Native American Encyclopedia 2014-10-30T20:49:02Z WordPress Carol <![CDATA[Victorio’s War (1879–1880)]]> 2014-10-13T09:51:51Z 2014-10-30T20:49:02Z
Chief Victorio

Victorio’s War, or the Victorio Campaign, was an armed conflict between the Apache followers of Chief Victorio, the United States, and Mexico beginning in September 1879. Following his escape from the San Carlos Indian Reservation in southeastern Arizona, Victorio led a guerrilla war across the Southwest and northern Mexico. Many engagements were fought until the Mexican Army killed Victorio and defeated his warriors in October 1880. After Victorio’s death, Chief Nana continued the war into 1881. Following the Battle of Cibecue Creek, in August 1881, Nana and his band joined Geronimo.


The unhealthy conditions of the San Carlos Reservation was a main factor which led to the war, disease and lack of supplies plagued the United States Army stationed at various forts in Apacheria. The same was said of the Indian reservations that were difficult to maintain for most of the period. Extreme desert conditions also meant that the Apaches willing to become farmers would have a hard time growing their own food. Reservations meant the army had to send a constant flow of supplies to them and their own outposts, something which had always been a problem to military forces since the Spanish controlled the area prior to 1821. The desert offered few natural sources of food and water in most areas. Hunting was also an issue; at one point the San Carlos Apaches were allowed to hunt but after decades of massacres and battles, armed Apaches drew the suspicions of settlers so the army discontinued the policy.

Victorio, before coming in, was promised to be given the land around Camp Ojo Caliente for his reservation but ultimately he and his band were sent to San Carlos where other Apache bands lived. The Apache were not a unified tribe and many fought against each other so living at San Carlos meant living with enemies, something that also gave Victorio the incentive for leaving permanently which he did in late August 1879.

Battle of Ojo Caliente

Victorio and his followers, numbering around 200 men, women and children, headed for Ojo Caliente where on September 4, as they were nearing their destination, a small patrol from Company E of the 9th Cavalry was detected. In the ensuing skirmish, Victorio’s warriors killed five Buffalo Soldiers under Captain Ambrose Hooker, before mutilating and staking their bodies to the ground. Other accounts say eight soldiers perished along with three civilians. Five of the soldiers known to have died that day were Sergeant Silas Chapman and Privates Lafayerre Hoke, William Murphy, Silas Graddon and Alvrew Percival. Forty-six to sixty-eight army horses and mules were also taken by Victorio and the victory caused other Apache bands to leave the reservations and begin fighting. By September 10, nine American settlers had been killed by hostiles and the army had dispatched thousands of soldiers and scouts to search for Victorio. American militias also formed in Arizona and New Mexico.

Battle of Las Animas Canyon

After Ojo Caliente Victorio decided to head south. While traveling down the Animas River, the band encountered a militia made up of miners in between Kingston and Silver City. Ten of the Americans were killed and about fifty horses captured in another short engagement, Victorio then continued south into Las Animas Canyon, in the Black Range, where he positioned his warriors cunningly. The first significant battle of the conflict was about to be fought. There are several different accounts of the event but what is known is that on September 18 of 1879 Victorio was encamped at the canyon when two companies of cavalry under Captain Byron Dawson discovered them. About seventy-five men altogether, the Americans were apparently lured into the canyon by either an Apache woman or two warriors who opened fire on them as they headed down Las Animas Creek near the junction with the canyon. Victorio’s forces, numbering at least sixty men, were positioned atop of a ridge overlooking Las Animas Canyon and the adjoining Massacre Canyon. When the Americans were inside the Apaches opened fire with their rifles and bows so the soldiers took cover behind boulders and other natural defenses. Two other companies from the 9th cavalry were in the area and proceeded to the battlefield. When the reinforcements entered the canyon, Victorio’s warriors ceased firing until the Americans began a flanking maneuver towards the ridge. Victorio’s men then opened fire again and repulsed the attack. Long range skirmishing continued for the remainder of the day and that night the Americans retreated. Accounts of casualties differ but at least five soldiers were killed and several wounded. Navajo Scouts also played a role in the battle; two or three are known to have been killed and are buried among the thirty-two graves at the site. Thirty-six army horses were also killed, while Victorio’s losses were negligible.

Three American soldiers received the Medal of Honor for courage under heavy fire: Lieutenant Robert Temple Emmet, Lieutenant Mathias Day and Sergeant John Denny. Lieutenant Mathias received the medal for disregarding Captain Dawson’s order to retreat so as to save wounded soldiers who would have been left behind. John Denny did the same and carried one man back to friendly lines under accurate fire from the ridgeline. Dawson was later relieved of his command by the regimental commander, Colonel Edward Hatch.

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[Cherokee Indians Weaving Techniques]]> 2014-10-29T08:23:31Z 2014-10-30T20:00:17Z Cherokee Indians Weaving
Cherokee Indians Weaving

Although the Cherokee Indians are mostly known for their intricate double-wall basket weaving techniques, textile weaving was an important part of traditional life and exists as an art form today. Because of the humid forests of the Southeast where the Cherokee originated, few examples of antique textiles still exist; however, in the 1940s, weaving halls were established in Oklahoma and the tradition has lived on passed down through generations of Cherokee women.

Beaten Fibers

Cottons and silks didn’t exist in the American Southeast originally, so the Cherokee used indigenous plants. Among the native plants used for textiles were wild hemp and mulberry. Hemp was prepared by peeling the stalks and beating the fibers until they separated. Mulberry was prepared in much the same way, but only the bark was used. The fibers then could be pulled off in threads and then woven into cloth by finger weaving.

Animal Hair

Although the Cherokee lacked goats and sheep until after Europeans came to their land, they used the hair of some of the local wild animals for weaving. The opossum and buffalo’s hair was spun into thread using a spindle made of wood or bone to prepare it for weaving.

Finger Weaving

One of the earliest methods of weaving was finger weaving. Fibers are attached to a stick that is positioned horizontally. The stick is tied to a post or tree for stability so the weaver can have a free hand for the corresponding fibers. More lengths of fibers are woven into the attached fibers. Intricate patterns and color combinations can be achieved by varying the positions of the fibers.


Looms were first brought by the Europeans and were quickly adopted into Cherokee life. Natural fibers were dyed with plant dyes and woven into cloth for clothing and blankets. The Cherokee developed their own style of weaving using an under and over method that produces checks and also an intricate double-weave design.


Contemporary Cherokee artists are incorporating traditional methods into modern designs. Many are using wools and synthetics mixed with natural fibers to create new patterns and textures. Along with fabric, belts and sashes, these weaving are being made into works of art that honor both tradition and new art forms.

Source: ehow

Amy <![CDATA[Sioux Indian Jewelry Traditions]]> 2014-10-29T08:23:23Z 2014-10-30T19:00:13Z Sioux Indian Jewelry
Sioux Indian Jewelry

Throughout its history, the various factions comprising the Sioux Nation have demonstrated a knack for celebrating their natural surroundings, animal spirits, and the Great Spirit, through ornate jewelry and intricately decorated clothing. These Native American Plains People have used bone (often called hairpipe), antler and glass beads to create patterns symbolizing their individual tribes and their spirituality, often telling entire stories through decorative patterns.


The Sioux often have been characterized by their strong sense of connection to the natural world and animals, as well as by their fierce warrior and horse-riding culture. The bones of animals they hunted for sustenance were not wasted. To honor the kill, bones of buffalo, birds and other game were fashioned into necklaces, chokers and ornate breastplates.

Holes could be drilled through long sections of bone, sometimes referred to as hairpipe, to string together chokers and breastplates that were both attractive and protective in battle. Thread often was made from sinew, the muscle tendons of animals.

Bone often was combined with colored glass and clay beads, brass, and other material obtained through trade. The art continues today among traditionalists and rendezvous and pow-wow enthusiasts.

Antlers and Horns

Beads, decorative disks, buttons and ornate decorations for ceremonial Sioux bonnets all can be gleaned from deer antlers and bison horns.

Deer antler can be sawed or chiseled across the antler tines into small disks. Holes can then be drilled or punched through with an awl to create antler buttons for beading or clothing. Horns often were hollowed out and dried before being incorporated into ceremonial headdresses.


Though not initially available in the Americas, indigenous people eventually obtained through trade with white settlers the colored glass beads, brass and copper beads, and trim that have defined their jewelry for generations. The Sioux were no different.

Buckskin shirts, leggings, the leather trim of ceremonial bonnets and leather pipe bags often were stitched with intricate beading patterns, some of which told stories of great hunts, battles and other events. The beads typically were stitched with sinew thread in small groupings to reflect larger patterns.


Beading detail on ceremonial bonnets, often called headdresses, is among the most ornate in Sioux tradition. Eagle feathers often were topped with horse hair, wrapped on the tips with red felt or other fabric, and stitched into a base leather cap with a long train using leather loops wrapped with sinew. Contrary to popular belief, these bonnets were mostly worn during ceremonial dance and other special events. The items were not typically worn when warriors rode off to battle.

Metal Jewelry

Metal jewelry also became a staple among the Sioux with the arrival of white settlers. Copper bracelets were common among the Sioux peoples, as were metal earrings and small shiny cones made from tin that could be used as decorative trim or as hangings from the fringe of medicine pouches and ceremonial leggings.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[White River War]]> 2014-10-13T09:48:43Z 2014-10-30T18:45:20Z
Part of the Ute Wars, American Indian Wars

The White River War, also known as the Ute War, or the Ute Campaign, was fought between the White River Utes and the United States Army in 1879, resulting in the forced removal of the White River Utes and the Uncompahgre Utes from Colorado, and the reduction in the Southern Utes’ land holdings within Colorado. The war signalled the final defeat of the Utes and opened millions of new acreage to settlement


The conflict began when Major Thomas T. Thornburgh led a command of 153 soldiers, and twenty-five militiamen, to the White River Agency, in response to a request for assistance by the Indian Agent Nathan C. Meeker. Meeker had been attempting to convert the White River Utes to agriculture and Christianity, and had angered the Utes by plowing a field they used to graze and race horses. After an altercation with some Utes, Meeker had sent to the army for assistance.

The main incidents of the war took place on September 29, 1879. Major Thornburgh advanced with his command across Milk Creek onto the White River Ute land, despite assuring several Utes on previous days that the main body of his command would remain off the reservation. An Ute force, led by Nicaagat (Jack), were hidden on high ground prepared to defend their territory. The competing armed forces signalled each other, with both sides meaning to meet with each other peacefully, when an errant shot began what came to be known as the Battle of Milk Creek. The Utes, although outnumbered, held the strategic high ground, and managed to hold the American army forces at bay, and inflict significant losses, including the death of Major Thornburgh and thirteen others, wounding more than forty.

Meanwhile, a separate group of Utes, descended upon the White River Agency and killed ten male employees and Nathan Meeker. They also took three women and two children captive in what became known as the Meeker Massacre.

The United States Cavalry remaining at Milk Creek were in disarray, corralled with most of their animals dead and being used as defensive barricades. They were under the command of Captain J. Scott Payne, who sent out messengers for reinforcements. The troops held out for two days until the arrival of Captain Francis S. Dodge and his company of Buffalo Soldiers from Fort Lewis in southern Colorado. These reinforcements helped the army hold their position until Colonel Wesley Merritt arrived with close to 450 troops, this led to the Utes’ withdrawing from the battle after six days of fighting.

The army suffered thirteen casualties, including ten soldiers and three militiamen killed, and forty-four wounded, five of whom were of the militia. The Utes had suffered a total of thirty-seven fatalities, in both the battle and the massacre


After the Milk Creek and White River incidents, there was intense hostility toward the Utes, both within Colorado and the American army, and mounting pressure to drive them entirely from the state, or to exterminate them altogether. There had already been a desire to move the Utes off their land prior to the outbreak of the war so the fighting added fuel to the fire.

The treaty negotiations were the result of the intercession of Secretary of the Interior Carl Schurz, who stopped any movement of forces against the Ute until such time as the hostages were safely released. Former Indian agent Charles Adams, who had previously served at White River, managed to secure the hostages’ release by the White River Utes. Schurz was accompanied during his trip to Colorado for those negotiations by a young German diplomat named August von Dönhoff, the father of Marion Gräfin Dönhoff, a well known German journaliat and Anti-Nazi resistance fighter.

The official ceding of Ute land occurred after negotiations that began in November 1879 with a Peace Commission at the Los Pinos Agency. After this commission failed to produce results, Congress summoned the participants to Washington in 1880. A treaty was agreed upon where the White River Utes agreed to be removed to Uintah Reservation in Utah, and the Uncompahgre Utes, who had not participated in the uprising, were to remain in Colorado, but on a smaller parcel of land. Later this plan was changed, and the Uncompahgre Utes too were removed to Utah. The Southern Ute were also to be moved, although it proved difficult to find them land in neighboring states. Ultimately they remained on a reservation along the border of Colorado and New Mexico.

After removal the Uncompahgre Utes named their new land reserve Ouray Reservation after the late Chief Ouray, who died in August 1880, occurred on August 28, 1881. The Uncompahgres were moved under the accompaniment of the army, commanded by Colonel Ranald MacKenzie. The army was used to force the Utes to move, but it also served to protect the Utes from the wrath of the settlers who followed the exodus of the Uncompahgres.

The White River Utes were more difficult to move. The Indian Bureau lured them to the Uintah Reservation by sending their rations and land compensation payments there. The White River Utes remained largely nomadic, and remained a threat to return to Colorado. For that reason, the army, with the aid of the Interior Department, planned a military post next to the Utah reservations. When Jack and the White River Utes fled back to Colorado, the army tracked down and located them on April 28, 1882. Soldiers killed him while he was trying to avoid capture and being forced to return to Uintah Reservation. The removal of the Utes from most of their lands in Colorado effectively marked the end of the White River War.

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[How to Use Native American Symbols]]> 2014-10-29T08:23:15Z 2014-10-30T18:00:10Z Native American Symbols
Native American Symbols

Symbols used in Native American cultures have significant meaning. For example, the image of a red diamond symbolizes wind, but also conveys unity, balance and eternity. Symbols worn by a person can reveal something special about her or pay homage to something larger than life. These symbols can be sewn into clothing or added to accessories. But they have other uses as well, such as astrological readings.


1. Expand your knowledge of Native American symbols. Free online resources offer brief explanations of basic symbols. A local library is another resource that gives access to information detailing with the use of symbols.

2. Choose symbols that hold meaning for you. When decorating or designing an accessory, use symbols that have personal meaning — a tribe-specific symbol to represent your geographical region, for example.

3. Add Native American symbols to clothing. This can take the form of an animal that represents your Native American zodiac sign, such as a wolf for February and March birthdays. Your embellishment could be a Navajo or Hopi sun symbol or a simple series of red diamonds to pay homage to the wind.

4. Add symbols to home decor. Textiles manufactured, or handmade, by tribes are often designed with symbols representing the tribe or an important natural spirit, such as the sun. Use textiles, such as a blanket or ceremonial mask, to decorate your walls.

5. Use symbols in astrological readings. Animal spirits are assigned for periods throughout the year. Use these spirit animals to analyze personality traits and discover inner truths.

Source: ehow

Amy <![CDATA[Ojibway Indian Crafts to Make]]> 2014-10-29T08:23:09Z 2014-10-30T17:00:08Z Ojibway Indian Crafts to Make
Ojibway Indian Crafts to Make

The Ojibway nation is also known as the Ojibwa, the Chippewa and the Anishinaabeg. Most Ojibway bands currently reside across northern Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota and southern Canada, their ancestral range. Their traditional crafts reflect their surroundings, using materials from the north woods, and include the making of birch bark canoes and baskets and beadwork on leather or canvas.


In Ojibwa beadwork, you must make your own designs, since many have religious or family significance and copying others is quite offensive. A traditional Ojibway Indian method of beadwork is to lane stitch with seed beads, which means to make narrow beaded rows across apparel or accessories. Leather or canvas is usually used, not thinner fabrics that can’t stand up to the weight of the many beads. Draw the design you want to bead on your material ahead of time, using light pencil or fabric marker. Each lane should be about a half-inch wide, and you will stitch seven to nine beads vertically on the lane. For a row on a medium-sized item like a vest or bag, you will likely need about 3 feet of thread. Run the needle and thread through a chunk of beeswax to strengthen it and smooth it before starting. Then, measure the number of beads you need in each stitch by starting the thread at the bottom corner of the lane, stringing enough beads on it to reach the top of the lane, then adding two more. When you pull the stitch tight, this creates a traditional hump shape to the beads. Use this number of beads throughout the whole project. To make the next stitch, move over a tiny bit, about a bead’s width, and do the same stitch in the other direction, with the same number of beads. The colors of the beads vary based on your design, and may need to change in the middle of a stitch, so pay attention to the details. See the Resources for diagrams.

Birch Bark Baskets

Practice this ancient art on paper or cardboard first to avoid wasting birch bark. You will need a fairly square piece of white birch bark taken from an already-dead tree. Don’t strip the bark from living trees; take it from a fallen birch or a friend’s woodpile. Scrape down the dark inner layers so that several layers of light bark remain. Depending on how high you want your basket, measure in from the outside of the bark with a pencil and ruler a few inches and draw a line on each side, like a picture frame. If you want your sides slanted inward, cut wedges out of the corners outside the pencil marks; if you want a shallow bowl, just cut diagonal slits in the middle of each corner. Fold the bark at the markings. You may need to score the bark with a knife along the lines if it is thick and difficult to fold, but don’t cut through to the outside. At each corner, use an upholstery needle and a material like artificial sinew, homemade reed cordage or leather cording to stitch the corners closed. Stitch well away from the edge of the bark so it does not tear. To finish the basket, add a rim to reinforce the top. Form a hoop of reeds, willow shoots, red dogwood or other basket-making wood that approximates the top of your basket, then sew it on, taking large stitches in a whip stitch, “X” shape or straight stitching, as desired for ornamentation. See the Resources for diagrams.

Dream Catchers

Widely adopted by other tribes, and now a mainstream craft, dream catchers originated with the Ojibwa people, as a child’s ward against bad dreams. To make them in the Ojibwa style, you will need a flexible twig or slim branch, like willow or grapevine, about 2 or 3 feet long. You can make a circle or a teardrop shape; for the teardrop, simply tie the two ends of the wood you are using with a cord or leather strip, and let them cross at the top of the dream catcher, then proceed to the netting step. For the circle shape, bend the wood in a circle the size you want, traditionally no bigger than 4 or 5 inches in diameter. Twist the remaining wood around the first circle to make a stronger shape. To start the netting, take at least 4 feet of strong, thin string, or more if you like, and tie a loop in one end. This is to hang the dream catcher with. Tie this loop at the top of your dream catcher and begin the web. Put the loose string on top of the wood, loop around under the back, and bring it up between the first knot and the loop you just made. Do this every few inches, all the way around the hoop. When you reach the starting point again, begin making the same looped stitch on the first set of loops instead of the wood. The second row should be made in between the loops of the first row. As you go around again, diamond shapes will begin to form in the string. Do this for three or four more rows, as many as you would like to make and will fit in the hoop. It is traditional to add a bead in the middle of one of the rows to represent a spider in its web. Finish at the bottom by stitching a loop twice in the same place. The remaining string will hang down, and you can add some beads to it, then knot the end around two or three feathers. To cover the tie and straighten the feathers, wrap a small square of felt or other fabric around the base of the feathers and tie it with more string, a leather cord or a ribbon at the top and bottom of the fabric. See the Resources for diagrams.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[Sheepeater Indian War]]> 2014-10-13T09:44:52Z 2014-10-30T16:42:43Z
Tukudeka group

The Sheepeater Indian War of 1879 was the last Indian war fought in the Pacific Northwest portion of the United States. A band of approximately 300 Shoshone people, the Tukudeka, were known as the Sheepeaters because of their proficiency in hunting Rocky Mountain sheep. The campaign against the Sheepeaters primarily took place in central Idaho.

Leading up to the war, settlers accused the Shoshone of stealing horses in Indian Valley and killing three settlers near present-day Cascade, Idaho during the pursuit. In August, the Shoshone were accused of killing two prospectors in an ambush at Pearsall Creek, five miles from Cascade. By February 1879 they were accused of the murders of five Chinese miners at Oro Grande, murders at Loon Creek, and finally the murders of two ranchers in the South Fork of the Salmon River in May. There was no evidence for these accusations.

Heading the campaign against the Sheepeaters was Troop G of the 1st Cavalry led by Captain Reuben Bernard, Company C and a detachment of Company K from the 2nd Infantry Regiment under the command of First Lieutenant Henry Catley, and 20 Indian scouts commanded by Lieutenant Edward Farrow of the 21st Infantry. The troops were all heading toward Payette Lake, near present day McCall. Bernard headed North from Boise barracks, Catley headed South from Camp Howard, and Farrow headed East from the Umatilla Agency.

Throughout the campaign, the troops faced difficulty traveling through the rough terrain. The first segment of the campaign, from May 31 to September 8, was through the Salmon River, dubbed the “River of No Return” because it was barely navigable. By August 20, a Sheepeater raiding party of ten to fifteen Indians attacked the troops as they guarded a pack train at Soldier Bar on Big Creek. Those who defended the pack train included Corporal Charles B. Hardin along with six troopers and the chief packer, James Barnes. They managed to drive the Sheepeaters off with only one casualty, Private Harry Eagan, of the 2nd Infantry. By October, the campaign ended once Lieutenants W.C. Brown and Edward S. Farrow, along with a group of twenty Umatilla scouts, negotiated the surrender of the Sheepeaters.

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[Native American Ceremonial Clothing Information]]> 2014-10-30T16:37:23Z 2014-10-30T16:00:05Z Native American woman in traditional clothing
Native American Ceremonial Clothing

There are as many native ceremonial customs and clothing as there are American Indians. Each tribe has its cultures and traditions when it comes to ceremonies and dressing for a special event.

Clothing, the Distinguishing Factor

Some American Indians wear traditional clothing as everyday apparel, clothing such as breechcloths and ribbed shirts for men, and long dresses or knee-length skirts for women. However, when dressing up for religious ceremonies, dancing and rituals, each tribe has its own style. Some favor buckskin clothing, while others favor kilts or fur pants. For ceremonies, some tribal members wear animal skin headgear, and there are those who choose to wear the elaborate and decorated eagle feathered headband. For powwows, tribal members will wear deep and vibrant colors.

The Ceremonial Clothing of the Choctaw Indian

When the Choctaw Indian dresses for the tribe’s festival, married couples have similar designs on their clothing. The man’s shirt is decorated with the same decorations or appliques that are on his wife’s dress. The man will wear a black, low-brim hat with an eagle feather or ribbons attached to the back. He will also wear a belt or sash with ribbons attached to one side. To complete his outfit, he will wear moccasins. The woman’s ceremonial dress for the occasion is handmade with full sleeves and a long flowing, ruffled skirt. Her jewelry will consist of earrings, medallions and a shoulder necklace. She too will wear the traditional moccasins for the occasion.

The Ceremonial Clothing of the Cherokee

Attending a Cherokee Indian powwow, men and women dress in their finest attire for the celebration. The women wear a tear dress, also known as “The Trail of Tears Dress,” while the men wear a fashionable ribbon shirt. Cherokee Indians also wear fancy belts, fringed pants with anklets and wrist bands. They wear handmade ornaments of beads and shells at dancing ceremonies. The only time feathers and paint would be worn is when they are engaging in battle or playing a game of ball.

The Ceremonial Clothing of the Arapaho Indian

The Arapaho is another tribe whose attire for special occasions is nothing like the Cherokee or the Choctaw. For when the Arapaho dress up, the warriors wear long fringe shirts that are decorated with shells and quills. Both male and female paint their faces for celebrations. The men also wear leggings and a single feather in their hair. The ladies decorate their long dresses with beads, ribbons, shells and fringe for special occasions. Both outfits are topped with beaded moccasins.

The Ceremonial Clothing of the Blackfoot Indians

For the Blackfoot Indian, ceremonial garb includes the popular headdress of beautiful eagle feathers flowing down the back of the warriors. They would also wear the traditional buckskin shirt, breechcloth and leggings. The warriors will paint their faces for religious and special events. Though the Blackfoot Indians still wear their moccasins and shirts, today they wear jeans with their attire, and they save the wearing of feathers in their heads and painted-up faces for special occasions.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[Battle of Punished Woman Fork]]> 2014-10-13T09:42:27Z 2014-10-30T14:33:29Z
Site of the 1878 Battle of Punished Woman’s Fork
and an ancient home of Native People

For the Northern Cheyenne living on the Cheyenne-Arapaho reservation in Indian Territory (Oklahoma), 1878 was a year of misery and despair. Their meager rations had been cut to three-quarters; malaria and dysentery were rampant.

Chiefs Little Wolf and Dull Knife knew they needed to lead their people home to the Yellowstone River region of Montana. The agents at Red Cloud, Nebraska promised, when they forced the Indians to relocate to Oklahoma, that they could return to their homeland if they didn’t like it farther south.

It was apparent, with the tribe dying of disease and starvation, that it was time to make the arduous 1,500 mile trek north. Their route would take them through the well-known canyons of Punished Woman Creek.

Although reservation officials said the Indians had to stay another year, the chiefs knew one more year meant the demise of their people. With little choice left, they set out at night, escaping from the soldiers bent on making them stay.

Hiding from the troops during the day, they reached Punished Woman Creek, where for two days they resupplied their food and made battle plans to stave off the approaching soldiers. The Punished Woman Creek canyons were one of the last good hiding places to fend off a military attack till they reached the Pine Ridge.

The women used waist axes and butcher knives to build breastworks overlooking the canyon, where the approaching soldiers would be lured in by signs of the encampment and easily surrounded.

There were two hundred and seventy-eight Northern Cheyenne. Approximately one hundred were warriors and the rest women, children, and the elderly. Indian oral history says that Yellow Swallow, the young son of Monsetah and George Custer, was part of the group. However, historians point out that Custer had contracted syphillis causing impotence. This contributed to him and Libby Custer remaining childless.

The soldiers, led by Lt. Col. William Lewis, approached the apparently deserted campground, but a premature shot rang out from the hidden Indians. A fierce battle ensued where Lewis was wounded.

The soldiers took over the main battle site and the women, children and elderly were forced to flee from their secluded, hidden cave. The Indians continued northward on foot. They eluded the soldiers, but heard gunfire as their horses were killed.

The next day Lt. Col. Lewis lay dying in a military ambulance en route to Ft. Wallace and became the last Kansas military casualty. Sources vary greatly to how many other people on both sides died or were wounded that day.

The Battle of Punished Woman Creek was the last Indian battle to take place in Kansas.

Dull Knife ended up surrendering at Ft. Robinson, Nebraska and Little Wolf eventually led his party onto Montana.

This historic site, just south of Lake Scott State Park, is owned by the Scott County Historical Society and no park permit is required to visit it.

An important book on the Northern Cheyenne’s trek and the story of their plight and flight is Cheyenne Autumn by Mari Sandoz, 1953.

Cheyenne Autumn was made into a movie in 1964. It starred Richard Widmark and was director John Ford’s last film.

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[Blackfeet Indian Crafts]]> 2014-10-29T08:22:47Z 2014-10-30T14:00:02Z American Indian Crafts
American Indian Crafts

The Blackfoot tribe originated in parts of Alberta and northern Montana. Thus, the art of this tribe is highly distinct from the art of southern and midwestern tribes. Resources for art differed greatly among tribes. The most common forms of art for the Blackfeet were in beadwork, jewelry and clothing. They also made forms of art as toys for children, which doubled as learning devices.

Common Themes

The culture of the Blackfeet is intertwined with the art the people produced. Their beliefs, lifestyles and food all affected the craft. The resources of the tribe played roles as sources of nourishment, art materials and subjects of paintings. The buffalo was the primary food source of the tribe, and so it was praised in many paintings of the animal. It also was used as clothing material. The horse was the means of transportation, and many creations celebrated the animal. Nature was worshiped through art as well. The sun was the source of warmth and growth, and was incorporated into many designs. With limited resources, the art would often function as dual-purpose goods, according to “The Blackfoot Tribes.”

Clothing, Headdresses and Jewelry

The clothing of the Blackfoot people was often made of skins and leathers. Some designs included intricate beadwork. The designs of warrior’s clothing was particularly important. Not only were these designs required to provide warmth in the northern climate, but they also were required to act as armor and show status. Most clothing is made of antelope and deer hides. Today, authentic warrior shirts can be purchased for several thousand dollars. In the day of their usage, the value was equivalent to the value of a human life. The crafting of these shirts was a precursor to bullet-proof vests, according to The Blackfeet Heritage Center. They were often ornamented with fringe and beads, and incorporated porcupine quills into the weave.

Headdresses are a form of art and symbol of authority among Native American people. They are typically made of feathers and beadwork. They are worn by the chiefs of a tribe and accomplished warriors.
Jewelry is also a sign of prominence. A grizzly bear paw necklace is worn by men who have received recognition in a tribe. Women traditionally wear earrings made of seashells or semi-precious metals. Beads woven into the hair is a sign of fertility in the tribe.


Toys have the distinct function of teaching children tasks while entertaining them. Crafts such as bows and arrows were given to boys to teach them how to hunt before their formal training as warriors. Girls are traditionally given a doll which teaches them about motherhood. The dolls were fitted with traditional tribal clothing. The young girl would learn how to dress the doll and understand the fundamental significance of caring for someone smaller than herself. These dolls are made of tanned hide or buckskin and adorned with beads.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[Bannock War 1878]]> 2014-10-13T09:32:56Z 2014-10-30T12:49:20Z
Snake River Plain

The Bannock War of 1878 was an armed conflict between the U.S. military and Bannock and Paiute warriors in Southern Idaho and Northern Nevada, lasting from June to August 1878. The Bannock-Paiute totaled about 500 warriors; they were led by Chief Buffalo Horn who was killed in action in June. After his death, Chief Egan led the Bannock. He and some of his warriors were killed in July, by an Umatilla party who entered his camp in subterfuge.

The U.S. military, consisting of the 21st Infantry Regiment and volunteers, was led by Brigadier General Oliver O. Howard. Nearby states also sent militias to the region. The conflict ended in August and September 1878, when the remaining scattered Bannock-Paiute forces surrendered; many returned to Fort Hall Reservation. The US Army forced some 543 Paiute, from Nevada and Oregon, and Bannock prisoners to be interned at Yakama Indian Reservation in southeastern Washington Territory.


The Bannock people had developed as a distinct group from the Northern Paiute tribe of northern Idaho. During the 18th century, these Paiute had traveled south to the Snake River plain of present-day Idaho, attracted by the prospect of an alliance with the linguistically similar and equestrian Shoshone people. It was during this period that these Paiute became known as Bannock. The Bannocks quickly adopted the Shoshone’s equestrian culture and made other ties through intermarriage with the Shoshone. The Bannock, provided increased security and population for the Shoshone, who had lost many members due to epidemics of infectious disease contracted from Europeans.

Arrival of European Americans

By the time the American Lewis and Clark Expedition arrived in this area of present-day southern Idaho in 1805, the Bannock-Shoshone had been trading for some time with representatives of the Hudson’s Bay Company and North West Company from British Canada. They quickly opened trade with Americans for firearms and horses, as they had done with other European traders for years. The Shoshone-Bannock remained independent, despite their continued reliance on American trade. They participated in the Rocky Mountain fur trade, which ended about 1840. This era of positive cooperation with American trade declined in the 1850s, along with the fur trade, under pressure of increased migration of Euro-Americans to the Snake Valley plain. The discovery of gold in the Boise Basin and the Beaverhead country of Montana had attracted prospectors and traders, who moved through the Snake region, competing for game and water resources as they traveled. The American traders and migrants were an established presence in the Snake region by the mid-1860s, affecting a vast majority of the Shoshone-Bannock inhabitants

The Shoshone-Bannock were dramatically influenced by arrival of Euroamericans and the rapid expansion of the trade-based economy. On a cultural level, the Euroamericans’ way of life challenged the values and seasonal traditions of the Shoshone-Bannock. New practices of agriculture, managing livestock, and production replaced the traditional resources on which the Shoshone-Bannocks had relied. They became more dependent on Euroamerican methods and products.

American leaders were eager to acquire lands from the Shoshone-Bannock and in the 1860s, began to work to trade goods for titles to the Snake River Plains. The land trade attracted new waves of migrants to the Idaho territory, especially in the Boise region of the Snake Valley. In 1866, in order to protect the Shoshone-Bannock groups in the Boise Snake Valley from fearful and aggressive settlers, Governor Lyon created a refugee camp for a few hundred of the Bannock near Boise City. The camp’s lack of sufficient resources forced the Shoshone-Bannock to depend on the local settlers for work and food. Many Shoshone-Bannock asked to be given the security of their own reservation land.

The proposed relocation to eastern Idaho challenged the Shoshone-Bannock cosmology and their religious connection to the land, as their cultural practices were based in local seasonal changes in the Snake Valley. They believed their ancestors’ spirits still resided in the land. Leadership among the Shoshone-Bannock was believed to be directly connected to the land which these ancestors inhabited, granting the chief his position. After complex and controversial deliberation, the Shoshone-Bannock leaders and American government officials formally agreed to relocate the Boise refugees to the Fort Hall Reservation. They completed relocation in 1869.

Life at Fort Hall

The Fort Hall Reservation was a 1.8 million-acre plot along the Upper Snake River in eastern Idaho, on the river’s southeastern banks. The region had potential for irrigation and agriculture. But, the Shoshone-Bannock faced immediate survival challenges due to their subsistence-based lifestyle, which could not be supported by resources in this region. The population was very dense for the land, numbering 1,037 in 1872. The Shoshone-Bannock struggled to live by subsistence.

The government made sizable appropriations to purchase the supplies necessary to feed the community. Food crises arose during the winters of 1874-1875 and 1876-1877, resulting from diminished game for hunters and a lack of adequate food supplies by the government. Many Shoshone-Bannock left Fort Hall to attempt survival on their own. Simultaneously, the 1877 Nez Perce War drove officials to crack down on the tribe and require them to stay within the reservation boundaries.

The Bannock War of 1878 resulted from numerous factors. The terrible conditions caused divisions within the Shoshone-Bannock communities. The Bannock began to view the Shoshone as intruders and committed theft and other crimes against the group. Friction between the Indians and the Euroamericans increased as well, resulting in violence when Pe-tope, a Fort Hill Indian, shot and wounded two teamsters in August 1877. Agent William Danilson, the government-appointed agent of the Fort Hall reservation at the time, pressed the tribal leaders to charge Pe-tope for the crime. In response to the crackdown, a friend of Pe-tope, Nampe-yo-go, killed Alexander Rhodan, a beef contractor for the reservation.

Agent Danilson asked the tribe to capture the killer and turn him over to the US officials, but he was resisted by the Shoshone-Bannock. According to their tradition of reconciliation, they said it was the duty of the family of Nampe-yo-go to resolve his crime, not the tribe. That summer, a large number of the Shoshone-Bannock left the reservation, because of the lack of supplies, violence between the Indians and the Euroamericans, conflicts between the tribes, and Danilson’s actions. This sparked the Bannock War of 1878, as the US government ordered the Army to return the people to the reservation to control them.

The Battles

Camas Prairie
In May 1878, Chief Buffalo assembled 200 Bannock warriors from Fort Hall at Payne’s Ferry on the Snake River, moving to the Big Camas Prairie to set up camp. At that time the region between the Big Camas Prairie and the Snake River was occupied by a few white settlers, 2500 cattle, and 80 horses. On May 30 the Bannock group, after trying to sell a buffalo skin robe to cowboys on the plain, shot two in an altercation. Lou Kensler and George Nesby survived their wounds and traveled with the third member of their party, William Silvey, to the nearby Baker’s camp. Not long after this incident, the Bannock at a camp near the Lava Beds were attacked by white men. They killed a settler in the conflict but lost their camp’s resources.

The news of the increased violence spread to Idaho’s state capital in Boise City. Governor Brayman notified Brigadier General O. O. Howard, commander of the Military Department of the Columbia. Brayman wrote in a May 30 letter that he had dispatched Col. Bernard’s cavalry from Boise to the plains that evening as a show of force; he did not want to provoke further conflict. Bernard’s cavalry reached the Bannock camp on June 2 and drove them to retreat to the Lava Beds. The military noted this was better for defense. The Bannock group moved west and raided Glenn’s Ferry and King Hill station, both on the Snake River. Next, they moved along the river, killing several settlers along the way. Bernard’s cavalry traveled by road to Rattlesnake station, where they joined with more military cavalry, as well as local militia volunteers from Alturas. At this time, Bernard claimed there were 300 Bannock warriors in the Lava Beds, plus 200 who had raided Glenn’s Ferry and King Hill Station. The Bannock were rushing westward to meet with their Paiute allies, who were traveling down the Owyhee River to the Juniper Mountains and Lava Canyon.

Conflicts between Army and Bannock

On June 8 a group of 26 volunteer military men from Silver City, Idaho, led by Captain J.B. Harber, encountered Chief Buffalo Horn and his warriors. At South Mountain, a small mining village, they exchanged fire, resulting in the deaths of two Silver City volunteers and several Bannock, among them the chief. The Bannock selected a new leader, Chief Egan, and headed to Juniper Mountain in Idaho and Steens Mountain in southeastern Oregon to meet with the Paiute. Other states began sending militia troops to the region, including California, Nevada, and Utah.

As the Bannock traveled westward, they continued to raid camps, resulting in some settler deaths. People in Idaho and neighboring states feared that the violence would soon spread their way. Bernard arrived in Silver City on June 9 and quickly headed out to the Jordan Valley. The troops moved to meet the Bannock at Steens Mountain. Bernard’s cavalry followed Chief Egan’s Bannock west into Oregon, eventually meeting them in battle on June 23 by Silver Creek. The fight resulted in the deaths of three U.S. soldiers, the wounding of three others, and an unknown number of Bannock casualties. Col. Bernard moved to nearby Camp Curry to meet with General Howard on June 25.

On June 29, there was a skirmish between the Bannock warriors and Crescent City volunteer militia. Bernard and his cavalry of 350 arrived shortly after and secured the city. The Bannock were traveling toward Fox Valley, estimated to number between 350 and 400. US forces thought they intended to travel further north to join the Cayuse and other Indian groups in that region who shared their discontent.

Gen. Howard encountered the Bannock at the junction of Butter Creek and the Columbia River on July 7, resulting in conflict. Five U.S. soldiers were injured, and one died from his wounds. The fight resulted in an unknown number of casualties on the Bannock side, and they left going to the southeast. The next fight occurred on July 12, when Captain Miles of the Umatilla Agency, a reservation near the Umatilla River whose people were potential allies of the Bannock band, accidentally encountered a large band of Umatilla warriors. Feeling threatened by the increased movements of state militias around their territories, the Umatilla had ridden out in defense.[28] The Umatilla quickly surrendered and offered to fight with Miles against the Bannock. Historian Brigham D. Madsden suggested they were attracted to the high bounty that had been placed on Chief Egan’s head. The conflict resulted in the deaths of five Bannock warriors and their eventual flight.

That night, Umatilla leaders pursued the Bannock. They entered the camp posing to conduct negotiations, and killed Chief Egan and several other warriors. On July 20 one of Bernard’s battalions, under the leadership of Lieutenant Colonel Forsyth, met the Bannock forces in the canyon of the North Fork of the John Day River. The conflict did not result in many casualties, but interrupted the Bannock, forcing their retreat.

By July 27, Gen. Howard’s strategy changed from one against a united enemy to pursuing the fractured Bannock groups. He had numerous Army units operating in Idaho. Most of the concluding conflicts between the remaining bands and the military were led by Miles in August and September. The rest of the Bannock returned to the Fort Hall Reservation or pursued peaceful hunting on their own in groups. A few more skirmishes between the scattered Bannock and military forces occurred, such as on August 9 in Bennett’s Creek by the Snake River, but no casualties were recorded.


After the Bannock War of 1878, the American government restricted the movements of the Bannock in and out of the Fort Hall Reservation. Connections with other tribal groups were restricted, as well as the Bannock freedom to use local resources. Subdued from the battles and lack of resources, the Bannock worked to construct community within the reservation.

Other Bannock and Paiute prisoners were interned at the Malheur Reservation in Oregon. While the Paiute had been more peripherally involved, in November 1878, General Howard moved about 543 Bannock and Paiute prisoners from the Malheur Reservation to internment at Yakama Indian Reservation in southeastern Washington Territory. They suffered privation for years. In 1879 the Malheur Reservation was closed, “discontinued” through pressure from settlers

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[How to Use White Sage Leaves]]> 2014-10-29T08:22:39Z 2014-10-30T12:00:59Z White Sage
White Sage

Many Native American tribes believe that the leaves of white sage can be used to cleanse an area of negative energy. The white purifying smoke is emitted when the dried leaves are burned. The leaves are generally sold either in sticks (also called wands) or loose.


1. Grasp the stick of white sage firmly in your dominant hand.

2. Light the very tips of the leaves of the wand with the lighter, then quickly blow out the flames. The sage wand will start to smolder and smoke.

3. Place the smoldering tips of the white sage leaves down into the center of the non-flammable bowl. Clay or glass bowls work best for this, although some purists use large shells or bowls carved out of stone. The white sage leaves will continue to smolder and emit smoke.

4. Smudge the area by carrying the smoking white sage leaves in the bowl to the first room to cleanse. Walk to each corner of the room, clockwise. End in the center of the room. Use a small fan or piece of paper to waft smoke to higher areas.

5. Continue to each room in the house, smudging every area in a clockwise manner and ending in the middle of the room. When finished, set the bowl down and allow it to burn out naturally. Never extinguish burning white sage leaves used in cleansing.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[Reno and Benteen on Reno Hill]]> 2014-10-13T08:33:10Z 2014-10-29T20:21:08Z
Custer’s route over battlefield, as theorized by Curtis

Reno’s attack

The first group to attack was Major Reno’s second detachment (Companies A, G and M), conducted after receiving orders from Custer written out by Lt. William W. Cooke, as Custer’s Crow scouts reported Sioux tribe members were alerting the village. Ordered to charge, Reno began that phase of the battle. The orders, made without accurate knowledge of the village’s size, location, or the warriors’ propensity to stand and fight, had been to pursue the Native Americans and “bring them to battle.” Reno’s force crossed the Little Bighorn at the mouth of what is today Reno Creek around 3:00 pm. They immediately realized that the Lakota and Northern Cheyenne were present “in force and not running away.”

Reno advanced rapidly across the open field towards the northwest, his movements masked by the thick bramble of trees that ran along the southern banks of the Little Bighorn river. The same trees on his front right shielded his movements across the wide field over which his men rapidly rode, first with two approximately forty-man companies abreast and eventually with all three charging abreast. The trees also obscured Reno’s view of the Native American village until his force had passed that bend on his right front and was suddenly within arrow shot of the village. The tepees in that area were occupied by the Hunkpapa Sioux. Neither Custer nor Reno had much idea of the length, depth and size of the encampment they were attacking, as the village was hidden by the trees. When Reno came into the open in front of the south end of the village, he sent his Arikara/Ree and Crow Indian scouts forward on his exposed left flank. Realizing the full extent of the village’s width, Reno quickly suspected what he would later call “a trap” and stopped a few hundred yards short of the encampment.

He ordered his troopers to dismount and deploy in a skirmish line, according to standard army doctrine. In this formation, every fourth trooper held the horses for the troopers in firing position, with five to ten yards separating each trooper, officers to their rear and troopers with horses behind the officers. This formation reduced Reno’s firepower by 25 percent. As Reno’s men fired into the village and killed, by some accounts, several wives and children of the Sioux leader, Chief Gall (in Lakota, Phizí), mounted warriors began streaming out to meet the attack. With Reno’s men anchored on their right by the impassable tree line and bend in the river, the Indians rode hard against the exposed left end of Reno’s line. After about 20 minutes of long-distance firing, Reno had taken only one casualty, but the odds against him had risen (Reno estimated five to one) and Custer had not reinforced him. Trooper Billy Jackson reported that by then, the Indians had begun massing in the open area shielded by a small hill to the left of the Reno’s line and to the right of the Indian village. From this position the Indians mounted an attack of more than 500 warriors against the left and rear of Reno’s line, turning Reno’s exposed left flank. They forced a hasty withdrawal into the timber along the bend in the river. Here the Indians pinned Reno and his men down and set fire to the brush to try to drive the soldiers out of their position.

After giving orders to mount, dismount and mount again, Reno told his men, “All those who wish to make their escape follow me,” and led a disorderly rout across the river toward the bluffs on the other side. The retreat was immediately disrupted by Cheyenne attacks at close quarters. Later Reno reported that three officers and 29 troopers had been killed during the retreat and subsequent fording of the river, with another officer and 13–18 men missing. Most of these men were left behind in the timber, although many eventually rejoined the detachment. Reno’s hasty retreat may have been precipitated by the death of Reno’s Arikara Scout Bloody Knife, who had been shot in the head as he sat on his horse next to Reno, his blood and brains splattering the side of Reno’s face.

Reno and Benteen on Reno Hill

Atop the bluffs, known today as Reno Hill, Reno’s shaken troops were joined by Captain Benteen’s column (Companies D, H and K), arriving from the south. This force had been on a lateral scouting mission when it had been summoned by Custer’s messenger, Italian bugler John Martin (Giovanni Martini) with the hand-written message “Benteen. Come on, Big Village, Be quick, Bring packs. P.S. Bring Packs.”. Benteen’s coincidental arrival on the bluffs was just in time to save Reno’s men from possible annihilation. Their detachments were reinforced by McDougall’s Company B and the pack train. The 14 officers and 340 troopers on the bluffs organized an all-around defense and dug rifle pits using whatever implements they had among them, including knives. This practice had become standard during the last year of the American Civil War, with both Union and Confederates troops utilizing knives, eating utensils, mess plates and pans, to dig effective battlefield fortifications.

Despite hearing heavy gunfire from the north, including distinct volleys at 4:20 pm, Benteen concentrated on reinforcing Reno’s badly wounded and hard-pressed detachment, rather than continuing on toward Custer. Benteen’s apparent reluctance to reach Custer prompted later criticism that he had failed to follow orders. Around 5:00 pm, Capt. Thomas Weir and Company D moved out to make contact with Custer. They advanced a mile, to what is today Weir Ridge or Weir Point, and could see in the distance Native warriors on horseback shooting at objects on the ground. By this time, roughly 5:25 pm, Custer’s battle may have concluded. The conventional historical understanding is that what Weir witnessed was most likely warriors killing the wounded soldiers and shooting at dead bodies on the “Last Stand Hill” at the northern end of the Custer battlefield. Some contemporary historians have suggested that what Weir witnessed was a fight on what is now called Calhoun Hill. The destruction of Keogh’s battalion may have begun with the collapse of L, I and C Company (half of it) following the combined assaults led by Crazy Horse, White Bull, Hump, Chief Gall and others. Other Native accounts contradict this understanding, however, and the time element remains a subject of debate. The other entrenched companies eventually followed Weir by assigned battalions, first Benteen, then Reno, and finally the pack train. Growing Native attacks around Weir Ridge forced all seven companies to return to the bluff before the pack train, with the ammunition, had moved even a quarter mile. There, they remained pinned down for another day, but the Natives were unable to breach this tightly held position.

Benteen displayed calmness and courage by exposing himself to Native fire and was hit in the heel of his boot by a Native bullet. At one point, he personally led a counterattack to push back Natives who had continued to crawl through the grass closer to the soldier’s positions.

Custer’s fight

The precise details of Custer’s fight are largely conjectural since none of his men (the five companies under his immediate command) survived the battle. The accounts of surviving Indians are conflicting and unclear.

While the gunfire heard on the bluffs by Reno and Benteen’s men was probably from Custer’s fight, the soldiers on Reno Hill were unaware of what had happened to Custer until General Terry’s arrival on June 27. They were reportedly stunned by the news. When the army examined the Custer battle site, soldiers could not determine fully what had transpired. Custer’s force of roughly 210 men had been engaged by the Lakota and Northern Cheyenne about 3.5 miles (6 km) to the north. Evidence of organized resistance included apparent breastworks made of dead horses on Custer Hill. By this time, the Lakota and Cheyenne had already removed most of their dead from the field. The soldiers identified the 7th Cavalry’s dead as best as possible and hastily buried them where they fell. By the time troops came to recover the bodies, they found most of the dead stripped of their clothing, ritually mutilated, and in an advanced state of decomposition, making identification of many impossible.

Custer was found with shots to the left chest and left temple. Either wound would have been fatal, though he appeared to have bled from only the chest wound, meaning his head wound may have been delivered post-mortem. He also suffered a wound to the arm. Some Lakota oral histories assert that Custer committed suicide to avoid capture and subsequent torture, though this is usually discounted since the wounds were inconsistent with his known right-handedness. (Other Native accounts note several soldiers committing suicide near the end of the battle.)His body was found near the top of Custer Hill, which also came to be known as “Last Stand Hill.” There the United States erected a tall memorial obelisk inscribed with the names of the 7th Cavalry’s casualties.

Several days after the battle, Curley, Custer’s Crow scout who had left Custer near Medicine Tail Coulee, recounted the battle, reporting that Custer had attacked the village after attempting to cross the river. He was driven back, retreating toward the hill where his body was found. As the scenario seemed compatible with Custer’s aggressive style of warfare and with evidence found on the ground, it was the basis of many popular accounts of the battle.

According to Pretty Shield, the wife of Goes-Ahead (another Crow scout for the 7th Cavalry), Custer was killed while crossing the river: “…and he died there, died in the water of the Little Bighorn, with Two-bodies, and the blue soldier carrying his flag”. In this account, Custer was allegedly killed by a Lakota called Big-nose. However, in Chief Gall’s version of events, as recounted to Lt. Edward Settle Godfrey, Custer did not attempt to ford the river and the nearest that he came to the river or village was his final position on the ridge. Chief Gall’s statements were corroborated by other Indians, notably the wife of Spotted Horn Bull. Given that no bodies of men or horses were found anywhere near the ford, Godfrey himself concluded “that Custer did not go to the ford with any body of men”.

Cheyenne oral tradition credits Buffalo Calf Road Woman with striking the blow that knocked Custer off his horse before he died

Custer at Minneconjou Ford


White Cow Bull claimed to have shot a leader wearing a buckskin jacket off his horse in the river. While no other Indian account supports this claim, if White Bull did shoot a buckskin-clad leader off his horse, some historians have argued that Custer may have been seriously wounded by him. Some Indian accounts claim that besides wounding one of the leaders of this advance, a soldier carrying a company guidon was also hit. Troopers had to dismount to help the wounded men back onto their horses.The fact that each of the non-mutilation wounds to Custer’s body (a bullet wound below the heart and a shot to the left temple) would have been instantly fatal casts doubt on his being wounded and remounted.

Reports of an attempted fording of the river at Medicine Tail Coulee might explain Custer’s purpose for Reno’s attack, that is, a coordinated “hammer-and-anvil” maneuver, with Reno’s holding the Indians at bay at the southern end of the camp, while Custer drove them against Reno’s line from the north. Other historians have noted that if Custer did attempt to cross the river near Medicine Tail Coulee, he may have believed it was the north end of the Indian camp, although it was only the middle. Some Indian accounts, however, place the Northern Cheyenne encampment and the north end of the overall village to the left (and south) of the opposite side of the crossing. The location of the north end of the village remains in dispute, however.

Edward Curtis, the famed ethnologist and photographer of the Native American Indians, made a detailed personal study of the Battle, interviewing many of those who had fought or taken part in it. First he went over the ground covered by the troops with the three Crow scouts White Man Runs Him, Goes Ahead, and Hairy Moccasin, and then again with Two Moons and a party of Cheyenne warriors. He also visited the Lakota country and interviewed Red Hawk “whose recollection of the fight seemed to be particularly clear”. Finally, he went over the battlefield once more with the three Crow scouts, but also accompanied by General Charles Woodruff “as I particularly desired that the testimony of these men might be considered by an experienced army officer”. Finally, Curtis visited the country of the Arikara and interviewed the scouts of that tribe who had been with Custer’s command. Based on all the information he gathered, Curtis concluded that Custer had indeed ridden down the Medicine Tail Coulee and then towards the river where he probably planned to ford it. However, “the Indians had now discovered him and were gathered closely on the opposite side”. They were soon joined by a large force of Sioux who (no longer engaging Reno) rushed down the valley. This was the beginning of their attack on Custer who was forced to turn and head for the hill where he would make his famous ‘last stand’. Thus, wrote Curtis, “Custer made no attack, the whole movement being a retreat”

Other views of Custer’s actions at Minneconjou Ford

Other historians claim that Custer never approached the river, but rather continued north across the coulee and up the other side, where he gradually came under attack. According to this theory, by the time Custer realized he was badly outnumbered, it was too late to break back to the south where Reno and Benteen could have provided assistance. Two men from the 7th Cavalry, the young Crow scout Ashishishe (known in English as Curley) and the trooper Peter Thompson, claimed to have seen Custer engage the Indians. The accuracy of their recollections remains controversial, as accounts by battle participants and assessments by historians almost universally discredit Thompson’s claim.

Archaeological evidence and reassessment of Indian testimony has led to a new interpretation of the battle. In the 1920s, battlefield investigators discovered hundreds of .45–70 shell cases along the ridge line, known today as Nye-Cartwright Ridge, between South Medicine Tail Coulee and the next drainage at North Medicine Tail (also known as Deep Coulee). Some historians believe Custer divided his detachment into two (and possibly three) battalions, retaining personal command of one while presumably delegating Captain George W. Yates to command the second.

The 1920s’ evidence supports the theory that at least one of the companies made a feint attack southeast from Nye-Cartwright Ridge straight down the center of the “V” formed by the intersection at the crossing of Medicine Tail Coulee on the right and Calhoun Coulee on the left. The intent may have been to relieve pressure on Reno’s detachment (according to the Crow scout Curley, possibly viewed by both Mitch Bouyer and Custer) by withdrawing the skirmish line into the timber on the edge of the Little Bighorn River. Had the US troops come straight down Medicine Tail Coulee, their approach to the Minneconjou Crossing and the northern area of the village would have been masked by the high ridges running on the northwest side of the Little Bighorn River.


The “Last Stand”

In the end, the hilltop was probably too small to accommodate the survivors and wounded. Fire from the southeast made it impossible for Custer’s men to secure a defensive position all around Last Stand Hill where the soldiers put up their most dogged defense. According to Lakota accounts, far more of their casualties occurred in the attack on Last Stand Hill than anywhere else. The extent of the soldiers’ resistance indicated they had few doubts about their prospects for survival. According to Cheyenne and Sioux testimony, the command structure rapidly broke down, although smaller “last stands” were apparently made by several groups. Custer’s remaining companies (E, F, and half of C,) were soon eradicated.

By almost all accounts, the Lakota annihilated Custer’s force within an hour of engagement. David Humphreys Miller, who between 1935 and 1955 interviewed the last Lakota survivors of the battle, wrote that the Custer fight lasted less than one-half hour. Other Native accounts said the fighting lasted only “as long as it takes a hungry man to eat a meal.” The Lakota asserted that Crazy Horse personally led one of the large groups of warriors who overwhelmed the cavalrymen in a surprise charge from the northeast, causing a breakdown in the command structure and panic among the troops. Many of these men threw down their weapons while Cheyenne and Sioux warriors rode them down, “counting coup” with lances, coup sticks, and quirts. Some Native accounts recalled this segment of the fight as a “buffalo run.”

Custer’s final resistance

Recent archaeological work at the battlefield indicates that organized resistance in the form of skirmish lines probably took place. The remainder of the battle took on the nature of a running fight. Modern archaeology and historical Indian accounts indicate that Custer’s force may have been divided into three groups, with the Indians’ attempting to prevent them from effectively reuniting. Indian accounts describe warriors (including women) running up from the village to wave blankets in order to scare off the soldiers’ horses. One 7th cavalry trooper claimed finding a number of stone mallets consisting of a round cobble weighing 8-10 pounds with a rawhide handle, which he believed had been used by the Indian women to finish off the wounded. Fighting dismounted, the soldiers’ skirmish lines were overwhelmed. Army doctrine would have called for one man in four to be a horseholder behind the skirmish lines and, in extreme cases, one man in eight. Later, the troops would have bunched together in defensive positions and are alleged to have shot their remaining horses as cover. As individual troopers were wounded or killed, initial defensive positions would have been abandoned as untenable.

Under threat of attack the first American soldiers on the battlefield three days later hurriedly buried the troopers in shallow graves, more or less where they had fallen. A couple of years after the battle, markers were placed where men were believed to have fallen, so the placement of troops has been roughly construed. The troops evidently died in several groups, including on Custer Hill, around Captain Myles Keogh, and strung out towards the Little Big Horn River.

Last break-out attempt by 28 troopers

Modern documentaries suggest that there may not have been a “Last Stand”, as traditionally portrayed in popular culture. Instead, archaeologists suggest that, in the end, Custer’s troops were not surrounded but rather overwhelmed by a single charge. This scenario corresponds to several Indian accounts stating Crazy Horse’s charge swarmed the resistance, with the surviving soldiers fleeing in panic. At this point, the fight would have become a rout with warriors riding down the fleeing troopers and hitting them with lances and coup sticks. Many of these troopers may have ended up in a deep ravine 300–400 yards away from what is known today as Custer Hill. At least 28 bodies (the most common number associated with burial witness testimony), including that of scout Mitch Bouyer, were discovered in or near that gulch, their deaths possibly the battle’s final actions. Although the marker for Mitch Bouyer has been accounted for as being accurate through archaeological and forensic testing, it is some 65 yards away from Deep Ravine. Other archaeological explorations done in Deep Ravine have found no human remains associated with the battle. According to Indian accounts, about 40 men made a desperate stand around Custer on Custer Hill, delivering volley fire. The great majority of the Indian casualties were probably suffered during this closing segment of the battle, as the soldiers and Indians on Calhoun Ridge were more widely separated and traded fire at greater distances for most of their portion of the Battle than did the soldiers and Indians on Custer Hill.


After the Custer force was annihilated, the Lakota and Northern Cheyenne regrouped to attack Reno and Benteen. The fight continued until dark (approximately 9:00 pm) and for much of the next day, with the outcome in doubt. Reno credited Benteen’s leadership with repulsing a severe attack on the portion of the perimeter held by Companies H and M. On June 27, the column under General Terry approached from the north, and the Indians drew off in the opposite direction. The Crow scout White Man Runs Him was the first to tell General Terry’s officers that Custer’s force had “been wiped out.” Reno and Benteen’s wounded troops were given what treatment was available at that time; five later died of their wounds. One of the regiment’s three surgeons had been with Custer’s column, while another, Dr. DeWolf, had been killed during Reno’s retreat. The only remaining doctor was Assistant Surgeon Henry R. Porter.

News of the defeat arrived in the East as the U.S. was observing its centennial.The Army began to investigate, although its effectiveness was hampered by a concern for survivors, and the reputation of the officers.

From the Indian perspective, the aftermath of the Battle of the Little Bighorn had far-reaching consequences. It was the beginning of the end of the Indian Wars, and has even been referred to as “the Indians’ last stand”in the area. Within 48 hours after the battle, the large encampment on the Little Bighorn broke up into smaller groups as the resources of grass for the horses and game could not sustain a large congregation of people.


The scattered Sioux and Cheyenne feasted and celebrated during July with no threat from soldiers. After their celebrations many of the Indians slipped back to the reservation, perhaps sensing that the summer of 1876 would be the last of their traditional lifeways. Soon, the number of warriors who still remained at large and hostile amounted to only about 600.Both Crook and Terry remained immobile for seven weeks after the Bighorn battle, awaiting reinforcements and unwilling to venture out against the Indians until they had at least 2,000 men. Crook and Terry finally took the field against the Indians in August. General Nelson A. Miles took command of the effort in October 1876. In May 1877, Sitting Bull escaped to Canada. Within days, Crazy Horse surrendered at Fort Robinson. The Great Sioux War ended on May 7 with Miles’ defeat of a remaining band of Miniconjou Sioux.

As for the Black Hills, the Manypenny Commission structured an arrangement in which the Sioux would cede the land to United States or the government would cease to supply rations to the reservations. Threatened with starvation, the Indians ceded Paha Sapa to the United States, but the Sioux never accepted the legitimacy of the transaction. After lobbying Congress to create a forum to decide their claim, and subsequent litigation spanning 40 years, the United States Supreme Court in the 1980 decision United States v. Sioux Nation of Indians acknowledged the United States had taken the Black Hills without just compensation. The Sioux refused the money offered, and continue to insist on their right to occupy the land.

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[How to Make Native American Feather Fans]]> 2014-10-29T08:22:31Z 2014-10-29T20:00:56Z Native American Feather Fans
Native American Feather Fans

The rich culture of the Native Americans revolved around crafts such as weaving, beading and carving. American Indians made their tools, weapons, clothing and homes with these highly-developed crafting skills. Many of these crafting traditions survive today, including the art of making feather fans for dance and ritual purposes.


1. Obtain the feathers for your fan. The best feathers to use are imitation eagle feathers, which are available at most American Indian supply stores or trading posts and some arts and crafts stores. These feathers are painted to look like real eagle feathers; they are often available in sets that are trimmed and shaped to fit together in a fan. You should use an odd number of feathers, usually five to seven, depending on the size of fan you want.

2. Separate the feathers into “lefts” and “rights.” When you lay the feathers shiny side up, they will naturally curve one way or the other.

3. Straighten the feathers using an exposed, lighted light bulb. Run the quill of the feathers gently over the exposed bulb to lightly heat it, applying pressure gently until the feather is straight. Do this process slowly, as too much pressure too quickly can fracture the quill.

4. Trim the feathers for the appropriate look. Use a sharp pair of scissors to cut the tip off of each of the feathers, and then shape them into a gentle, curved tip, much like a butter knife. If your feathers are specially designed for fan making, you will be able to skip steps 3 and 4.

5. Lay out your feathers in the configuration you want to use on a piece of paper. Begin with the two outside feathers and work your way in with the feathers slightly overlapping, until the center feather is positioned. Hold the feathers in position and trace the base of the quills, leaving about a one-eighth inch space on each side; this will be the approximate shape and design of your handle. Length of the handle is generally 5 to 6 inches, depending on preference and size of your hand.

6. Choose wood for your handle. A soft wood such as pine or cedar will work best. Cut the handle using a wood saw; use a carving knife and sandpaper to achieve the exact shape you want. Use sandpaper to smooth the surface and avoid irregularities.

7. Remove a small piece of wood at the top of the handle; this piece will be replaced by the ends of the feathers, so measure appropriately.

8. Set the two outside feathers and pin into place using pliers and short pins. You can adjust the pins as needed as you continue to add feathers; the pins will also hold the feathers in place while you glue. Attach all the feathers in this way. The tips of the feathers should be flat and line up against each other with no gaps.

9. Cover the bottom inch and a half of the feathers with epoxy to seal into place; allow the adhesive to dry for at least 12 hours. Remove the pins, then wrap plastic or another covering over the handle so that the feather bases are not exposed. This will also make the handle symmetrical on both sides. Add decorative feathers, beads, strings and fringes as you prefer.

Source: ehow

Amy <![CDATA[How to Prepare Hides for Tanning]]> 2014-10-28T11:40:17Z 2014-10-29T19:00:40Z Native American Hide Tanning Rack
Native American Hide Tanning Rack

Tanning hides is actually a very difficult and time-consuming process. Many people think that ancient cultures were primitive and barbaric, lacking in both skill and finesse. But try and tan a hide to the same quality as the ancient Native Americans, and you will soon discover the expertise and knowledge that went into this seemingly simple process. Preparing a hide for tanning was one of the keys to the success of this process, and knowing how to do it is the key to a soft, attractive hide, versus a stiff and unfinished one.


Preparing Hides for Tanning
1. Skin the hide from the animal in such a way that all areas are split — lips, nostrils, ears, legs and anus. The entire hide must be able to lie flat. The animal must be skinned properly as soon after it dies as possible, as decomposition sets in immediately.

2. Using your scraper, flesh the hide of every bit of fat, meat and connective tissue. It is critical to do a good job on this, as these parts will rapidly decompose and cause damage to your hide during the tanning process.

3. Salt the hide thoroughly. Use a fine salt and completely cover every inch of your hide with a thick layer of salt. For smaller hides, 25 lbs. or so will suffice. For larger hides, you should use at least 100 lbs. or more. Salt is a cheap investment and can make the difference between a good hide or a bad hide, so use a lot of it.

4. After 24 hours, shake the used salt off the skin and spread it taut on a piece of plywood. Peg it down at the corners, apply another thick layer of salt to the hide and allow it to dry for a couple of days.

5. Remove the hide and carefully fold it, hair side in, and store it in a cool, dry place until you are ready to tan the hide, or box it and ship it to the tanning company.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[Battle of the Little Bighorn]]> 2014-10-13T08:20:39Z 2014-10-29T18:08:48Z
“The Custer Fight” by Charles Marion Russell.

The Battle of the Little Bighorn, commonly referred to as Custer’s Last Stand, was an armed engagement between combined forces of the Lakota, Northern Cheyenne, and Arapaho tribes, against the 7th Cavalry Regiment of the United States Army. The battle, which occurred June 25–26, 1876, near the Little Bighorn River in eastern Montana Territory, was the most prominent action of the Great Sioux War of 1876. It was an overwhelming victory for the Lakota, Northern Cheyenne, and Arapaho, led by several major war leaders, including Crazy Horse and Chief Gall, inspired by the visions of Sitting Bull (Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake). The U.S. 7th Cavalry, including the Custer Battalion, a force of 700 men led by George Armstrong Custer, suffered a severe defeat. Five of the 7th Cavalry’s twelve companies were annihilated; Custer was killed, as were two of his brothers, a nephew, and a brother-in-law. The total U.S. casualty count, including scouts, was 268 dead and 55 injured.

Public response to the Great Sioux War varied at the time. The battle, and Custer’s actions in particular, have been studied extensively by historians.


Tension between the native inhabitants of the Great Plains and the encroaching settlers resulted in a series of conflicts known as the Sioux Wars. Even though many agreed to relocate to ever-shrinking reservations, some resisted. In 1875, Sitting Bull created the Sun Dance alliance between the Lakota and the Cheyenne and a large number of “Agency Indians” who had slipped away from their reservations to join them. During a Sun Dance around June 5, 1876 on the Rosebud Creek in Montana, Sitting Bull reportedly had a vision of “soldiers falling into his camp like grasshoppers from the sky.” At the same time, military officials were conducting a summer campaign to force the Lakota and Cheyenne back to their reservations, using infantry and cavalry in a three-pronged approach.

Col. John Gibbon’s column of six companies (A, B, E, H, I, and K) of the 7th Infantry and four companies (F, G, H, and L) of the 2nd Cavalry marched east from Fort Ellis in western Montana on March 30, to patrol the Yellowstone River. Brig. Gen. George Crook’s column of ten companies (A, B, C, D, E, F, G, I, L, and M) of the 3rd Cavalry, five (A, B, D, E, and I) of the 2nd Cavalry, two companies (D and F) of the 4th Infantry, and three companies (C, G, and H) of the 9th Infantry, moved north from Fort Fetterman in the Wyoming Territory on May 29, marching toward the Powder River area. Brig. Gen. Alfred Terry’s column, including twelve companies (A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, K, L, and M) of the 7th Cavalry under Lieutenant Colonel George Armstrong Custer’s immediate command, Companies C and G of the 17th U.S. Infantry, and the Gatling gun detachment of the 20th Infantry departed westward from Fort Abraham Lincoln in the Dakota Territory on May 17. They were accompanied by teamsters and packers with 150 wagons and a large contingent of pack mules that reinforced Custer. Companies C, D, and I of the 6th U.S. Infantry, moved along the Yellowstone River from Fort Buford on the Missouri River to set up a supply depot, and joined Terry on May 29 at the mouth of the Powder River. They were later joined there by the steamboat Far West, which was loaded with 200 tons of supplies from Fort Lincoln.

The coordination and planning began to go awry on June 17, 1876, when Crook’s column retreated after the Battle of the Rosebud. Surprised and, according to some accounts, astonished by the unusually large numbers of Native Americans in the battle, Crook held the field at the end of the battle but felt compelled by his losses to pull back, regroup and wait for reinforcements. Unaware of Crook’s battle, Gibbon and Terry proceeded, joining forces in early June near the mouth of the Rosebud Creek. They reviewed Terry’s plan calling for Custer’s regiment to proceed south along the Rosebud, while Terry and Gibbon’s united forces would move in a westerly direction toward the Bighorn and Little Bighorn rivers. As this was the likely location of Native encampments, all army elements were to converge around June 26 or 27, attempting to engulf the Native Americans. On June 22, Terry ordered the 7th Cavalry, composed of 31 officers and 566 enlisted men under Custer, to begin a reconnaissance and pursuit along the Rosebud, with the prerogative to “depart” from orders upon seeing “sufficient reason.” Custer had been offered the use of Gatling guns, but declined, believing they would slow his command.

While the Terry/Gibbon column was marching toward the mouth of the Little Bighorn, on the evening of June 24, Custer’s scouts arrived at an overlook known as the Crow’s Nest, 14 miles (23 km) east of the Little Bighorn River. At sunrise on June 25, Custer’s scouts reported they could see a massive pony herd and signs of the Native American village roughly 15 miles (24 km) in the distance. After a night’s march, the tired officer sent with the scouts could see neither, and when Custer joined them, he was also unable to make the sighting. Custer’s scouts also spotted the regimental cooking fires that could be seen from 10 miles (16 km) away, disclosing the regiment’s position.

Custer contemplated a surprise attack against the encampment the following morning of June 26, but he then received a report informing him several hostiles had discovered the trail left by his troops. Assuming his presence had been exposed, Custer decided to attack the village without further delay. On the morning of June 25, Custer divided his 12 companies into three battalions in anticipation of the forthcoming engagement. Three companies were placed under the command of Major Marcus Reno (A, G, and M); and three were placed under the command of Capt. Frederick Benteen (H, D, and K). Five companies (C, E, F, I, and L) remained under Custer’s immediate command. The 12th, Company B, under Capt. Thomas McDougall, had been assigned to escort the slower pack train carrying provisions and additional ammunition.

Unknown to Custer, the group of Native Americans seen on his trail were actually leaving the encampment on the Big Horn and did not alert the village. Custer’s scouts warned him about the size of the village, with Mitch Bouyer reportedly saying, “General, I have been with these Indians for 30 years, and this is the largest village I have ever heard of.” Custer’s overriding concern was that the Native American group would break up and scatter. The command began its approach to the village at noon and prepared to attack in full daylight.


7th Cavalry organization



Of the 45 officers and 718 troopers then assigned to the 7th Cavalry (including a second lieutenant detached from the 20th Infantry and serving in Company L), 14 officers (including the regimental commander, Col. Samuel D. Sturgis) and 152 troopers did not accompany the 7th during the campaign. The ratio of troops detached for other duty (approximately 22%) was not unusual for an expedition of this size,[12] and part of the officer shortage was chronic, due to the Army’s rigid seniority system: three of the regiment’s 12 captains were permanently detached, and two had never served a day with the 7th since their appointment in July 1866.[note 1] Three second lieutenant vacancies (in E, H, and L Companies) were also unfilled.

Military assumptions prior to the battle

Number of Indian warriors

As the Army moved into the field on its expedition, it was operating with incorrect assumptions as to the number of Indians it would encounter. The Army’s assumptions were based on inaccurate information provided by the Indian Agents that no more than 800 hostiles were in the area. The Indian Agents based the 800 number on the number of Lakota led by Sitting Bull and other leaders off the reservation in protest of US Government policies. This was a correct estimate until several weeks before the battle, when the “reservation Indians” joined Sitting Bull’s ranks for the summer buffalo hunt. However, the agents did not take into account the many thousands of “reservation Indians” who had “unofficially” left the reservation to join their “uncooperative non-reservation cousins led by Sitting Bull”. The latter were those groups who had indicated that they were not going to cooperate with the US Government and live on reservation lands. Thus, Custer unknowingly faced thousands of Indians, in addition to the 800 non-reservation “hostiles”. All Army plans were based on the incorrect numbers. While after the battle, Custer was severely criticized for not having accepted reinforcements and for dividing his forces, it must be understood that he had accepted the same official Government estimates of hostiles in the area which Terry and Gibbon also accepted. Historian James Donovan states that when Custer asked interpreter Fred Gerard for his opinion on the size of the opposition, he estimated the force at between 1,500 to 2,500 warriors.

Additionally, Custer was more concerned with preventing the escape of the Lakota and Cheyenne than with fighting them. From his own observation, as reported by his bugler John Martin (Martini) Custer assumed the warriors had been sleeping in on the morning of the battle, to which virtually every native account attested later, giving Custer a false estimate of what he was up against. When he and his scouts first looked down on the village from Crow’s Nest across the Little Bighorn River, they could only see the herd of ponies. Looking from a hill 2.5 miles (4.0 km) away after parting with Reno’s command, Custer could observe only women preparing for the day, and young boys taking thousands of horses out to graze south of the village. Custer’s Crow scouts told him it was the largest native village they had ever seen. When the scouts began changing back into their native dress right before the battle, Custer released them from his command. While the village was enormous in size, Custer thought there were far fewer warriors to defend the village. He assumed most of the warriors were still asleep in their tipis.

Finally, Custer may have assumed that in the event of his encountering Native Americans, his subordinate Benteen with the pack train would quickly come to his aid. Rifle volleys were a standard way of telling supporting units to come to another unit’s aid. In a subsequent official 1879 Army investigation requested by Major Reno, the Reno Board of Inquiry (RCOI), Benteen and Reno’s men testified that they heard distinct rifle volleys as late as 4:30 pm during the battle.

Custer had wanted to take a day and scout the village before attacking; however, when men went back after supplies dropped by the pack train, they discovered they were being back-trailed by Indians. Reports from his scouts also revealed fresh pony tracks from ridges overlooking his formation. It became apparent that the warriors in the village were either aware of or would soon be aware of his approach. Fearing that the village would break up into small bands that he would have to chase, Custer began to prepare for an immediate attack

The role of Indian noncombatants in Custer’s strategy
Lt. Colonel George A. Custer’s field strategy was designed to engage noncombatants at the encampments at the Battle of the Little Big Horn, so as to capture women, children, the elderly or disabled to serve as hostages and human shields. Custer’s battalions were poised to “ride into the camp and secure noncombatant hostages” and “forc[e] the warriors to surrender”. Author Evan S. Connell observed that if Custer could occupy the village before widespread resistance developed, the Sioux and Cheyenne warriors “would be obliged to surrender, because if they started to fight, they would be shooting their own families.”

Custer asserted in his book My Life on the Plains, published just two years before the Battle of the Little Big Horn, that:

    “Indians contemplating a battle, either offensive or defensive, are always anxious to have their women and children removed from all danger…For this reason I decided to locate our [military] camp as close as convenient to [Chief Black Kettle's Cheyenne] village, knowing that the close proximity of their women and children, and their necessary exposure in case of conflict, would operate as a powerful argument in favor of peace, when the question of peace or war came to be discussed.”

On Custer’s decision to advance up the bluffs and descend on the village from the east, Lt. Edward Godfrey of Company K surmised:

    “[Custer] expected to find the squaws and children fleeing to the bluffs on the north, for in no other way do I account for his wide detour. He must have counted upon Reno’s success, and fully expected the ‘scatteration’ of the non-combatants with the pony herds. The probable attack upon the families and capture of the herds were in that event counted upon to strike consternation in the hearts of the warriors, and were elements for success upon which General Custer fully counted”.

The Sioux and Cheyenne fighters were acutely aware of the danger posed by the military engagement of noncombatants and that “even a semblance of an attack on the women and children” would draw the warriors back to the village, according to historian John S. Gray. Such was their concern that a “feint” by Cpt. Yates’ E and F Companies at the mouth of Medicine Tail Coulee (Minneconjou Ford) caused hundreds of warriors to disengage from the Reno valley fight and return to deal with the threat to the village.

Custer proceeded with a wing of his battalion (Yates’ Troops E and F) north and opposite the Cheyenne circle at a crossing referred to by Fox as Ford D[18]:176–77 which provided “access to the [women and children] fugitives.”Yates’s force “posed an immediate threat to fugitive Indian families…” gathering at the north end of the huge encampment.

Custer persisted in his efforts to “seize women and children” even as hundreds of warriors were massing around Keogh’s wing on the bluffs. Yates’ wing, descending to the Little Bighorn River at Ford D, encountered “light resistance”,undetected by the Indian forces ascending the bluffs east of the village.

Custer was almost within “striking distance of the refugees” before being repulsed by Indian defenders and forced back to Custer Ridge.

Captain Robert G. Carter, writing to author W.A. Graham in 1925, discussed the vulnerability of U.S. Army troops to interception and destruction by Indian defenders, outside the context of the Indian villages:

    “Who knows that the same Indians [who destroyed Custer's battalion] might have done to [the column commanded by] Gibbon and Terry, had not Custer attacked …on the 25th, instead [attacking on] the 26th…and Sioux and Cheyenne forces “moving toward [Terry and Gibbon], do the very same thing [to their column] – overwhelm them by force of numbers…”

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[How to Make a Leather Buckskin Native American Dress]]> 2014-10-28T11:40:20Z 2014-10-29T18:00:40Z Leather Buckskin Native American Dress
Leather Buckskin Native American Dress

Native American buckskin dresses are very beautiful. Even though there are hundreds of Native American tribes, the inherent design and objective of the dress remained the same. The ornamentation, color and shape of the leather Native American dress differed in each region of the United States due to the animals used and tribal traditions. Buckskin primarily referred to the male deer or elk. Native American clothing is still worn for reenactments, ceremonies and powwows.


1. Locate either real buckskin dresses or excellent close up pictures of several different styles to see how they are made and what they are supposed to look like. Choose the style you prefer.

2. Select the skins. Decide whether you want to use deer, elk or dyed and treated sheepskin. To be as traditional as possible, use the hide of a deer or elk that is tanned naturally. Measure the skins to determine whether you will need two or three for the dress. Avoid skins with lots of holes.

3. Make the pattern using brown paper, cotton or patterned fabric. Measure the person and make the pattern as close to fit as possible. When sewn and fitted correctly, the buckskin dress will rarely stretch. Model the pattern after the style of dress that you have chosen. If you can, trace the pattern of a real leather Native American dress that fits and allow an inch and a half for seams if they are sewn.

4. Choose between sewing the buckskin dress and lacing the seams. Sewing produces a very finished product that fits well. Use the awl for all holes that you may need. The pliers are used to pull the buckskin needles through multiple layers of buckskin if you have difficulty pulling the needle through. Use either sinew, from the animal gut, or strong cotton thread coated in beeswax for sewing.

5. Cut the fringe in straight lines and stretch it before sewing to the buckskin dress. This keeps the dress from becoming misshapen. Make the fringe as long as possible but not so long as to be stepped on. Make sure the scissors are sharp and cut the fringe at least a quarter of an inch wide.

6. Ornament the leather Native American dress with colored beads, sea shells and silver or steel cones (they were tied onto the fringe to look and sound pretty). Decorated fringe was also placed on different parts of the dress, across the bodice and around the skirt. Use naturally dyed quills and glass beads to make patterns across the shoulders and on the bodice.

Source: ehow

Amy <![CDATA[Cocopah Indian Crafts]]> 2014-10-28T11:40:22Z 2014-10-29T17:00:38Z Cocopah Indian Tribe
Cocopah Indian Tribe

One of seven descendant tribes from the greater Yuman language-speaking people who for centuries occupied the arid lands along the Colorado River, the Cocopah Indian tribe is widely known for traditional styles of beaded art, red willow bark shirts, bark skirts, arrow weed-woven baskets, pottery, musical instruments, ribbon dresses and leather craft. The rich history of the Cocopah tribe is taught to younger generations, as they learn to craft both traditional and contemporary works of wearable art.

Wearable Beaded Art

Elaborately woven beaded shoulder capes hold an honored place in ceremonial dress for members of the Cocopah tribe. The color of the beads and the design woven into the cape have great significance. Brilliantly colored beads are woven into complicated and intricate patterns to create one-of-a-kind pieces of beaded clothing. Shoulder capes were worn as ornamentation and continue to draw appreciation as an integral part of Cocopah artwork that represents the preservation of a culture and people that dates to antiquity.

Willow Bark Clothing

Willow trees grow in thick profusion along the Colorado River and its tributaries. Thin, pliable willow branches were woven into shelters and baskets, the frayed bark of the red willow tree was used to make breech clouts (long rectangular pieces of hide or other material tucked over a belt), shirts and skirts. Clothing made from the inner bark of the willow tree were the traditional garments worn by both men and women of the Cocopah tribe. Today these bark garments are reserved for spiritual ceremonies and celebrations.

Traditionally men gathered large armloads of willow branches, tied them together and weighted the bundle with rocks. The bundle of branches was submerged in water (stream or pond) and allowed to soak for 12 to 14 days. The women would peel off the outer bark from the branches, then strip the inner white bark and hang it on poles to dry. The women would tie long shanks of the bark, when semi-dry, to a cord woven from thin twigs of willow to craft garments of impressive beauty. The cord was tied about the waist.

Historically, the willow tree was a sustainable and renewable building and craft material, used for building homes, baskets, clothing and granaries. For most applications, the leaves were stripped off the the willow stems. Branches and stems used for building shelters and granaries were left on the branch and woven into the structure or food-storage containers. The leaves of the willow secrete a substance that repels flies and crawling insects.

Cocopah Ribbon Skirts

The Cocopah tribe is also noted for the creation of beautiful ribbon skirts. Ribbon skirts were crafted for ceremonial dress by many of the Native American tribes of the Southwest. Clay dolls, beautiful clay pottery and artisan quality leather work are also part of the Cocopah creative heritage. Examples of the tribes finely crafted artworks are displayed a the Cocopah Tribal Museum in Somerton, Arizona.

Rabbit Skin Blankets, Shawls & Clothing

Hunting for rabbits, with snares or hand-crafted bows and arrows, historically provided a large part of Cocopah tribe’s food. Nothing was ever wasted. The rabbits were skinned, and the hides were dried and tanned to be crafted into warm vests, baby buntings and sleeping blankets. Many of these beautiful creations were adorned with intricate beadwork. Rabbits, squirrels, deer and other wildlife that provided materials for human use were treated with dignity and respect.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[Battle of the Rosebud]]> 2014-10-13T08:07:43Z 2014-10-29T16:59:27Z
“Battle on the Rosebud River”, 1876

The Battle of the Rosebud (also known the Battle of Rosebud Creek) occurred June 17, 1876, in the Montana Territory between the United States Army and its Crow and Shoshoni allies against an Indian force consisting mostly of Lakota Sioux and northern Cheyenne Indians during the Great Sioux War of 1876. The Cheyenne called it the Battle Where the Girl Saved Her Brother, because of an incident during the fight involving Buffalo Calf Road Woman. General George Crook’s offensive was stymied by the Indians, led by Crazy Horse, and he awaited reinforcements before resuming the campaign in August.


The Lakota and their Northern Cheyenne allies won in the Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868) a reservation, including the Black Hills, in Dakota Territory and a large area of “unceded territory” in what became Montana and Wyoming. Both areas were for the exclusive use of the Indians, and whites (except for government officials) were forbidden to trespass. In 1874, the discovery of gold in the Black Hills caused the U.S. to attempt to buy the Black Hills from the Indians. The U.S. ordered all bands of Lakota and Cheyenne to come to the agencies on the reservation by January 31, 1876 to negotiate the sale. A few bands did not comply and when the deadline of January 31 passed the U.S. undertook to force Sitting Bull, Crazy Horse, and their followers onto the reservation. The first military expedition against the recalcitrant Indians in March 1876 was a failure, ending in the Battle of Powder River.

In June 1876, the U.S. renewed the fight with a three-pronged invasion of the Bighorn and Powder river country. Colonel John Gibbon led a force from the west; General Alfred Terry (with Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer) came from the east; and General George Crook advanced northward from Fort Fetterman, near present day Douglas, Wyoming. The objective of the converging columns was to find and defeat the Indians and force them onto the reservation. Crook’s force, called the Bighorn and Yellowstone Expedition, consisted of 993 cavalry and mule-mounted infantry, 197 civilian packers and teamsters, 65 Montan miners, three scouts, and five journalists. Crook’s much valued chief scout was Frank Grouard. Among the teamsters was Calamity Jane, disguised as a man.

Crook left Fort Fetterman on the abandoned Bozeman Trail past the scene of many battles during Red Cloud’s War ten years earlier. His force reached the Tongue River near present-day Sheridan, Wyoming on June 8. Crazy Horse had warned that he would fight if “Three Stars” [Crook] crossed the Tongue and on June 9 the Indians launched a long distance attack, firing into the soldier’s camp and wounding two men. Crook and his men waited near the Tongue for several days for Crow and Shoshoni warriors to join his army. 175 Crow and 86 Shoshoni showed up on June 14 with Frank Grouard. They welcomed the opportunity to strike a blow against their old enemies although they warned Crook that the Lakota and Cheyenne were as “numerous as grass.” The Shoshoni and Crow were well-armed. Crook had made his reputation as an Indian fighter “using Indians to catch Indians” and the Crow and Shoshoni warriors were important to him.

On June 16, leaving his wagon and pack train behind with most of the civilians as a guard, Crook and the soldiers, with the Crow and Shoshoni in the lead, advanced northward beyond the Tongue to the headwaters of Rosebud Creek to search for and engage the Lakota and Cheyenne. Each soldier carried four days rations and 100 rounds of ammunition. Crook’s intention to make a quiet march was spoiled when the Crow and Shoshoni encountered a buffalo herd and shot many of them. Crook anticipated that he would soon find a large Indian village on Rosebud Creek to attack, but the Indian village was on Ash Creek, west of Rosebud Creek. Crook also underestimated the determination of his foe. He anticipated the usual Indian tactics of hit-and-run encounters and ambushes, not a pitched battle.

The Indian force of almost 1,000 men set out from their village on June 16 in the middle of the night to seek out the soldiers on the Rosebud. They rode all night, rested their horses for a couple of hours, then continued, making contact with Crook’s scouts at about 8:30 a.m., June 17

Attack on the Rosebud

On June 17, 1876, Crook’s column marched northward along the south fork of Rosebud Creek. The holiday atmosphere that prevailed since the arrival of the Indian scouts on June 15 was suddenly absent. The soldiers, particularly the mule-riding infantry, were fatigued from the previous day’s 35 miles (56 km) march and the early morning reveille at 3:00 am. At 8 a.m., Crook stopped to rest his men and animals. Although deep in hostile territory, Crook made no special dispositions for defense. His troops halted in their marching order. The Crow and Shoshone scouts remained alert while the soldiers rested. Soldiers in camp began to hear gunfire coming from the bluffs to the north, where the Crow and Shoshoni were positioned, but initially thought it was the Crow shooting buffalo. As the intensity of fire increased, two Crows rushed into the army’s resting place shouting, “Lakota, Lakota!” By 8:30 am, the Sioux and Cheyenne had hotly engaged Crook’s Indian allies on the high ground north of the main body. Heavily outnumbered, the Crow and Shoshoni fell back toward the camp, but their fighting withdrawal gave Crook time to deploy his forces.

The battle which ensued would last for six hours and consist of disconnected actions and charges and counter-charges by Crook and Crazy Horse, the two forces spread out over a fluid front three miles wide. The Lakota and Cheyenne were divided into several groups as were the soldiers as the battle progressed. The soldiers could fend off assaults by the Indians and force them to retreat but could not catch and destroy them.

Crook initially directed his forces to seize the high ground north and south of the Rosebud Creek. He ordered Captain Van Vliet, with two troops of the 3rd Cavalry, to occupy the high bluffs south of the Creek to guard against an Indian attack from the direction. In the north, the commands of Major Chambers with two companies of the 4th Infantry and three companies of the 9th Infantry, and Captain Noyes with three troops of the 2nd Cavalry, formed a dismounted skirmish line and advanced toward the Lakota. Their progress was slow due to flanking fire from Indians occupying the high ground to the northeast.

To accelerate the advance, Crook ordered Captain Anson Mills, commanding six troops of the 3rd Cavalry, to charge the Lakota. Mills’ mounted charge unnerved the Indians and they withdrew along the ridge line. Mills quickly re-formed three troops and led another charge, driving the Indians northwest again to the next hill. Preparing to drive the Indians from there, Mills received orders from Crook to cease the advance and assume a defensive posture. Chambers and Noyes led their forces forward in support and, within minutes, joined Mills on top of the ridge. The bulk of Crook’s command, joined by the packers and miners, occupied a hill they called Crook’s Hill. Establishing his headquarters there at approximately 9:30 am, Crook considered his next move.

During Mill’s advance the event occurred that would name the battle for the Cheyenne. A Cheyenne warrior, Comes in Sight, had his horse shot. While fleeing on foot from Mill’s advancing soldiers, his sister, Buffalo Calf Woman, rode to his rescue. Comes in Sight jumped onto her horse and the two successfully escaped. Mills was impressed with the swarming Indians at his front. “They were the best cavalry soldiers on earth. In charging up toward us they exposed little of their person, hanging on with one arm around the neck and one leg over the horse, firing and lancing from underneath the horses’ necks, so that there was no part of the Indian at which we could aim.”

Crook’s initial charges secured key terrain but did little damage to the Indians. Assaults scattered the Indians but they did not quit the field. After falling back, the Lakota and Cheyenne kept firing from a distance and attacked several times in small parties. When counterattacked by the soldiers, the warriors sped away on their swift horses. Crook realized his charges were ineffective.

Crook believed incorrectly that the unusual tenacity of the Lakota and Cheyenne was based on defense of their families in a nearby village, He ordered Captains Mills and Noyes to withdraw their cavalry from the high ground on Crook’s Hill and swing eastward to follow the Rosebud north to find the suspected village. He recalled Van Vliet’s battalion from the south side of the Rosebud to reinforce him on Crook’s Hill. While Mills and Noyes made their way up the Rosebud, searching for a village that did not exist, the situation of Lt. Colonel William Royall, Crook’s second in command, had worsened. Royall had pursued the Indians attacking Crook’s camp with six companies of cavalry. Royall advanced rapidly along the ridge line to the northwest to a point about one mile away from Crook and separated by the valley of Kolmarr Creek. The Lakota and Cheyenne shifted their main effort away from Crook and concentrated their attacks on Royall and he was in danger of being cut off from Crook. Seeing this danger, Crooks sent orders to Royall to withdraw to Crook’s Hill. Royall sent only one company to join Crook, claiming later his forces had been too hotly engaged to withdraw.

Royall’s situation became worse, and he tried to withdraw his entire command across Kollmar Creek, but the Indians’ fire was too heavy. Next, he began to withdraw southeast along the ridge line. A large group of Sioux and Cheyenne broke off from the fight against Crooks’ main forces and charged boldly down the valley of Kollmar Creek, advancing all the way to the Rosebud. When Captain Guy V. Henry was wounded, his soldiers began to panic but the Crow and Shoshoni arrived and drove the Lakota and Cheyenne back. Crook also sent two infantry companies to occupy a nearby hill to aid Royall with long-range rifle fire which kept the Lakota and Cheyenne at a distance. The Lakota and Cheyenne did not attempt any serious attacks on the infantry, respecting the longer range of their rifles as compared to the carbines the cavalry carried. The Crow, Shoshoni, and the two infantry companies probably saved Royall’s command from destruction.

At approximately 1130, Royall continued his withdrawal to the southeast and assumed a new defensive position. He was under attack on three sides. From his headquarters, Crook realized that Royall needed help that only Mills’ force, which was descending Rosebud Creek, two or three miles away, could provide. Crook sent orders to Mills redirecting him to turn west and attack the rear of the Indians pressing Royall.

At approximately 1230, Royall began another withdrawal into the Kollmar ravine. His cavalry remounted and prepared to ride through gunfire to reach the relative safety of Crook’s main position. As the US cavalry began their dash, the Crow and Shoshone scouts counter-charged the pursuing Lakota and Cheyenne and relieved much of the pressure on Royall’s men. The two companies of infantry provided covering fire from the northeast side of the ravine. Royall’s command suffered most of the U.S. casualties during the battle.

Mills arrived too late on the Lakota and Cheyenne flank to assist Royall’s withdrawal, but his unexpected appearance caused the Lakota and Cheyenne to break contact and retire from the battlefield. The cavalry pursued the Indians, but soon gave up the chase. The battle of the Rosebud was over about 2:30 pm.

Casualties and aftermath

Estimates of casualties by both the soldiers and the Indians vary widely. Crook said he had 10 killed and 21 wounded. His aide John Gregory Bourke added that 4 of the wounds were mortal and gave total casualties as 57. Frank Grouard said that 28 soldiers were killed and 56 wounded. Estimates of Crow killed range from one to five and Shoshoni from one to eight. The Lakota and Cheyenne casualties are likewise uncertain with estimates of the number killed ranging from 10 to 100. The Crow reportedly took 13 scalps (although scalps might be cut into pieces and divided among warriors). Crazy Horse reportedly later said that the Lakota and Cheyenne casualties were 36 killed and 63 wounded. How he came up with such a precise number is unknown, as it seems unlikely that the Indians compiled a statistical record of the casualties among the eight or so Sioux and Lakota bands plus the Cheyenne and a few Arapaho who participated in the battle.

By the standards of Indian warfare, the Battle of the Rosebud was a long and bloody engagement. The Lakota and Cheyenne fought with persistence and demonstrated a willingness to accept casualties rather than break off the encounter. The delaying action by Crook’s Indian allies during the early stages of the battle saved his command from a devastating surprise attack. The intervention of the Crow and Shoshone scouts throughout the battle was crucial to averting disaster for Crook.

Crook claimed victory by virtue of occupying the battlefield at the end of the day, but his actions belie his claim. Concerned for his wounded and short on supplies, Crook retraced his steps to his camp on Goose Creek, near Sheridan, Wyoming, and remained there immobile for seven weeks awaiting reinforcements. He would play no role in the Battle of Little Bighorn eight days later. Crook’s Crow and Shoshoni allies left the army for their homes shortly after the battle. The Lakota and Cheyenne returned to the battlefield after Crook’s departure and piled up rocks at the location of key events in the battle. Some of the rock piles they built are still there

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[How to Build an Indian Canoe]]> 2014-10-28T11:40:24Z 2014-10-29T16:00:35Z Build an Indian Canoe
Build an Indian Canoe

Traditionally, many people think of birch bark canoes when they think of Native Americans. However, dugout canoes were the first canoes made. Before the Europeans came, they were widely used in America as well as all over the world. Indian canoes were once made with stone axes and the wood was set on fire to make it easier to “dig out” , but building one today is a lot easier and less labor intensive with modern tools.


1. Sketch the approximate shape of the Indian canoe you want to make. Look for historic designs in books and on the Internet.

2. Choose a tree, or log several inches in diameter larger than the intended size of your Indian canoe. Look for one with as few defects as possible. If you are cutting a fresh tree, make sure you have permission if you don’t own the land, then cut down the tree with a chainsaw or axe, remove the branches and cut to the desired length.

3. Remove the bark from the length of the log with the axe and the adze. An adze is used for shaping wood, it is similar to an axe, but has a curved blade at right angles to the handle.

4. Draw the outline of the Indian canoe you want to build onto the stripped log using chalk.

5. Form a flat bottom by making saw cuts every six inches perpendicular to the length of the log, then splitting out the sections with the axe. Do the same for the top of the dugout Indian canoe.

6. Cut away all of the unneeded wood from the log using the axe, adze and saw as necessary. Shape the ends of the Indian canoe with the saw to form the bow and stern according yo your chalk outline.

7. Remove the wood from the center of the dugout (where you will sit), first by making shallow cuts across the grain with the saw, or chainsaw if you are experienced enough to control the cuts, then splitting out the wood with the axe. When most of the wood has been removed, use the adze to finish and smooth out the wood.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[Reynolds’ campaign]]> 2014-10-13T07:58:58Z 2014-10-29T14:43:26Z
Custer’s last stand at Little Bighorn.

Reynolds’ campaign

While General Terry stalled, General Crook immediately launched the first strike. He dispatched Colonel Joseph J. Reynolds with six companies of cavalry, who located a village of about 65 lodges and attacked on the morning of March 17, 1876. Crook accompanied the column but did not play any command role. His troops initially took control of and burned the village, but they quickly retreated under enemy fire. The US troops left several soldiers on the battlefield, an action which led to Colonel Reynolds’ court martial. The US captured the band’s pony herd, but the following day, the Lakota recovered many of their horses in a raid. At the time, the Army believed they had attacked Crazy Horse; however, it had actually been a village of Northern Cheyenne (led by Old Bear, Two Moons and White Bull) with a few Oglala.

Summer expeditions

In the late spring of 1876 a second, much larger campaign was launched. From Fort Abraham Lincoln marched the Dakota Column, commanded by General Terry, with 15 companies or about 570 men, including Custer and all 12 companies of the Seventh Cavalry. The Montana Column, commanded by Colonel John Gibbon, departed Fort Ellis. General Crook commanded a third column that departed Fort Fetterman to head north. The plan was for all three columns to converge simultaneously on the Lakota hunting grounds and pin down the Indians between the approaching troops.

Battle of the Rosebud

General Crook’s column was the first to make contact with the northern bands in the Battle of the Rosebud on June 17. While Crook claimed a victory, most historians note that the Indians had effectively checked his advance. Thus the Battle of the Rosebud was at the very least a tactical draw if not a victory for the Indians. Afterward General Crook remained in camp for several weeks awaiting reinforcements, essentially taking his column out of the fighting for a significant period of time.

Battle of the Little Bighorn

Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer and the Seventh Cavalry were ordered out from the main Dakota Column to scout the Rosebud and Big Horn river valleys. On June 25, 1876, they encountered a large village on the west bank of the Little Bighorn. The US troops were seriously beaten in the Battle of the Little Bighorn and nearly 270 men were killed, including Custer. Custer split his forces just prior to the battle and his immediate command of five cavalry companies was annihilated without any survivors. Two days later, a combined force consisting of Colonel Gibbon’s column, along with Terry’s headquarters staff and the Dakota Column infantry, reached the area and rescued the US survivors of the Reno-Benteen fight. Gibbon then headed his forces to the east, chasing trails but unable to engage the Sioux and Cheyenne warriors in battle.

Battle of Slim Buttes

Reinforced with the Fifth Cavalry, General Crook took to the field. Hooking up briefly with General Terry, he soon moved out on his own but did not find a large village. Running short on supplies, his column turned south and made what became called their “Starvation March” to mining settlements to find food. On September 9, 1876, an advance company from his column stumbled across a small village at Slim Buttes, which they attacked and defeated. After reaching Camp Robinson, Crook’s forces disbanded.

Crackdown at the agencies

In the wake of Custer’s defeat at the Little Bighorn, the Army altered its tactics. They increased troop levels at the Indian agencies. That fall, they attached most of the troops to the Army for operations. They seized horses and weapons belonging to friendly bands at the agencies, for fear they would be given to the resisting northern bands. In October 1876, Army troops surrounded the villages of Red Cloud and Red Leaf. They arrested and briefly confined the leaders, holding them responsible for failing to turn in individuals arriving in camp from hostile bands. The US sent another commission to the agencies. According to historian Colin Calloway, “Congress passed a law extinguishing all Lakota rights outside the Great Sioux Reservation.” The Lakota never legally ceded the Black Hills to the United States.

Mackenzie’s campaign

Colonel Ranald S. Mackenzie and his Fourth Cavalry were transferred to the Department of the Platte following the defeat at the Little Bighorn. Stationed initially at Camp Robinson, they formed the core of the Powder River Expedition that departed in October 1876 to locate the northern villages. On November 25, 1876, his column discovered and defeated a village of Northern Cheyenne in the Dull Knife Fight in Wyoming Territory. With their lodges and supplies destroyed and their horses confiscated, the Northern Cheyenne soon surrendered. They hoped to be allowed to remain with the Sioux in the north. They were pressured to relocate to the reservation of the Southern Cheyenne in Indian Territory. After a difficult council, they agreed to go.

When they arrived at the reservation in present-day Oklahoma, conditions were very difficult: inadequate rations, no buffalo left alive near the reservation, and malaria. A portion of the Northern Cheyenne, led by Little Wolf and Dull Knife, attempted to return to the north in the fall of 1877 in the Northern Cheyenne Exodus. They succeeded in reaching the north. After they divided into two bands, that led by Dull Knife was captured and imprisoned in an unheated barracks at Fort Robinson without food or water. When the Cheyenne escaped on January 9, 1878, many died at US Army hands in the subsequent Fort Robinson massacre. Eventually the US government granted the Northern Cheyenne a northern reservation, the Northern Cheyenne Reservation in present-day southern Montana.

Miles’ campaigns

Another strategy of the US Army was to place troops deep within the heartland of Lakota Territory. In the fall of 1876, Colonel Nelson A. Miles and his Fifth Infantry established Cantonment on Tongue River (later renamed Fort Keogh) from which he operated throughout the winter of 1876–77 against any “hostiles” he could find. In January 1877, he fought Crazy Horse and many other bands at the Battle of Wolf Mountain. In the months that followed, his troops fought the Lakota at Clear Creek, Spring Creek and Ash Creek. Miles’ continuous campaigning pushed a number of the Northern Cheyenne and Lakota to either surrender or slip across the border into Canada. Miles later commanded the US Army during the Spanish-American War.


The Agreement of 1877 (19 Stat. 254, enacted February 28, 1877) officially took away Sioux land and permanently established Indian reservations.

Diplomatic efforts

While military leaders began planning a spring campaign against the Lakota and Northern Cheyenne who had refused to come in, a number of diplomatic efforts were underway in an effort to end the war.

“Sell or Starve”
After the defeat at the Battle of the Little Bighorn in June 1876, Congress responded by attaching what the Sioux call the “sell or starve” rider (19 Stat. 192) to the Indian Appropriations Act of 1876 (enacted August 15, 1876) which cut off all rations for the Sioux until they terminated hostilities and ceded the Black Hills to the United States.

George Sword mission
As the winter wore on, rumors reached Camp Robinson that the northern bands were interested in surrendering. The commanding officer sent out a peace delegation. About 30 young men, mostly Oglala and Northern Cheyenne, departed from the Red Cloud Agency on January 16, 1877 to make the dangerous journey north. Among the most prominent members of this delegation was a young Oglala named Enemy Bait (better known later as George Sword). He was the son of the prominent headman Brave Bear. The delegation found Crazy Horse on the Powder River, but found no indication that he was prepared to surrender. Other Oglala camps nearby, however, were more willing to hear the message and to seriously consider surrendering at the agencies. In late February, part of the delegation continued on to find the Northern Cheyenne, where they delivered the same message.

Spotted Tail mission
The influential Brulé headman Spotted Tail also agreed to lead a peace delegation out to meet with the “hostiles”. Departing his agency on February 12, 1877 with perhaps 200 people, Spotted Tail moved north along the eastern edge of the Black Hills. They soon found a large village of Minneconjou under Touch the Clouds, near Short Pine Hills on the Little Missouri River. After several days of councils, they agreed to go in and surrender at the Spotted Tail Agency.

Spotted Tail’s delegation continued on to the Little Powder River, where they met with Minneconjou, Sans Arc, Oglala and a few Northern Cheyenne, including leaders such as Black Shield, Fast Bull, Lame Deer, and Roman Nose. Most of these bands also agreed to go in to the Spotted Tail Agency to surrender. Crazy Horse was not in the camp, but his father gave a horse to a member of the delegation, as evidence that the Oglala war leader was ready to surrender.

Johnny Brughier mission
Not to be outdone by General Crook’s diplomatic efforts, Colonel Miles sent out a peace initiative from his Tongue River Cantonment. Scout Johnny Brughier, aided by two captive Cheyenne women, found the Northern Cheyenne village on the Little Bighorn. They met in councils for several days. His effort would lead to a large contingent of Northern Cheyenne eventually surrendering at the Tongue River Cantonment.

Red Cloud mission
On April 13, a second delegation departed the Red Cloud Agency, led by the noted Oglala leader Red Cloud, with nearly 70 other members of various bands. This delegation met Crazy Horse’s people en route to the agency to surrender and accompanied them most of the way in.

The continuous military campaigns and the intensive diplomatic efforts finally began to yield results in the early spring of 1877 as large numbers of northern bands began to surrender. In April 1877, an aide of General Crook’s wrote to a friend: “I am now fully satisfied that the great Sioux War is now ended and that we will have once more a chance to have peace.”[citation needed] A large number of Northern Cheyenne, led by Dull Knife and Standing Elk, surrendered at the Red Cloud Agency on April 21, 1877. They were shipped to Indian Territory the following month. Touch the Clouds and Roman Nose arrived with bands at the Spotted Tail Agency. Crazy Horse surrendered with his band at Red Cloud on May 5.

Death of Crazy Horse
The famed Oglala leader Crazy Horse spent several months with his band at the Red Cloud Agency amidst an environment of intense politics. Fearing he was about to break away, the Army moved to surround his village and arrest the leader on September 4, 1877. Crazy Horse slipped away to the Spotted Tail Agency. The following day, Crazy Horse was brought back to Camp Robinson with the promise that he could meet with the post commander. Instead, he was taken to the guard house under arrest. During his struggle to escape, he was fatally bayoneted by a soldier.

Flight to Canada

While many of the Lakota surrendered at the various agencies along the Missouri River or in northwestern Nebraska, Sitting Bull led a large contingent across the international border into Canada. General Terry was part of a delegation sent to negotiate with the bands, hoping to persuade them to surrender and return to the US, but they refused.

Not until the buffalo were seriously depleted, and troubles began to surface with other native tribes in Canada, did they finally return. In 1880–81, most of the Lakota from Canada surrendered at Fort Keogh and Fort Buford. US forces transferred them by steamboat to the Standing Rock Agency in the summer of 1881.


The Great Sioux War of 1876–77 contrasted sharply with the Bozeman War fought a decade earlier. During the 1860s, Lakota leaders enjoyed wide support from their bands for the fighting. By contrast, in 1876–77, nearly two-thirds of all Lakota had settled at Indian agencies to accept rations and gain subsistence. Such bands did not support or participate in the fighting.

The deep political divisions within the Lakota continued well into the early reservation period, affecting native politics for several decades. In 1889–90, the rise of the Ghost Dance movement found a large majority of its followers among the non-agency bands who had fought in the Great Sioux War.

While much more numerous in total population, the bands of the Lakota generally were independent and made separate decisions about warfare. Many bands did ally with the Cheyenne, and there was intermarriage between the tribes. An alternative view is that the Plains Indians considered the war of 1876–77 to be “The Great Cheyenne War”.

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[How to Clean Native American Silver Jewelry]]> 2014-10-28T11:40:26Z 2014-10-29T14:00:31Z Clean Native American Silver Jewelry
Clean Native American Silver Jewelry

Even though indigenous cultures have changed greatly over the past centuries, the Native American spirit lives on in the form of traditions, lore and crafts. One of these crafts is the creation of jewelry, a skill still honed today by many craftspeople. Native American jewelry is usually made of silver and features turquoise of all hues and other precious stones. Because of the delicacy of these pieces, take special care when cleaning the jewelry to maintain its original luster and elegance.


1. Purchase specialized jewelry polishing cloths, available at jewelry shops and many department stores. If possible, get ones specifically designed for silver; if not, a general jewelry cloth will suffice.

2. Rub your silver Native American jewelry gently with the polishing cloth. The chemicals on the cloth are specially designed to avoid scratching, tarnishing or otherwise damaging the silver and any stones.

3. Store your jewelry in a dry place to help avoid tarnish from moisture. Consider purchasing special plastic bags or cloth-lined boxes that wick or keep moisture away.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[Great Sioux War of 1876]]> 2014-10-13T07:42:58Z 2014-10-29T12:36:36Z
Custer’s last stand at Little Bighorn.

The Great Sioux War of 1876, also known as the Black Hills War, was a series of battles and negotiations which occurred between 1876 and 1877 involving the Lakota Sioux and Northern Cheyenne against the United States. As gold was discovered in the Black Hills, settlers began to encroach onto Native American lands, while pressure was mounted by the federal government for the Natives to remain on the Sioux reservation. Traditionally, the United States military and historians place the Lakota at the center of the story, especially given their numbers, but some American Indians believe the Cheyenne were the primary target of the US campaign. An alternative interpretation suggests that the Native Americans would have called it “The Great Cheyenne War”.

Among the many battles and skirmishes of the war was the Battle of the Little Bighorn, often known as Custer’s Last Stand, the most storied of the many encounters between the U.S. army and mounted Plains Indians. That Indian victory notwithstanding, the U.S. with its superior resources was soon able to force the Indians to surrender, primarily by attacking and destroying their encampments and property. The Great Sioux War took place under the Presidencies of Ulysses S. Grant and Rutherford B. Hayes. The Agreement of 1877 (19 Stat. 254, enacted February 28, 1877) officially annexed Sioux land and permanently established Indian reservations.


The Cheyenne had migrated west to the Black Hills and Powder River Country before the Lakota and introduced them to horse culture about 1730. By the late 18th century, the growing Lakota tribe had begun expanding its territory west of the Missouri River. They pushed out the Kiowa and formed alliances with the Cheyenne and Arapaho to gain control of the rich buffalo hunting grounds of the northern Great Plains. The Black Hills, located in present-day western South Dakota, became an important source to the Lakota for lodge poles, plant resources and small game. They are considered sacred to the Lakota culture.

By the early 19th century, the Northern Cheyenne became the first to wage tribal-level warfare. Because European Americans used many different names for the Cheyenne, the military may not have realized their unity. The US Army destroyed seven Cheyenne camps before 1876 and three more that year, more than any other tribes suffered in this period. From 1860 on, the Cheyenne were a major force in warfare on the Plains. “No other group on the plains achieved such centralized tribal organization and authority.”The Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868, signed with the US by Lakota and Northern Cheyenne leaders following Red Cloud’s War, set aside a portion of the Lakota territory as the Great Sioux Reservation. This comprised the western one-half of South Dakota, including the Black Hills region for their exclusive use. It also provided for a large “unceded territory” in Wyoming and Montana, the Powder River Country, as Cheyenne and Lakota hunting grounds. On both the reservation and the unceded territory, white men were forbidden to trespass, except for officials of the U.S. government.

The growing number of miners and settlers encroaching in the Dakota Territory, however, rapidly nullified the protections. The US government could not keep settlers out. By 1872, territorial officials were considering harvesting the rich timber resources of the Black Hills, to be floated down the Cheyenne River to the Missouri, where new plains settlements needed lumber. The geographic uplift area suggested the potential for mineral resources. When a commission approached the Red Cloud Agency about the possibility of the Lakota’s signing away the Black Hills, Colonel John E. Smith noted that this was “the only portion worth anything to them”. He concluded that “nothing short of their annihilation will get it from them”

In 1874, the government dispatched the Custer Expedition to examine the Black Hills. The Lakota were alarmed at his expedition. Before Custer’s column had returned to Fort Abraham Lincoln, news of their discovery of gold was telegraphed nationally. The presence of valuable mineral resources was confirmed the following year by the Newton-Jenney Geological Expedition. Prospectors, motivated by the economic panic of 1873, began to trickle into the Black Hills in violation of the Fort Laramie Treaty. This trickle turned into a flood as thousands of miners invaded the Hills before the gold rush was over. Organized groups came from states as far away as New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.

Initially, the United States Army struggled to keep miners out of the region. In December 1874, for example, a group of miners led by John Gordon from Sioux City, Iowa, managed to evade Army patrols and reached the Black Hills, but the Army ejected them three months later. Such evictions, however, increased political pressure on the Grant Administration to secure the Black Hills from the Lakota.

In May 1875, Sioux delegations headed by Spotted Tail, Red Cloud, and Lone Horn traveled to Washington, D.C. in an eleventh-hour attempt to persuade President Ulysses S. Grant to honor existing treaties and stem the flow of miners into their territories. They met with Grant, Secretary of the Interior Columbus Delano, and Commissioner of Indian Affairs Edward Smith. The US leaders said that the Congress wanted to pay the tribes $25,000 for the land and have them relocate to Indian Territory (in present-day Oklahoma). The delegates refused to sign a new treaty with these stipulations. Spotted Tail said, “You speak of another country, but it is not my country; it does not concern me, and I want nothing to do with it. I was not born there … If it is such a good country, you ought to send the white men now in our country there and let us alone.” Although the chiefs were unsuccessful in finding a peaceful solution, they did not join Crazy Horse and Sitting Bull in the warfare that followed.

That fall, a US commission was sent to each of the Indian agencies to hold councils with the Lakota. They hoped to gain the people’s approval and thereby bring pressure on the Lakota leaders to sign a new treaty. The government’s attempt to secure the Black Hills failed. While the Black Hills were at the center of the growing crisis, Lakota resentment was growing over expanding US interests in other portions of Lakota territory. For instance, the government proposed that the route of the Northern Pacific Railroad would cross through the last of the great buffalo hunting grounds. In addition, the US Army had carried out several devastating attacks on Cheyenne camps before 1876


The number of Indian combatants in the war is disputed with estimates ranging from 900 up to 4,000 warriors.

The seven bands of the Lakota Sioux in the 1870s numbered perhaps 15,000 men, women, and children, but most of them were living on the Great Sioux Reservation and were noncombatants. An Indian agent in November 1875 said the Indians living in the unceded areas numbered “a few hundred warriors.” General Crook estimated that he might face up to 2,000 warriors. Most of the Sioux who remained in the unceded territory where the war would take place were Oglala and Hunkpapa, numbering about 5,500 in total. Added to this were about 1,500 Northern Cheyenne and Arapaho for a total hostile Indian population of about 7,000, which might include as many as 2,000 warriors. The number of warriors participating in the Battle of the Little Bighorn is estimated at between 900 and 2,000.

The Indians had advantages in mobility and knowledge of the country, but all Indians were part-time warriors. In spring, they were partially immobilized by the weakness of their horses which had survived the long winter on limited forage. Much of summer and fall they spent hunting buffalo to feed their families. About one half of the Indian warriors were armed with guns, ranging from repeating rifles to antiquated muskets, and one half with bows and arrows. The short, stout Indian bow was designed to be used from horseback and was deadly at short range, but nearly worthless against a distant or well-fortified enemy. Ammunition was in short supply. Indian warriors had traditionally fought for individual prestige, rather than strategic objectives, although Crazy Horse seems to have instilled in the Sioux some sense of collective endeavor. The Cheyenne were the most centralized and best organized of the Plains Indians. The Sioux and Cheyenne were also at war with their long-time enemies, the Crow and Shoshoni, which drained off many of their resources.

To combat the Sioux the U.S. army had a string of forts ringing the Great Sioux Reservation and unceded territory. The largest force arrayed against the Indians at one time was in summer 1876 and consisted of 2,500 soldiers deployed in the unceded territory and accompanied by hundreds of Indian scouts and civilians. Many of the soldiers were recent immigrants and inexperienced on the frontier and in Indian warfare. Cavalry soldiers were armed with .45 caliber, single-action revolvers and the Springfield Model 1873, a single-shot, breech-loading rifle which gave the soldiers a large advantage in range over most Indian weapons.

Launching the war

Grant and his administration began to consider alternatives to the failed diplomatic venture. In early November 1875, Major General Philip Sheridan, commander of the Division of the Missouri, and Brigadier General George Crook, commander of the Department of the Platte, were called to Washington, D.C. to meet with Grant and several members of his cabinet to discuss the Black Hills issue. They agreed that the Army should stop evicting trespassers from the reservation, thus opening the way for the Black Hills Gold Rush. In addition, they discussed initiating military action against the bands of Lakota and Northern Cheyenne who had refused to come to the Indian agencies for council. Indian Inspector Erwin C. Watkins supported this option. “The true policy in my judgement,” he wrote, “is to send troops against them in the winter, the sooner the better, and whip them into subjection.”

Concerned about launching a war against the Lakota without provocation, the government instructed Indian agents in the region to notify all Lakota and Sioux to return to the reservation by January 31, 1876, or face potential military action. The US agent at Standing Rock Agency expressed concern that this was insufficient time for the Lakota to respond, as deep winter restricted travel. His request to extend the deadline was denied. General Sheridan considered the notification exercise a waste of time. “The matter of notifying the Indians to come in is perhaps well to put on paper,” he commented, “but it will in all probability be regarded as a good joke by the Indians.”

Meanwhile in the council lodges of the non-treaty bands, Lakota leaders seriously discussed the notification for return. Short Bull, a member of the Soreback Band of the Oglala, later recalled that many of the bands had gathered on the Tongue River. “About one hundred men went out from the agency to coax the hostiles to come in under pretense that the trouble about the Black Hills was to be settled,” he said. “…All the hostiles agreed that since it was late and they had to shoot for tipis [i.e., hunt buffalo] they would come in to the agency the following spring.”

As the deadline of January 31 passed, the new Commissioner of Indian Affairs, John Q. Smith, wrote that “without the receipt of any news of Sitting Bull’s submission, I see no reason why, in the discretion of the Hon. the Secretary of War, military operations against him should not commence at once.” His superior, Secretary of the Interior Zachariah Chandler agreed, adding that “the said Indians are hereby turned over to the War Department for such action on the part of the Army as you may deem proper under the circumstances.” On February 8, 1876, General Sheridan telegraphed Generals Crook and Terry, ordering them to commence their winter campaigns against the “hostiles”. The Great Sioux War of 1876–77 had begun.

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[Face Painting Ideas for an American Indian]]> 2014-10-28T11:40:28Z 2014-10-29T12:00:29Z Face Painting Ideas for an American Indian
Face Painting Ideas for an American Indian

Face painting is not only a fun activity for children and adults, but it is also an ancient tradition for many cultures such as Native Americans, who used the makeup as the identifying mark of a warrior. Native American face painting is still used today in religious ceremonies because it is considered a theatrical way to change identity and augment costumes.

Native American Warrior

Use red as a base paint, covering the whole face. This vibrant color is considered violent, symbolizing war in some tribes. To get this look, paint a thick, horizontal black stripe across the eyes. Outline the stripe first to make sure the lines are straight and parallel.

Among other Native American tribes, black was the color of the living, indicating that warriors would come back alive and victorious. To get this look, start with the cheeks, where you can use an arrow to indicate the strength of the warrior’s life force and wolf paw prints.

Comanche Woman

According to the Mantaka American Indian Council, Comanche tribe women used face paint as well as the men for various theatrical designs. To get this look, Use a small paint brush and paint a nickel-sized red circle on each cheek. Carefully paint a thick orange band around each circle. Using a finger, paint yellow under the eyes and on the upper lids. Be careful not to get any paint in the eyes. Use a finger or a cotton swab to rub red paint on the insides of the ears.

Mohave Woman

Mohave women painted themselves with either red or yellow color. To paint traditional Mohave Coyote’s Teeth, dip your index finger in red or yellow paint and draw a vertical line down each cheek, with many small lines crossed through. To create the rainbow pattern, paint the cheeks red from the jawline up to the cheekbone and from the middle of the ear to about an three inches away from the nose on either side. Draw a vertical line in the same color of paint from under the eye down to the jawline on both sides.

For easier paint removal, rub a thin layer of petroleum jelly onto the skin before applying face paint.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[Buffalo Hunters’ War]]> 2014-10-13T07:36:16Z 2014-10-28T20:32:13Z
Black Horse with his wife
and child at Fort Marion, Florida.

The Buffalo Hunters’ War, or the Staked Plains War, occurred in 1877. Approximately 170 Comanche warriors and their families led by Black Horse left the Indian Territory in December, 1876, for the Llano Estacado of Texas.

In February, 1877, they, and their Apache allies, began attacking buffalo hunters’ camps in the Red River country of the Texas Panhandle, killing or wounding several. They also stole horses from the camp of Pat Garrett. Forty-five hunters, led by Hank Campbell, Jim Smith, and Joe Freed, and guided by Jose Tafoya, left Rath City, a trading post on the Double Mountain Fork Brazos River. Smoky Hill Thompson remained behind to lead the defense of the trading post.

The party trailed the natives to their camp in Thompson’s Canyon, now known as Yellow House Canyon in present-day Lubbock, Texas, where they attacked on March 18. The hunters were repulsed and the natives escaped, including white captive Herman Lehmann, who was wounded in the battle. Among the hunters were four wounded and one later dying from wounds. The native’s loss was later reported by the military to be thirty-five dead and twenty-two wounded. This was one of the last armed conflicts with Comanche warriors.

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[Comanche Indian Children’s Games]]> 2014-10-28T11:40:31Z 2014-10-28T20:00:26Z Hoop Pole
Hoop Pole

Comanche Indians lived in the Southern plains of Texas, Oklahoma and New Mexico and were an organized tribe that is still strong today. Comanche Indian children do many of the same things as other children, such as go to school and do chores, but there are some games traditional to Comanche Indians. These games can be played with several children as a group.

Netted Hoop and Pole Game

Play a traditional Comanche game with modern materials. Originally, the netted hoop for this game was made from reeds and the net from rawhide, but you can substitute a hula hoop instead. For poles, pointed whittled sticks were used in the past, but you can use plastic lawn darts or fallen sticks.

To play the game, one child rolls the hoop while another tries to throw his pole through the rolling hoop. Each player starts by throwing one pole. If a player misses, the other gets his pole. The player who collects all of the other player’s poles is the winner.


Comanche children’s dolls were hand made with natural items from the earth such as pine needles, buckskin and handmade beads. You can make dolls using natural materials or store-bought materials. Children can pretend that the dolls are visiting a traditional Comanche village.

Comanche Animal Ball

This game is similar to basketball and was traditionally played between tribes. It is thought that the game originated when the animals challenged the birds to a great game of ball.

Divide the children into two groups and have each pick an animal he would like to represent. When the child has the ball, he should try to emulate the animal while trying to make a basket. For example, if the child is a bird, he can try to fly the ball through the hoop without allowing the ball to touch the ground. Play the game until one side has reached a set amount of goals.

Source: ehow

Amy <![CDATA[What Do the Patterns on the Indian Beads Mean?]]> 2014-10-29T17:16:34Z 2014-10-28T19:00:23Z Native American Beadwork
The Patterns on The Indian Beads

For thousands of years, American Indian tribes have manufactured beads, stringing them into colorful and elaborate patterns on clothing, jewelry, belts, bags and headbands. In the 1600s, shell beads known as wampum were used as currency in New England. The patterns on the beads have symbolic political and social meanings.


White beads represent purity or friendship. Black or purple beads are used in the background on belts and can represent political strife or distress. Presenting red wampum beads to another tribe could be a declaration of war. Color can indicate tribal origin; Blackfeet beadwork contains a lot of yellow and orange, and Lakota use blue.


Strung together, the combination of colors can tell things about the wearer. In early America, shell beads might be combined with glass or metal beads in recognizable shapes such as people or animals, used to tell tribal legends or cement treaties between tribes.


Patterns could indicate that the young person who wears it has reached maturity or gone through certain rites of passage. In certain New England tribes, a young man would present wampum to his prospective wife, with a proposal message represented by the beads.


Triangles can represent wigwams, squares campfires. Earth elements such as the sun or sky are also represented. Today, beaders learn the techniques of their ancestors and develop new ones of their own.


Each tribe has its own patterns and styles of beading, passed down through generations, and is distinct from all others. Some individual native beaders use their distinctive patterns as a signature for their work.

Source: ehow

Carol <![CDATA[Red River War 1874]]> 2014-10-13T07:31:38Z 2014-10-28T18:21:05Z
A Kiowa ledger drawing possibly depicting
the Buffalo Wallow battle in 1874, one of several
clashes between Southern Plains Indians and the
U.S. Army during the Red River War.

The Red River War was a military campaign launched by the United States Army in 1874 to remove the Comanche, Kiowa, Southern Cheyenne, and Arapaho Native American tribes from the Southern Plains and forcibly relocate them to reservations in Indian Territory. Lasting only a few months, the war saw several army columns crisscross the Texas Panhandle in an effort to locate, harass and capture highly mobile Indian bands. Most of the engagements were small skirmishes in which neither side suffered many casualties. The war wound down over the last few months of 1874 as fewer and fewer Indian bands had the strength and supplies to remain in the field. Though the last significantly sized group did not surrender until mid-1875, the war marked the end of free roaming Indian populations on the Southern Plains.


Prior to the arrival of English American settlers on the Great Plains, the Southern Plains tribes had evolved into a nomadic pattern of existence. Beginning in the 1830s significant numbers of permanent settlements were established in what had previously been the exclusive territory of the Indigenous peoples of the Americas. Attacks, raids, and counter-raids occurred frequently. Prior to the Civil War, the U.S. Army was only sporadically involved in these frontier conflicts, manning forts but limited to a handful of larger expeditions due to manpower limitations. During the Civil War, the Regular Army withdrew almost completely and Indian raids increased dramatically. Texas, as part of the Confederate States of America, lacked the military resources to fight both the Union and the tribes.

After the war, the military began reasserting itself along the frontier. The Medicine Lodge Treaty, signed near present day Medicine Lodge, Kansas, in 1867, called for two reservations to be set aside in Indian Territory, one for the Comanche and Kiowa and one for the Southern Cheyenne and Arapaho. According to the treaty, the government would provide the tribes with housing, agricultural training, and food and other supplies. In exchange, the Indians agreed to cease raiding and attacking settlements. Dozens of chiefs endorsed the treaty and some tribal members moved voluntarily to the reservations, but it was never officially ratified and several groups of Indians still on the Plains did not attend the negotiations.

In 1870, a new technique for tanning buffalo hides became commercially available. In response, commercial hunters began systematically targeting buffalo for the first time. Once numbering in the tens of millions, the buffalo population plummeted. By 1878 they would be all but extinct.

The destruction of the buffalo herds was a disaster for the Plains Indians, on and off the reservations. The entire nomadic way of life had been based around the animals. They were used for food, fuel and construction materials. Without abundant buffalo, the Southern Plains Indians had no means of self-support.

By the winter of 1873-1874, the Southern Plains Indians were in crisis. The reduction of the buffalo herds combined with increasing numbers of new settlers and more aggressive military patrols had put them in an unsustainable position.


During the winter, a spiritual leader named Isa-tai (White Eagle) emerged among the Quahadi Band of Comanches. Isa-tai claimed to have the power to render himself and others invulnerable to their enemies, including to bullets, and was able to rally an enormous number of Indians for large raids. There was also a shift within the political structure of the Kiowa, bringing the war faction (influenced by Lone Wolf, or Gui-pah-go; also known as Lone Wolf the Elder to prevent confusion with Lone Wolf the Younger) into a greater position of influence than they had held previously.

Early engagements

On 27 June 1874, Isa-tai and Comanche chief Quanah Parker led approximately 250 warriors in an attack on a small outpost of buffalo hunters in the Texas Panhandle called Adobe Walls. The encampment consisted of just a few buildings and was occupied by only twenty-eight men and one woman. Though a few whites were killed in the opening moments of the Second Battle of Adobe Walls (the first had been in 1864), the majority were able to barricade themselves indoors and hold off the attack. Using large caliber buffalo guns, the hunters could fire on the warriors from much greater range than the Indians had expected, and the attack failed.

A second engagement involved the Kiowa and took place in Texas. Warriors led by Lone Wolf attacked a patrol of Texas Rangers in July. The Lost Valley fight saw light casualties on both sides, but it served to raise tensions along the frontier and push the Army into an aggressive response.

The explosion of violence took the government by surprise. The “peace policy” of the Grant Administration was deemed a failure, and the Army was authorized to subdue the Southern Plains tribes with whatever force necessary. At this time, roughly 1,800 Cheyennes, 2,000 Comanches, and 1,000 Kiowas remained at large. Combined, they mounted about 1,200 warriors.

Army response

Area comprising locations of the battles in the Texas Panhandle
General Phillip Sheridan ordered five army columns to converge on the general area of the Texas Panhandle and specifically upon the upper tributaries of the Red River. The strategy was to deny the Indians any safe haven and attack them unceasingly until they went permanently to the reservations.

Three of the five columns were under the command of Colonel Ranald S. Mackenzie. The Tenth Cavalry, under Lieutenant Colonel John W. Davidson, came due west from Fort Sill. The Eleventh Infantry, under Lieutenant Colonel George P. Buell, moved northwest from Fort Griffin. Mackenzie himself led the Fourth Cavalry north from Fort Concho.

The fourth column, consisting of the Sixth Cavalry and Fifth Infantry, was commanded by Colonel Nelson A. Miles and came south from Fort Dodge. The fifth column, the Eighth Cavalry commanded by Major William R. Price, a total of 225 officers and men, plus six Indian scouts and two guides originating from Fort Union, marched east via Fort Bascom in New Mexico. The plan called for the converging columns to maintain a continuous offensive until a decisive defeat had been inflicted on the Indians.

As many as twenty engagements took place across the Texas Panhandle. The Army, consisting entirely of soldiers and scouts, sought to engage the Indians at any opportunity. The Indians, traveling with women, children and elderly, mostly attempted to avoid them. When the two did encounter one another, the Indians usually tried to escape before the Army could force them to surrender. However, even a successful escape could be disastrously costly if horses, food and equipment had to be left behind. By contrast, the Army and its Indian scouts had access to essentially limitless supplies and equipment, they frequently burned anything they captured from retreating Indians, and were capable of continuing operations indefinitely. The war continued throughout the fall of 1874, but increasing numbers of Indians were forced to give up and head for Fort Sill to enter the reservation system.

Battle of Palo Duro Canyon

The largest Army victory came when Mackenzie found a large village of Comanche, Kiowa and Cheyenne, including their horses and winter food supply, in upper Palo Duro Canyon. At dawn on September 28, Mackenzie’s troops attacked down a steep canyon wall. The Indians were caught by surprise and didn’t have time to gather their horses or supplies before retreating. Sergeant John Charlton wrote of the battle:

“The warriors held their ground for a time, fighting desperately to cover the exit of their squaws and pack animals, but under the persistent fire of the troops they soon began falling back.”

Only four Indians were killed, but the loss was devastating. Mackenzie’s men burned over 450 lodges and destroyed countless pounds of buffalo meat. They also took 1,400 horses, most of which were subsequently shot to prevent the Indians from recapturing them.

Except for its unusually large size, the Battle of Palo Duro Canyon was typical of the war. Most encounters produced few or no casualties, but the Indians could not afford the constant loss of food and mounts. Even if it escaped immediate danger, an Indian band that found itself on foot and out of food generally had no choice but to give up and head for the reservation.


The Red River War officially ended in June 1875 when Quanah Parker and his band of Quahadi Comanche entered Fort Sill and surrendered; they were the last large roaming band of southwestern Indians. Combined with the extermination of the buffalo, the war left the Texas Panhandle permanently open to settlement by farmers and ranchers. It was the final military defeat of the once powerful Southern Plains tribes and brought an end to the Texas–Indian Wars.

Source: wikipedia

Amy <![CDATA[Ways of Living in a Tundra Region]]> 2014-10-28T11:40:36Z 2014-10-28T18:00:18Z Fishing, Hunting and Agriculture
Fishing, Hunting

Inuit populations have lived in the tundra for thousands of years by carefully utilizing the naturally occurring resources of the land. The most effective ways of living in a tundra region are based in preservation, reduction of wasteful habits and an appreciation and knowledge of local fauna, flora and wildlife.

Fishing, Hunting and Agriculture

There are two types of tundra: the arctic and the alpine. The tundra lacks any trees, and what vegetation does exist is scarce and fragile. While the arctic tundra is differentiated from the alpine by its constant layer of permafrost, both types of tundra require people living there to adopt a streamlined and efficient approach to survival. In the alpine tundra, sheep herding is an especially popular method of survival, both as a direct food source, and as an economic export.

In the arctic tundra, salt and freshwater fishing can be conducted throughout the year. Numerous other species inhabit the tundra and can be hunted, including caribou, lemmings, seals and walrus. By utilizing the complete carcass of the animal, people living in the tundra can create weaponry out of bone and clothing from fur.

Capturing live game, as opposed to cultivating crops, is the most reliable method of surviving throughout the year. During the winter season, temperatures in both the arctic and alpine tundra often hover at a constant 0 degrees Fahrenheit, or -18 degrees Celsius, rising to about 50 degrees Fahrenheit, or 10 degrees Celsius, during the warmest periods. Therefore, it is virtually impossible to grow typical food crops unless an artificial method of cultivation, such a greenhouse, is employed. A few naturally growing plants are edible, including berries and some herbs, but for the most part agriculture does not play a prominent role in tundra survival.

Other Economic Means of Survival

Because of its extreme location in mineral-heavy areas of the planet, the tundra has often been used to conduct mineral mining or oil drilling operations. However, in some places of the tundra, errant dust from the mining operations has damaged the surrounding waters and vegetation, ultimately harming the wildlife that consumes the vegetation and endangering species. Pollution from oil spills have also contributed negatively to the overall health of the tundra.

Long-term survival on the tundra is based in understanding how the ecosystem functions and how to thoroughly use the existing resources without damaging the ability of the resources to renew themselves.

Source: ehow

Amy <![CDATA[Eagles & Native American Symbolism]]> 2014-10-28T11:40:39Z 2014-10-28T17:00:13Z Eagles & Native American Symbolism
Eagles & Native American Symbolism

Bald eagles and golden eagles were important birds in Native American culture and rituals. The birds were symbols of respect and honor and their feathers were often used in tribal ceremonies.


Bald Eagles (Haliaeetus leucocephalus) range from Alaska and Canada to northern Mexico. The largest bald eagle populations are in the northwest because these birds prefer salmon for their food. The bald eagle was particularly revered by those tribes of the Pacific Northwest who also fished for salmon, such as the Salish and the Chinook.


Golden eagles (Aquila chrysaetos canadensis) are a subspecies of golden eagle. The Cherokee revered this eagle as an important war symbol. These eagles breed from Alaska to northern Mexico.


There are diverse beliefs about eagles in various tribes. Generally, eagles were considered a messenger. For, example, the tribes of the Pacific Northwest believed eagles were a connection between people and those powers that created the world. The eagles acted as wise counselors and as judges. For other tribes, eagles were the carriers of prayers, visions, and spirits between the worlds of the not yet born, the living, and the dead. Killing a golden eagle, in Cherokee tribes, was the work of a designated eagle hunter and required asking pardon for the sacrifice or else trouble would come upon the person who took the eagle. The Cherokees revered the golden eagle as a symbol that would give them victory in war.


Eagle feathers are symbols of honor and respect in Native American tribes. Natives, such as the Chinook, have used these feathers to award warriors who were brave in battle, to honor those who have come to prominence in the community, and to heal the sick and injured.


Eagles feathers are illegal to own in the United States except if you are a member of a registered Native American tribe. However, the eagle feathers may not be sold. Eagles feathers are considered objects important to tribal religion and therefore have value only in tribal culture. Native Americans may not give eagle feathers to those individuals not registered with a federally recognized tribe. The laws governing possession of eagle feathers are the Bald and Golden Eagle Protection Act, the Migratory Bird Treat Act, and the Lacey Act. The punishments for violating these laws are severe fines, and possible imprisonment.

Source: ehow