Prehistory and Roman times

In the territories of Austria, the first traces of human settlement date from the Lower Paleolithic Period (Old Stone Age). In 1991 a frozen human body dating from the Neolithic Period (New Stone Age) was discovered at the Hauslabjoch pass in the Ötztal Alps, on the Italian-Austrian border. At 5,300 years old, the so-called Iceman, nicknamed Ötzi, was the oldest intact mummy ever discovered. The archaeological material becomes richer and more varied for subsequent periods, giving evidence of several distinct cultures succeeding one another or coexisting. The Austrian site of Hallstatt gave its name to the principal culture of the Early Iron Age (c. 800–450 1100–450 BC). Celtic tribes invaded the eastern Alps about 400 BC and eventually founded the kingdom of Noricum, the first “state” on Austrian territory known by name. In the west, however, the ancient race of Raetians was Raetian people were able to maintain its their seat (see Raetian language). Then, attracted by the rich iron resources and the strategic importance of the region, the Romans began to assert themselves. After an initially peaceful penetration during the last two centuries BC, Roman troops finally occupied the country about 15 BC, and the lands as far as the Danube River became part of the Roman Empire, being allotted to the Roman provinces of Raetia, Noricum, and Pannonia. (See also ancient Rome.)

The Romans opened up the country by an extensive system of roads. Among the Roman towns along the Danube, Carnuntum (near Hainburg) took precedence over Vindobona (Vienna), while Lauriacum (Lorch, ; near the confluence of the Enns River and the Danube) belonged to a later period. Roman municipalities (municipia) also grew up at Brigantium (Bregenz), Juvavum (Salzburg), Ovilava (Wels), Virunum (near Klagenfurt), Teurnia (near Spittal an der Drau), and Flavia Solva (near Leibnitz). North of the Danube the Germanic tribes of the Naristi, Marcomanni, and Quadi settled. Their invasions in AD 166–180 arrested the peaceful development of the provinces, and, even after their repulse by the emperor Marcus Aurelius, the country could not regain its former prosperity. In the 3rd century the Roman frontier defenses began to be hard-pressed by invasions from the Alemanni. Finally, in the 5th century, heavy attacks by the Huns and the eastern Germans put an end to the Roman provincial defense system on the Danube.

There is archaeological evidence of a Christian cult in this area from the 4th century, and the biography of St. Severinus by Eugippius constitutes a unique literary source for the dramatic events of the second half of the 5th century. At that time several Germanic tribes (the Rugii, Goths, Heruli, and, later, Langobardi) settled on Austrian territory. In 488 part of the harassed Norican population was forced to withdraw to Italy.

Early Middle Ages
Germanic and Slavic settlement

Following the departure of the Langobardi to Italy (568), further development was determined by the Bavarians in a struggle with the Slavs, who were invading from the east, and by the Alemanni, who settled in what is now Vorarlberg. The Bavarians were under the political influence of the Franks, whereas the Slavs had Avar rulers. At the time of their greatest expansion, the Slavs had penetrated as far as Niederösterreich (Lower Austria), Steiermark (Styria), Kärnten (Carinthia), and eastern Tirol. After 624 the western Slavs rose against the Avars under the leadership of the Frankish merchant Samo, whose short-lived rule may also have extended over the territories of the eastern Alps. About 700 the Bavarian lands again bordered on Avar territory, with the lower course of the Enns forming the approximate frontier. On the death of the Frankish king Dagobert I (639), the Bavarian dukes from the house of Agilolfing became virtually independent.

Christianity had survived only here and there among the remnants of the Roman population when, about 600 and again about 700, Christian missionaries from the west became active, with the support of the Bavarian dukes. At the end of the 7th century, St. Rupert, who came from the Rhine, founded the church of Salzburg. When they were threatened once more by the Avars, the Alpine Slavs (Karantani) placed themselves (before 750) under the protection of the Bavarians, whose mission was extended to them. At the same time, Bavarian settlers penetrated into the valleys of Carinthia Kärnten and StyriaSteiermark. Charlemagne, emperor of the neighbouring Franks, however, deposed the Bavarian duke Tassilo III, wiping out the Bavarian dukedom for a century. During the following years (791–796), Charlemagne led a number of attacks against the Avars and destroyed their dominion. Surviving Avars were made to settle in the eastern part of Lower Austria between the rivers of Fischa and Leitha, where they soon disappeared from history, most probably mixing with the native population.

As was the usual Frankish practice, border provinces (Marken, or marches) were instituted in the newly won southeastern territories. The Avar March on the Danube and Lower and Upper Pannonia and Karantania were to form a border fortification, but this arrangement soon became less effective because of frequent disagreements among the nobility. To that unrest was added a threat from the Bulgarians and from the rulers of Great Moravia (see Moravia). Nevertheless, the process of Germanization and Christianization continued, during the course of which the churches of Salzburg and Passau came into conflict with the eastern mission, which was led by the Slav apostles Cyril and Methodius. The Frankish kingdom richly endowed the church and nobility with new lands, which came to be settled by Bavarian and Frankish farmers.

In 881 the beginning of incursions by the Magyars led to a first clash near Vienna. By 906 they had destroyed Great Moravia, and in 907 near Pressburg (Bratislava, Slvk.) the Magyars defeated a large Bavarian army that had tried to win back lost territory. Liutpold of Bavaria and as well as Theotmar, the archbishop of Salzburg, were killed in battle. The Lower Austrian territories as far as the Enns River, and Styria Steiermark as far as the Koralpe massif, fell under Magyar domination. Nevertheless, a certain continuity of German-Slav settlement was maintained , so that, after the victory of the German king Otto I (later Holy Roman emperor) in 955 ) and the further repulse of the Magyars in the 960s, a fresh start could be made.

The early

(See also Germany: History; Holy Roman Empire.)

Early Babenberg period

The first mention of a ruler in the regained territories east of the Enns is of Burchard, who probably was count (burgrave) of Regensburg. It appears that he lost his office as a result of his championship of Henry II the Quarrelsome, duke of Bavaria. In 976 his successor, Leopold I of the house of Babenberg, was installed in office. Under Leopold’s rule the eastern frontier was extended to the Vienna Woods after a war with the Magyars. Under his successor, Henry I, the country around Vienna itself must have come into German hands. New marches were also created in what was were later known as Carniola and StyriaSteiermark.

Wars against Hungarians and Moravians occupied the reign (1018–55) of Margrave (a count who ruled over a march) Adalbert. Parts of Lower Austria on both sides of the Danube were lost temporarily; after they were retaken, they became the so-called Neumark (New March), which for some time enjoyed independence—as did the Bohemian march March to the north of the Babenberg territories. The position of the Babenbergs was at that time still a modest one; their territorial rights were no greater than those of other leading noble families. Their power within their own official sphere was further diminished by ecclesiastical immunities (Passau in particular but also Salzburg, Regensburg, and Freising), with numerous monasteries owning large territories as well.

Austria was repeatedly drawn into the disputes of the Investiture Controversy, in which Pope Gregory VII and King Henry IV (later Holy Roman emperor) fought for control of the church in Germany. In 1075 Margrave Ernest, who had regained the Neumark and the Bohemian March for his family, was killed in the Battle of the Unstrut, fighting on the side of Henry IV against the rebellious Saxons. Altmann, bishop of Passau, a leader of church reform and a champion of Gregory VII, influenced the next Babenberg margrave, Leopold II, to abandon Henry’s cause. As a result, Henry roused the Bohemian duke Vratislav II against him, and in 1082 Leopold II was defeated near Mailberg and , his territories north of the Danube devastated. The Babenbergs, however, managed to survive these setbacks. Meanwhile, the cause of church reform gained ground, with its centres in the newly founded monasteries of Göttweig, Lambach, and, in StyriaSteiermark, Admont.

Under Leopold III (1095–1136) the history of the Babenbergs reached its first culmination point. In the struggle between emperor and pope, Leopold avoided taking sides until a consensus had built up among the German princes that it was Emperor Henry IV who stood in the way of a final settlement. Then Leopold did not hesitate to side with Henry’s rebellious son, Henry V (, in 1106). For this he was rewarded with the hand of Henry V’s sister Agnes, who had formerly been married to the Hohenstaufen Frederick I of Swabia. The intermarriage with the reigning dynasty not only increased Leopold’s reputation but also no doubt also brought him additional power. Leopold was even proposed as a candidate to the royal throne, but he declined. It was apparently his intention to concentrate on consolidating his position in Austria. He was the first Austrian margrave to describe himself as the holder of territorial principality (principatus terrae), and during his time Austrian common law is was mentioned for the first time, another proof of the developing national consciousness.

Leopold’s reputation with the clergy was high, and he was eventually canonized (1485). He gave generous endowments to religious communities, establishing the Cistercians at Heiligenkreuz, and he founded, or at least restored, the monastery of Klosterneuburg, which he then gave to Augustinian canons. In Klosterneuburg he built a residence in which he stayed even after he had acquired Vienna.

On the death of Leopold III, the Babenbergs were drawn into a conflict between the two leading dynasties of Germany, the Hohenstaufen and the Welfs—on Welfs; the Babenbergs took the side of the Hohenstaufen because of their family ties. In 1139 the German king Conrad III bestowed Bavaria, which he had wrested from the Welfs, on his half brother, Leopold IV. After the latter’s untimely death, Henry II Jasomirgott succeeded to the rule of Austria and Bavaria.

Emperor The Holy Roman emperor Frederick I (Barbarossa) tried to put an end to the quarrel between the Welfs and the Hohenstaufen, and, in the autumn of 1156 at Regensburg, he arranged a compromise. Bavaria was restored to the Welf , Henry III (the Lion), duke of Saxony, while the Babenbergs were confirmed in their rule of Austria, which was made a duchy, and were given the “three counties,” the actual location of which is disputed. Also, the obligations of the dukes of Austria toward the empire were reduced. Their attendance at royal court days was called for only when court was held in Bavaria, and they were compelled to participate only in campaigns of the empire that were directed against Austria’s neighbour—that is, Hungary. Henry II Jasomirgott and his wife, Theodora, a Byzantine princess, were granted succession through the female line and the right, in the event of the premature death deaths of their children, to appoint a candidate for the succession. The Babenbergs also were given the right of approving the exercise of jurisdiction by other powers within the new duchy, permitting Henry to exert pressure against rival internal powers, secular as well as ecclesiastical. The rights of the duke were laid down by imperial charter (Privilegium Minus). For centuries, however, Austria continued to contain territorial dominions not ruled by the duke. Henry moved his residence to Vienna, where he also founded the monastery of the “Scottish” (actually Irish) monks.

The later Later Babenberg period

In 1192 the Babenbergs’ territory was greatly extended when they won the duchy of StyriaSteiermark. In Styria Steiermark the margraves of the family of the Otakars of Steyr had gradually asserted themselves—under conditions similar to those of the Babenbergs—over their rivals, the noble families of the Eppensteiner, Formbacher, and Aribonen. The most successful among the Styrian Steiermark’s margraves was Otakar III (reigned 1130–63). Then, in 1180, Emperor Frederick I, in the course of a renewed anti-Welf policy, raised Styria Steiermark to the status of a duchy and granted it complete independence from Bavaria. A few years later a treaty of inheritance (Georgenberg; 1186) was concluded between the dukes Leopold V of Austria (reigned 1177–94), a son of Henry II Jasomirgott, and Otakar IV of StyriaSteiermark, the ailing last Otakar ruler. When Otakar died in 1192, Leopold succeeded him, and thus the Babenbergs came into the inheritance.

Except for a short intermission (1194–98), the reigning Babenberg thereafter ruled both duchies, Austria and StyriaSteiermark. Styria Steiermark then included parts of the Traungau, which eventually was to become part of Upper Austria, and the province of Pitten, north of the Semmering Alpine pass, afterward assigned to Lower Austria. In logical continuation of the Babenberg policy, Leopold VI (the Glorious) and his successor, Frederick II (the Warlike), the last representative of the dynasty, extended their domains farther south, gaining fiefs in Carniola.

Before he inherited the duchy of StyriaSteiermark, Leopold V had taken part in the Third Crusade, during which, on the ramparts of Acre (modern ʿAkko, Israel), he became involved in a quarrel with the English king , Richard I (the Lion-Heart). Later, on his return journey to England, Richard tried to make his way through Austria in disguise but was recognized near Vienna, taken prisoner, and later handed over to Emperor the Holy Roman emperor Henry VI. England had to pay a heavy ransom, a share of which Leopold obtained and invested in the foundation, extension, and fortification of towns as well as in the stamping of a new coin, the so-called Wiener pfennig. The road connecting Vienna and Styria Steiermark was improved, and the new town of Wiener Neustadt was established on its course to protect the newly opened route across the Semmering Pass.

On Leopold V’s death the Babenberg domains were divided between his sons for four years, until the death of one of them, Frederick I, in 1198. His brother Leopold VI, the most outstanding member of the family, then took over as sole ruler (1198–1230). This was a time of great prosperity for the Babenberg countries. In imperial politics Leopold VI again took sides with the Hohenstaufen, backing Philip of Swabia. In church matters he was a great supporter of the monasteries, founding a Cistercian monastery at Lilienfeld (c. 1206). He tried to concentrate patronage rights over ecclesiastical property in his own hands and took rigorous action against the heretics (the Cathari and Waldenses). He participated in several crusades in Palestine, Egypt, southern France (against the Albigenses), and Spain (against the Saracens). Leopold VI’s efforts to emancipate Austria ecclesiastically by creating a separate Austrian bishopric in Vienna came to naught because of the opposition of the church in Passau and also in Salzburg; nor did his son Frederick II succeed in the same matter. Leopold VI played some role in imperial politics, bringing about the Treaty of San Germano between Emperor the Holy Roman emperor Frederick II and Pope Gregory IX (1230). He met his death in San Germano (now Cassino, Italy), and his body was transported to Lilienfeld for burial.

A change came about under the last representative of the dynasty, Frederick II the Warlike, Leopold’s son. His harsh internal policy and military excursions against neighbouring lands, together with his opposition to the emperor Frederick II, led in 1237 to the temporary loss of both Austria and StyriaSteiermark. The crisis, however, was overcome, and fresh opportunities were about to open for the duke when, on June 15, 1246, he was killed in battle against the Hungarians on the Leitha River. With him the male line of the family came to an end.

The political history of Austria from the end of the 10th century to the middle of the 13th century is marked by the establishment and consolidation of territories. This process was most advanced in the Babenberg domains but was not confined to them. Dukes Herman (1144–61) and Bernhard (1202–56) of Carinthia Kärnten achieved a comparable status, and Count Albert of Tirol (d. died 1253) moved in the same direction. The archbishops of Salzburg strove to eliminate all secular powers and patrons of their see, but, in the other territories, secular princes strengthened their rule.

Another milestone of this period was the completion of the colonization of the Austrian territories. New settlements were established by clearing the woods and advancing to more remote mountain areas. Several old and new settlements grew into market centres and towns and were eventually granted charters. The colonization movement also affected the ratio of the German to non-German population. Except for some places in the Alpine regions, the Slavs were gradually assimilated, and the same holds held true of the remnants of the Roman population in Salzburg and northern Tirol.

The intellectual life of the period deserves mention. The Babenberg court was famous enough to attract some of the leading German poets. At the beginning of the 13th century, the Nibelung saga known as the Nibelungenlied was written down by an unknown Austrian. Historical writing flourished in the monasteries. The era also produced first-rate Romanesque and early Gothic architecture.

Late Middle Ages
The contest Contest for the Babenberg heritage

Upon the death of Frederick II the Warlike, the Babenberg domains became the political objects of aspiring neighbours. The emperor and the pope also tried to intervene. Two female descendants of the Babenbergs, Frederick’s niece Gertrude and his sister Margaret, were considered to embody the claims to the heritage. Gertrude married first the Bohemian prince Vladislav and afterward the margrave Hermann of Baden, who died in 1250. After Hermann’s death, Otakar II (Přemysl Otakar II), prince of Bohemia (from 1253 king) and a member of the house of Přemysl, married the widowed Margaret. Thereupon Hungarian forces intervened. Under the Treaty of Ofen (1254) Otakar was to rule Austria, while King Béla IV of Hungary received StyriaSteiermark. Troubles in Salzburg, stemming from a conflict between Bohemia and Hungary, inspired a rising among the Styrian Steiermark’s nobles. Otakar intervened and in the Treaty of Vienna (1260) took over Styria Steiermark as well. The state of anarchy that prevailed in Germany during this period proved advantageous to Otakar, who was granted Austria and Styria Steiermark in fief from Richard, earl of Cornwall, the titular German king. The grant, however, was only by writ and was invalid according to German law. During the following years, Otakar’s energetic rule met with growing opposition among the Austrian nobility. He introduced foreigners into important official positions, broke fortresses that had been erected without his consent, and dissolved his childless marriage with Margaret. Otakar had two of the opposition leaders, Otto of Meissau and Seifried of Mahrenberg, executed. The gentry and the inhabitants of the cities, on the other hand, generally favoured Otakar, who supported the churches and monasteries. To complete his success, Otakar gained Kärnten and Carniola, which Ulrich of Spanheim, duke of CarinthiaKärnten, willed Carinthia and Carniola to Otakar him in 1269.

Reverses came only when Count Rudolf IV of the house of Habsburg was elected German king as Rudolf I on Sept. 29, 1273. Cautiously but nevertheless energetically, Rudolf set out to undermine the powerful position Otakar had created for himself. He challenged the legitimacy of Otakar’s acquisitions and finally placed the Bohemian king under the ban of the empire. In 1276 Rudolf and his allies invaded Austria, forcing Otakar to do homage and to renounce his claims to Austria. Two years later, while trying to recover what he had lost, Otakar was defeated by the united forces of Rudolf and the Hungarians and was killed on the battlefield near Dürnkrut (Aug. 26, 1278).

The accession Accession of the Habsburgs

As the German princes had not cared to give Rudolf adequate support against Otakar, he did not feel bound to them and set out to acquire the former Babenberg lands for his own house. In 1281 he made his eldest son, Albert (later Albert I, king of Germany), governor of Austria and StyriaSteiermark; on Christmas, 1282, he invested his two sons, Albert and Rudolf II, with Austria, StyriaSteiermark, and Carniola, which they were to rule jointly and undivided. As the Austrians were not used to being governed by two sovereigns at the same time, the Treaty of Rheinfelden (June 1, 1283) provided that Duke Albert should be the sole ruler. In 1282 Carniola had already been pawned to Meinhard II of Tirol (of the counts of Gorizia), one of the most reliable allies of Rudolf who, in 1286, was also invested with Carinthia (see Habsburg, House of)Kärnten.

At first the Habsburg rulers were far from popular in Austria. Albert’s energetic and relentless rule aroused bad feeling, and the Swabian entourage that had arrived with the new dynasty to occupy key positions was despised by native nobles. There were conflicts with Bavaria, Salzburg, and Hungarian nobles who violated the Austrian frontier. After the death of King Rudolf (1291), all the neighbours and rivals of the Habsburgs and the counts of Gorizia united. Albert, however, succeeded in negotiating a peace with his most dangerous foes, the Hungarians and the Bohemians, and he broke the fortresses of the rebel nobility. Meanwhile, Meinhard II had stifled the uprising in CarinthiaKärnten.

In 1292 Albert was passed over in the German election, and Adolf of Nassau was called to the throne. When Adolf fell out with the electoral princes, however, they went over to Albert, who had just subdued another rebellion in Austria. After Adolf was defeated and killed near Göllheim (1298), Albert had himself elected a second time. In his Austrian lands Albert’s main concern was to provide for an effective administration, in which he was assisted by his privy councillors, most of whom were foreign. Records were set up to codify the prerogatives and returns of the ducal property. Eventually Albert did not spare the church, either. When the Přemysl family died out in 1306, Albert aspired to the Bohemian throne. He had his eldest son, Rudolf III, elected Bohemian king, but Rudolf died the following year. Albert was preparing for a new campaign when he was murdered by his nephew , John , and some accomplices (in 1308).

On Albert’s death the anti-Habsburg movement flared up again in Austria, but his sons, Frederick I (the Fair) and Leopold I, managed to maintain control. Frederick stood for election as German king (as Frederick III), and for the next several years the Habsburg countries had to support the cost of the war with his rival, Louis IV of Bavaria, until 1322, when Frederick was defeated near Mühldorf. Earlier, another decisive battle had been lost by the Habsburgs to the Swiss at Morgarten in 1315. From that time on, the Habsburg domains in the territory south of the Rhine and Lake Constance began to crumble away. Frederick the Fair spent his last years in Austria and was buried in the Carthusian monastery of Mauerbach (1330). He seems to have been the first of the Habsburgs for whom Austria meant home. From his time on, Habsburg rule and Habsburg territories were known as the Austrian domains (dominium Austriae), a term that was replaced, in the course of the 14th and 15th centuries, by the new concept of the house of Austria.

After Frederick’s death the Habsburgs were for some time ruled out as possible candidates for the German throne; but, under the brothers Albert II and Otto, Habsburg Austria received its first important accession of territory. In 1335 Carinthia Kärnten and Carniola were acquired after the death of Henry of Gorizia, while, with the help of Luxembourg troops, Henry’s daughter Margaret Maultasch managed to retain the Tirol. Albert and his brother Otto had not gotten on too well, but, when Albert came to rule on his own, he proved to be of sound judgment and keen on preserving the peace. It was a time of calamities: bad harvests, floods, earthquakes, and in 1348–49 the plague, which brought a persecution of the Jews; this was suppressed, however, by the duke. Albert arranged several tours around his domains to establish contacts with the populace and to improve jurisdiction. Two campaigns against the Swiss failed to yield any spectacular results, but they helped to consolidate the weakened Habsburg position. At his death in 1358 Albert left four sons. Though in 1355 a family ordinance had decreed that all the male members of the family were to rule jointly over the undivided domains, only the eldest of them, Rudolf, was then fit to rule. Throughout his short reign (1358–65), Rudolf IV showed himself extremely energetic and ambitious. He started to rebuild St. Stephen’s Cathedral in the Gothic style, and he founded the University of Vienna (1365). With these two projects, he imitated and rivaled his father-in-law, the Holy Roman emperor Charles IV, at Prague.

In 1359 Rudolf’s forged charter, the Privilegium Majus, by which he claimed immense privileges for Austria and its dynasty, as well as the title of archduke, caused a breach between him and the emperor Charles IV. Charles was not prepared to accept the Privilegium Majus to its full extent (although it later was sanctioned by Frederick III, the Habsburg emperor Frederick III king of Germany and, from 1452, Holy Roman emperor, in 1442 and again in 1453). Upon news of the death of Margaret Maultasch’s son, Duke Meinhard, in 1363, Rudolf prevailed upon the duke’s mother, Margaret , to make over the Tirol to him. On this occasion the emperor backed the Habsburgs against the rulers of Bavaria, the Wittelsbachs, and the Tirol thus passed to the house of Austria.

The division Division of the Habsburg lands

Rudolf was succeeded in 1365 by his two brothers, Albert III and Leopold III. After some years of joint rule, however, they quarreled and in 1379, by the Treaty of Neuberg, partitioned the family lands. Albert, as the elder brother, received the more prosperous countries on the Danube (Upper and Lower Austria). The rest of the widespread domains fell to Leopold (including StyriaSteiermark, CarinthiaKärnten, Tirol, the old Habsburg countries in the west, and central Istria). The treaty also contained several points on mutual wardship, preemption rights, and common titles, by which some connection between the two lines was to be preserved.

In 1382 the resourceful duke Leopold took advantage of the weak position of Venice in its war with Genoa and seized Trieste, which had broken away from Venice. His efforts to expand his rule in the west, however, were less successful, though he seemed lucky enough at first. Envisaging a connection between the original Habsburg territories in the west and the new domains in the Tirol, the Habsburgs looked for a foothold in the region west of the Arlberg (modern Vorarlberg). Neuberg on the Rhine was won in 1363 , and Feldkirch in 1375. Another important acquisition was the city of Freiburg in the Breisgau region. But then Leopold came into conflict with the Swiss, which led to defeat and his death at in the Battle of Sempach in 1386. An army of his brother, Albert III, was likewise defeated near in the Battle of Näfels in 1388, and the Habsburgs suffered heavy territorial losses. Leopold’s sons recognized the wardship of Albert, who acquired Bludenz and the Montafon Valley west of the Arlberg in 1394. In his own domains Albert was forced to check the dynasty of the Schaunbergs (in Upper Austria), who tried to create an independent domain around Peuerbach and Eferding. Albert III especially favoured the city of Vienna as his capital, and it was because of his reorganization that the university Rudolf IV had founded there was able to survive.

After Albert’s death in 1395, new Habsburg family troubles arose, differences that the treaties of Hollenburg (1395) and Vienna (1396) tried to settle. Under the Vienna treaty, the line of Leopold III split into Styrian and Tirolean two branches, resulting in three complexes of Austrian territories—a state of affairs that was to reappear in the 16th century. The individual parts came to be known by the names of Niederösterreich (“Lower Austria,” comprising modern Lower and Upper Austria), Innerösterreich (“Inner Austria,” comprising StyriaSteiermark, CarinthiaKärnten, Carniola, and the Adriatic possessions), and Oberösterreich (“Upper Austria,” comprising the Tirol and the western domains, known as the Vorlande, or Vorderösterreich [the Austrian provinces west of the Arlberg]).

In 1396 the Austrian estates, or diets, were first assembled to consider the Turkish threat; thereafter they were to play an important political role in Austria. In them the nobility usually took the lead, but they also included representatives of the monasteries, towns, and marketplaces. In the Tirol, in Vorarlberg, and, at times, in Salzburg, the peasants also sent their representatives to attend the diets. Because of the Habsburg partitions and frequent regencies, the estates were able to gain in importance. They did not obtain the right to pass laws, but they obstinately insisted on the privilege to grant taxes and duties.

After the short rule of Albert IV (1395–1404) and a troublesome tutelary regime (1404–11), Albert V came into his own, and with him the Danube countries again enjoyed a strong and energetic rule (1411–39). Albert, however, had married the daughter of the Holy Roman emperor Sigismund and was thus drawn into the Hussite religious wars, in the course of which the Austrian lands north of the Danube were ravaged. In the Austrian west, Duke Frederick IV of the Tirolean branch lost the Aargau to the Swiss but was able to assert himself in Tirol against a rebellion of his nobles.

When Sigismund died, Albert inherited his positions. In 1438 he was elected Hungarian king, with the German (as Albert II) and the Bohemian crowns to follow later. Albert no doubt had many of the qualities of a born ruler, but he died prematurely in 1439 on an unsuccessful campaign against the Turks. Soon thereafter his widow gave birth to a son and heir, Ladislas Posthumus, to whom Frederick V of StyriaSteiermark, as the senior member of the house, became guardian. Frederick also had Sigismund, the son of Frederick IV of Tirol, under his tutelage.

Thus began the long reign of Frederick V (as Holy Roman emperor he was to become Frederick III). His reign was marked by almost ceaseless strife with the estates, with his neighbours, and with his jealous family. When he tried unsuccessfully to take advantage of a conflict among between the Swiss Confederates, the Tiroleans made Frederick release Duke Sigismund from tutelage (1446). A few years laterIn 1452, on his return from Rome, where he had been crowned emperor, his enemies at home and abroad in 1452 forced him also to give up Ladislas, who was then the recognized king (as Ladislas V) of Hungary and Bohemia. The boy king’s policies were made by Count Ulrich of Cilli. Ulrich was murdered at Belgrade, Serb., in 1456, however, and a year later King Ladislas died. In Bohemia and Hungary, national kings came to power. Frederick now won himself a foothold in the Austrian domains on the Danube and succeeded in acquiring the rich estates and fiefs of Ulrich.

The Burgundian and Spanish marriages

Maximilian I, the son of the emperor Frederick III, was married to the Burgundian heiress, Mary, at Ghent (in 1477). By that tie to Burgundy, the Habsburgs became involved in long struggles with France. After Mary’s death (1482), Maximilian, moreover, met with increasing difficulties in the Burgundian countries themselves. Meanwhile, another crisis had arisen in the eastern Habsburg domains. Disagreement about the Bohemian succession and a political error of Frederick III, who tried to install the former archbishop of Gran (now Esztergom, Hung.) at Salzburg, led Matthias I Corvinus of Hungary to march against Austria. Vienna was besieged and finally taken by the Hungarians (1485), as was Wiener Neustadt (1487). The harried Maximilian came into even greater distress in the Low Countries, where the rebellious citizens of Brugge put him under arrest (1488). Sigismund, the Habsburg ruler of the Tirol, who was heavily encumbered by debts, planned to sell his country to the Bavarians. A complete breakdown of the house of Habsburg threatened, but Maximilian was ultimately released. He prevailed upon Sigismund to abdicate in his favour. In 1490 the Habsburgs were able to take over Lower Austria. Maximilian even attacked Hungary, but, in the Treaty of Pressburg (1491), he renounced claims to Hungarythat country, though reserving his family’s succession rights.

After the death of his father, Emperor Frederick III, Maximilian came into a heritage that surpassed the endowments of all his predecessors. Furthermore, his son, Philip I (the Handsome), who governed the Low Countries, was betrothed to the Spanish infanta , Juana (later called Joan the Mad), and, through the unexpected death deaths of male members of the Spanish dynasty, this marriage was to raise the Habsburgs to the throne of Spain. In the German Empire empire as well as in Austria, Maximilian introduced sweeping administrative reforms that were the first steps toward a centralized administration. In 1508 Maximilian assumed the title of elected emperor, as he was unable to pass through hostile Venetian territory to go to Rome for his coronation, and henceforth Rome and the pope had no more say in the creation of new Holy Roman emperors.

During Maximilian’s last years, eastern politics again came to the fore. The great crusade he planned against the Turks, however, never materialized. In 1515 Maximilian arranged a double marriage between his family and the Jagiellon line that ruled Bohemia and Hungary, thus reviving earlier Habsburg claims to these countries. Maximilian’s energetic reign added greatly to the prestige of the Habsburgs. Thus, his grandson Charles V was able to prevail against French intrigue opposition to inherit the imperial crown. Charles’s younger brother, Ferdinand I, took over the rule of the Austrian countries but encountered the opposition of the estates, which he cruelly suppressed. In the agreements of Worms (1521) and Brussels (1522), Charles V formally handed over the Austrian lands to his brother. The subsequent years of Ferdinand’s reign were troubled by peasant risings in the Tirol and in Salzburg and , which were followed by similar upheavals in Inner Austria.

In the late medieval period, the Alpine lands were assembled by the Habsburgs into a monarchical union roughly comprising the territory of the modern Austrian state. The process of union was at times intercepted and hindered by the partitions among the dynasty. When the process was finished, however, the territories retained their individuality and their own legal codes. During this period the towns developed and prospered, but in the rural settlements a backward tendency had set in. Many settlements were abandoned, especially in Lower Austria. The leading classes lost interest in rural colonization as they found other and more-lucrative sources of income. Mining developed, but trade was impaired by political instability.

Until about 1450 the University of Vienna enjoyed some fame in the fields of theology and science. The literary culture of Austria was characterized by remarkable works, among them the rhyming chronicle of the Styrian Otakar aus der Geul, the work of the Carinthian abbot John of Viktring, the poetry of Oswald of Wolkenstein, and the works of the theologian and historian Thomas Ebendorfer. From the middle of the 15th century onward, Austria came under the influence of Italian humanism.

Reformation and Counter-Reformation
The acquisition Acquisition of Bohemia

The year 1526 saw the defeat and death of the Jagiellon king of Hungary and Bohemia, Louis II, who fell in the Battle of Mohács against the Turks. In view of the treaties of 1491 and 1515, Ferdinand I and the Vienna court envisaged Hungary and Bohemia and the adjoining countries falling to the Habsburgs. Thus, the union of Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary became the leading concept of Habsburg politics. After clever diplomatic overtures, Ferdinand was elected king of Bohemia (Oct. 23, 1526). In Hungary, however, there was a split election; John (János (JohnZápolya) Zápolya, voivode (governor) of Transylvania, was chosen by an opposition party, whereupon war broke out between the two candidates.

Ferdinand’s troops in Hungary would have been in a stronger position had Zápolya John not been assisted by the Turks under Süleyman I, sultan of the Ottoman Empire. In 1529 the Turks advanced as far as Vienna, which they besieged in vain. Another Turkish offensive came to a halt at Güns in western Hungary in 1532. Ferdinand, on the other hand, failed in his attempt to take Ofen (Hungarian: Buda), where the Turks had entrenched themselves. By about the middle of the century, the frontiers had become fixed. Hungary happened to be divided into three parts: the west and the north remained with the Habsburgs, the central part came under Turkish rule, and Transylvania and its adjoining territory were kept by Zápolya John and his successors. This situation was anticipated in the truce of 1547 and became formalized in the Peace of Constantinople (1562).

During a short truce in the fighting against Zápolya John and the Turks, Ferdinand started to reorganize Austrian administration. In 1527 he created new central organs: the Privy Council (Geheimer Rat), for foreign affairs and dynastic matters; the Court Council (Hofrat), as the supreme legal authority; the Court Chancery (Hofkanzlei), which served as the central office and only later dealt with internal affairs; and the Court Treasury (Hofkammer), for finance and budgeting. As the Court Treasury proved inefficient in the financing of the Turkish war, the Court Council of War (Hofkriegsrat) was established in 1556 to take care of the pay, equipment, and supplies of the troops, acquiring some influence on military operations as well.

The advance Advance of Protestantism

The Protestant movement gained ground rapidly in Austria. The nobility in particular turned toward the Lutheran creed. For generations eminent families provided the protagonists of Protestantism in the Lower and Inner Austrian territories. The sons of the nobility were often sent to North German universities to expose them more fully to Protestant influence. From 1521, Protestant pamphlets were produced by Austrian printers. Bans on them, issued from 1523 onward, remained ineffective.

Among the peasant population, the Anabaptists had a stronger appeal than the Lutherans. As However, as they had no support from the estates and because of their radicalism, however, the Anabaptists were persecuted from the start. In 1528 Balthasar Hubmaier, their leader in the Danube countries and in southern Moravia, was burned at the stake in Vienna. In 1536 another Anabaptist, the Tirolean Jakob Hutter, was burned at the stake in Innsbruck after he had led many of his followers into Moravia (see Hutterite). Ferdinand, for his part, advocated religious reconciliation and looked for means to achieve it, but the dogmatic viewpoints proved irreconcilable. The Peace of Augsburg (1555) finally brought some respite in the religious struggles.

Charles V abdicated in 1556, and in 1558 Ferdinand I became emperor—thus Holy Roman emperor; thus, the leadership of the empire was taken over by the Austrian (German) line of the Habsburgs. Maximilian II, the eldest son, followed his father in Bohemia, Hungary, and the Austrian Danube territories (1564). The next son, Ferdinand, was endowed with Tirol and the Vorlande; Charles, the youngest of the brothers, received the Inner Austrian lands and took up residence in Graz. Maximilian was known for his Protestant leanings but was bound by a promise he had given his father to remain true to the Roman Catholic religion. The Protestants were therefore granted fewer concessions from him than they might have expected.

Meanwhile, Catholic counteractivity began, with the Jesuits particularly prominent in Vienna, Graz, and Innsbruck. A new generation of energetic bishops proved a great asset to the cause. It was also of some importance that the monasteries, though they had been deserted by many of their members and were struggling for existence, had not been secularized. On the Protestant side, it proved impossible to reconcile the various reforming movements. Social differences between them, especially between the nobility and the peasants, also stood in the way of a united Protestant front. The Counter-Reformation scored its first successes in Gorizia and Carniola, where Protestantism had remained insignificant. And, in other parts, official religious commissions started to replace the Protestant preachers with Catholic clergymen.

Rudolf II and Matthias

Maximilian’s successor as Holy Roman emperor and as archduke of Austria, his son Rudolf II (reigned 1576–1612), had been educated in Spain strictly in the Catholic faith. He had all Protestants dismissed from court service. The conversion of the cities and market centres of Lower Austria to Catholicism was conducted by Melchior Klesl, at that time administrator of the Vienna see but later to become bishop and cardinal. In Upper Austria, where the Protestants had their strongest hold, the situation remained undecided, with the Catholic governor , Hans Jakob Löbl of Greinburg , and the Calvinist Georg Erasmus of Tschernembl leading the opposing religious parties. When Charles’s son, the future emperor Ferdinand II (the son of Charles, the ruler of Inner Austria) took over in StyriaSteiermark, he proved to be the most resolute advocate of the Counter-Reformation. It was he who eventually succeeded in uprooting Protestantism, first in Inner Austria and then in the other Habsburg countries, with the exception of Hungary and Silesia.

From local skirmishes along the frontier, a long , drawn-out war with the Turks developed (1592–1606). In 1598 Raab (Hungarian: now Győr, Hung.), which served as a bastion of Vienna, was temporarily lost; Gran, Veszprém (now in Hungary), and Stuhlweissenburg (Hungarian: now Székesfehérvár, Hung.) passed several times from one side to the other. The introduction of the Counter-Reformation in Hungary, moreover, resulted in a rising of Protestant elements under István Bocskay. But in 1606 at Vienna, a peace was concluded between Austria and the Hungarian estates. At Zsitvatorok another peace was negotiated with the Turks, who for the first time recognized Austria and the emperor as an equal partner.

Political disagreements between Emperor Rudolf, who, to an increasing degree, showed signs of mental derangement, and the rest of the family led to the “Habsburg so-called Habsburg Brothers Conflict. Cardinal Klesl in 1607 brought about an agreement among between the younger relatives of the emperor to recognize his brother Matthias as the head of the family. As the conflicts with Rudolf persisted, Matthias strove to come to an understanding with the estates, which were mainly Protestant. The formation of opposing religious leagues in Germany, the Protestant Union and the Catholic League, added to the general confusion.

Matthias advanced into Bohemia, and, in the Treaty of Lieben (1608), Rudolf conceded to him the rule of Hungary, the Austrian Danube countries, and Moravia, while Matthias had to give up the Tirol and the Vorlande to the emperor. In 1609 the estates received a confirmation of the concessions that Maximilian II had made to them. The cities were guaranteed only in general terms that their old privileges should not be interfered with. At the same time, Rudolf II was forced to grant to Bohemia the so-called Letter of Majesty, which contained far-reaching concessions to the Protestants. After a final defeat of Rudolf in Bohemia in 1611, Matthias was crowned king of Bohemia. Rudolf’s death in 1612 finally ended the conflict.

After Matthias had been elected emperor, his principal councillor, Cardinal Klesl, tried in vain to arrange an agreement with the Protestants in Germany. The ensuing years were filled with wars in Transylvania, where Gábor Bethlen came to power. In the Peace of Tyrnau (1615) the emperor had to recognize Bethlen as prince of Transylvania, and, in the same year, he extended the truce with the Turks for another 25 years. In the meantime, war had broken out with Venice (1615–17) because of the pirating activities of the Serb refugees (Uskoken) established on the Croatian coast. A settlement was reached in the Peace of Madrid. The situation in Bohemia then reached a critical point, the religious tensions in the country finding a vent in the Defenestration of Prague (May 23, 1618), in which two of the emperor’s regents were thrown from the windows of the Hradčany Palace.

The Bohemian rising and the victory of the Counter-Reformation

War became inevitable when Emperor Matthias died in 1619. Not that he had been master of the situation, but his death brought Ferdinand II, the most uncompromising Counter-Reformer, to the head of the house of Habsburg. Ferdinand was hard-pressed at first, as Bohemian and Moravian troops invaded Austria. A deputation of the estates of Lower Austria tried to make him renounce Bohemia in a peace treaty and demanded religious concessions for themselves, unsuccessfully. The Bohemians were forced to retreat, and imperial troops advanced into their country. The Bohemians deposed Ferdinand from the throne of Bohemia and elected Count Palatine Frederick V in his stead. But ; two days later, however, Ferdinand II was elected German Holy Roman emperor at Frankfurt (Aug. 28, 1619).

War was the only means of resolving the issue. The conflict for the Bohemian crown developed into a European war when war—the so-called Thirty Years’ War—when Spain, the Bavarian duke Maximilian I, and the Protestant elector of Saxony entered the struggle on the side of the emperor. The Upper Austrian estates rashly joined Frederick V, with the result that their country was occupied by the army of the Catholic League and afterward pledged to Bavaria. At the Battle of the White Mountain, Ferdinand II became master of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia, while Lusatia was pledged to Saxony. King Frederick fled to the Netherlands. The leaders of the Bohemian rising were executed, and other nobles who had compromised themselves lost their property. Many Protestants left the country. In the new constitution of 1627, Bohemia and its associated lands became a hereditary kingdom. The diets were not dissolved entirely, as the government wanted to make use of their administration, but their influence was restricted to financial matters.

After the death of Matthias, Ferdinand had also inherited the Danubian territories. Tirol, however, retained a special status under a new Habsburg secundogeniture (inheritance by a second branch of the house). Upper Austria, pledged to Bavaria, was disturbed by a great peasant rising. The Protestant peasants were defeated after heavy fighting, and in 1628 the country passed into the hands of the emperor again.

The Counter-Reformation was vigorously enforced in the Austrian domains. This led to the mass emigration of Protestants, including many members of the nobility. Most went to the Protestant states and to the imperial cities of southern Germany. After the Bohemian victory the war went favourably for the emperor, and the Peace of Lübeck (1629) seemed to secure the hegemony in Germany for the Habsburgs. But in 1629 Ferdinand’s attempt in the Edict of Restitution (Restitutionsedikt) to establish religious unity by force throughout the empire provoked the violent opposition of the Protestants.

The struggle Struggle with Sweden and France

July 1630 saw intervention in Germany’s religious strife from a different quarter—Sweden. In that month the Protestant Swedish king, Gustav II Adolf, landed on the Baltic coast of Pomerania. His purpose was to defend the Protestants against further oppression, to restore the dukes of Mecklenburg, his relatives, who had been driven from their lands by Ferdinand’s forces, and perhaps to strengthen Sweden’s strategic position in the Baltic. In the ensuing conflict, the German city of Magdeburg was destroyed by fire after it had been taken by the emperor’s troops of the emperor under General Johann Tserclaes, Count Graf (count) von Tilly (1631). The North German Protestants, who had so far remained undecided, consequently went over to the Swedes. After victories near in the Battle of Breitenfeld and on the Lech River, the Swedish troops entered Bavaria.

During the subsequent period of the Thirty Years’ War, Ferdinand adopted a rigorous and often unrelenting attitude, though he yielded a little when the Peace of Prague was being negotiated (1635). His successor, Ferdinand III (1637–57), was as loyal to Catholicism as the his father had been but showed himself more of a realist. He was not able, however, to prevent the war from again dragging into Habsburg territory, so that in 1645 even Vienna was threatened. The extremist party that had rejected all concessions lost its influence at the Vienna court, and two able diplomats, Maximilian, Count Graf von TrauttmansdorfTrauttmansdorff, and Isaac Volmar, were entrusted with the representation of a weakened Austria at the German cities of Münster and Osnabrück, where extended negotiations were conducted until acceptable terms could be settled for Austria. In the Peace of Westphalia (1648), Austria lost its possessions in Alsace, and Lusatia had to be ceded for good to Saxony.

The peace in many respects marked the beginning of a new epoch. The Holy Roman Empire from then on was reduced to a loose union of otherwise independent states, and Habsburg politics shifted its emphasis, falling back entirely on the political, military, and financial resources of the hereditary Habsburg lands, now including also Bohemia. The new central organs and the administrative bodies of the territories took on much greater importance than the remaining institutions of the Holy Roman Empire. The emperor came to rely on a standing army rather than upon on troops provided by the German princes.

The heavy drain the religious wars had made on the population of the Austrian territories was compensated for by immigrants from the Catholic parts of the empire and by Croatian refugees from the southeast. The economic position of the peasants on the whole deteriorated. Many members of the nobility, as well as the church, acquired new property. In mining, boom and depression followed quickly upon each other. The loss of many experienced miners during the Counter-Reformation resulted in difficulties, but the government took several steps toward improving and extending the salt mines. In 1625 it founded the Innerberg Union, under which the Styrian Steiermark’s iron industry was reorganized. The emperor also tried to interfere with the trade organizations of the towns, though without much success. Trade and finance in the Austrian territories was were dominated by foreign capital.

The cultural life of the period was also dominated by the religious struggle. In the field of education the schools of the denominational parties rivaled each other. In 1585 a Jesuit university was founded at Graz, while at Salzburg a Benedictine university was established (1623). Austrian humanists produced some outstanding works of poetry and historical writings, and the sovereigns were great patrons of the arts, but on the whole this was an epoch dominated by Italian and Western influences.

Austria as a great power

After the Thirty Years’ War, Austrian politicians rulers were understandably reluctant to enter into another military conflict. In 1654 Ferdinand IV, the eldest son of the emperor, died. His brother, the future emperor Leopold I, who had been destined for a church career, was then considered as heir to the throne and was recognized as such by Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary. In Germany, however, difficulties arose when France declared itself against Leopold. Nevertheless, following the death of Emperor Ferdinand, Leopold was finally elected (1658) , after having conceded constitutional limitations that restricted his liberty of action in foreign politics. West German princes under Johann Philipp von Schönborn, archbishop of Mainz, formed the French-oriented League of the Rhine. At the same time, Austria was engaged in the northeast , when it intervened in the war between Sweden and Poland (1658) in order to prevent the collapse of Poland. There were some military successes, but the Treaty of Oliva (1660) brought no territorial gains for Austria, though it stopped the advance of the Swedes in Germany.

During the Thirty Years’ War the Turkish front had been quiet, but in the 1660s a new war broke out with the Turks (1663–64) because of a conflict over Transylvania, where a successor had to be appointed for György II Rákóczi, who had been killed fighting against the Turks. The Turks conquered the fortress of Neuhäusel in Slovakia, but the imperial troops succeeded in throwing them back. The Austrian military success was not, however, reflected in the terms of the Treaty of Vasvár: Transylvania was given to Mihály Apafi, a ruler of pro-Turkish sympathies. A minor territorial concession was also made to the Turks. The year after the Turkish peace, Tirol and the Vorlande reverted to Leopold I (1665), and the second period of the Habsburg partition (1564–1665) came to an end.

In Hungary dissatisfaction with the results of the Turkish war spread. Not only the Protestants, who were threatened by the Counter-Reformation, but also many Catholic nobles were alarmed by Habsburg absolutism. A group of Hungarian nobles and the Styrian count Steiermark’s Count Hans Erasmus of Tattenbach entered into a conspiracy. The Austrian government, informed of their activities, had four of the ringleaders executed—an action that led to a rising by rebels known as Kuruzen (Crusaders).

In the meantime, the position of the Habsburgs in the west had again deteriorated. At first, Leopold I’s leading statesmen, Johann Weikhard, Prince Weikhart, Fürst (prince) von Auersperg (dismissed in 1669), and the president of the Court Council of War, Wenzel Eusebius, Prince Fürst von Lobkowitz, remained rather passive in view of the expansionist policies of Louis XIV of France. They also stayed outside the Triple Alliance of Holland, England, and Sweden that was concluded in order to ward off the attacks of Louis against the Spanish Netherlands. When Louis actually invaded Holland, the emperor finally entered the war, but, in the ensuing Treaty Treaties of Nijmegen (1679), he had to cede Freiburg im Breisgau to France.

Another and still more menacing danger appeared in the southeast. After some deliberation , the leader of the Hungarian rebels, Imre Thököli, had asked the Turks for help, whereupon the grand vizier Kara Mustafa Pasa organized a large Turkish army and marched it toward Vienna. Habsburg diplomats succeeded in concluding an alliance between Austria and Poland. Meanwhile, imperial troops under Duke Charles Charles IV (or V) Leopold, duke of Lorraine and Bar, tried to hold back the enemy Turks but had to retreat. From July 17 to Sept. 12, 1683, Vienna was besieged by the Turks. Deciding against a direct assault, the Turks began had begun to drill tunnels underneath the bastions of the city , when relief columns arrived from Bavaria, Saxony, Franconia, and Poland. King John III Sobieski of Poland took over the command of the relieving army, which descended upon the Turks and dispersed them. The emperor concluded a pact with Poland and the Venetian republic—the republic known as the Holy League. In 1685 Neuhäusel was won back, and in September of 1686 Ofen (Buda) was captured , despite fierce Turkish resistance.

In 1687 the Hungarian diet recognized the hereditary rights of the male line of the Habsburgs to the Hungarian throne. In 1688 Belgrade, Serb., was conquered, and Transylvania was secured by imperial troops. Meanwhile, Louis XIV had begun an offensive against the German Palatinate that grew into the War of the Grand Alliance. This war meant that no further troops could be spared for the Turkish war, and in 1690 all recent conquests in the south, including Belgrade, were lost again. A victory of the imperial and the allied German troops under Margrave Louis William I of Baden-Baden near Slankamen, Serb., (1691) prevented the Turks from advancing farther, but then the margrave was ordered to the Rhine front. Eventually Prince Eugene of Savoy took over the command and gained a decisive victory over the Turks near in the Battle of Zenta (1697). After another offensive against Bosnia, the Turks finally decided to negotiate a peace. In the Treaty of Carlowitz (1699) , Hungary, Transylvania, and large parts of Slavonia (now in Croatia) fell to the Habsburg emperor. Meanwhile, the war in the west, overshadowed already by the question of the Spanish succession, had come to an end (with the Treaty of Rijswijk , (1697), overshadowed already by the question of the Spanish succession.

The War of the Spanish Succession

From 1701 to 1714 Austria was involved in hostilities with France over the issue France—the War of the Spanish successionSuccession—over the heir to the Spanish throne. The childless king Charles II of Spain, a Habsburg, had willed all his possessions to a Bourbon prince—a grandson of Louis XIV of France. All those who disliked the idea of a French hegemony in Europe consequently united against the French. The emperor declared war (1701) and was immediately supported by Brandenburg-Prussia and Hanover. In the spring of 1702, England and Holland entered the war in the Grand Alliance against France. Louis XIV was able to win the electoral princes of Bavaria and Cologne as his allies. At this critical juncture another Hungarian rising, led by Ferenc II Rákóczi, occurred. The rebels were prepared to join forces with the enemies of Austria and for years engaged Austrian troops. The rebels even threatened Vienna, whose suburbs had to be fortified. In the war with France, imperial troops fought on four fronts: in Italy, on the Rhine, in the Spanish Netherlands, and in Spain. Much larger forces were mobilized than had been customary during the 17th century, and the financial drain on the imperial treasury was so heavy that the emperor had to resort to Dutch and English loans. When Bavaria entered the war on the side of the French, Austria was in further danger, until the Battle of Blenheim (1704), in which an English and Austrian army under the Duke duke of Marlborough and Prince Eugene of Savoy defeated the French and Bavarian forces.

After a reign of 48 years , filled with almost endless troubles, Emperor Leopold died in 1705. He was succeeded by his son, Joseph I (reigned 1705–11). In the religious quarrels the new emperor, an ally of Protestant states, showed great restraint and allowed himself to be guided mainly by political motives.

In 1703 the Duke Victor Amadeus II, duke of Savoy, who had left the French to go over to the Habsburgs, found himself in a critical situation; his capital, Turin, had come under French siege. An imperial army under Prince Eugene and reinforced by a Prussian contingent was sent to his aid and succeeded in uniting with the Savoyan forces and relieving Turin after a victorious battle (1706). At the beginning of the next year, an agreement was reached under which the French evacuated northern Italy. The same year, a smaller imperial army under Wirich, Count Graf (count) von Daun, conquered Spanish-ruled southern Italy, but an invasion of southern France, which the sea powers had instigated, failed. A quick success, however, fell to the Austrians in a campaign against the Vatican state over a conflict between the emperor and the Roman Curia concerning mutual feudal rights and caused by Pope Clement XI’s rather pro-French leanings.

The allies were victorious in the Netherlands, winning the Battle of Oudenaarde and conquering Lille (1708). Paris seemed within easy reach. The Battle of Malplaquet (1709) was another victory for the allies, but they had to pay dearly for it. In the meantime, peace negotiations had foundered. After reverses in Spain and a political change in England, the alliance itself was in danger of falling apart. The situation was further aggravated by the death (in 1711 ) of Emperor Joseph I, who left only daughters.

At this juncture, liquidation of the Hungarian rising became possible. Rákóczi, who in 1707 had declared the deposition of the Habsburgs, began to meet with growing opposition among his followers. Imperial troops forced Rákóczi to flee to Poland, and the rebels, who had been promised an amnesty and who were guaranteed religious liberty, made their peace in 1711. From then on the Vienna government tried to be more considerate of Hungary and its aristocracy.

The election of Charles VI as emperor was effected without any difficulties. The English left the coalition, and after a military reverse most of the Habsburgs’ allies joined the Treaty treaties of Utrecht (17131713–14). In the peace negotiations between Austria and France that were begun at Rastatt, Ger., Prince Eugene showed himself an unyielding and successful agent of Habsburg interests (see Rastatt and Baden, treaties of). Austria gained the Spanish Netherlands (henceforth known as the Austrian Netherlands), a territory corresponding approximately to modern Belgium and Luxembourg. These gains were somewhat impaired, however, by the Dutch privilege of stationing garrisons in a number of fortresses. In Italy, Austria received Milan, Mantua, Mirandola, the continental part of the Kingdom of Naples, and the isle of Sardinia. The Wittelsbachs of Bavaria regained their country, but the treaty contained an appendix that provided for the eventuality of Bavaria’s being exchanged for the Spanish Netherlands. Of its gains, the northern Italian territories were of the greatest value to Austria; the possession of Naples and the Netherlands, on the other hand, posed considerable military and political risks.

The problem Problem of the Austrian succession

The extinction of the Spanish line of the Habsburgs and the fact that the emperor Charles VI was the last male member of that house posed serious problems for the Habsburg territories, which, at the beginning of the 18th century, were held together mainly by the person of the sovereign, notwithstanding the fact that there were some institutions of central administration. A settlement was made in the form of a family ordinance. On April 19, 1713, Charles VI issued a decree, according to which the Habsburg lands should remain an integral, undivided whole. In the event of the Habsburgs’ becoming extinct in the male line, the daughters of Charles or their descendants or, in default of any descendants of Charles, the daughters of Joseph I and their descendants , and, after them, all other female members of the house, should be eligible for the succession. As the son that was born to the emperor in 1716 died after a few months and only daughters were born to him after that (Maria Theresa, 1717; Maria Anna, 1718; Maria Amalia, 1724), this Pragmatic Sanction (a term used to characterize a pronouncement by a sovereign on a matter of prime importance) became of great significance. Austrian diplomacy in the last decades of Charles’s reign was directed toward securing acceptance of the Pragmatic Sanction from all the European powers. It was published in 1720 and by 1722 had been recognized by the estates of all the Habsburg countries. Even the unanimous consent of the Hungarian diet was eventually obtained.

New conflicts with Turkey the Turks and the Bourbons

During the War of the Spanish Succession, Turkey the Ottoman Empire had remained neutral toward Austria. But the Turks had attacked the possessions of the Venetians on the Peloponnese and on the Ionian IslesIslands. Austria tried to intervene and finally declared war. Prince Eugene defeated the Turks near the fortress of Peterwardein (Petrovaradin, now part of Novi Sad, Serb.) and conquered the strong bastion of Temesvár (now Timisoara, Rom.) in 1716). In the summer campaign of 1717, Belgrade again came into the hands of the imperial troops after a battle was won against a Turkish relief army. In the Treaty of Passarowitz (1718), a frontier line was agreed upon that corresponded to the de facto situation. The Turks had to cede to the Austrians the Banat region, the Turkish part of Syrmia (Srem, now part of Vojvodina, Serb.), Walachia Minor as far as the Olt (Aluta) River, northern Serbia, Belgrade, and a strip of land along the frontier in northern Bosnia. A favourable trade agreement was also concluded.

During the Turkish war another crisis emerged. The Spanish minister Giulio Alberoni tried to initiate a policy of expansion in Italy. When Spanish troops landed in Sardinia and Sicily, the emperor formed an alliance with Great Britain and France, later joined by the Netherlands Dutch Republic (the Quadruple Alliance). After the English defeated the Spanish fleet, Madrid recalled its troops from the disputed territories. Austria received the more prosperous Sicily in exchange for Sardinia, which fell to Savoy. Charles then agreed to recognize the Spanish Bourbons. The gains from the Quadruple Alliance plus those of the Treaty of Passarowitz gave the Habsburgs the largest territory they were ever to rule. Their domains were far from unified, however, with the individual provinces showing a wide national, economic, cultural, and constitutional diversity.

Trading interests soon interfered with the empire’s alliance with the maritime powers of Britain and the Dutch Republic. At first the attempts of the Ostend Company, which was backed by Charles VI, to enter into trade with India were quite successful. Because of the antipathy of the maritime powers, however, it seemed advisable to find an alternative to trade with Dutch and English British colonial markets in the vast transatlantic empire of Spain. In 1725 Charles entered into an alliance with Spain, whereupon France, Great Britain, and Prussia formed a rival alliance. But soon after Russia was won over to the Habsburg cause, Prussia changed sides. As the outbreak of a European war seemed imminent, attempts were made at the Congress of Soissons to relax political tensions. Spain abruptly changed its alliances and concluded a treaty (1729) with England and France, the Netherlands Dutch Republic joining in later. When Russia also began to waver, Prince Eugene tried to fall back on the traditional alliance with the maritime powers. After prolonged and difficult negotiations, England Britain in 1731 accepted the Pragmatic Sanction, the emperor in return giving a promise not to marry his daughter Maria Theresa, the Habsburg heiress, to a prince who was himself heir to important domains. Austria finally dissolved the Ostend Company, having already suspended its charter in 1727. Charles VI then invested a great deal of energy in his endeavours to secure the recognition and the guarantee of the Pragmatic Sanction in the German diet. In this he was opposed by Bavaria and the elector of Saxony, but Austria finally obtained the guarantee of the Pragmatic Sanction at the Regensburg Diet (1732).

The question of the Polish succession led to a revival of the Austrian conflict with the Bourbon countries. Austria, with Prussia and Russia, favoured Augustus III of Saxony, the son of the deceased king, whereas France backed Stanisław I (Stanisław Leszczyński). On the military intervention of Russia in Poland, the Bourbons attacked Austria. The issue came to be mixed up with the problem of Lorraine, ; France dreading dreaded that, on the impending marriage of Maria Theresa to Francis Stephen, duke of Lorraine, the latter’s domains would be united with Austria’s, so that and French plans for the acquisition of Lorraine would be thwarted. France, Sardinia, and Spain simultaneously opened the war against Austria (1733in 1733 (see Polish Succession, War of the). Prince Eugene, who was now aged, was able only to prevent a major success of the enemy on the Rhine. On the Italian front the Habsburgs fared even worse. The Battle of Parma ended undecided, but the Austrians were finally beaten near Guastalla in northern Italy. The small Austrian force that was stationed in southern Italy was unable to resist the Spanish attack, and Sicily and Naples were occupied by the Spaniards. In 1735 a Russian relieving corps reinforced the Habsburg front on the Rhine, and in northern Italy also there were also a few successful operations of some local importance.

Direct contacts between Austria and France eventually led to the preliminary Peace of Vienna (Oct. 3, 1735). Austria lost Naples and Sicily, which fell to a secondary branch of the Bourbons, and had to cede a tract of Lombard territory in Lombardy to Sardinia. As some compensation, Austria received Parma and Piacenza. Francis Stephen of Lorraine was promised Tuscany but had to renounce his hereditary duchy. On these conditions, France agreed to recognize the Pragmatic Sanction. The final peace was then concluded at Vienna in 1738.

Prince Eugene had died during the War of the Polish Succession. It soon proved disastrous that a successor of similar capacity was not found. During the second Turkish war of Charles VI (1737–39), Austria joined in the Turkish-Russian conflict but without coordination of military operations. The Austrians, furthermore, underrated the Turkish forces and were themselves reduced by epidemics. The fortress of Niš, Serb., was taken but was lost again soon afterward. Peace negotiations conducted at Nemirov, Ukr., were broken off, and the war went on. The Austrians lost another battle at Grocka, Serb. Again peace negotiations were launched, in the course of which the larger part of the gains of the Peace of Passarowitz were lost. More disquieting even than the territorial losses was the loss in prestige. The epoch that had seen the rise of Austria to a great power thus ended with reverses.

Social, economic, and cultural trends in the Baroque ageperiod

The Thirty Years’ War and the Turkish wars had resulted in the devastation of large parts of the country and in great losses among the population, which suffered further reduction during the plague years of 1679 and 1713. The territories that had been wrested from the Turks had to be resettled systematically by German and other immigrants. The initiative for resettlement projects came from the official bureaucracy, the settlements being concentrated mainly in the south of Hungary. During the period of religious conflicts, many Protestants had been exiled, but, in the 18th century transportation , Protestants often were transported to the various underpopulated parts of the empire was often resorted to.

In the industrial and commercial fieldfields, mercantilist ideas, encouraged by the government, were prominent from the 1660s. The situation of the peasantry was thoroughly unfavourable. Tentative measures in the reigns of Leopold I and Charles VI to protect the peasants had little effect. Certain “model industries” (mostly textile factories) were established but were only partly successful. The economic policy of the absolutist state also resulted in strong interference with trade organizations. The guilds were suppressed or at least debarred from the new manufactures.

Trade was encouraged but yielded only small gains for the state. Industrial and commercial undertakings were managed in part directly by the state but largely through privileged corporations or private persons. Of some importance were the first (1667) and the second (1719) Oriental trading companies and the Ostend Company (1722). Trade in the Mediterranean was also intensified. Promising colonial ventures in India were discontinued for political reasons, however, in the middle of the 18th century. Under Charles VI new roads came to be planned and built on a large scale.

The state was in permanent want of money. This was a period of perpetual war as well as great economic investments, both entailing excessive strain on state finances. At first the government resorted to rich bankers such as Samuel Oppenheimer and his successor Samson Wertheimer for funds. Soon, however, it attempted to establish state-controlled banking firms. The Banco del Giro, founded in Vienna in 1703, quickly failed, but the Vienna Stadtbanco of 1705 managed to survive; the Universalbancalität of 1715 was liquidated after a short period of operation.

After the victory of the Counter-Reformation, education was almost exclusively in the hands of the Roman Catholic churchChurch. The grammar schools of the religious orders, especially of the Jesuits and the Benedictines, set a very high standard for the most part. In 1677 another university was established at Innsbruck, the theological school of which was to acquire some fame. Historical writing flourished, the most outstanding works being those of two Benedictine brothers, Bernard and Hieronymus Pez; Gottfried Bessel, abbot of Göttweig; and Leopold I’s official historiographer, the Jesuit Franz Wagner. The Austrian Jesuits were famous for their scientific and geographic researches, most notably the exploration of China.

Among the achievements of Baroque poetry, mention should be made of Wolf Helmhart of Hohberg, whose works offer interesting insights into the life of the nobility, and of Katharina of Greiffenberg. The theatre of the Baroque was remarkable for the splendour of its decorations and the ingenuity of its stage machinery. The plays produced ranked ranged from the elaborate Italian opera to the blunt humour of the popular play. Music attained an especially high standard, encouraged by three emperors who were themselves composers (Ferdinand III, Leopold I, and Joseph I). Charles VI was also a skillful musician, and he engaged the services of Johann Joseph Fux, who came from eastern Styria Steiermark and developed into an important composer and teacher.

Austrian Baroque culture is most clearly revealed by the splendours of its architecture. At first the field was dominated by the Italians, but soon native architects stepped forth. Preeminent among them was Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach (whose works included the first plan of the Schloss Schönbrunn Palacein Vienna, Karls Church in Vienna, and Kollegien Church in Salzburg) and his son Josef Emanuel Fischer von Erlach (who designed the Hof Library, in Vienna). They were rivaled by Jakob Prandtauer (whose works included monasteries in Herzogenburg , Melk, and part of Sankt Florian monasteriesand Melk) and especially by Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt (who designed the Schwarzenberg Palace, and Belvedere palaces in Vienna, Peters Church in Vienna, and the monastery of Göttweig). Among native sculptors, Georg Raphael Donner was the first in rank and quality of work. Fresco painting was best represented by Johann Michael Rottmayr from Salzburg, Daniel Gran from Vienna, and Paul Troger from the Tirolean Pustertal valley. (See also Baroque period.)

From the accession of Maria Theresa to the Congress of Vienna
The War of the Austrian successionSuccession, 1740–48

In October 1740 the Holy Roman emperor Charles VI, the last male Habsburg ruler, died and was succeeded by his daughter Maria Theresa (German: Maria Theresia), the young wife of the grand duke of Tuscany, Francis Stephen of Lorraine. Although no woman had ever served as Habsburg ruler, most assumed at the time that the succession would pose few problems because of Charles VI’s diligent efforts to gain recognition for her. He had established a reasonably unified order of succession for all the lands under Habsburg rule (the Pragmatic Sanction) and, by making broad concessions to foreign powers and to the diets of the crown lands, had secured recognition of this act from most of the important constitutional units inside and outside the Habsburg lands. When he died, he had no reason to expect anything less than a smooth transition for his daughter.

The challenge to that transition came from a surprising source—the kingdom of Prussia. For the previous 40 years, Prussia had been a fairly loyal supporter of the Habsburgs, especially in matters related to the Holy Roman Empire and in matters involving Poland. The Prussian king of Prussia, Frederick William I (reigned 1713–40) , had created perhaps the most proficient, if not the largest, army in Europe but had displayed no eagerness to use it except in the service of the empire, and then only reluctantly. But Frederick William had died about five months before Charles VI, and his son and heir, Frederick II (later called the Great), had no reluctance to use his father’s finely honed armed force. In December 1740 Frederick II invaded the Habsburg province of Silesia and thereby threatened not only to conquer the wealthiest of the Habsburg lands but also to challenge Maria Theresa’s right to rule the rest of them, a challenge soon joined by other powers.

As Maria Theresa prepared to meet these threats, she found that the resources left by her father were meagre indeed. The War of the Polish Succession and the war against the Turks from 1737 to 1739 had drained the monarchy’s financial and military resources and spread irresolution and doubt among its senior officials. The army sent forth to meet Frederick suffered defeat at in the Battle of Mollwitz in April 1741. This defeat prompted the formation of an alliance of France, Bavaria, and Spain, joined later by Saxony and eventually by Prussia itself, to dismember the Habsburg monarchy. Faced by this serious threat, Maria Theresa called together her father’s experienced advisers and asked them what she should do. Most argued that resistance was hopeless and recommended that she make the necessary sacrifices in order to reach as quick an accommodation with her enemies as possible, a policy endorsed by her husband. This counsel offended Maria Theresa, who regarded it as defeatism; commenting on this period later, she described it as finding herself “without money, without credit, without an army, without experience, and finally without advice.”

Maria Theresa had no intention of surrendering. She resolved to drive off her enemies and then to create a government that would never again suffer the humiliation she experienced at her accession. To begin, she reached a settlement with Frederick, ceding to him Silesia by the treaties of Breslau and Berlin in June and July 1742. She did so only to focus resistance on the French and Bavarians, who in late November 1741 had occupied Upper Austria and Bohemia, including the Bohemian capital, Prague. In the wake of these conquests by anti-Habsburg forces, in January 1742 the electors of the Holy Roman Empire rejected , in January 1742, the candidacy of Maria Theresa’s husband and chose as emperor Charles Albert of Bavaria (called Charles VII as emperor), the only non-Habsburg to serve in that capacity from 1438 to the empire’s demise in 1806. Perhaps as a portent of his unhappy reign as emperor, on the day of Charles Albert’s coronation in Frankfurt, Habsburg forces occupied his Bavarian capital of Munich, which they held until shortly before his death three years later.

The War of the Austrian Succession, as this conflict is called, continued until 1748. It rather quickly became a struggle of two alliance systems, with primarily France, Bavaria, Spain, and Prussia on one side and Austria, Great Britain, and the Dutch Republic on the other. Saxony and Sardinia began the war as members of the first alliance and later switched to the second. Russia joined Austria in a defensive accord in 1746, primarily to prevent Prussia from reentering the war after it had concluded the Treaty of Dresden with Austria in 1745.

The Treaty of Dresden and the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748 brought the various parts of the war to an end. Austria had to return some minor principalities in Italy to the Spanish Bourbons until such time as the Bourbon lines there became extinct and had to agree to a small frontier rectification in favour of Piedmont-Sardinia, but neither of these adjustments was of great consequence. For Austria the most serious loss was Silesia, which Maria Theresa found necessary to cede to Prussia first in 1742 and again in 1745. Losing Silesia opened the way to the rise of Prussia as the most serious rival of the Habsburgs in Germany. It also meant a considerable decrease in the proportion of Germans living within Habsburg lands, with important consequences in the rise of the national problem in the following century. Although as part of the cession Frederick II agreed to recognize the election of Francis Stephen of Lorraine as Holy Roman emperor Francis I in 1745, Maria Theresa never forgave his “rape” of Silesia; at the war’s conclusion she immediately undertook preparations first to deter Frederick from coveting more of her lands and then to take Silesia back. (See also Silesian Wars.)

Perhaps the most important result of the war for Austria, however, was the very fact that the monarchy was not dismembered. Nor did it become a satellite state under the tutelage of other great powers. The outcome of the War of the Austrian Succession, except for the loss of Silesia, was a genuine defensive victory that proved to the world that Austria represented more than an agglomeration of lands under the same rule, acquired by wars and marriage contracts. In the two centuries since Ferdinand I had become king in Bohemia, Hungary, and Croatia, as well as regent in the so-called hereditary lands, a certain cohesion between the major historical units had been clearly established.

The first First reforms, 1748–56

Maria Theresa determined from the outset of her reign that the Habsburg monarchy would never again be perceived as too weak to defend itself. Consequently, even while the war was under way she had been studying reforms, and when it ended she immediately began implementing them. First and foremost was reform of the army. Maria Theresa proposed establishing an effective standing army of 110,000 men—60,000 more than in her father’s day and 30,000 more than the Prussian peacetime army of Frederick William I. She also tried to encourage her nobility to take a greater interest in serving in the officer corps, creating a school for officers called the Theresianum at Wiener Neustadt and introducing military orders as rewards for good service.

Maria Theresa realized, however, that no military reform would be effective without financial reform, and in this area she achieved her greatest accomplishments. Before Maria Theresa came to the throne, Habsburg finances were to a great extent based on the contributions offered by each of the monarchy’s crown lands, or provinces. The crown lands were governed by estates sitting in diets (parliamentary bodies made up of representatives of the nobility, the church, and the towns). These bodies negotiated annually with the ruler regarding the amount of taxes (i.e., the contribution) that each crown land would pay to the central government. Following the advice of Friedrich Wilhelm, Count Graf (count) von Haugwitz, a Silesian who had fled the Prussians in 1741, Maria Theresa proposed negotiating with each diet only every 10 years, setting the amount to be collected annually for an entire decade. The estates were generally not happy with the proposal, but she made certain that each agreed to it in one form or another. The results were a steady income upon which reliable budgets could be based and an erosion in the power of the diets—which, although never abolished, lost much of the influence they had held in the past.

Following the military and financial reforms came other changes, generally in administrative matters. Although these reforms were subjected to many modifications and changes throughout Maria Theresa’s reign and after, the result was a government far more centralized than it had ever been before.

The Seven Years’ War, 1756–63

While Maria Theresa and her advisers focused on internal reform, her new state chancellor, Wenzel Anton, Count Graf (count) von Kaunitz (subsequently Prince Fürst [prince] von Kaunitz-Rietberg and Maria Theresa’s most important adviser until her death in 1780), laid the diplomatic preparations for the reconquest of Silesia. The result in 1756 was the “reversal of alliances,” a treaty system intended to isolate Prussia. With the two sets of irreconcilable enemies being France and Great Britain on the one hand and Prussia and Austria on the other, the reversal refers to Austria abandoning Great Britain as an ally in favour of France, and Prussia abandoning France as an ally in favour of Great Britain. However, it may be argued that the switch was made possible by Empress Elizabeth of Russia’s determination to do in Frederick II, and Frederick’s seeking out Great Britain to intercept a Russo-British accord. In any case, when war erupted in 1756, Austria, France, and Russia seemed to have formed an alliance that Prussia, with only Britain as a friend, could never resist.

The ensuing conflict was the Seven Years’ War, the great war of the mid-18th century. Undoubtedly, its most important result occurred not on the continent of Europe European Continent but in Europe’s colonial empires, where British forces decisively defeated the French, paving the way for British control of Canada and the eventual domination of India. On the continent Continent, Austria, France, and Russia could never bring their united strength to bear effectively on Prussia. Prussia fended off all its enemies by exploiting its economic and human resources about as well as any 18th-century power could, by taking advantage of internal lines, and by virtue of Frederick II’s military genius. But it did so at considerable cost. In October 1760 a Russian force reached Berlin, and by 1761 Frederick himself was so discouraged that he was contemplating abdication as the only way to salvage his beleaguered state.

Although it was not obvious at the time, for all intents and purposes the war ended with the death of Empress Elizabeth in January 1762. Her successor, Peter III, worshiped worshipped Frederick II and was determined not only to end Russia’s war against Prussia but also to join Prussia in fighting against Austria and France. Before he could implement such a radical change in policy, however, he was deposed by conspirators supporting his wife, Catherine II (later called the Great), and their policy was simply to end the war. With Russia out of the conflict and France defeated throughout the world, Maria Theresa and her advisers could see no alternative but to negotiate a settlement with Prussia based on the status quo ante bellum (Treaty of Hubertusburg, 1763), meaning that once again Prussia retained Silesia.

Reforms, 1763–80

This Maria Theresa’s second period of reform was more important than the first, because it carried with it elements of centralization and change that were portents of the kind of government, society, and economy that would emerge in the 19th century and mature in the 20th. As modern as some of these elements were, the government that introduced them was not thinking of long-range goals but was dealing with immediate problems, the most important being recovery from the Seven Years’ War. The area requiring urgent attention was finance. The cost of the Seven Years’ War had added so much debt to the treasury that, for the remainder of Maria Theresa’s reign, servicing that debt while providing for the costs of defense and governmental operations became the obsession of many of her advisers.

Financial need led Maria Theresa and her statesmen into other fields. All realized that financial recovery to a great extent depended on an improved economy, and they introduced a number of measures to make it better. Foreign workers and artisans with skills in the manufacture of various articles were recruited from the Low Countries, the Italian lands, and Germany and settled throughout the monarchy. Farmers came from western Europe for settlement in some of the more remote lands of the monarchy that had been badly depopulated, mainly in southern and eastern Hungary. Some important sectors of the economy, such as textiles and iron - making, were freed from guild restrictions. And in 1775 the government created a customs union out of most of the crown lands of the monarchy, excluding some of the peripheral lands and the kingdom of Hungary, which was not joined to Austria in a customs union until 1851.

The basically mercantilist policy of Charles VI’s reign and earlier was revised in line with the influence of physiocratic and so-called populationist theories (see physiocrat). Thenceforward human labour, and not precious metal, was gradually to become the yardstick of national wealth. This led, on the one hand, to restrictions on emigration and, on the other, to an easing of some imports that were not considered competitive with domestic industries.

Financial and economic reforms also had an impact upon society. Maria Theresa’s government was fully aware that most taxes came from society’s lower elements, and so it was eager to make certain that those lower elements had the wherewithal to bear their burden. In 1767 she imposed a law on Hungary regulating the rights and duties of the serfs and their lords with the intent of bettering the condition of the peasants, which was not good at all. This law suffered somewhat because the lords themselves were responsible for implementing it, but it was later codified into the Hungarian statutes in 1790–91 and remained the basic law regarding the status of the serfs until their final emancipation in 1848. In response to a serf revolt in 1774 protesting not only oppression but also hunger, Maria Theresa issued a law in Bohemia in 1775 that restricted the aristocratic practice of exploiting the work obligations of the peasantry. She also had plans drawn up to change the dues of the peasantry from various forms of service to a strictly rent-paying system. Such a system was introduced on lands owned by the crown, but she did not enforce its extension to privately held lands. (See also serfdom.)

Maria Theresa also introduced a system of public education. The motivation for this reform came from concern both that the Roman Catholic church Church in Austria was no longer maintaining public morality properly and that certain changes in the 18th-century economy required that Austria provide a better-educated work force. It is often assumed that the great mass of the people in Austria at this time were serfs working on the lords’ lands, owing various work and money dues, and thus—while suffering oppression—at least forming a fairly stable society. In fact, by the late 18th century the vast majority of the rural population was made up of cotterscottars, gardeners, and lodgers who owed minimal feudal duties and who depended on nonagricultural occupations for their survival. These people represented a proto-industrial work force, but they also represented an ignorant and potentially ill-disciplined rural population. Compulsory education was a method of instilling a good work ethic and a sense of morality in these peoplethem. In 1774 Maria Theresa issued the General School Regulation for the Austrian lands, establishing a system of elementary schools, secondary schools, and normal schools to train teachers. The implementation of this regulation was difficult owing to a lack of teachers, resistance on the part of lords and peasants alike, and a shortage of funds. Despite these obstacles, however, 500 such schools had opened by 1780.

Foreign affairs, 1763–80

The great change in Maria Theresa’s foreign policy after 1763 was her reconciliation to the loss of Silesia. Although as a result Maria Theresa and her advisers focused their attention for the most part after 1763 on domestic affairs, a few foreign matters offered the monarchy opportunities for territorial gain and in two cases carried the threat of renewed warfare. In 1768 the old matter of the fate of the Ottoman Empire appeared again, this time in the form of a Russo-Turkish war and the possibility that Russia would not simply defeat the now-decaying Ottoman state but would replace it as the Habsburg neighbour in the southeast, a condition the Habsburgs wanted to prevent even at great cost. By 1771 Kaunitz was so fearful that this possibility was becoming a probability that he recommended that Austria form an alliance with the Turks to fight the Russians, an idea resisted by Maria Theresa, who still regarded the Turks as infidel predators in Europe. (See also Russo-Turkish wars.)

The threat of war diminished, however, owing to the intervention of Frederick II, who suggested as a solution to the crisis the annexation of Polish territory by the three great eastern European powers and the maintenance of the Ottoman Empire in its entirety in Europe. Austria agreed to this suggestion, although Maria Theresa herself did so most reluctantly. She believed that the difficulties she had had at the beginning of her reign had been brought on by the refusal of the European powers to respect the territorial integrity of their fellows and that, by agreeing to the partition of Poland, she was in fact endorsing the same kind of cynical, parasitical policy that had caused her such grief and that she had regarded as so heinous in 1741. However, as Kaunitz warned her, refusal to take part would not only continue the threat of war but also weaken the monarchy relative to its two powerful neighbours, who had no compunction about adding land and taxpayers to their rolls while Austria received nothing. Consequently, in 1772, Austria, Prussia, and Russia participated in the First Partition of Poland, which added the Polish province of Galicia to the monarchy. (See also Poland, Partitions of.)

In 1775, following the initiative of Joseph II, Maria Theresa’s son, who had joined her as co-ruler coruler after the death of her husband, the monarchy wrested the province of Bukovina from the Turks. The province served as a convenient connection between Galicia and Transylvania.

In 1778 one of Kaunitz’s initiatives, to trade the distant Austrian Netherlands for nearby Bavaria, led to a third war with Prussia. This warWar of the Bavarian Succession, however, featured virtually no military contact between the two powers, because Maria Theresa, who for a time had left most of the policy making to her chancellor and her son, intervened directly with her old enemy Frederick II and concluded with him the Treaty of Teschen. The treaty resulted in a few minor territorial adjustments but adjustments—especially the addition of Bavarian territories east of the Inn River to Upper Austria—but above all in the canceling of the proposed swap of the Austrian Netherlands for Bavaria.

Early reign of Joseph II, 1780–85

Maria Theresa died in 1780 and was followed by Joseph II. The problem of succession had caused Maria Theresa considerable grief in her early years, and she had vowed to create not only governmental institutions to protect her lands but familial ones as well, most notably by making certain that there would never again be a shortage of Habsburgs to rule the monarchy (after her marriage, the official name of the family changed from Habsburg to Habsburg-Lorraine). She gave birth to 16 children, the oldest male being Joseph. Upon the death of Francis I in 1765, Joseph had become emperor and co-regent, but Maria Theresa kept most of the authority in her hands, a condition that led to frequent clashes between the strong-willed mother and the strong-willed son.

When Joseph became sole ruler, he was determined to implement his own policies. One was broadening church reform. Joseph’s role as church reformer has been the subject of considerable debate. In Austrian history the term Josephinism generally means subjecting the Roman Catholic church Church in the Habsburg lands to service for the state, but the origins and extent of such subjection have generated controversy. Both Maria Theresa and Joseph were devoutly Roman Catholic, but both also believed in firm state control of ecclesiastical matters outside of the strictly religious sphere. To improve the economy, Maria Theresa ordered restrictions on religious holidays and prohibited the taking of ecclesiastic vows before the 24th birthday. She insisted that clerics be subject to the jurisdiction of the state in nonecclesiastical matters and that the acquisition of land by the church be controlled by the government. She took action against the Society of Jesus (Jesuits), but only in 1774, after the pope had ordered its suppression.

Joseph’s most radical measures in church matters were the Edict of Toleration (1781) and his monastic reforms. The Edict edict and the legislation attached to it gave Lutherans, Calvinists, and Orthodox Christians near equality with Roman Catholics and gave Jews the right to enter various trades as well as permission to study at universities. In this respect, the difference between Joseph and his mother was fundamental. While Maria Theresa regarded Protestants as heretics and Jews as the embodiment of the Antichrist, Joseph respected other Christian denominations, believed Jews did good service for the state, and had at least entertained the thought of an Austrian church independent of Rome.

As to the monasteries, Joseph held that institutions not engaged in useful work for the community—above all agriculture, care of the sick, and education—should be dissolved. Consequently, about a third of the Austrian monasteries ceased to exist, their former members being ordered to learn skills adapted to secular life. The property of the dissolved institutions was used to pay for the upkeep of parishes and to finance the establishment of new parishes.

Control of church discipline and church property were further tightened by Joseph; seminaries for the training of the clergy were secularized. He even tried, without success, to simplify the Roman Catholic liturgy. Many of his religious policies were discontinued in the reaction that followed, but the Edict of Toleration and the monastic reforms remained.

Another of Joseph’s famous reforms was the abolition of serfdom, which was not quite a total abolition but certainly changed considerably the status of the peasants. In November 1781 he issued a decree allowing any peasant to move away from his village, to engage in any trade of his choosing, and to wed whomever he wished, all without asking permission of his lord. Labour service required of a peasant’s children was abolished, except for orphans. Initially these new freedoms applied only to the lands of the Bohemian crown, but over the next few years they were applied to the other Austrian lands and in 1785 to Hungary, the land that had been exempt from most reforms in the Theresian period. And Joseph issued decrees providing for peasant appeals to the central government for redress of grievances. This ; this was to make certain that the feudal courts, controlled by the lords, could not sabotage these reforms by issuing decisions against peasants who wanted to exercise their new rights. Such changes were preludes to Joseph’s most daring reform, a proclamation in 1789 that all land, whether held by nobleman or commoner, would be taxed at the same rate of 12 29 percent of its appraised value and that all dues and services paid by a peasant to his lord would now be commuted to a cash payment , not to exceed 17 29 percent of the peasant’s production.

To muster popular support for these and other reforms, Joseph II in 1781 also substantially eased official censorship, which had been a characteristic of Theresian rule that had undergone a good bit of criticism even in the 18th century. His immediate purpose was to generate support for his religious policies by unleashing those popular writers eager to condemn Roman Catholic clericalism and especially the pope, and for the first few years he was not disappointed. These very writers soon began to find fault with Joseph’s policies, however, and the emperor began to respond in ways that reduced considerably the initial liberalization. Censorship was reimposed, and in 1786 he issued secret instructions to the police to concentrate their attention on monitoring public opinion at all levels of society. By 1789 the police reports contained almost exclusively news on agitators and potential unrest.

Late reign of Joseph II, 1785–90

Toward the end of Joseph’s reign, there was indeed increasing dissatisfaction. Religious elements were unhappy with many of his reforms, and both lords and peasants were apprehensive about what his agricultural changes would mean for their future. Moreover, a few other policies had inspired resistance. In 1784 he informed the Hungarian government that its official language, Latin, was really not effective for modern government and, since Hungarian was spoken by only part of the population of that kingdom, that the language of government from then on would be German. That language would be used in the central offices immediately, in the county offices after one year, and in the local offices after three. Government employment and even membership in the Hungarian diet Diet would be open to German speakers only. Although it was designed to facilitate administration, many Hungarians interpreted this language ruling to be a threat to their entire culture and spoke out enthusiastically against it. To add to the Hungarians’ horror, Joseph refused to submit to a coronation in Hungary lest he have to swear to uphold laws that he did not wish to, and then he had the sacred crown of the kingdom moved to Vienna.

By 1787 resistance to Joseph and his government was intensifying. One Habsburg possession that had escaped reforms during the reign of Maria Theresa and Joseph was the Austrian Netherlands, which ruled itself under its own laws. In January and March 1787 Joseph simply swept away the constitution of the Austrian Netherlands and announced that from then on it would be ruled according to absolutist principles, just like the other provinces of the monarchy. Resistance simmered in the Austrian Netherlands until 1789, when it boiled over into open revolt, forcing the administration there to flee to safety in the duchy of Luxembourg. By that time there also were rumours of rebellion in Hungary and in Galicia, and for a time period it appeared as if revolution might erupt in many parts of the monarchy.

Joseph’s reforms might not have generated as much opposition had it not been for his foreign policy. Joseph was not especially aggressive in foreign affairs, but he did follow the anti-Prussian advice of his and his mother’s old chancellor, Kaunitz, and that advice ended in misfortune. Kaunitz firmly believed that Austria could check Prussia only with the help of Russia. Consequently, in 1781 he and Joseph negotiated with Catherine the Great a pact that provided for Russian help for Austria in case of war with Prussia. In exchange, Austria promised to help Russia in case of war with the Ottoman Empire. Confident of her diplomatic and military strength, Catherine then engaged in a series of provocations toward the Turks that resulted ( in 1787 ) in a declaration of war by the sultan. Although Joseph had no real desire to participate in this war, his treaty obligations with Russia required him to do so. At first the war went poorly. In 1788 the Austrians waited for the Russians to take the offensive in Romanian lands—which they failed to do—only to be themselves attacked by the Turks and sent scurrying north from the Danube in an effort to reconsolidate their lines. Joseph himself was present on this campaign, which did no one any good. He could not inspire his officers to be more aggressive, and he became quite ill, so much so that he returned to Vienna in late 1788 in an effort to recover. The campaign in 1789 went much better, resulting in the Austrian conquest of the important fortress of Belgrade at the confluence of the Sava and Danube rivers and in a joint Austro-Russian offensive in Moldavia and Walachia that drove the Turks all the way to the Danube.

But by this time all the unfortunate consequences of Joseph’s domestic and foreign policies were bearing down on him. The war itself caused an outpouring of popular agitation against his foreign policy, the people of the Austrian Netherlands rose in outright revolution, and reports of trouble in Galicia increased. But Finally, it was Hungary that broke Joseph’s spirit. In 1788 he had to convoke the old county assemblies to ask for recruits and supplies to fight the war. The noblemen who made up these assemblies replied with protests and demands that the old constitution be restored and that Joseph submit to coronation in the traditional Hungarian manner. Even the Hungarian chancellery, the ministry in the central government in charge of Hungarian affairs, recommended that Joseph yield to these wishes of his constituents.

Faced with these difficulties, Joseph revoked many of the reforms that he had enacted earlier. In a letter of January 1790 he emphasized his good intentions in enacting his new laws in Hungary and then revoked all of them except the Edict of Toleration, the laws related to the status of peasants, and the monastic reforms. He agreed to call the Hungarian diet—but Diet—but not too soon, given the dangerous international situation—and he consented to return the crown to Hungary and to his own coronation as that country’s king. The crowning never came to pass, however, for Joseph died the following month.

Joseph and his reign have generated much discussion among historians. Generally he is presented as the representative enlightened absolutist—that is to say, the most typical of those 18th-century monarchs who applied the principles of the philosophical movement known as the Enlightenment to the problems of government and society. In his religious reforms, he endorsed the principles that a person’s beliefs were his own business and that no one should be compelled to worship in ways that violated his conscience. In his social reforms he sought the greatest good for the greatest number and so tried to alleviate the plight of the peasantry and to foster prosperity for all. In his administrative reforms he tried to rationalize government so that it could perform as effectively and sensibly as possible, and he sought to achieve not only equal treatment for his subjects but equal opportunity as well.

But many scholars dispute these claims. They argue that he fostered freedom of expression only when that expression did not criticize him; when it did, he introduced repression just as harsh as any other monarch of the time. His social and religious reforms were less concerned with creating a just society than with extracting the greatest amount of taxes and the greatest number of military recruits from his people in the most efficient manner possible. Prosperity in his mind was good only because it meant increased revenue for the state. And, finally, they contend that his administrative reforms served primarily to level the cultural and historical differences among his crown lands without consideration for the traditions and customs of the people who populated them. The debate among scholars promoting these positions and their variations will continue for some time. One can say, however, that Joseph’s legacy was profound in the monarchy’s later history. His policies set the tone for church-state relations from his reign onward, and his reforms in serf-lord relations alleviated the worst conditions in the countryside and would be completed by the abolition of serfdom in 1848. Perhaps the one criticism that will stand in all schools is that he tried to do too much too quickly and so died a deeply disappointed man.

Conflicts with Revolutionary Conflicts with revolutionary France, 1790–1805

Joseph was succeeded by his younger brother, Leopold II. Leopold’s reign (1790–92) . Leopold’s reign was a short one, which many believe was quite unfortunate for the Habsburg monarchy because, had he lived, he might have been able to salvage many of Joseph’s reforms. In addition, evidence indicates that he planned to introduce a measure of popular representation into the Habsburg government that might have given the monarchy greater stability as it encountered the challenges of industrialization, nationalism, liberalism, and democracy that became increasingly compelling in the next century.

Prior to his accession, Leopold had gained a considerable reputation as an enlightened prince of the Italian state of Tuscany, a land ruled directly by Maria Theresa’s husband and then passed to the second Habsburg son (secundogeniture). When he became emperor, Leopold saw as his primary task ending the war with the Turks as quickly as possible. That, he believed, would relieve a great deal of the strain in domestic matters so that he could slowly implement a reform program of his own.

By the time of Leopold’s accession, the Turkish war had become somewhat complicated—not in a military sense but in a diplomatic senseone. In 1788 Prussia and Great Britain had formed a coalition to put pressure on Austria and Russia to conclude the war with little or no compensation. This pressure carried with it the threat of war if the two eastern empires did not comply. In 1789 Joseph had wanted to reach such an agreement, but he could not convince Kaunitz to do so, and Kaunitz still had great influence. Leopold, however, did not hesitate to cast aside the old chancellor’s advice. Two weeks after he reached Vienna, Leopold notified the king of Prussia that he sought an accommodation based on the status quo ante bellum, an accommodation reached in April 1790. Effectively the The war was effectively over, although peace with the Turks was not concluded until August 1791 (Treaty of Sistova). (See also Jassy, Treaty of.)

Initially Leopold accepted the cancellation of many of Joseph’s reforms and the increasing authority of the secret police under the guidance of Johann Anton, Count Graf (count) Pergen. But soon the new emperor began to twist this apparent reaction into something far more progressive. In 1790 and 1791 there came to him a number of petitions from the lower classes of society demanding redress of various grievances. Leopold welcomed these petitions and began to cite them as reasons for introducing some changes in the nature of government, including providing greater representation for the lower orders in the provincial diets and placing the police under the rule of the law, a proposal that caused Pergen to resign. In fact, Leopold adopted a proposal of Joseph von Sonnenfels, an official often considered the leading enlightened political theorist in the monarchy, to make the police a service institution rather than an instrument of control. He put them in charge of local health measures and authorized them to settle minor disputes so that people would not have to go to law courts with petty arguments.

Apparently, in early 1792 Leopold was beginning to take steps to extend representation in the provincial diets to virtually all classes in society. Clearly he did not intend to establish a constitutional monarchy, but he believed that, by drawing the non-privileged nonprivileged classes into the government, he could check the resistance of the privileged classes and at the same time create a constituency that would support an improved kind of enlightened absolutism. Whatever he had in mind, however, did not come to pass, for he died prematurely on March 1, 1792.

Succeeding Leopold was his much less able but longer-lived eldest son, Francis II (known as Holy Roman Emperor Francis II to until 1806 , and as Francis I 1806–1835, emperor of Austria, from 1804 to 1835). Francis’ Francis’s foremost problem was significantly different from those that had faced his father and uncle. The domestic situation was settled again, but foreign matters had become increasingly perilous owing to events in France. The French Revolution had erupted in the summer of 1789, and the initial Austrian policy had been essentially to leave France alone. Indeed, Leopold had at first made some approving remarks about the changes in France, and Kaunitz had noted that at least France would not be a serious force in international affairs for some time. The event that changed these passive responses was the flight to Varennes, when King Louis XVI and his wife, Marie-Antoinette (the youngest daughter of Maria Theresa and therefore sister of Joseph and Leopold and aunt of Francis), fled Paris in June 1791 for the safety of the Austrian Netherlands. They reached the French border town of Varennes, where they were recognized , and placed under arrest, and ; later they were returned to Paris.

The flight to Varennes proved to monarchical Europe that, despite protestations to the contrary, the French king did not approve the course of the revolution and in fact had become a prisoner of it. As a result, Leopold and King Frederick William II of Prussia issued a joint declaration (the Declaration of Pillnitz, August 1791) expressing concern about the developments in France. The French government, now acting without the king, interpreted this declaration as a threat to its sovereignty and responded with a series of provocations—answered in kind by Austria and Prussia—that led to a French declaration of war on Austria in April 1792.

The declaration of war inaugurated a period of 23 years of almost continuous conflict (or preparation for conflict) between Austria and France (see French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars). During that time Austria and France fought five wars for a total of 14 years, and Austria lost all of them but the last. At one time (1809–12), Austria was stripped of all its Italian possessions, the Austrian Netherlands, its western German lands, its access to the Adriatic Sea, and the portion of Poland that it had acquired in the Third Partition in 1795 (see Poland, Partitions of). In 1804 Francis added to his titles that of emperor of Austria, but he did so because he anticipated being stripped of his most venerated title of Holy Roman emperor, which he indeed was in 1806 at Napoleon’s insistencethe insistence of Napoleon I (who had had himself declared emperor of France in 1804). French armies occupied Vienna twice, and in 1810 the Habsburgs had to endure the indignity of giving the hand of one of Francis’ Francis’s daughters, Marie-Louise, to Napoleon in marriage.

For the first two wars, that of the First Coalition (1792–97) and that of the Second Coalition (1799–1800), Austrian policy was guided by Franz Maria, Baron Freiherr (baron) von Thugut, the only commoner to reach the rank of minister of foreign affairs in the history of the Habsburg monarchy. Thugut was an experienced diplomat and knew France very well, and he was convinced that the French Revolution represented a threat to the traditional European powers less in ideological terms than in terms of pure military might. He believed that the revolution had somehow reinvigorated an almost moribund French state and had resurrected its military power to a surprising—and dangerous—degree. Therefore, he looked upon the war against revolutionary Revolutionary, and later Napoleonic, France as akin to the wars against France in the time of Louis XIV. In other words, what was required was a coalition of the great and small European powers to resist what was fundamentally French aggression.

Regardless of his interpretation of the France he was fighting, his efforts ended in failure. In the War of the First Coalition, both Prussia and Spain dropped out in 1795, and for the next two years Austria carried the brunt of the struggle with some help from Britain. In 1797 serious defeats at the hands of the young Napoleon Bonaparte in Italy forced Austria to seek peace. By the Treaty of Campo Formio (October 1797), Austria gave up the Austrian Netherlands and Lombardy but acquired much of Venice.

Thugut was convinced that war would begin again soon, and for the next one he secured Russia as an ally. The War of the Second Coalition began in 1799 when Bonaparte was in Egypt and the French government was in crisis, and it looked for a time as if the Austro-Russian forces would win. However, a terrible defeat inflicted upon the coalition in Switzerland, followed by recrimination and blame heaped upon each ally by the other, resulted in Russia’s leaving the alliance as the campaign of 1799 ended. Thugut convinced Francis to continue the struggle, which ended in significant Austrian defeats at Marengo in Italy and at Hohenlinden in Germany in 1800 and in the ouster of Thugut himself in early 1801. Austria sued for peace, which came in the Treaty of Lunéville (February 1801), by which Austria agreed to the cession of the left bank of the Rhine to France (originally a provision of the Treaty of Campo Formio) and recognized French domination of the Austrian Netherlands, Switzerland, and Italy.

From 1801 to 1805, the Austrian government again focused on internal reform, especially in finances. The ongoing wars had cost a great deal of money, and the debt had risen to an astonishing degree. However, most of the expenses of the wars had been paid for by printing paper money, massive amounts of which were in circulation by 1801. Most merchants had accepted this paper money at face value during much of the 1790s, and there is evidence that some of it was invested in technology and industry, suggesting that Austria enjoyed at this time its first hint of industrial revolution. Unfortunately, by 1801 merchants were doubting the value of the currency they received, and inflation assumed serious proportions. From 1801 to 1805 many proposals were advanced to reduce the debt and curb inflation, but none succeeded in doing so.

The other major area of reform was military, and here hope for success seemed higher because the genuine Austrian military hero of the time, Archduke Charles, brother of the emperor, undertook the task of improving the armed forces. He reduced the time of service for all ranks, curbed harsh disciplinary measures, and introduced a number of administrative changes. Yet he firmly believed that an army of long-serving and well-drilled enlisted men was the key to success, and he did not advocate the introduction of the draft that had led to such an incredible increase in the size of the French armies since 1794.

Conflicts with Napoleonic France

When the Austrians took the field against the French in 1805, the army was still inadequately equipped, insufficiently trained, under strength, and indifferently led. The war itself had come about owing to miscalculations by the foreign ministers, who firmly believed that an alliance with Russia in late 1804 would deter rather than encourage Napoleon from attacking either of the eastern empires. Napoleon had gathered his major force along the French Atlantic coast for a possible invasion of Great Britain, and the Austrian statesmen believed that, even should they receive news that Napoleon was marching east, the Austrian and Russian armies could easily unite before he could bring his forces to Central central Europe.

They were wrong. In one of his most brilliant strategic moves, Napoleon marched his army quickly into Germany (and not into Italy, where the Austrians had anticipated he would go , and where Archduke Charles had collected the largest Habsburg force). Napoleon surrounded an Austrian army at the city of Ulm, compelled it to surrender (see Ulm, Battle of), and advanced to Vienna itself, which he took in November 1805. He then moved into Moravia, to Vienna’s northeast, where he met a remnant of the Austrian army and the oncoming Russians. He defeated both at the famous Battle of Austerlitz on Dec. 2, 1805. Austria concluded peace immediately (Treaty of Pressburg, Dec. 26, 1805), while Russia continued the war. In this treaty Austria gave up Venice to Napoleon’s Italian kingdom, Tirol to Bavaria, and a number of other lands to Napoleon’s clients. It did receive the former archbishopric of Salzburg , which remains a part of Austria to this day(secularized in 1803); however, this territory would come under French administration (1809–10) and then Bavarian rule (1810–15) before finally becoming a permanent part of Austria after the Napoleonic Wars.

The next period of peace, 1806–09, again saw Austrian preparations for war, this time directed by a Rhineland German in Habsburg service, Johann Philipp, Count Graf (count) von Stadion. Like others before him, Stadion believed that Austria could not make any long-term accommodation with Napoleon because he represented a mortal danger to monarchical Europe. He believed also that Napoleon could be defeated only by large armies, which he regarded as the secret to France’s success. He thus proposed that the Austrians raise large armies, but he knew that the monarchy could not finance increases in the kind of armies that it had used in the past. Therefore, he proposed to supplement the regular troops with trained reserves and militia.

Stadion also realized, however, that, while costing less than long-serving regulars, reserves and militiamen needed reasons to fight. Consequently, he initiated martial appeals of various kinds tailored to various elements of society. The most famous of these was an appeal to nationalism, especially German nationalism. Some scholars point out the irony that the first official appeals to modern German nationalism came from the Habsburg government, which would be the primary foe of German nationalism in the 19th century and in some ways the victim of it in the 20th. But the Habsburg government under Stadion’s direction did not limit its appeals to German nationalism to inspire its militia. It issued calls to patriotism, love of the emperor, provincialism, and xenophobia, plus appeals to Czechs, Slovenes, Hungarians, and Poles. Often the inspirational appeals to non-Germans were simply translations of the appeals to Germans with the appropriate words replaced with references to the correct national group.

In any case, it was for naught. Inspired by the popular resistance of the Spanish people to Napoleon, Stadion appealed to his own people in 1809 to go to war. The declaration came in April, and the French army occupied Vienna in May. However, on May 21–22, at Aspern, across the Danube from Vienna, Archduke Charles and the regular Austrian army inflicted the first defeat Napoleon was to suffer on the field of battle. They did not take advantage of it, however; Napoleon regrouped and defeated Archduke Charles in July at in the Battle of Wagram, just a few miles from Aspern. At the Treaty of Schönbrunn (October 1809), the monarchy surrendered considerably more territory but at least remained in existence.

After 1809, foreign policy and to some extent domestic policy passed into the hands of Klemens, Count Graf von Metternich (later Prince) von Metternichgiven the title of Fürst [prince]), who would steer the monarchy’s ship of state for the next 40 years. Unlike his predecessors in charge of foreign policy, Metternich believed that the only hope for the continued existence of the monarchy was to seek accommodation with Napoleon. It was he who arranged the marriage of Marie-Louise, and it was he who convinced Francis to send troops to take part in Napoleon’s invasion of Russia in 1812.

Even when Napoleon suffered his thunderous defeat in Russia, Metternich was by no means eager to join his former allies in pursuing the defeated French. The main reason was that by this time Metternich had come to the conclusion that the key to the future security of the monarchy was not the restoration of the Europe of 1789 but rather the creation of an effective balance of power among the great European states. In his view, a completely victorious Russia would be just as great a threat to Austria as a completely victorious France. His goal was to arrange an agreement between Russia and Napoleonic France that would establish each one as a counterweight to the other while restoring an independent Habsburg monarchy and Prussia between them. Metternich sought this goal through the first half of 1813, but Napoleon would agree to no concessions. So in August 1813, Austria formally declared war on France.

In the ensuing War of Liberation, Austria assumed the leading role. It provided the greatest number of troops to the allied forces, in addition to their commander, Karl Philipp, Prince Fürst zu Schwarzenberg, and his brilliant staff officer, Joseph, Count Graf Radetzky. Metternich, however, never sought to vanquish Napoleon utterly, because he still distrusted Russian ambition as much as he did that of the French. He could never convince Napoleon to accept his views, however, and Austria in the end took part in Napoleon’s defeat and exile to the island of Elba in 1814.

In September 1814 the congress to conclude the quarter century of war gathered in Vienna under Metternich’s chairmanship. In terms of territory, Metternich gladly relinquished claims to the old Austrian Netherlands and the various Habsburg possessions in Germany for a consolidated monarchy at the centre of Europe. Austria regained its lands on the Adriatic and in the area that is now Austria, which it had previously lost, and it won considerable territory in Italy, including Lombardy, Venetia, Tuscany, and Modena.

But in Germany Metternich worked his greatest magic. He had no intention of restoring the old Holy Roman Empire but wished to create instead a system that could defend itself against both France and Russia and keep Prussia under control. His solution was the German Confederation, a body comprising 35 states and 4 free cities, with Austria assuming the presidency. Such an institution, in Metternich’s eyes, would give Austria far more influence in Germany than it had had under the old Holy Roman Empire.

While Metternich arranged central Europe as best he could, the four victorious powers—Austria, Prussia, Russia, and Great Britain—pledged to maintain the peace settlement, thereby establishing what is known as the Concert of Europe. Moreover, each monarch in Europe pledged allegiance to a Christian union of love, peace, and charity. This “Holy Alliance” was the brainchild of Alexander I of Russia; Metternich knew that it was little more than sentiment, but he welcomed it as a statement he could exploit to persuade other monarchs to do his bidding. With the end of the Congress of Vienna, Metternich became the “coachman of Europe” and would remain so for some time.

The Age of Metternich, 1815–48

The 33 years after the end of the Napoleonic Wars are called in Austria and Austria—and to some extent in all Europe the of Europe—the Age of Metternich. The chief characteristics of this age were are the onset of the Industrial Revolution, an intensification of social problems brought on by economic cycles of boom and bust, an increasingly mobile population, more demands for popular participation in government, and the rising tide of nationalism, all watched over by governments intent upon preserving the social, political, and international status quo.

Metternich was the symbol of those forces eager to preserve the status quo. In the debate about his policies, some have argued that Metternich was little more than an oppressive, reactionary , but opportunistic statesman, eager to snuff out sparks of revolution and liberalism wherever he could detect them. Moreover, his much vaunted direction of the other powers in preserving the European order was really a mask for maintaining Habsburg influence in international affairs far out of proportion to the power that the monarchy actually possessed. Others contend that Metternich was one of the first philosophical conservatives, basing his social and political policies on coherent principles of orderly and cautious change in the context of good government and his diplomatic policies on maintaining stability by convincing the great powers of their mutual interests in preserving the European order as it then existed.

In international affairs, Metternich’s Concert of Europe did not last long. Within a few years after the Treaty Congress of Vienna, it had become clear that the five great powers simply did not have sufficiently similar interests or goals to cooperate on every issue that came before them. After European congresses at Troppau and , Laibach, and Verona (1820–22) granted permission to Austria to deal with revolutions in Italy and to France to do the same in Spain, Britain announced its withdrawal from the Concert of Europe, proclaiming that it wanted no more to do with the conservative continental Continental powers. Likewise, a revolution in France in 1830 weakened that country’s link to Metternich’s system, and he even had trouble with Russia, which was greatly upset by Ottoman persecution of Orthodox Christians during the movement for Greek independence (1821–30). (See also Troppau, Congress of; Laibach, Congress of; Verona, Congress of; July Revolution; Greek Independence, War of.)

In domestic matters, Metternich may have desired good government, but his reputation as an oppressor gained considerable credence after 1815. Protests against conservative policies by a gathering of German students (at the Wartburg Festival) in 1817 and the assassination of a conservative playwright (August von Kotzebue) in 1819 led, under Metternich’s guidance, to the German Confederation’s adopting the Carlsbad Decrees, a set of laws placing German and Austrian universities under strict control. Harsh censorship was imposed, and a commission was established at Mainz to investigate all student societies for subversives. Teachers, writers, and students suspected of liberal views were blacklisted throughout Germany and Austria. In 1824 the German Federal Diet renewed these provisions for an indefinite period and in 1832 and 1833 expanded them at Metternich’s behest.

Metternich’s name was also equated with suppressing liberalism and radicalism in Italy. In 1821 Austrian troops put down risings in Naples and Piedmont; in 1831 rebellions in Parma, Modena, and the Papal States likewise ended in suppression by Austrian soldiers. The Austrian regime became the nemesis of the Carbonari and Young Italy, two movements associated with Italian nationalism and republicanism that were enormously popular among educated Italians. In 1831 rebellions in Parma, Modena, and the Papal States likewise ended in suppression by Austrian soldiers.

Whereas Metternich’s name is often equated with oppression, he in fact was not eager to impose harsh and unrelenting rule in his own state or in others. Metternich believed that the best government was absolutism , but that it was best because it guaranteed equal justice and fair administration for all. In the Habsburg monarchy and in the Italian governments he saved from revolution, he advocated reforms that would provide good government for the people. In many places his appeals went unheeded—in the Papal States, for example—and even in Austria his influence in domestic affairs weakened considerably as time went on. In 1826 Emperor Francis appointed Franz Anton, Count Graf (count) von Kolowrat, minister of state, and he steadily reduced Metternich’s influence in internal policy. In 1835 Francis died and was succeeded by his son Ferdinand, whose feeble-mindedness feeblemindedness necessitated the creation of a “state conference” to rule the monarchy. It consisted of two of Ferdinand’s uncles and his brother, along with Kolowrat and Metternich, as permanent members. High policy tended to drift, because the two archdukes were nonentities and Kolowrat and Metternich were usually at odds with one another.

While Metternich and his colleagues focused most of their attention on political activity, the monarchy was by no means standing still in economic and social matters. By the 1820s Austria was experiencing its first sustained industrial development. While many have regarded Austria’s exclusion from the Zollverein, the German customs union created by Prussia in the 1820s and ’30s, as permanently retarding Austria’s economic advancement, in fact, by the 1840s, Austrian production of pig iron, coal, cotton textiles, woolens, and foodstuffs was growing at a faster rate than that of the Zollverein. Advocates of political liberalism may have suffered at this time, but those of economic liberalism were gaining ground. After Francis’ Francis’s death in 1835, practically all restrictions on new enterprises, especially those engaged in commerce, were lifted.

Most people still lived on the land, but even there changes were under way. As growing cities created markets for more and more agricultural goods, producers began to focus on agriculture for profit instead of for subsistence. Along with industrial crops such as sugar beets and flax, old crops such as wheat, vegetables, wine, and livestock were grown more and more for the commercial market. The social impact of these changes in agriculture became starkly apparent in 1848, when the final abolition of serfdom was encouraged by some of the landholding nobility, who were relying more and more on wage labour to work their estates and no longer wanted the obligations associated with having serfs.

Aiding these new economic efforts were the beginnings of an Austrian infrastructure of railroads and water transport. The first railroad on the European continent Continent appeared between Linz (Austria) and Budweis : (now Ceské Budejovice, Cz.Rep.); it was a horse-drawn railway between the Danube and the Moldau (Vltava) rivers, which in fact was a connection between the Danube and the Elbe river systems. In 1836 work began on a steam railway heading north from Vienna, and by 1848 the monarchy contained more than 1,000 miles (1,600 kilometreskm) of track. Canals were not a feature of Habsburg transportation , owing to because of poor terrain, but steam navigation began on the Danube in 1830 and expanded quickly.

Revolution and counterrevolution, 1848–59

The year 1848 was a year time of European-wide revolution. A general disgust with conservative domestic policies, an urge for more freedoms and greater popular participation in government, rising nationalism, social problems brought on by the Industrial Revolution, and increasing hunger caused by harvest failures in the mid-1840s all contributed to growing unrest, which the Habsburg monarchy did not escape. In February 1848, Paris, the archetype of revolution at that time, rose against its government, and within weeks many major cities in Europe did the same, including Vienna. (See 1848, Revolutions of.)

As in much of Europe, the Revolution revolution of 1848 in the Habsburg monarchy may be divided into the three categories of social, democratic-liberal, and national, but outside Vienna the national aspect of the revolution fairly soon overshadowed the other two. On March 13, upon receiving news of the Paris rising, crowds of people, mostly students and members of liberal clubs, demonstrated in Vienna for basic freedoms and a liberalization of the regime. As happened in many cities in this fateful year, troops were called out to quell the crowds, shots were fired, and serious clashes occurred between the authorities and the people. The government had no wish to antagonize the crowds further and so dismissed Metternich, who was the symbol of repression, and promised to issue a constitution.

From that beginning to the end of October 1848, Vienna ebbed and flowed between revolution and counterrevolution, with one element or another gaining influence over the others. In mid-May the Habsburgs and their government became so concerned about the way matters were going that they fled Vienna, although they did return in August when it appeared that more-conservative elements were asserting control. The emperor issued a constitution in April providing for an elected legislature, but when the legislature met in June it rejected this constitution in favour of one that promised to be more democratic. As the legislature debated various issues over the summer and autumn, the Habsburgs and their advisers regrouped both their confidence and their might, and on October 31 the army retook Vienna and executed a number of the city’s radical leaders. By this time the legislature had removed itself to Kremsier (now Kromeríz, Cz.Rep.) in the province of Moravia, where it continued to work on a constitution. It finished its work there, issued its document, and was promptly overruled and then dismissed by the emperor.

Although the assembly in the end did not create a working constitution for Austria, it did issue one piece of legislation that had long-lasting influence: it fully emancipated the peasantry. The conservative regime that followed kept and implemented this law.

In other parts of the monarchy, the revolution of 1848 passed quickly through a liberal-democratic to a national phase, and in no place was this more evident or more serious than in Hungary. Joseph II’s effort to incorporate Hungary more fully into the monarchy, along with the early 19th century’s rising national awareness throughout Europe, had a profound impact upon the aristocratic Hungarians who held sway in the country. Modern nationalism made them even more intent on preserving their cultural traditions and on continuing their political domination of the land. Consequently, after 1815 the Hungarian nobility engaged in a number of activities to strengthen the Hungarian national spirit, demanding the use of Hungarian rather than Latin as the language of government and undertaking serious efforts to develop the country economically. The revolution in Paris and then the one in Vienna in March 1848 galvanized the Hungarian dietDiet. Under the leadership of a young lawyer and journalist named Lajos Kossuth, the Hungarian diet Diet demanded of the sovereign sweeping reforms, including civil liberties and far greater autonomy for the Hungarian government, which would from then on meet in Pest (Buda and Pest were separate cities until 1873, when they officially merged under the name Budapest). Under great pressure from liberal elements in Vienna, the emperor acceded to these wishes, and the Hungarian legislators immediately undertook creating a new constitution for their land.

This new constitution became known as the March Laws (or April Laws) and was really the work of Kossuth. The April March Laws provided for a popularly elected lower house of deputies, freedom for the “received religions” (i.e., excluding Jews), freedom of the press, peasant emancipation, and equality before the law. As the Hungarians set up their new national government based on these principles, they encountered from some of the minority nationalities living in their land the kind of resistance they had offered the Austrians. A characteristic of the new regime was an intense pride in being Hungarian, but the population in the Hungarian portion of the Habsburg monarchy was 60 percent non-Hungarian. And in 1848 all the talk about freedom and constitutions and protection of one’s language and culture had inspired many of these people as well. But Kossuth and his colleagues had no intention of weakening the Hungarian nature of their new regime; indeed, they made knowledge of Hungarian a qualification for membership in parliament and for participation in government. In other words, the new government seemed as unsympathetic to the demands and hopes of its Serbian, Croatian, Slovak, and Romanian populations as Vienna had been to the demands of the Hungarians.

In March 1848 the Habsburgs made an appointment that would lead to war with the Hungarians: ; they selected as governor of Croatia Josip, Count Graf (count) Jelačić, well - known for his devotion to the monarchy, for his dislike of the “lawyers’ clique” in Pest, and for his ability to hold the South Slavs in the southern portion of the monarchy loyal to the crown. Jelačić did not disappoint Vienna. One of his first acts was to reject all authority over Croatia by the new Hungarian government, to refuse all efforts by that government to introduce Hungarian as a language of administration, and to order his bureaucrats to return unopened all official mail from Pest. He also began negotiations with the leadership of the Serbs to resist Hungarian rule together.

From April to September 1848 the Hungarian government dealt with its minority nations and with the government in Austria on even terms, but then relations began to deteriorate. The return of the Habsburgs to Vienna in August, the more conservative turn in the government there that the return reflected, and Austrian military victories in Italy in July prompted the Habsburg government to demand greater concessions from the Hungarians. In September, military action against Hungary by Jelačić and his Croats prompted the Hungarian government to turn power over to Kossuth and a the Committee of National Defense that , which immediately took measures to defend the country. What then emerged was open warfare between regular Habsburg forces and Jelačić on the one hand and the Hungarians on the other.

The war was a bloody affair, with each side dominating at one time or another. In April 1849 the Hungarian government proclaimed its total independence from the Habsburgs, and in that same month the Austrian government requested military aid from Russia, an act that was to haunt it for years to come. Finally, in August 1849, the Hungarian army surrendered, and the land was put firmly under Austrian rule. Kossuth fled to the Ottoman Empire, and from there for years he traveled the world denouncing Habsburg oppression. In Hungary itself many rebel officers were imprisoned, and a number were executed.

A second serious national rising occurred in Italy. Since 1815 , many Italians had looked upon the Habsburgs as foreign occupiers or oppressors, so when news of revolution reached their lands, the banner of revolt went up in many places, especially in Milan and Venice. Outside the Habsburg lands, liberal uprisings also swept Rome and Naples. In Habsburg Italy, however, war came swiftly. In late March, answering a plea from the Milanese, the Kingdom kingdom of Sardinia, the only Italian state with a native monarch, declared war on the emperor and marched into his lands.

The Habsburg government in Austria was initially willing to make concessions to Sardinia, but it was strongly discouraged from doing so by its military commander in Italy, the old but highly respected and talented Field Marshal Radetzky, who had been the Austrian chief of staff in the war against Napoleon in 1813–14. In July 1848 Radetzky proved the value of his advice by defeating the Sardinians at Custoza, a victory that helped restore confidence to the Habsburg government as it faced so many enemies. Radetzky reimposed Habsburg rule in Milan and in Venice, and in March 1849 he defeated the Sardinians once again when they invaded Austria’s Italian possessions. (See Custoza, battles of.)

Besides the Hungarians and the Italians, the Slavic peoples of the monarchy also responded to the revolutionary surge, although with less violence than the other two. In June 1848 a Pan-Slav congress met in Prague to hammer out a set of principles that all Slavic peoples could endorse (see Pan-Slavism). The organizer of the conference was the great Czech historian František Palacký (most of the delegates were Czech), who had not only had called for the cooperation of the Habsburg Slavs but who also had also endorsed the Habsburg monarchy as the most reasonable political formation to protect the peoples of central Europe. Upon being asked by the Germans to declare himself favourably disposed to their desire for national unity, he responded that he could not do so because it would weaken the Habsburg state. And in that reply he wrote his famous words: “Truly, if it were not that Austria had long existed, it would be necessary, in the interest of Europe, in the interest of humanity itself, to create it.”

Unfortunately, the Pan-Slav congress met in a highly charged atmosphere, as young inhabitants of Prague likewise had been influenced by revolutions elsewhere and had taken to the streets. In the commotion, a stray bullet killed the wife of Field Marshal Alfred, Prince Fürst (prince) zu Windischgrätz, the commander of the forces in Prague. Enraged, Windischgrätz seized the city, dispersed the congress, and established martial law throughout the province of Bohemia.

The Germans themselves also experienced a certain degree of national fervour, but in their case it was part of a general German yearning for national unification. Responding to calls for a meeting of national unity, in May 1848 delegates from all the German states met at Frankfurt to discuss a constitution for a united Germany. Made up primarily of the commercial and professional classes, this body was indeed distinguished and was looked upon by the German princes as an important gathering. To prove its respect for tradition, the Frankfurt parliament selected the emperor’s uncle, Archduke Johann, as head of a provisional executive power and in September selected another Austrian, Anton, Knight Ritter (knight) von Schmerling, as prime minister.

Despite this deference to Austria’s prominent men, a major question the parliament addressed was whether or not to include Austria in the new Germany. Those who favoured doing so argued that a new Germany could accept the German-speaking provinces of the monarchy but not the non-German lands (the Grossdeutsch, or large German, position). Those against contended that the Austrian monarchy could never divide itself along ethnic lines and so favoured the exclusion of Austria altogether (the Kleindeutsch, or small German, position). Implicit in this the latter position was that the new Germany would be greatly influenced if not dominated by Prussia, by far the most important German state next to Austria. In October 1848 the delegates agreed to invite the Austrian German lands to become part of the new Germany, but only if they were disconnected from non-German territory. This so-called compromise was really a victory for the Kleindeutsch supporters, who knew that the Austrian government would reject the invitation because it would never willfully break the monarchy apart.

In the end neither position prevailed, because the Frankfurt parliament was unable to unify Germany. All the German states in the end finally rejected its proposals, and in April 1849 it dissolved. Nonetheless, it had created the impression that, when the new Germany would did emerge, it would do so under the aegis of Prussia and with the exclusion of Austria.

The Neoabsolutist era, 1849–60

All things considered, the revolution across the empire had not accomplished much. Absolutism seemed firmly entrenched, and the political clock seemed to have been set back to the 18th century. And yet a regime so badly shaken as Austria’s could not hope to rule unchallenged in the future. The unresolved social, constitutional, and national issues became more intense, and new changes were soon in the offing.

The period 1849–60 is called the Neoabsolutist era because it was the last effort by an Austrian emperor to provide good government by relying solely on bureaucratic effectiveness. In doing so, it was the legitimate descendent descendant of the governments of Joseph II and Metternich. The emperor in this case was Francis Joseph, who in December 1848 had succeeded at the age of 18 to the throne in December 1848 in a deal engineered by Felix, Prince Fürst (prince) zu Schwarzenberg, an able and iron-willed opponent of the 1848 revolutionaries and a proponent of strong central government. Francis Joseph had not been the heir, but Schwarzenberg contended that too many promises to revolutionaries had been made in the name of Ferdinand and the true heir, Francis Joseph’s father, Francis Charles, and so only his son could rule without making compromises. Francis Joseph thus became emperor and ruled for the next 68 years, dying in the midst of World War I at the age of 86.

Under Francis Joseph and Schwarzenberg, order was restored. Schwarzenberg died in 1852, and the new regime passed largely to the direction of Alexander, Baron Freiherr (baron) von Bach, minister of the interior and a competent bureaucrat. Despite its reputation as a repressive instrument, Bach’s government was not without positive accomplishments. It established a unified customs territory for the whole monarchy (including Hungary), composed a code for trades and crafts, completed the task of serf emancipation, and introduced improvements in universities and secondary schools. In this period, economic growth continued its slow but steady pace, which had characterized the monarchy before 1848 and would continue to do so after 1860.

The regime’s policies on other matters were more typically reactionary. Freedom of the press and as well as jury and public trials were abandoned, corporal punishment by police orders restored, and internal surveillance increased. The observation of the liberal reformer Adolf Fischhof that the regime rested on the support of a standing army of soldiers, a kneeling army of worshipersworshippers, and a crawling army of informants was exaggerated but not entirely unfounded. One of the more backward developments was the concordat reached with the papacy that gave the church jurisdiction in marriage questions, partial control of censorship, and oversight of elementary and secondary education. Priests entrusted with religious education in the schools had the authority to see to it that instruction in any field, be it history or physics, did not conflict with the church’s teachings.

The neoabsolutist regime came to an end because of its foreign policy. In the mid-1850s the matter that dominated the foreign offices of the European states was the Crimean War, a struggle that pitted an alliance system of Britain, France, the Ottoman Empire, and the Kingdom of Sardinia against Russia. Since the mid-18th century, Austrian statesmen had generally agreed that it was better to have as the monarchy’s southeastern neighbour a weak Ottoman Empire than any strong power—especially Russia. So, in this war the monarchy declared its neutrality but also insisted that Russia not advance into the Ottoman provinces of Moldavia and Walachia, the two Ottoman provinces to its eastwhich lay to the east of the Austrian Empire. This policy had two deleterious results: it alienated Russia, which had helped the monarchy put down the Hungarian revolution, and it did not befriend France, which would in 1859 support Sardinia in its war of Italian unification against the Austrians.

It was the Austro-Italian war of 1859 that humiliated Austria and ended Bach’s system. First securing support from Napoleon III of France, Sardinia provoked a woefully unprepared Austria into war and then invited France to come to the Italian kingdom’s assistance. The Austrians suffered two major defeats at Magenta and Solferino and concluded peace. The monarchy gave up Lombardy and kept Venetia, but, more importantlyimportant, it lost its influence in Italy. The Habsburgs had no say in the events of 1860 and 1861 that led to the proclamation of a unified Italy under the rule of the kings of Sardinia. (See also Risorgimento.)

Constitutional experimentation, 1860–67

Internally, the defeats in Italy convinced Francis Joseph that neoabsolutism had failed. Clamour for economic, political, and even military rejuvenation became irresistible. In March 1860 Francis Joseph ordered that the Reichsrat, an empirewide, purely advisory council of state, be enlarged by the addition of 38 members proposed by the provincial diets and selected by the crown. Its main task was to advise the emperor on the composition of a new constitution. The body divided into two groups rather quickly. One, made up mostly of German-speaking delegates, wished to create a strong , central parliament and to continue to restrict the power of the provincial governments. The other, made up of conservative federalists who were largely Hungarian, Czech, and Polish nobles, wished to weaken the central government and give considerable power to the provinces. The emperor sided with the federalists, who persuaded him to accept their position mainly with historical and not ethnic arguments, and he proclaimed by decree a constitution called the October Diploma (1860). The constitution established a central parliament of 100 members and gave it advisory authority in matters of finance, commerce, and industry. Authority in other internal matters was assigned to the provinces. Foreign policy and military issues remained the province domain of the emperor.

No one was happy with the October Diploma. The German centralists opposed it for giving too much authority to the provinces, and the federalists, particularly the Hungarians, opposed it for not restoring fully the old rights and privileges of the crown lands. Faced with such opposition, Francis Joseph abandoned the Diploma and four months later issued the February Patent (1861), officially a revision of the Diploma. This document provided for a bicameral system: an empirewide house of representatives composed of delegates from the diets and a house of lords consisting partly of hereditary members and partly of men of special distinction appointed for life. Furthermore, a separate parliamentary body for the non-Hungarian lands was established.

The February Patent restored much authority to the central government and so made the centralists happier, but it only antagonized further the federalists, now led enthusiastically by the Hungarians. Resistance was so great that by 1865 the constitution was considered unworkable, and Francis Joseph began negotiations with the Hungarians to revise it. In the meantime, a form of government by bureaucracy ran the country.

These constitutional issues received a significant jolt by another failure of Habsburg foreign policy. After the disbandment of the Frankfurt National Assembly in 1849, the German Confederation founded in 1815 had resumed its work, but the question of German unification had not gone away. In 1862 this issue gained an unlikely champion in the appointment of Otto von Bismarck as prime minister of Prussia and later chancellor of the German Empire. Bismarck was a Prussian patriot and a loyal subject of his king. While definitely not a German nationalist, he was determined to extend Prussia’s power and authority into the German lands, and he knew that Prussia could expand its influence in Germany only at Austria’s expense. From 1862 to 1866 he conducted a remarkably deft foreign policy that succeeded in isolating Austria from possible allies in Europe.

By exploiting issues in the German Confederation, Bismarck was able in 1866 to force Austria into a position that could only be resolved by war. The conflict is known as the Seven Weeks’ War or the Austro-Prussian War. On July 3, 1866, the two armies clashed in this struggle’s only major Austro-Prussian battle, that the Battle of Königgrätz, or Sadowa as it is known in Austrian histories. Although the battle was hard - fought on both sides, the arrival of an extra Prussian force toward the end of the day decided it in favour of Prussia. Afterward, peace came quickly, because neither side wanted the war to continue. As Austria had been excluded from the future of Italy in 1859, so it was now excluded from the future of Germany. The German Confederation came to an end, and Prussia was allowed a free hand in reorganizing northern Germany as it wished (see North German Confederation). Moreover, Italy had joined Prussia against Austria and, although defeated on land and sea, received Venetia, Austria’s last possession in Italy, for its loyalty. Internally, the war meant that the government had to reach a constitutional arrangement for the remainder of its possessions.