Behavioral Acculturation Among Korean Americans

ABSTRACT - Previous research has found two separate dimensions for acculturation: an attitudinal one and a behavioral one. Most research in consumer behavior has focused on attitudinal concerns, even though the behavioral dimension relates more closely to the marketplace. This paper discusses two studies of the behavioral acculturation of Korean Americans, contrasting their consumption behaviors with those of Koreans and Americans. For the most part, the patterns of results are consistent with an assimilation perspective, as Korea Americans fell between Koreans and Americans on most aspects. In Study 1, however, extreme behavior patterns (hyperidentification and overacculturation) were also observed; such patterns are inconsistent with the assimilation model. In Study 2, which used in-depth interviews concerning washing machine usage, Korean Americans also exhibited behaviors between those of Koreans and Americans. In general, the behaviors of Korean Americans were much closer to those of Koreans than to Americans.


James W. Gentry, Sunkyu Jun, and Yong Jin Hyun (2002) ,"Behavioral Acculturation Among Korean Americans", in AP - Asia Pacific Advances in Consumer Research Volume 5, eds. Ramizwick and Tu Ping, Valdosta, GA : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 99-104.

Asia Pacific Advances in Consumer Research Volume 5, 2002      Pages 99-104


James W. Gentry, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, U.S.A.

Sunkyu Jun, Hongik University, Korea

Yong Jin Hyun, Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology, Korea

Seungwoo Chun, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, U.S.A.

Suraj Commuri, University of Missouri-Columbia, U.S.A.




The role of immigration globally is changing the face of many societies and, at the same time, creating internal conflicts between subcultures. In the U.S., immigration is given as the main reason that it is not graying at the same rate as Japan, where immigration is a far less likely phenomenon. While the U.S. is often referred to as a melting pot (inferring positive aspects concerning its historical diversity), immigration issues have also been associated with some of the country`s more objectionable eras. Slavery was not an auspicious start for most African-Americans, and the race riots in the last half century are a legacy of that institution. Similarly, the internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II represents another low point when trying to argue that "equality for all" exists. While these embarrassments were created by government policy and not by marketers, marketers have not always facilitated acceptance of immigrants. Most conflicts faced by US immigrants are less troublesome than the examples above, and many of those are internal ones as they grapple with self-identity issues. The presence of relatively new subcultures such as Asian Americans or North African Americans presents a challenge to marketers who are drawn by the lucrative nature of the subcultures (whose per capita incomes are higher than those of Anglos) while at the same time lack understanding of their values and consumer practices. The more upscale nature of many recent immigrant groups is in part a result of a shift in immigration laws in the 1960s to favor higher education, income, and occupation.

The early marketing literature assumed that immigrants would assimilate the host culture over time, almost in a linear manner. In fact, years in the host culture was frequently used as a proxy for acculturation level. Most recent literature (Knight et al. 1978; Penaloza 1994) has found acculturation to be non-linear in nature with peaks and troughs as individuals warm to the host culture and then feel rejected by it in an almost cyclical pattern.

Relevant to this complex phenomenon referred to loosely as acculturation is its measurement. The common approach today is to view it as a multidimensional construct. A variety of dimensions have been uncovered and an even broader variety of labels used to describe them. In the 1990s, a number of researchers (Gentry, Jun, and Tansuhaj 1995; Hui et al. 1992; Joy and Dholakia 1991; Jun, Ball, and Gentry 1993; Laroche, Kim, and Hui 1997; Sayegh and Lasry 1993; Wallendorf and Reilly 1983) found two distinct dimensions to exist: (1) a behavioral one which generally dealt with the consumption of products, usage of language in different contexts, and media preferences; and (2) an attitudinal dimension, primarily dealing with one’s ethnic identification with the culture of origin (though many also suggest measuring the identification with the host culture as well). Since most research has investigated the acculturation processes of immigrants from interdependent cultures (Mexicans or Asians) in more independent environments (Canada or the US), it may be that the separation of behavior and attitude is limited to these contexts. For example, Triandis (1992) has noted that collectivists can handle better the separation of behavior and attitude than can individualists. This ability to separate behavior and attitude may allow them to maintain their culture of origin ethnic identity while adopting behaviorally aspects of the host culture, which Reilly and Wallendorf (1984) note are often structurally mandated.

This paper will focus on behavioral acculturation processes [ones possibly unique to the North American context], whereas much of the focus of the acculturation literature had been on ethnic identification or related attitudinal constructs. We would argue that the marketer is more concerned with the immigrant’s purchase behavior than with their ideology. Further, we will compare the behavioral acculturation processes of Korean Americans with the behaviors of Korean and American consumers in their own cultures. The normal approach to such comparisons is to conduct survey research, and Study One will discuss such an approach. Study Two will report an investigation of behavioral acculturation processes using in-depth interviews involving decisions to buy and use washing machines, an everyday necessity which is not highly visible to friends and relatives. This contrasts with the study by Ger and Ostergaard (1998), one of the few other studies to investigate behavioral acculturation through ethnographic approaches, which investigated clothing consumption decisions by Turko-Danes in Denmark. First, though, we will briefly review measures used previously to measure behavioral acculturation.

Measures of Behavioral Acculturation

As noted earlier, there have been a wide variety of measures for acculturation in general, and this is true as well for behavioral acculturation. Whereas ethnic identification is usually linked to one’s self-concept, which is thought to be relatively universal across situations (Jun, Ball, and Gentry 1993; Weinreich, Kelly, and Maya 1989), behavioral acculturation relates to situated identity in specific contexts. For example, an individual may behave according to different cultural norms when one is at home with the family than when one is at work or at school. Thus, most measures of behavioral acculturation have dealt with the question "How Do I Behave in this Situation."

In a study of Greek and Italian Canadians, Laroche et al. (1997) used measures of English media usage, of the frequency of socializing with English Canadians, and of language preference in different context. Earlier, Hui et al. (1992) used measures of language use and social interaction. Jun et al. (1993) used measures of media usage, while Gentry et al. (1995) used the ownership of durables and language preference in various contexts among subcultures in southern Thailand. Reilly and Wallendorf (1984, 1987) and Wallendorf and Reilly (1983) used garbology (literally the search through people’s garbage) to measure food and beverage consumption by Mexicans, Americans, and Mexican-Americans. Lee (1989) used exposure to American television as her measure of behavioral acculturation. Lee and Tse (1994) used media usage, holiday celebration, and participation in the new culture’s activities. Lee and Um (1992) used language usage, media usage, food preferences, length of stay, and friends’ ethnicity to distinguish highly acculturated Korean Americans from less acculturated ones.




Our primary measure of behavioral acculturation focused on one’s consumption patterns of products with different cultural meanings for the two cultures (in this case, Koreans and Americans). Products considered robust against non-cultural factors such as differences in economic development, income level, and socio-demographic factors were chosen.

Twenty-seven items were chosen after personal interviews with Korean and American adults. These items were tested using 202 Koreans and 110 Americans to find if different purchase patterns existed for the items. Seventeen items were found to have significant differences in frequency or preference across the two countries. Six items (bread/rice, disposable cups, pierced earrings, answering machines, a second car, and perfume/cologne) are products which have been adopted in both countries and which are affordable by both Koreans and Americans (with the possible exception of a second car for Koreans). Eight items (frequency of outdoor activity, dining out, going to a movie, going on a picnic, watching TV, taking a nap, reading a book, and doing housework) were related to one’s usage of wekend leisure time. The other three items are preferences for different types of restaurants (Korean, Chinese, and American).

In addition, a language measure of acculturation and a measure of ethnic identification were used. The nine-item ethnic identification scale was developed through modification of instruments developed by Bergier (1986), Wong-Rieger and Quintana (1987), and Zmud and Arce (1992); the Cronbach alpha for the scale in this study was 0.71. The language measure of acculturation for Korean-Americans was developed through modification of instruments used in past studies (Bergier 1986; Lee and Um 1992; Marin et al. 1989; Mendoza 1989; Sodowsky and Plake 1991); the Cronbach alpha was 0.79.


The data were collected from 150 Korean-American immigrants living in the Dallas and Omaha areas (the non-Korean American data were collected in Lincoln). Respondents were selected through the help of Korean-American churches, and the $5 each received for participating was given to those churches. Respondents were contacted both in their homes and at their workplaces. The average age of the sample is 39 years, the average length of stay in the US is 10.8 years, the average amount of formal education is 15.5 years, and the median income was $32,000 with a range from $8,400 to $450,000.


Table 1 shows the mean responses of the 150 Korean Americans on the 17 items, along with the responses of the 202 Koreans and 110 Americans. In all cases, the Korean and American means are significant at the 0.05 level; in all cases but one (a weekend nap), the p-value was less than 0.01. An assimilation model of acculturation would expect the Korean American responses to lie between those of the Koreans and the Americans. Alternatively, there could be two extreme forms of acculturation: hyperidentification (with the home culture) and overacculturation (of the host culture). Hyperidentification occurs when the behavioral pattern of the acculturating person is more extreme than that of the home culture, and overacculturation occurs when the behavioral patterns of the acculturating person is more extreme than that of the host culture (Desai and Coelho 1980; Gentry et al. 1995).

Our results are reported behaviors, and not observations of behaviors. Of the 17 items used in this study, ten items exhibited usage patterns consistent with an assimilation model: bread/rice, pierced earrings, answering machines, perfume/cologne, outdoor activities, watching TV, reading books, taking a nap, and eating at Korean and Chinese restaurants. Korean Americans showed a more extreme behavioral pattern than Koreans (an indication of hyperidentification) with respect to leisure time activities such as dining-out less, going to a movie less frequently, doing housework more, and going to an American restaurant less. The hyperidentification items deal with whether the Korean American feels isolated when surrounded by Americans. Dining out (particularly in an Amercan restaurant) and going to a movie increase the chance to feel "I am different from the majority." One may wish to avoid situations where one sees oneself as alienated from the host society. The increased housework may reflect a situation in which being alone is much more acceptable.

On the other hand, a more extreme behavioral pattern for Korean Americans than for Americans (an indication of overacculturation) was found in greater usage of disposable cups and dishes and a second car, which may be attributed to appreciation of convenience products. Overacculturation was also found with the going on a picnic item. Overacculturation seems to relate to efficiency, which has become an important behavioral characteristic of the Korean American, learned upon arrival in the US. Historically, Koreans have been less conscious of efficiency, but it is often one of the most positive and desirable aspects that most Koreans learn when they first settle in the US. It may also serve as an excuse for Korean newcomers to break seemingly obsolete Korean traditions on some occasions.

Correlations among the three measures of acculturation (behavioral, attitudinal, and language preference) show that the attitudinal and behavioral measures are relatively independent of each other (r=.15, p<.06) while the language measure is a compromise between the other two measures. The language measure is correlated with both the attitudinal and behavioral measure, but more strongly with the attitudinal measure (r=.45, p<.001) than with the behavioral measure (r=.21, p<.01).

Overall, evidence supporting the assimilation model is very common in the behavioral acculturation process. Also, as extant research indicates, behavioral acculturation is distinctive from attitudinal acculturation. One thing, however, is noteworthy. An immigrant may behave extremely in order to avoid situations in which he/she feels alienated from the host culture.


The finding of hyperidentification with housework raises issues concerning less visible products and services. Behavioral assimilation may be most likely to arise when consumption is highly visible and thus more sensitive to social pressure. As noted earlier, Ger and Ostergaard (1998) investigated the clothing acquisition process of Turko-Danes; clearly clothing represents very conspicuous consumption that may be subject to social pressures. On the other hand, consumer durables used within the home may be less susceptible to such pressures. We investigated the purchase and use of washing machines among 28 Korean households in Seoul, 30 US households in Lincoln, Nebraska, and 15 Korean American households in Lincoln using in-depth interviews conducted in the informants’ homes.


We attempted to use Holbrook’s (1998) Consumer Value Framework to assess the values underlying the acquisition and use of washing machines. Holbrook (1998) lists three dimensions of consumer value: (1) extrinsic versus intrinsic, (2) self-oriented verus other-oriented, and (3) active versus reactive. This 2 x 2 x 2 model yields eight values: efficiency, play, excellence, aesthetics, status, ethics, esteem, and spirituality. Interviewers were given a structured question guide and told to cover all of the issues, but also instructed to generate probes in order to develop the response further. Thus, there was an overt attempt to assess the existence of Holbrook’s values in the washing machine context.

The interviews were conducted by a limited number of researchers. Six were used in Korea, two (one US male and one US female) in the US, and one Korean male used with the Korean American sample. Informants were paid for their participation ($25 each in the US and a comparable amount in Korea). The interviews lasted from 45 minutes to two hours, and were audio taped. They were transcribed, and then read by multiple researchers several times each. Finally, the researchers discussed their interpretations of the findings at length in order to generate abstracted summaries.

US Results

The majority of the interviews were conducted with households (with the female heads) who owned their own home. Of these 22 households, 14 were married with kids, three married without kids, three divorced or single, and two single parents. For those eight households renting, three were married with kids and two without, one single, and two single parents. The ages of the adult women ranged from 22 to 63, with a median age of 40.

Few intrinsic values (play, aesthetics, ethics, or spirituality) were evident in the US data. Of these, ethics was discussed the most as a small subset of informants were concerned with the environmental effects of detergents and water usage. Despite probes such as "Is cleanliness next to Godliness?", informants found very little of a "spiritual" nature while doing laundry. Similarly, play was not evident at all; doing laundry was almost universally seen as a chore that had to be done and one that was not anticipated with any enthusiasm. Given that most households located the washing machine and dryer in the basement, there was not much concern whatsoever with aesthetics. Some informants were almost incredulous that anyone would want any color other than white.

There was more evidence of extrinsic values (efficiency, excellence, status, and esteem), with the emphasis clearly on efficiency and convenience. Almost unanimously, the informants wanted a BIG washing machine, so that fewer loads would be needed. At the same time, most did not seek additional bells and whistles, but wanted a machine with simple settings. Informants mentioned quality frequently and seemed to place the most emphasis on owning a national brand, with Maytag being mentioned most frequently. Apparently, brand preference was based on performance and durability, as few informants had any knowledge about the brand of washing machine owned by anyone other than their mothers. When asked about their current brand, most expressed pride that they had made a good choice, but there was little self identity associated with the brand.

Korean Results

The Korean data contrasted with the US data in that te females interviewed lived, with a few exceptions, in apartments, whereas most US respondents lived in houses. Those Koreans living in houses had a similar amount of living space to those in apartments. The smaller amount of space available in Korea meant that the laundry room was located most frequently in a multi-purpose room that often also served as the storage room. In several cases, the washing machines were located in the bathroom. Unlike the US respondents, the Korean informants rarely owned a dryer and clothes were dried in the sun on balconies or patios. The greater visibility of the washing machine in both the apartment and the house (with no basement to hide it in) resulted in much more emphasis on aesthetics. While some Korean informants had white washing machines, most had colored ones with colors ranging from silver and pale blue to green and dark blue. One informant expressed a desire for more diverse styles, seeking something other than a rectangular machine.

Laundry was done much more frequently, with most doing it at least three times a week and some doing it daily. There are multiple possible explanations. One is the greater availability of time, as most informants did not work outside the household. Another is that the informants may have had more limited wardrobes than the US sample, requiring more frequent washing. Another may be that Korean washing machines are smaller (though some informants reported difficulty in reaching clothes at the bottom of the tub), requiring more loads. One final alternative explanation is that Koreans place greater value on having clean clothes, especially in Seoul where air pollution can be a problem. As mentioned below, a typical Korean housewife feels that keeping her family’s clothes clean is her honorable duty. This duty constitutes part of core identity.

No mention of doing laundry by hand was made by US informants, but nearly all of the Korean informants had yet to abandon entirely doing laundry by hand. Apparently, either the quality of Korean detergents and washing machines was problematic or Koreans just believe that no machine (regardless where it is made) can match the cleanliness derived from hand washing, as many informants discussed the need for multiple rinsings (one said that eight or nine rinsings were required). One informant said that a load of washing could take as long as two hours. While multiple informants noted that washing machines can spin much more effectively than humans can, several said that doing laundry by hand got the clothes cleaner and fresher. One informant noted that her washing machine rinses more effectively than doing it by hand, but that it took much longer. Other informants used a combination process, whereby the clothes (often the white ones) were boiled on the oven and then put in the washing machine’s tub.

Informants noted that excessive rinsing uses much water, and they frequently expressed concern about water shortages and pollution. Many have thought about how the used water could be recycled. Some informants even expressed concern about how water could be saved during rinsing. Most informants complained that the washing machine unnecessarily uses excess water when rinsing.

Doing laundry by hand by Korean women is also related with the psychological satisfaction resulting from their physical involvement in cleaning clothes. Several respondents noted that they like doing laundry by hand and are pleased to see the clothes getting clean and to touch the clothes being washed. One of the respondents noted that she sometimes does laundry by hand when she gets stressed. The traditional Korean woman used to rely on doing housework by herself when she needed to get away from the stress experienced in the patriarchal structure of the home environment, and a well or stream where women gathered to do laundry served as a good place to share one’s problems. Although this tradition has faded from modern Korean society, Korean women seem to experience pleasure in doing laundry, even when using a washing machine. For instance, one respondent noted that doing laundry was one way for housewives to reduce stress and that she got refreshed by taking out bed pads and sheets and putting them in the washing machine. Some other respondents echoed that doing laundry provides satisfaction and fun (in a sense).

Thus, in terms of Holbrook’s value framework, we infer that different values are evident in Korea than found in the US. Aesthetics is a more important factor, because the washing machine is much more visible in the Korean residence. Play (or fun) is more evident in Korea because of the different cultural traditions in the process of doing laundry, with Koreans being involved more in a hands-on manner. Similarly, part of the lack of total acceptance of the washing machine appeared to stem from concerns with water usage. There was relatively less emphasis on efficiency in Korea, though more concern with performance (in terms of actually getting the clothes clean). Brands were mentioned very infrequently, indicating less emphasis on excellence and less evidence of concern with status or esteem.

Korean Americans

The Korean American sample ranged in age from 20 to 65 (with a median age of 45). Six were married to US natives, six to fellow Korean Americans, one was divorced, and one was single (a college student living at home who did laundry for her household). The range of time in the US was from six to 28 years, with a median of 15 years.

To some extent, our findings show that Korean Americans, as a group, are somewhere between Americans and Koreans in terms of their laundry behavior. For example, all of the Korean American homeowners had dryers, though one said she does not use it and another said that she dries the load partially and then hangs it to dry further. The few informants using laundry mats apparently used dryers as well.

On the other hand, Korean Americans mentioned hand washing far more often than did Americans and they were much closer to the Korean informants in this respect. Many informants discussed having hand washed clothes in Korea, but some indicated that they rely now entirely on washing machines (and then later mentioned there were exceptions such as hose and delicate fabrics, which were hand washed). Several informants said that hand washing is more effective than a washing machine, and they were among those doing frequent hand washings. One informant said that she enjoyed doing the laundry for her loving family, another took great pride in her son’s telling his girlfriend that his mom does laundry really well, and another said, "When I am done with laundry, I feel I turn to be new." Most US informants expressed satisfaction when the laundry was done, but virtually none expressed any joy associated with the process.

One reason for the hand washing (especially of white clothes) was the belief that it got them cleaner. One informant saw this as a difference with the host culture: "Koreans think that white clothes have to be white so it is clean, but I don’t think Americans do." Another purpose for doing laundry dealt with smell. While many US informants discussed the desire to smell fresh clothes, two Korean American informants discussed the desire to remove the smell of garlic which may be absorbed through cooking and eating. This is an obvious reaction to the host culture’s structural mandates concerning the acceptability of certain odors. One informant discussed doing extra rinsing in order to remove the soap smell. In general, extra rinsings were mentioned by most informants; apparently Korean Americans continue to rinse more frequently than do Americans, though not as frequently as Koreans.

Of those informants owning washing machines, a small majority owned white ones. Other colors owned were almond, pink chocolate, dark, and beige. Two informants said that they clearly preferred white, as "white is clean." Given that white is the color of mourning in Korea, its emic meaning there is more complex than it is in the US, where "white is clean" would seem to capture our perspective. One informant said that she has a white washing machine, but that was the builder’s decision and not hers. Her machine is located in the entryway between the garage and the rest of the house, and she expressed the desire to have a more colorful machine. Given that one often purchases existing household durables as part of the house purchase, the imposition of white washing machines may be seen as a structural mandate initially.

Some informants expressed strong brand preferences more akin to the US informants, but there was less concern overall with brand and status than there was for Americans. One informant questioned whether the more prestigious brands were really any better. Still, there was much more concern with the status of the brand than there was among the Korean informants.

Thus, the value differences noted between Koreans and Americans seemed to blur for Korean Americans. There is more concern for aesthetics and play (or fun) than experienced by Americans, but far less than for Koreans. Although not at the same level as for Koreans, Korean Americans do have concerns about the performance and quality of washing machines, and they still consider doing hand washings. American informants seem to assume generally high performance levels from their laundry facilities, and used brand name as a cue for quality.


Investigating the behavioral acculturation of immigrants provides insights into changes in consumer behavior due to life-event transitions. To a large extent, Western marketing assumes steady-state conditions, allowing marketers to concern themselves with modifying preferences as the means of bringing about changes in behavior. On the other hand, life-event transitions such as marriage, birth of a child, divorce, job loss, death of a spouse, residential moves, and immigration are associated with mandated structural changes that may well be inconsistent with previously established preferences.

This paper has investigated the transitions faced by Korean Americans as they adapt to a new culture. The assimilation model of acculturation does account for many findings in our studies, as Korean Americans appear to be somewhere between Koreans and Americans in terms of their consumption processes. At the same time, patterns of behavior very inconsistent with an assimilation perspective are evident (the hyperidentification and overacculturation examples from Study 1). Reaffirming the existence of such phenomena as hyperidentification and overacculturation is not sufficient to make a contribution to this subdiscipline; we need to go further and develop more understanding about the circumstances associated with hyperidentification, overacculturation, and assimilation. Gentry et al. (1995) suggest that hyperidentification may be most likely in terms of possessions, while overacculturation may be more likely noted in terms of every day activities.

Study 2 provided insight into the use of a consumer durable, but one that is not highly visible (at least in the US culture) and which clearly falls within the mundane, frequently used category. Here too we saw Korean Americans looking very much like Americans in some aspects; for example, homeowners all had dryers. On the other hand, questions as to the quality of the machines’ ability to get clothes clean existed much like they apparently do among Koreans (but not among Americans). Concern for aesthetics was evident among Korean Americans as it was among Koreans, but at the same time there was evidence that "white is right" is not uncommon among Korean Americans.

Study 2 thus sheds some light on those issues in which the immigrant is most likely to assimilate quickly, and as to those issues in which they are likely to maintain traditional values. Color is interesting, as some informants continued to desire more colorful washing machines, even in an environment in which their visibility was lessened. At the same time, white washing machines are imposed upon newcomers, whether they are already in the home they purchase or whether they are in laundry mats. On the other hand, the skepticism present in Korea concerning the value added of washing machines is still very evident among Korean Americans, even though they have had years of experience with doing laundry in the US. For mundane, inconspicuous durable acquisitions, we suggest that immigrants will continue to maintain their doubts, learned from experience in their home culture, as to the worth of new technology. On the other hand, they adapt quickly to advancements in convenience such as the use of dryers.

Attention to behavioral acculturation processes is needed in terms of understanding behavior change due to life-event transitions. One advantage of this particular domain is that we can measure the culturally determined behavioral processes evident in both the host culture and the culture of origin, and we can use these reference points to understand more clearly the behavior of the immigrant population.


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Sunkyu Jun, Hongik University, Korea


AP - Asia Pacific Advances in Consumer Research Volume 5 | 2002

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