Understanding the Facts on Violence and Human Rights in Venezuela's Unrest


By Venezuelanalysis.com


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Understanding the Facts on Violence and Human Rights in Venezuela Unrest

By Ewan Robertson – Venezuelanalysis.com


Venezuela is currently experiencing a wave of political violence in the context of an opposition movement of protest, riots and street barricades which began in early February. However, it is a matter of concern that many media outlets are forcing the complex events into a simplistic “state repression of peaceful protesters” narrative for their international audiences. An examination of the political violence and the judicial efforts to investigate it suggests that this is an incorrect characterisation of the situation and a more nuanced understanding is needed.

This article looks at the fatalities and other key statistics of the political violence to give a clearer and more accurate picture of what is occurring. In an annex at the end, Z.C. Dutka publishes a summary statement from an important group of human rights experts in Venezuela, who released the three-point document “for those wishing to make an authentic analysis of the current situation”. In a second annex, a complete list of fatalities and their presumed causes of death in the conflict is published.

An Examination of the Violence

According to the list compiled by this author 30 deaths have occurred in connection with the political violence so far. The most lethal cause has been the militant opposition’s street barricades (see Annex 2). The list explains that:

- 17 people died in barricade-related deaths, which include people shot while trying to clear a barricade, “accidents” caused by barricades and street traps, and patients dying after being prevented from reaching hospital by a barricade. This number also includes a pro-opposition student who was run over while trying to block a road.

- 5 of the deaths appear to be due to the actions of state security forces. All these cases are under investigation, and arrests have already been made in several.

- the other 8 cases are deaths in which either there exist contradictory accounts, it is very unclear who the perpetrator was, the killer was a third party, or where the death was an accident related to the violence. In 5 of these cases claims have been made that the perpetrator was an armed pro-government motorcyclist, with the word colectivos used in a pejorative sense to describe these groups (see Annex 1).

Based on information from press reports, 12 of those who died were civilians without an open political affiliation, 9 were identified as pro-opposition, 5 as pro-government, 3 were National Guard officers and 1 was a government lawyer.

A total of 318 people have been wounded, of which 237 are civilians and 81 belong to security forces, according to figures held by the Attorney General’s office released on 7 March. The figure is likely higher due to recent clashes and the fact that some people wounded may not have been officially recorded, for example if they didn’t go to a medical centre for attention.

There have also been significant damages to public and private property. Nightly riots by radical opposition activists in the east of Caracas and other cities have caused damage or destruction to government offices, health centres, supermarkets, banks, transport infrastructure, and other property. The riots and street barricades have taken place in a maximum of 18 of the country’s 335 territorial municipalities. However these municipalities represent highly populated middle and upper class areas of several of the country’s major cities, where the opposition has its base of support. On 26 February, two weeks after protests started, authorities put a tentative cost on the violence at BsF 10 million (US $1,587,000).

The riots and street barricades have also had a significant impact on health and education services in affected areas. Schools and universities have been closed, while in some cases access to medical facilities has been blocked off and the passage of ambulances made difficult, occasionally with deadly results. The Ministry of Health has warned of the environmental and psychological impact of the barricades on public health, where burning tires and rubbish create dangerous levels of toxic fumes, and elderly or vulnerable citizens are effectively trapped in their communities due to the blocking of roads.

A total of 1,603 people have been arrested in connection with the unrest, according to the Attorney General’s 7 March update. The majority of these have been released without charge or on bail conditions. 92 remain in custody to be charged with various “violent crimes”, including homicide in a few cases.

Further, 14 members of security forces have been arrested for alleged abuses and excess use of force.

The Venezuelan ombudsman, the state’s human rights defender, has received 44 denouncements of alleged abuses by state security forces, the majority of which have to do with the excess use of force during or under arrest. On 7 March the ombudsman held a meeting with the Penal Forum, a Venezuelan human rights NGO, to collect further information on the cases. Two of the cases qualify for possible torture while in custody, according to the ombudsman and the UN rapporteur on torture. Authorities have also met with Venezuelan human rights NGO Provea to discuss the cases.

The opposition MUD coalition’s human rights commission also claims that there exist cases of irregularities in the processing of some of those detained, such as not allowing them due access to family members or lawyers. The ombudsman made a renewed call last weekend to security forces to fulfill all correct legal proceeding during arrests.

The government also says that a total of 20,000 National Guard officers are deployed in the country due to the unrest and the many opposition protests that have occurred, and argues that the 44 denouncements represent a small minority of security forces deployed.

Responsibility and Investigation

Authorities have repeatedly spoken out against all forms of political violence and stated that any abuses by security forces will be investigated. The Attorney General has offered anonymity to anyone who comes forward.

“We’re going to investigate any disproportionate use of force. We reject it and we want justice to be proportionately applied, I want this to be very clear,” said Ombudsman Gabriela Ramirez in a press conference on Friday 7 March.

While the government has focused on criticising the violence of the radical opposition, they have also stated from early on that any violence from pro-government groups will not be tolerated either, and have called on government supporters to work for “peace”.

“I want to say clearly: someone who puts on a red t-shirt with Chavez’s face and takes out a pistol to attack isn’t a Chavista or a revolutionary. I don’t accept violent groups within the camp of Chavismo and the Bolivarian revolution. If you want to have arms to fight…get out of Chavismo,” warned President Nicolas Maduro during a “rally for peace” with supporters on 15 February, three days after the first deaths from the violent unrest occurred.

Nevertheless the opposition has almost exclusively blamed the government for the violence, saying that security forces and radical armed chavista groups are responsible.


In response to the violence, President Nicolas Maduro has advocated that the National Assembly form a “Truth Commission” to investigate “all” acts of violence in recent weeks. This would also include investigating the role of “extremist right-wing groups” in perpetrating or promoting acts of violence. Opposition and pro-government parliamentarians have debated forming such a commission, which would then seek to include civil society figures such as the Catholic Church and respected journalists as members.

Meanwhile the opposition MUD coalition is preparing its own report on the violence. Rather than take this report to national judicial authorities, they will go straight to “international organisations” with their denouncements.

The coalition appears to be solely investigating cases of alleged abuses by state security forces, possibly in order to support their narrative of the violence.

“In all these cases the direct responsibility belongs to the government that Nicolas Maduro presides, and therefore it should be accused of crimes against humanity,” argued Elenis Rodriguez, president of the Foundation for Citizen Rights and Equity, who is helping the MUD compile the report.

Meanwhile on 7 March the Organization of American States (OAS) released a statement on the conflict expressing “its condolences and solidarity with the victims and their relatives, with the people and the government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and its commitment to the investigations coming to an expedited and just conclusion”.

Diplomatically the resolution was considered supportive of the Venezuelan government, and also included a not-so-veiled message to street barricaders by calling for the “respect for human rights and fundamental liberties, including the right to freedom of expression, peaceful gatherings, free transit, health and education”. The full statement can be read here.

Careful Observation

The incidences of the recent political violence in Venezuela suggest that that the violence shouldn’t be explained or characterised by a simplistic “state repression of peaceful protesters” narrative. The above typology of the violence demonstrates that there exists a complex situation in the country with violence being generated by more than one source. The most lethal of these has been the militant opposition street barricades, which beyond deaths caused, have had a significant physical, environmental and psychological impact on public health. Other sources of violence have been the irregular actions of security forces, shootings in which there exist accusations that armed pro-government groups are responsible, and other accidental or third party killings.

As such, the patterns of violence experienced in the unrest so far suggest that the narrative promoted by many mainstream media outlets is likely to mislead international audiences on the nature of the violence occurring. This narrative has even been reproduced, perhaps due to lack of research rather than purposeful misreporting, by several leading newspapers usually known for their journalistic integrity. For example, an article by Sibylla Brodzinsky in the UK Guardian on 10 March described the violence as follows. It is left to readers to conclude whether this description allows an international audience to accurately understand the nature of the political violence occuring:

“The protests began more than a month ago…amid growing distrust of Maduro…The protests spread to Caracas and other cities, prompting a violent response from the government. At least 21 people have died and hundreds have been injured in the nationwide clashes”.

Journalists should be careful not to play to inaccurate stereotypes or narratives of the political violence being experienced in Venezuela. As different international figures and organisations debate their stance and course of action, it is imperative for observers to have an accurate grasp of the reality of the situation and the nature of the political violence occurring in the country.

In Annex 1 below, Zoe Clara Dutka of Venezuelanalysis.com summarises a statement by an important group of Venezuelan human rights experts giving their perspective of the situation in the country. The signatories are current and former members of various Venezuelan NGO’s such as Amnesty International (Venezuela chapter), PROVEA, and the Red de Apoyo y Justicia Por la Paz. The information on recent statements by opposition leaders Leopoldo Lopez and Henrique Capriles was added by VA.com. The full list of the document’s signatories (in Spanish) is included in a footnote at the end of the article. 

In Annex 2, the full list compiled by this author of fatalities in the last month of political violence is published.

Annex 1: The Situation of Human Rights in the Current Moment: An Alternative View

By Zoe Clara Dutka – Venezuelanalysis.com

A number of Venezuelan human rights groups joined together on February 24th to organize a document outlining the unique circumstances that make up today’s conflict. They urge international human rights groups to respect their observations, as longstanding organizations made up of dedicated Venezuelans who may provide a more intimate understanding of current events in their country. A full list of the organizations who participated in the document is provided below.

All groups involved made statements condemning violence in all its forms and demanding the government conduct full investigations of any uniformed officials linked to instances of aggression and unwarranted activity.

We highlight the following three points in an attempt to provide necessary context for those wishing to make an authentic analysis of the current situation.

The historic utilization of the term “Human Rights,” in regards to Venezuela. In 2003 Amnesty International sounded the alarm on a general misuse of this term in reference to Venezuela. Undeniably influenced and oftentimes financed by the United States government, many leading human rights organizations, most notably Human Rights Watch, have repeatedly disregarded democratic proceedings in favor of a determined accusatory stance towards the Venezuelan state.

In this instance, the term “human rights violations” is being used by the opposition (through social media and media outreach) as an argument to force a democratically elected leader out of office through unconstitutional means. This infringes upon the majority’s right to choose exercised in the April 2013 presidential and December regional elections that brought the current government into office.

Increased polarization as a source of conflict. In January the government reached out to opposition leaders to coordinate their efforts to lower crime rates, which both parties acknowledged was a top priority. At the same time, strict measures were taken by the government meant to reduce speculation and food shortages.

The onslaught of protests beginning February 12th ruined any idea of a continued dialogue between these two political sectors, and has polarized Venezuelan society to a previously unheard of extent. A general scorn for dialogue has prevailed as the trademark of the opposition. More than any list of demands or proposed solutions, the ultimate goal of the protestors is to force the government out of office, characterized by the hashtag symbol #lasalida (the exit).

The refusal to dialogue is made even clearer by the opposition’s boycott of the peace talks hosted by the government. Ex-presidential candidate Henrique Capriles said of his absence in the talks, “This is a dying government. I’m not going to be like the orchestra on the Titanic.”

Leopoldo Lopez, oppositional leader in jail for inciting violence in the initial protests, tweeted from behind bars “‘The exit’ will only happen when people organize in the streets to make the dictatorship retreat.”

The increased polarization is an important factor in the increasingly violent attitude assumed by both the student protestors and their counterparts among government supporters. In short, the contempt shown for dialogue and the negation of the government’s legitimacy is internalized on a societal level as a battle cry.

In order to stop the cycle of violence, international human rights organizations would do well to uphold the declaration made by the OAS and urge the opposition to engage in peace talks.

The criminalization of social sectors. In reference to the presence of possible “armed collectives” who the media has presented as a kind of shock troop or special police, we must be very clear. Generalizations do not lead to solutions in any conflict, and just as we recognize that not all the student protests are violent nor all their participants extremists, we must offer a clean and straightforward look at what the colectivos are and the role they have played.

Over the past three decades, many revolutionaries have maintained that an armed struggle is imperative in Venezuela. Hugo Chavez was emphatically against this notion during his presidency and repeatedly warned any armed groups, no matter if they were his supporters, that they were placing themselves on the margin of the law and must assume the consequences. Nicolas Maduro has equally condemned the presence of armed civilians harassing recent protestors, and put out a warrant for the arrest of any who have been linked to violence.

It’s important to note that for many, the colectivos are synonymous with community organizing… NOT with violence. The image of the colectivo as a primarily male reactionary group of rebels on motorcycles is a product of the media, and could be no farther from the truth. The criminalization of these community collectives is similar to the way the neighborhood Bolivarian Circles were attacked and their image was distorted after the 2002 coup against Chavez. These are the kinds of organizations that have characterized the participatory aspect of Venezuela’s democracy, and to typecast them as terrorist groups is to overlook some leading examples of the power of grassroots organizing.

Signed, signatories[i]

Annex 2: A List of Fatalities in Venezuela’s Recent Political Violence

By Ewan Robertson – Venezuelanalysis.com

Writing on 13 March, a total of at least 30 people have died in connection with the opposition protests, street barricades and unrest which have been occurring since 12 February in Venezuela.

A note on the following count



The list is as follows:








8: On 19 February, Luzmila Petit de Colina (70),died when barricaders prevented her passage to a medical clinic in Caracas. Colina was suffering from arterial hypertension at the time and doctors said that the delay in reaching hospital was what provoked the death. Colina was the mother of a state channel TV presenter, Jean Francis Colina.





















The National Guard officer to be killed was captain Ramso Ernesto Bracho Bravo. He was reportedly shot in the face during confrontations with barricaders while his unit were trying to clear barricades on a street in Valencia.

Regional states in which the deaths occurred:

Capital District (Caracas): 11

Carabobo (Valencia): 8

Tachira (San Cristóbal): 4

Mérida (Mérida city): 2

Zulia (Maracaibo): 2

Sucre: 1

Lara: 1

Aragua: 1

Apparent cause of death

Deaths implicating security forces: 5


Deaths occurring on or because of barricades and road traps: 17 (16 implicating opposition activists or activities, 1 student run over).

 - Julio Eduardo González, Arturo Alexis Martinez,  Delia Elena Lobo, Elvis Rafael Durán, Antonio José Valbuena, Eduardo Anzola,José Ernesto Méndez, Luzmila Petit de Colina, Carmen Roldán, Giovanni Pantoja, Luis Gutiérrez Camargo, Deivis José Duran Useche, Acner Isaac López León, José Gregorio Amaris, Johan Alfonso Pineda Morales, Gisela Rubilar Figueroa, Ramso Ernesto Bracho Bravo.

Deaths where the perpetrator is not clear / accusations go both directions, the killer was a third party, or an accident occurred related to clashes: 8

- Roberto Rodman, Jimmy Vargas, Jhonny Carballo,Génesis Carmona, Daniel Tinoco, Danny Joel Melgarejo Vargas, Jesús Enrique Acosta, Guillermo Sánchez.

Of these eight cases, in six opposition activists were shot by so far unidentified persons, in five of which there exist accusations that the killer belonged to a pro-government armed group. In the other two, an opposition activist died by accident, and a bystander was stabbed.

Political affiliation of those who died


Civilians with no identified political affiliation so far: 12

Identified with the opposition: 9

Identified with the government: 5

National Guard: 3

Public servants: 1







[i] 1. Ana Barrios, C.I. 5.451.122, Miembra del equipo coordinador de (Provea 1990-1995). Integrante de Amnistía Internacional Venezuela (2004-2009). Miembra asociada de la Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz (2000-actual).
2. Marieva Caguaripano, C.I. 10.378016. Comunicadora. Coordinadora del área de Comunicación e Información, Miembro del Equipo Coordinador, Provea (1990, 1995). Productora de campañas de prevención y concientización sobre embarazo adolescente y violencia doméstica (2010 - 2012).
3. Alba Carosio, C.I. 11858059. Feminista, Coordinadora de Investigación del Centro de Estudios de la Mujer de la Universidad Central de Venezuela. Actualmente activa en la Red de Colectivos La Araña Feminista.
4. Cristóbal Cornieles Perret Gentil. C.I. 10.817.524. Abogado. Miembro de la Asamblea de la Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz (2006 -); Miembro Consultivo de CECODAP (1999 ‐2007); Integrante del equipo de defensa jurídica de ACCSI (1999 ‐2000); Integrante del Colectivo de Atención Integral a los Trabajadores (Aportes, 1995- 1998) e Integrante de Provea (1994- 1995).
5. Luis Díaz, C.I. 11.488.047. Investigador. Centro para la Paz y los Derechos Humanos. Universidad Central de Venezuela. 1996 - 2009.
6. Michael Adolfo Díaz Mendoza, C.I. 17.066.609. Abogado y activista de DDHH. Colaborador del Centro de Apoyo Comunidad Universidad CEA-UC (2000-2008), miembro del Colectivo de Educación e Investigación para el Desarrollo Social - CEIDES (2008-2010).
7. Isamar Escalona, C.I. 7.981.055. Responsable de Grupos y Redes. Área de Educación Provea (2000-2006).
8. Pedro Pablo Fanega, C.I. 6.241.410. miembro de del Centro de Organización Comunitaria y Derechos Humanos del Estado Vargas, Codehva (2004-2007). Miembro de la Comisión Nacional para la Reforma Policial (2006-2007).
9. Pablo Fernández Blanco, C.I. 23.527.749, Integrante y Coordinador del Programa de Educación en DDHH (1996-2005) y Coordinador General (2006-2012) de la Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz.
10. Judith Galarza Campos. Afectada por la desaparición forzada por motivos políticos de su hermana Leticia Galarza, efectuada en D.F. en México,  el 5 de enero de 1978. Fundadora del Comité Independiente de Chihuahua pro defensa de los derechos humanos y AFADEM.  Actualmente Secretaria Ejecutiva de la Federación Latinoamericana de Familiares de Detenidos Desparecidos (Fedefam).
11. Jesús Chucho García. C.I. 4.168.353. Fundación Afroamérica y La Diáspora Africana.
12. Iván González Alvarado, C.I: 7.379.876. Miembro de la Asamblea y Consultivo Provea (1994 - 2013).
13. Enrique González, C.I. 29.525.916, miembro de Provea (1995-1999), ACCSI (2000-2001), investigador con Cecodap (2002-2003).
14. Antonio J. González Plessmann, C.I. 10.866.332, Miembro del Equipo Coordinador de Provea (1999 - 2005). Miembro Asociado de la Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz (2005 - actual).
15. Martha Lía Grajales Pineda, C.I. 29.565.914. Coordinadora Programa Educación en DDHH - Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz (2008 -2009); integrante de la Asamblea de la Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz.
16. Alejandra Guédez, C.I. 13.748.311. Antropóloga, productora audiovisual e investigadora, con experiencia en comunidades indígenas y afrodescendientes, consejos comunales, cultores populares, adolescentes embarazadas, niños, niñas y jóvenes.
17. Maryluz Guillén Rodríguez, C.I. 11.557.841. Internacionalista, miembra de la Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz (1993-actualmente). Investigadora y docente de la Escuela de DD.HH "Juan Vives Suria" de la Defensoría del Pueblo.
18. Erick Gutiérrez García, C.I. 6.976.990. Abogado, voluntario de Clínicas Jurídicas (1987). Investigador de Provea. Secretario ejecutivo del Capitulo venezolano de la Plataforma Interamericana de DD.HH., Democracia y Desarrollo (PIDDDH). Investigador y docente de la Escuela de Derechos Humanos de la Defensoría del Pueblo.
19. Héctor Gutiérrez García, C.I. 6976989. Docente e investigador de la Escuela DD.HH Juan Vives Suria 2011-2014.
20. María Lucrecia Hernández, C.I. 26.783.758, abogada y activista de derechos humanos.
21. María Paula Herrero, C.I. 14.444.733, ejecutora del área de Comunicación e Información, Provea (1989, 1996).
22. Antonio J. Marasciulo Davies, C.I. 15.394.380. Criminólogo, asesor jurídico, miembro del equipo fundacional de la UNES (2010 hasta 2012).
23. Elba Martínez Vargas. C.I. 6.914.739. Internacionalista. Gerente del Proyecto de Educación en Derechos Humanos de la Sección Venezolana de Amnistía Internacional (1992-1993). Miembra del equipo de Provea (1994-1996).
24. África Matute, C.I. 18.011.961. Abogada y activista de DDHH, integrante del Programa de atención integral a personas víctimas, Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz (2010 - 2013).
25. Lilian Montero Rodríguez, C.I. 6.427.029. Socióloga y abogada; promotora y defensora de los derechos de niños, niñas y adolescentes. Cecodap (1991-2007), Coordinadora del Área de Derechos Colectivos y Difusos del Consejo Nacional de los Derechos del Niño, Niña y Adolescente (1999-2000); Miembro de la Asamblea de la Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz (2009-2014).
26. Vicmar Morillo Gil, C. I. 7958276. Ejecutora del Área de Información e Investigación de Provea (1993-1999/2000-2004).   Integrante de la Asamblea de la Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz.
27. María Teresa Quispe, C.I. 82.026.345. Coordinadora General del grupo de trabajo socioambiental para la Amazonía "Wataniba".
28. Maureen Riveros, C.I. 6.280.434. Comunicadora y activista de DDHH, Comité contra el olvido y por la vida. Provea (1999 - 2006).
29. Ileana Ruiz, C.I. 6.084.832. Comunicadora Social y miembro de la Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz desde 1987: Educación en derechos humanos, comunicación popular, uso alternativo del derecho y rehabilitación de víctimas de tortura.
30. Bárbara Tineo Toro, C.I. 14.531.267. Trabajadora social y activista de DD.HH.
31. Justino Urbina Vargas, C.I. 4.233.937, Educador y Comunicador Popular, miembro fundador de Provea y miembro activo de esa organización (1989 y 1995).
32. Belkis Urdaneta, C.I. 9.740.076. Miembro asociada de la Red de apoyo por la justicia y la paz (1995-2014).
33. Rosinés Villalobos León, C.I. 10.474.725. Integrante de la Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz, (1996 – 2005).
34. Asia Villegas Poljak, C.I. 6.355.311. Dra. en Ciencias Médicas. Activista del movimiento de mujeres, en materia de salud y derechos sexuales y reproductivos de la mujer. Defensora especial con competencia nacional en las áreas de salud y seguridad social de la Defensoría del Pueblo (2003 - 2004). Coordinadora de la comisión de derechos humanos y garantías constitucionales de la Asamblea  Constituyente (1999).