Skip to main content



The PDF may be purchased to follow the Score of this poem at these links.

This poem is composed as Sheet Poetry. The 3 Parts, speak alone and then dialogue in sequence, the Poem is followed as if guided by the Musical Notation for returning to the Head, Repeating choruses and proceeding to the Coda.

The Poem is written with musical theory of discordance, and alludes to Bach's, equal temperament and the Greek system of Pythagorean Modes. The Pluralism in musical language and the polysemous use of words allude to the context of art and historical juxtaposition of sequence and order and the use of suggestion in propaganda and modern use of cognitive dissonance.

The Broad influence of Society of Spectacle and the Discrete charm of the bourgeois, Mc Mullen's Ghost Dance and not stated but there of Michael Foucault, drawing on a broad sweep of political philosophy from The Republic of Plato through to the enlightenment and political philosophy of the modern era.

The metaphor of a Wheel , revolving with each revolution of the wheel necessary plagiarizing and repeating the mistakes of previous revolution. The poem argues for a Resolution to discord through the harmonies of the voiceless always ignored and always excluded from the Bourgeoisie. Neo - Liberalism is the New Credo of the Bourgeoisie in the terms of this poem and it rejects representative politics for the corrupt charade that it is.

The spoken Introduction , discussing the themes found in the poem.


It all started from this mans speech to the Oxford Union , ''poets the unacknowledged legislators of the world´´ Shelly.

Purple Haze. Nigel Kennedy.

Are you Glad to be in America,
James Blood Ulmer.

Notes and long extracts from the references.

or Wagner’s use of timpani tuned to C and F sharp to convey a brooding atmosphere at the start of the second act of the opera Siegfried.

Wagner, Prelude to Act 2 of Siegfried
In his early cantata La Damoiselle ÉlueDebussy uses a tritone to convey the words of the poem by Dante Gabriel Rossetti.
Debussy, La Damoiselle Élue, Figure 30
Roger Nichols (1972, p19) says that "the bare fourths, the wide spacing, the tremolos, all depict the words—‘the light thrilled towards her’—with sudden, overwhelming power.” [27] Debussy’s String Quartet also features passages that emphasise the tritone:
The tritone was also exploited heavily in that period as an interval of modulation for its ability to evoke a strong reaction by moving quickly to distantly related keys. Later, in twelve-tone musicserialism, and other 20th century compositional idioms, composers considered it a neutral interval.[28] In some analyses of the works of 20th century composers, the tritone plays an important structural role; perhaps the most cited is the axis system, proposed by Ernő Lendvai, in his analysis of the use of tonality in the music of Béla Bartók.[29] Tritone relations are also important in the music of George Crumb[citation needed] and Benjamin Britten, whose War Requiem features a tritone between C and F♯ as a recurring motif.[30] John Bridcut (2010, p. 271) describes the power of the interval in creating the sombre and ambiguous opening of the War Requiem: “The idea that the chorus and orchestra are conﬁdent in their wrong-headed piety is repeatedly disputed by the music. From the instability of the opening tritone—that unsettling interval between C and F sharp—accompanied by the tolling of warning bells … eventually resolves into a major chord for the arrival of the boys singing 'Te decet hymnus’.”[31] George Harrison uses tritones on the downbeats of the opening phrases of the Beatles songs "The Inner Light", "Blue Jay Way" and "Within You Without You", creating a prolonged sense of suspended resolution.[32] Perhaps the most striking use of the interval in rock music of the late 1960s can be found in Jimi Hendrix's song "Purple Haze". According to Dave Moskowitz (2010, p.12), Hendrix "ripped into 'Purple Haze' by beginning the song with the sinister sounding tritone interval creating an opening dissonance, long described as 'The Devil in Music'."[33]
Tritone substitution: F♯7 may substitute for C7, and vice versa, because they both share E♮ and B♭/A♯ and due to voice leading considerations. About this sound Play (help·info)


The back of No. 19, York Street (1848). In 1651 John Milton moved into a "pretty garden-house" in Petty France. He lived there until theRestoration. Later it became No. 19 York Street, belonged to Jeremy Bentham (who for a time lived next door), was occupied successively byJames Mill and William Hazlitt, and finally demolished in 1877.[54][55]
Works published in Bentham's lifetime include:


A disruption of harmonic sounds or rhythms. Like cacophony, it refers to a harsh collection of sounds; dissonance is usually intentional, however, and depends more on the organization of sound for a jarring effect, rather than on the unpleasantness of individual words. Gerard Manley Hopkins’s use of fixed stresses and variable unstressed syllables, combined with frequentassonanceconsonance, and monosyllabic words, has a dissonant effect. 



Gerard Naddaf
York University, Toronto, Canadá.

There are many challenges ahead not just in party politics but in global politics.
But the end doesn't justify means. As Gandhi well understood, rather the means is the ends in the making.
Take the media. It's not the media that controls this party; it's what we do in spite of the media that counts. (Please re tweet.)

Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 

1792-1822. en 
A. defence of poetry, 






The Eolian Harp
composed at clevedon, somersetshire
The stilly murmur of the distant Sea
Tells us of silence.

                            And that simplest Lute,
Placed length-ways in the clasping casement, hark!
How by the desultory breeze caressed,
Like some coy maid half yielding to her lover,
It pours such sweet upbraiding, as must needs
Tempt to repeat the wrong! And now, its strings
Boldlier swept, the long sequacious notes
Over delicious surges sink and rise,
Such a soft floating witchery of sound

Poetry, in a general sense, may be 
defined to be "the expression of the 
imagination:" and poetry is connate 


with the origin of man. Man is an 
instrument over which a series o ex- 
ternal and internal impressions are 
driven, like the alternations of an ever- 
changing wind over an Aeolian lyre, 
which move it by their motion to ever- 
changing melody. But there is a prin- 
ciple within the human being, and 
perhaps within all sentient beings, 
which acts otherwise than in the lyre, 
and produces not melody alone, but 
harmony, by an internal adjustment of 
the sounds or motions thus excited to 
the impressions which excite them. 
It is as if the lyre could accommodate 
its chords to the motions of that which 
strikes them, in a determined propor- 
tion of sound; even as the musician 
can accommodate his voice to the 
sound of the lyre. A child at play by 
itself will express its delight by its voice 
and motions; and every inflexion of 
tone and every gesture will bear exact 
relation to a corresponding antitype in 
the pleasurable impressions which 


awakened it; it will be the reflected 
image of that impression; and as the 
lyre trembles and sounds after the 
wind has died away, so the child seeks, 
by prolonging in its voice and motions 
the duration of the effect, to prolong 
also a consciousness of the cause. In 
relation to the objects which delight a 
child, these expressions are what poetry 
is to higher objects.

The savage (for 
the savage is to ages what the child is 
to years) expresses the emotions pro- 
duced in him by surrounding objects in 
a similar manner; and language and 
gesture, together with plastic or picto- 
rial imitation, become the image of the 
combined effect of those objects, and 
of his apprehension of them. Man in 
society, with all his passions and his 
pleasures, next becomes the object of 
the passions and pleasures of man; an 
additional class of emotions produces 
an augmented treasure of expressions; 
and language, gesture, and the imita- 
tive arts, become at once the repre- 


sentation and the medium, the pencil 
and the picture, the chisel and the 
statue, the chord and the harmony. 
The social sympathies, or those laws 
from which, as from its elements, 
society results, begin to develop them- 
selves from the moment that two 
human beings co-exist; the future is 
contained within the present, as the 
plant within the seed; and equality, 
diversity, unity, contrast, mutual de- 
pendence, become the principles alone 
capable of affording the motives ac- 
cording to which the will of a social 
being is determined to action, inas- 
much as he is social; and constitute 
pleasure in sensation, virtue in senti- 
ment, beauty in art, truth in reasoning, 
and love in the intercourse of kind. 
Hence men, even in the infancy of 
society, observe a certain order in their 
words and actions, distinct from that 
of the objects and the impressions 
represented by them, all expression 
being subject to the laws of that from 


which it proceeds. But let us dismiss 
those more general considerations 
which might involve an inquiry into 
the principles of society itself, and 
restrict our view to the manner in 
which the imagination is expressed 
upon its forms. 

In the youth of the world, men dance 
and sing and imitate natural objects, 
observing in these actions, as in all 
others, a certain rhythm or order. And, 
although all men observe a similar, 
they observe not the same order, in 
the motions of the dance, in the melody 
of the song, in the combinations of 
language, in the series of their imita- 
tions of natural objects. For there is 
a certain order or rhythm belonging to 
each of these classes of mimetic repre- 
sentation, from which the hearer and 
the spectator receive an intenser and 
purer pleasure than from any other: 
the sense of an approximation to this 
order has been called taste by modern 
writers. Every man in the infancy of 


art, observes an order which approxi- 
mates more or less closely to that from 
which this highest delight results: but 
the diversity is not sufficiently marked, 
as that its gradations should be sensi- 
ble, except in those instances where 
the predominance of this faculty of 
approximation to the beautiful (for so 
we may be permitted to name the 
relation between this highest pleasure 
and its cause) is very great.

the fame of sculptors, painters, and 
musicians, although the intrinsic pow- 
ers of the great masters of these arts 
may yield in no degree to that of those 
who have employed language as the 
hieroglyphic of their thoughts, has 
never equalled that of poets in the 
restricted sense of the term; as two 
performers of equal skill will produce 
unequal effects from a guitar and a 
harp. The fame of legislators and 


founders of religions, so long as their 
institutions last alone seems to exceed 
that of poets in the restricted sense; 
but it can scarcely be a question, 
whether, if we deduct the celebrity 
which their flattery of the gross opin- 
ions of the vulgar usually conciliates, 
together with that which belonged to 
them in their higher character of 
poets, any excess will remain. 

We have thus circumscribed the 
word poetry within the limits of that 
art which is the most familiar and the 
most perfect expression of the faculty 
itself. It is necessary, however, to 
make the circle still narrower, and to 
determine the distinction between 
measured and unmeasured language; 
for the popular division into prose and 
verse is inadmissible in accurate phi- 

Sounds as well as thoughts have 
relation both between each other and 
towards that which they represent, 
and a perception of the order of those 

relations has always been found con- 
nected with a perception of the order 
of the relations of thoughts. Hence 
the language of poets has ever affected 
a certain uniform and harmonious recur- 
rence of sound, without which it were 
not poetry, and which is scarcely less 
indispensable to the communication 
of its influence, than the words them- 
selves, without reference to that pecu- 
liar order. Hence the vanity of trans- 
lation; it were as wise to cast a violet 
into a crucible that you might discover 
the formal principle of its colour and 
odour, as seek to transfuse from one 
language into another the creations of 
a poet. The plant must spring again 
from its seed, or it will bear no flower 
and this is the burthen of the curse 
of Babel. 

In a drama of 
the highest order there is little food for 
censure or hatred; it teaches rather 
self-knowledge and self-respect. Nei- 
ther the eye nor the mind can see it- 
self, unless reflected upon that which 
it resembles. The drama, so long as it 
continues to express poetry, is as a 
prismatic and many-sided mirror, 


which collects the brightest rays of 
human nature and divides and repro- 
duces them from the simplicity of these 
elementary fprms, and touches them 
with majesty and beauty, and multi- 
plies all that it reflects, and endows it 
with the power of propagating its like 
wherever it may fall. 

But in periods of the decay of social 
life, the drama sympathises with that 
decay. Tragedy becomes a cold imita- 
tion of the form of the great master- 
pieces of antiquity, divested of all 
harmonious accompaniment of the 
kindred arts; and often the very form 
misunderstood, or a weak attempt to 
teach certain doctrines, which the 
writer considers as moral truths; and 
which are usually no more than spe- 
cious flatteries of some gross vice or 
weakness, with which the author, in 
common with his auditors, are infec- 
ted. Hence what has been called the 
classical and domestic drama. Addi- 
son's "Cato" is a specimen of the one; 


and would it were not superfluous to 
cite examples of the other! To such 
purposes poetry can not be made sub- 
servient. Poetry is a sword of light- 
ning, ever unsheathed, which consumes 
the scabbard that would contain it. 
And thus we observe that all dramatic 
writings of this nature are unimagina- 
tive in a singular degree; they affect 
sentiment and passion, which, divested 
of imagination, are other names for 
caprice and appetite. The period in 
our own history of the grossest degra- 
dation of the drama is the reign of 
Charles II., when all forms in which 
poetry had been accustomed to be 
expressed became hymns to the tri- 
umph of kingly power over liberty and 
virtue. Milton stood alone illumina- 
ting an age unworthy of him. At such 
periods the calculating principle per- 
vades all the forms of dramatic exhi- 
bition, and poetry ceases to be expressed 
upon them. Comedy loses its ideal uni- 
versality: wit succeeds to humour; we 


laugh from self-complacency and tri- 
umph, instead of pleasure; malignity, 
sarcasm, and contempt succeed to 
sympathetic merrimentj we hardly 
laugh, but we smile. Obscenity, which 
is ever blasphemy against the divine 
beauty in life, becomes, from the very 
veil which it assumes, more active if 
less disgusting: it is a monster for which 
the corruption of society for ever brings 
forth new food, which it devours in 

Men, from causes too intricate 
to be here discussed, had become insen- 
sible and selfish: their own will had 
become feeble, and yet they were its 
slaves, and thence the slaves of the will 
of others: lust, fear, avarice, cruelty, and 
fraud, characterised a race amongst 
whom no one was to be found capable 
of creating in form, language, or insti- 
tution. The moral anomalies of such 
a state of society are not justly to be 
charged upon any class of events im- 
mediately connected with them, and 
those events are most entitled to our 
approbation which could dissolve it 
most expeditiously. It is unfortunate 
for those who can not distinguish 
words from thoughts, that many of 
these anomalies have been incorpora- 
ted into our popular religion. 


It was not until the eleventh centu- 
ry that the effects of the poetry of the 
Christian and chivalric systems began 
to manifest themselves. The principle 
of equality had been discovered and 
applied by Plato in his Republic, as the 
theoretical rule of the mode in which 
the materials of pleasure and of power 
produced by the common skill and 
labour of human beings ought to be 
distributed among them. The limita- 
tions of this rule were asserted by him 
to be determined only by the sensibility 
of each, or the utility to result to all. 
Plato, following the doctrines of Tim- 
aeus and Pythagoras, taught also a 
moral and intellectual system of doc- 
trine, comprehending at once the past, 
the present, and the future condition 
of man.

Whilst the mechanist abridges, 
and the political economist combines 
labour, let them beware that their 
speculations, for want of correspond- 
ence with those first principles which 
belong to the imagination, do not tend, 
as they have in modern England, to 
exasperate at once the extremes of 
luxury and want. They have exempli- 
fied the saying, "To him that hath, 
more shall be given; and from him that 
hath not, the little that he hath shall 
be taken away." The rich have become 
richer, and the poor have become poor- 
er; and the vessel of the state is driven 
between the Scylla and Charybdis of 
anarchy and despotism. Such are the 
effects which must ever flow from an 
unmitigated exercise of the calculating 




Luther is well known for using anal and defecatory metaphors throughout his more polemical writings (i.e. Table Talk), although most were aimed at the Papacy. However, the reformer was so fond of all things scatological, that he even utilized fecal wordplay in explaining his theology. He once expressed his readiness to depart from this world in the formula, “I am the ripe shard and the world is the gaping anus.”

 Whilst the mechanist abridges, 
and the political economist combines 
labour, let them beware that their 
speculations, for want of correspond- 
ence with those first principles which 
belong to the imagination, do not tend, 
as they have in modern England, to 
exasperate at once the extremes of 
luxury and want. They have exempli- 
fied the saying, "To him that hath, 
more shall be given; and from him that 
hath not, the little that he hath shall 
be taken away." The rich have become 
richer, and the poor have become poor- 
er; and the vessel of the state is driven 
between the Scylla and Charybdis of 
anarchy and despotism. Such are the 
effects which must ever flow from an 
unmitigated exercise of the calculating 

It is difficult to define pleasure in its 

highest sense; the definition involving 
a number of apparent paradoxes. For, 
from an inexplicable defect of harmo- 
ny in the constitution of human nature, 
the pain of the inferior is frequently 
connected with the pleasures of the 
superior portions of our being.

Poetry is not like reasoning, a 
power to be exerted according to the 
determination of the will A man can- 
not say, "I will compose poetry." The 
greatest poet even can not say it; for 
the mind in creation is as a fading coal, 
which some invisible influence, like an 
inconstant wind, awakens to transitory 
brightness; this power arises from with- 
in, like the colour of a flower which 
fades and changes as it is developed, 


and the conscious portions of our na- 
tures are unprophetic either of its ap- 
proach or its departure. Could this 
influence be durable in its original purity 
and force, it is impossible to predict the 
greatness of the results; but when 
composition begins, inspiration is al- 
ready on the decline, and the most 
glorious poetry that has ever been com- 
municated to the world is probably a 
feeble shadow of the original concep- 
tions of the poet.

Poetry is the record of the best and 
happiest moments of the happiest and 
best minds. We are aware of evanes- 
cent visitations of thought and feeling 
sometimes associated with place or 
person, sometimes regarding our own 


mind alone, and always arising unfore- 
seen and departing unbidden, but ele- 
vating and delightful beyond all expres- 
sion: so that even in the desire and the 
regret they leave, there cannot but be 
pleasure, participating as it does in the 
nature of its object. It is as it were the 
interpenetration of a diviner nature 
through our own; but its footsteps are 
like those of a wind over the sea, which 
the coming calm erases, and whose 
traces remain only as on the wrinkled 
sand which paves it. These and cor- 
responding conditions of being are ex- 
perienced principally by those of the 
most delicate sensibility and the most 
enlarged imagination; and the state of 
mind produced by them is at war with 
every base desire. The enthusiasm of 
virtue, love, patriotism, and friendship 
is essentially linked with such emotions; 
and whilst they last, self appears as 
what it is, an atom to a universe. Poets 
are not only subject to these experien- 
ces as spirits of the most refined organ- 


isation, but they can colour all that 
they combine with the evanescent hues 
of this ethereal world; a word, a trait 
in the representation of a scene or a 
passion will touch the enchanted chord, 
and reanimate, in those who have ever 
experienced these emotions, the sleep- 
ing, the cold, the buried image of the 
past, Poetry thus makes immortal all 
that is best and most beautiful in the 
world; it arrests the vanishing appari- 
tions which haunt the interlunations of 
life, and veiling them, or in language 
or in form, sends them forth among 
mankind, bearing sweet news of kind- 
red joy to those with whom their sisters 
abide abide, because there is no portal 
of expression from the caverns of the 
spirit which they inhabit into the uni- 
verse of things. Poetry redeems from 
decay the visitations of the divinity in 

least in relation to the percipient. 
"The mind is its own place, and of 
itself can make a heaven of hell, a hell 
of heaven." But poetry defeats the curse 
which binds us to be subjected to the 
accident of surrounding impressions. 
And whether it spreads its own figured 
curtain, or withdraws life's dark veil 
from before the scene of things, it 


equally creates for us a being within 
our being. It makes us the inhabitants 
of a world to which the familiar world 
is a chaos. It reproduces the common 
universe of which we are portions and 
percipients, and it purges from our in- 
ward sight the film of familiarity which 
obscures from us the wonder of our 


It is presumptuous to determine that 
these are the necessary conditions of all 
mental causation, when mental effects 
are experienced unsusceptible of being 
referred to them. The frequent recur- 
rence of the poetical power, it is obvi- 
ous to suppose, may produce in the 
mind a habit of order and harmony 
correlative with its own nature and 
with its effect upon other minds. But 
in the intervals of inspiration, and they 
may be frequent without being durable, 
a poet becomes a man, and is abandoned 
to the sudden reflux of the influences 
under which others habitually live. But 
as he is more delicately organised than 
other men, and sensible to pain and 
pleasure, both his own and that of 
others, in a degree unknown to them, 
he will avoid the one and pursue the 
other with an ardour proportioned to 
this difference. And he renders himself 
obnoxious to calumny, when he neglects 
to observe the circumstances under 
which these objects of universal pursuit 


and flight have disguised themselves in 
one another's garments. 

Gerard Naddaf
York University, Toronto, Canadá
Hose slave, Stockholm syndrome, Discorand, resolution not revolution, peacefull not violent research. Truth and reconcilliation southafrics. Quicggle re lies during war.

Quiggleys words.p.232 tragedy and Hope.
´´but criticism should have been directed rather at the hypocrisy and lack
of realism in the ideals of the wartime propaganda and at the lack of honesty of the chief negotiators in carrying on the pretense that these ideals were still in effect while they violated them daily, and necessarily violated them. The settlements were clearly made by secret negotiations, by the Great Powers exclusively, and by power politics. They had to be. No settlements could ever have been made on any other bases. The failure of the chief negotiators (at least the Anglo-Americans) to admit this is regrettable, but behind their
reluctance to admit it is the even more regrettable fact that the lack of political experience and political education of the American and English electorates made it dangerous for the negotiators to admit the facts of life in international political relationships.”

Socrates - GLAUCON 
I fear, said Glaucon, laughing, that the words 'every one' hardly includes me, for I cannot at the moment say what they should be; though I may guess. 
At any rate you can tell that a song or ode has three parts --the words, the melody, and the rhythm; that degree of knowledge I may presuppose? 
Yes, he said; so much as that you may. 
And the melody and rhythm will depend upon the words? 
Utterly unbecoming. 
And which are the soft or drinking harmonies? 
The Ionian, he replied, and the Lydian; they are termed 'relaxed.' 
Well, and are these of any military use? 
I suppose not. 
Certainly not. 
Clearly not. 
That is surely the conclusion to be drawn from the argument. 
Not at all, he replied. 
And we have done wisely, he replied. 
Rather so, I should say. 
None at all. 
Just so, he said, they should follow the words. 
And everything else on the style? 
Then beauty of style and harmony and grace and good rhythm depend on simplicity, --I mean the true simplicity of a rightly and nobly ordered mind and character, not that other simplicity which is only an euphemism for folly? 
Very true, he replied. 
They must. 
That is quite true, he said. 
There can be no nobler training than that, he replied. 
True -- 
Exactly -- 
Most assuredly. 
The fairest indeed. 
And the fairest is also the loveliest? 
That may be assumed. 

Erica Chenoweth


Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan. Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict.  
New York: Columbia University Press, 2011. ISBN: 978-0-231-15682-0. 296 pp. ; $ 29.50. -
Reviewed by Jason Rineheart
Erica Chenoweth’s and Maria J. Stephan's book is one of the most timely released study in the past decade. Shortly after non-violent protest movements swept the Middle East - changing regimes and the political discourse in many countries – the two researchers released this comprehensive study, analyzing the historical efficacy of non-violent resistance.
Using their Non-violent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO) data set, the authors quantitatively analyzed 323 violent and non-violent resistance campaigns for the period 1900 to 2006. Their conclusion: non-violent movements are nearly twice as likely to achieve success (or partial success) than their violent counterparts. Chenoweth and Stephan hypothesize that non-violent campaigns are more likely to succeed because non-violent activism creates lower barriers to participation, creating the conditions for diverse membership and allowing mass mobilization across key social sectors.
Perhaps their most interesting findings relate to the consequences of violent and non-violent movements for post-conflict regimes. The NAVCO data show that successful non-violent movements produce democratic regimes more often than successful violent movements. Interestingly, the data also reveal that non-violent campaigns do not necessarily benefit from outside material support, although the authors acknowledge that small amounts of money, sanctions, and international public support can have a positive impact on successful movements. However, they caution that "outside support for local non-violent groups is a double-edged sword” since that is often used by regimes to delegitimize such movements (p. 225).
To support their findings, four case studies explain why some non-violent movements achieve success, partial success, and, at times, fail. The Iranian revolution (1977-1979) and the Philippine People's Power movement (1983-1986) are their textbook examples of how broad-based civil resistance, mass participation, and strategic non-cooperation from all sectors of society can succeed against authoritarian regimes. Similarly, the authors make a persuasive case in their explanation why the First Palestinian Intifada (1987-1992) was a relatively peaceful movement that achieved "partial success," or at least more progress than the violence used by the PLO and Hamas. The label "partial success" in this instance is one that some analysts may take issue with, since the Israeli occupation and settlement activity increased substantially over the following decades. Finally, the Burmese Uprising (1988-1990) case study shows how both violent and non-violent campaigns can fail if such movements do not create and maintain unified popular support and generate loyalty shifts within a regime.
Perhaps Chenoweth and Stephan’s most daunting task is pre-empting scholarly critiques questioning how they can accurately define a resistance movement as entirely "violent" or entirely "non-violent", and sufficiently determine which faction contributed most to a movement's success when such movements operate simultaneously. But when compared against years of failed violent activism in countries like Iran and the Philippines, the authors argue that identifying and framing successful non-violent campaigns within the fog of violent and non-violent activism is actually not as difficult as some may assume, especially when considering the amount of diverse support and mass mobilization that successful non-violent movements produce.
True to academic form, the book reads as a lengthy, quantitative research report full of nuance, definitions, and important caveats explaining the inherent difficulties when systematically studying violent and non-violent movements. Some may disagree with their methodologies or the way they coded their data, but their justifications and rationales are refreshingly straightforward and transparent.
Yet when it comes to framing their study, one striking aspect that may irk some scholars is how they situate their research within existing the literature. They claim that a "prevailing view among political scientists is that opposition movements select terrorism and violent insurgency strategies because such means are more effective than non-violent strategies at achieving policy goals" (p. 6). They argue that Robert Pape's (2003, 2005, 2010) work - which holds that suicide terrorism is an effective strategy to defeat occupying democratic powers - "could be applied to almost all scholars whose research tests the efficacy of different violent methods" because such scholars fail to compare violent methods to non-violent alternatives (p. 25-26).
It is certainly true that some security scholars are biased toward studying violent conflict. But it is a bit unfair to project Pape's heavily criticized work onto the entire research community as accepted scholarship, particularly when several terrorism researchers have argued that using terrorism as a strategic tactic is rarely successful and at times even self-defeating (Crenshaw, 1992; Rapoport, 1992; Hoffman, 2006; Abrahms, 2006). Moreover, the authors' data reveal that insurgent movements in their data base succeed roughly 25% of the time, which they acknowledge is in line with similar other studies. Thus, despite framing their research as breaking new ground in the arena of security studies, their findings are actually in line with accepted scholarship on the relative ineffectiveness of terrorism and insurgent violence.
The book is novel in its attempt to quantitatively compare and contrast violent and non-violent insurgencies and in pushing back against security scholarship that has been reluctant to study non-violent movements. As such, it is a welcomed contribution. Terrorism researchers, alas, are left wanting more nuanced analysis on the efficacy of terrorism and insurgent tactics within their NAVCO data set. But perhaps such a study is in the works.
About the ReviewerJason Rineheart is a Research Assistant at the Terrorism Research Initiative.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License

See also[edit]

I was blown away by the appearance of Melina Abdullah of Black Lives Matters on Democracy now yesterday following the Sanders win in the Michigan Primary. Professor Abdullah made a persuasive case for those interested in real change in the US not to become over invested in a democratic (sic) process simply not designed as democratic in the sense of By the people for the people. The process is corrupt how ever hard Sanders or in a charitable case Clinton and even Trump push back against. Its wider than that and the African American viewpoint is not something as A white Male expatriate white British Male in Sweden could ever understand let alone articulate so Reading Professors work as I have Dr Cornell Wests ( Race Matters for instance) will provide me something of a shadow in the Allegory of the Cave. Cornell West inspired my Track Blues Man in the life of the mind. and when Professor Abdulllah mentioned and quite obviously referenced the Great Gil Scott Herons the revolution will not be televised I had to just edit that together along with some of the words of my Favorite living Philosopher Cornell West, and of Course the Dangerous Dude from the Brooklyn Hood Bernie Sanders. What happens in the US is more important to my Country of Birth The United Kingdom than the referendum to leave the EU, My blog on that can be found here.
Fairuse and not for profit.
Attribution according to you tube Standard licemce
Democracy Now
The Young Turks
The Revolution Will not be televised

Gil Scott-Heron - The Revolution Will Not Be Televised - Full Band Version

We’re not telling people not to vote, we’re simply not endorsing any presidential candidate,” Dr. Abdullah said to Democracy Now.
Dr. Abdullah expanded this thought by stating that, in her view, neither democratic candidate held a “strong command” or demonstrated a willingness to really invest the time or energy to develop plans on issues related to race and black oppression; this has led to a lack of faith in both democratic candidates.
Their lack of endorsement more broadly derives from a suspicion of the entire party system, which Dr. Abdullah identifies in her 2015 article as “a White supremacist heteronormative patriarchal capitalist hegemony that intentionally builds policies and institutions that systematically target, oppress, and exploit black people.”
We recognize that both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party are controlled by monied interests,” Dr. Abdullah said, “And as much as Bernie Sanders and, to a lesser degree, Hillary Clinton have kind of pushed back against that idea that they’re controlled by money, and Bernie Sanders has kind of identified with socialism, still we know that the Democratic and Republican Party are built to entrench themselves. So no matter what the candidates attempt to do, being controlled by the two-party system is hugely problematic and is disempowering and oppressive to Black people.”

Busily writing a piece on Bourgoise aeshetics in ´´Progressive´´Politics. Progressive itself is a bourgoise patronisation of the class war. There are tow classes The Oligarchs and their bourgoise apologists, henchmen and House Slaves and then there is the rest. ROghly speaaking 99%1% bit really .01%, the 1% and then the 5-15%
The managerial class the french actually have catogories that make the most sense, even more complex than the arcania of British class sensibilities.France and French-speaking countries[edit]
In English, the term bourgeoisie is often used to denote the middle classes. In fact, the French term encompasses both the upper and middle classes,[12] a misunderstanding which has occurred in other languages as well. The bourgeoisie in France and many French-speaking countries consists of four evolving social layers: petite bourgeoisie, moyenne bourgeoisie, grande bourgeoisie, and haute bourgeoisie.
Petite Bourgeoisie[edit]
Moyenne Bourgeoisie[edit]
Grande Bourgeoisie[edit]
Haute Bourgeoisie[edit]
In the French language, the term bourgeoisie almost designates a caste by itself, even though social mobility into this socio-economic group is possible. Nevertheless, the bourgeoisie is differentiated from la classe moyenne, or the middle class, which consists mostly of white-collar employees, by holding a profession referred to as a profession libérale, which la classe moyenne, in its definition does not hold.[citation needed] Yet, in English the definition of a white-collar job encompasses the profession libérale. I am currently writing notes to coalesce around a broad theme related to Resolution as in resolving from the discordant to the Harmonious, Developing a theory of resolution through conciousness as opposed to the baggage that is attendant upon Violent revolution. the Linguistic hijacking Detourn ment is much of what the Situationist identified as the lies are truth backwards logic reversal of certainties to absurdities of the consumer society. Anyway, suffcie to say, its all very interesting but the time just evaporates. This on why Civil resistance works is very good, I encountered the theory a couple of years ago. I have edited together a video sequence that sort of gets at what I am aiming for but at present I am not sure where the theme will lead.


― Cornel WestRace Matters
Without the presence of black people in America, European-Americans would not be "white"-- they would be Irish, Italians, Poles, Welsh, and other engaged in class, ethnic, and gender struggles over resources and identity. (p. 107-108)” 
― Cornel WestRace Matters

ncle Tom syndrome

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Illustration of Tom and Eva by Hammatt Billings for the 1853 deluxe edition of Uncle Tom's Cabin.
Uncle Tom syndrome is a concept in psychology.[1] It refers to a coping skill where individuals use passivity and submissiveness when confronted with a threat, leading to subservient behaviour and appeasement, while concealing their true thoughts and feelings. The term "Uncle Tom" comes from the title character of Harriet Beecher Stowe's novel Uncle Tom's Cabin, where the African American slave Tom is beaten to death by a cruel white master for refusing to betray the whereabouts of two other slaves.
In the American racial context, Uncle Tom is a pejorative term for blacks that give up or hide their ethnic or gender outlooks, traits, and practices, in order to be accepted into the mainstream—a so-called race traitor. In African American parlance this is also derogatorily known as an Oreo cookie: black on the outside, and white on the inside.[2]
In race minority literature Uncle Tom syndrome refers to blacks that, as a necessary survival technique, opt to appear docile, non-assertive, and happy-go-lucky. Especially during slavery, blacks used passivity and servility to minimize retaliation and maximize own survival.[3] Key notions are integrity and self-respect. For instance, the Aboriginal Australian Corranderrk are reported to have conformed to European ways while still retaining group dignity and individual self-respect, thereby not succumbing to the Uncle Tom syndrome.[4]
In a broader context the term may refer to a minority's strategy of coping with oppression from socially, culturally or economically dominant groups involving suppression of aggressive feelings and even identification with the oppressor, leading to "forced assimilation/acculturation" of the cultural minority.[5]

See also[edit]

Origin and meaning[edit]

This section needs expansionYou can help by adding to it. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page(June 2015)
The term was used in the speech "Message to the Grass Roots" (1963) by African-American activist Malcolm X, wherein he explains that during slavery, there were two kinds of slaves: "house Negroes", who worked in the master's house, and "field Negroes", who performed the manual labor outside. He characterizes the house Negro as having a better life than the field Negro, and thus being unwilling to leave the plantation and potentially more likely to support existing power structures that favor whites over blacks. Malcolm X identified with the field Negro.[1]
The term is used against individuals,[2][3] in critiques of attitudes within the African American community,[4] and as a borrowed term for critiquing parallel situations.[5] For example,as Natalie Pompilio reports in [6]
"At the peak of comic Flip Wilson's popularity, some of his contemporaries criticized him for not doing enough to advance the cause of African-Americans. After all, his hit television program, The Flip Wilson Show, gave him access to millions of viewers each week in the heavily segregated America of the early 1970s. Yet his humor was lighthearted and apolitical.Richard Pryor even told Flip he was 'the NBC house Negro'."


Although Karl Marx frequently denounced ideology in general, there is no evidence that he ever actually used the phrase "false consciousness". It appears to have been used—at least in print—only by Friedrich Engels.[1]
Engels wrote:[2]
It is above all this appearance of an independent history of state constitutions, of systems of law, of ideological conceptions in every separate domain, which dazzles most people. If Luther and Calvin "overcome" the official Catholic religion, or Hegel "overcomes" Fichte and Kant or if the constitutional Montesquieu is indirectly "overcome" by Rousseau with his "Social Contract," each of these events remains within the sphere of theology, philosophy or political science, represents a stage in the history of these particular spheres of thought and never passes outside the sphere of thought. And since the bourgeois illusion of the eternity and the finality of capitalist production has been added as well, even the victory of the physiocrats and Adam Smith over the mercantilists is accounted as a sheer victory of thought; not as the reflection in thought of changed economic facts but as the finally achieved correct understanding of actual conditions subsisting always and everywhere [...]
Here Engels expresses semantic baggage associated with the term ideology, i.e. that it implies a lack of objectivity, which the term had at the time of its introduction from German (due in no small part to a reaction to Hegelianism). This has somewhat substantially been lost over the nearly two centuries since then as "ideology" has come to be equated with "world view" or "philosophy". False consciousness is theoretically linked with the concepts of the dominant ideology and cultural hegemony, and to a lesser extent with cognitive dissonance. The idea of false consciousness has also been used by Marxist feminists and radical feminists with regard to women's studies.[3][4]

Bach and just and mean temperament

cest sychophant nes pas, plus ca change.

Transcendent resolution¨

Famous musical resolutions

Power politics, representative of people constituency-

Anthropogenic, Anthropocene



Viscous, Vice

Popular posts from this blog





Meet The Fuggers, Brexit, The Euro and Clueless Elites.







October 25, 2017 at 11:51 pm