in all stages of production, at several different Algonquian sites. Finally, the length of the arrows suggests they were produced by an interior group, probably the Algonquian, or a closely related tribe.

DULCE WASSIL University of Wyoming (Michael Harkin)