Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur.  Nominal Inscriptions Inside the Altar in the North-East of the Iberic Peninsula (9th-13th Centuries)
10.54103/fenestella/18640
Some manuscripts of the 11th and 12th centuries preserved in Catalonia present a specific rite when a bishop had to consecrate a church. In the altar he placed relics, three fragments of hosts, three grains of incense and small parchments on which was written the information about the consecration, the ten commandments and the beginning of the four gospels. The Catalan consecration ritual corresponded to a specific liturgical codification, the Catalan-Narbonne ordo, which is generally accepted to have been strictly followed. However, archaeological excavations carried out in pre-Romanesque and Romanesque churches in Catalonia since the 19th century have often brought to light a practice that was not codified in these texts: the modest containers of wood, stone or alabaster that contained the consecration relics had been engraved with names. This paper is dedicated to these nominal inscriptions from the consecration ritual, found inside the altars.
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          DOI: 10.54103/fenestella/2022/v3
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      Sommario / Contents



 1    Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions Inside
      the Altar in the North-East of the Iberic Peninsula (9th-13th Centuries)
      Marianne Blanchard


45    Nuove indagini sulle pitture rupestri dell'eremo di Selvascura presso il Santuario
      del Crocifisso a Bassiano
      Davide Angelucci


89    Monasteri piemontesi nell'altomedioevo (secoli VIII-X): quadro storico-insediativo
      ed evidenze materiali
      Eleonora Destefanis


143   Esperimenti urbani: insediamenti e spazi alle origini dei monasteri femminili
      Stella Ferrari


169   Riconsiderare l'insediamento monastico di Torba: la torre e le sue funzioni
      Fabio Scirea
In copertina: Monastero di Santa Maria di Torba: la torre tardoantica e l'edificio
monastico addossato alla cinta muraria (foto di F. Scirea, 2004)
Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur.
Nominal Inscriptions Inside the Altar in the North-East
of the Iberic Peninsula (9th-13th Centuries)


Marianne Blanchard


Universitat de Barcelona
Facultat de Geografia I Historia
marianneblanchard94@gmail.com




Abstract


Some manuscripts of the 11th and 12th centuries preserved in Catalonia present a specific rite when a
bishop had to consecrate a church. In the altar he placed relics, three fragments of hosts, three grains
of incense and small parchments on which was written the information about the consecration, the
ten commandments and the beginning of the four gospels.
The Catalan consecration ritual corresponded to a specific liturgical codification, the Catalano-
Narbonese Ordo, which is generally accepted to have been strictly followed. However,
archaeological excavations carried out in pre-Romanesque and Romanesque churches in Catalonia
since the 19th century have often brought to light a practice that was not codified in these texts: the
modest containers of wood, stone or alabaster that contained the consecration relics had been
engraved with names. This paper is dedicated to these nominal inscriptions from the consecration
ritual, found inside the altars.




Keywords: Lipsanoteca; Consecration; Medieval Epigraphy; Nominal Inscriptions; Graffitis


How to cite: Marianne Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur.
Nominal Inscriptions Inside the Altar in the North-East of the Iberic Peninsula (9th-13th Centuries),
«Fenestella» 3 (2022): 1-43.


DOI: 10.54103/fenestella/18640
M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



In an article on medieval endotaphs published in 2016, Cécile Treffort reflected on the
function and meaning of inscriptions and funerary deposits, «hidden from human eyes»,
particularly those from the 9th to the 12th century1. When she discussed the role of
nominal inscriptions, she insisted on their eschatological dimension. The name will
identify the deceased when the burial is open, whether it is in a historical future or during
the Last Judgment. She also attached great importance to the very fact of writing the name
of a deceased person in the material, a gesture that would give the person a part of life.
These hypotheses, which aim to explain the paradox of hidden writing in a funerary
context, have guided us in the apprehension of an entirely different corpus: that of
inscriptions found hidden inside medieval altars.
Like the tomb, the altar was indeed a place of burial, that of the saints and martyrs. Like
the tomb, the altar could not be freely reopened once it was closed. Moreover, it seems
that in the North-East of the Iberic Peninsula the altar was a place to associate words with
bones. The altar ‘graffitis’2 are widely known and documented, especially in France and
Catalonia3, but what is much less known is that Catalan pre-Romanesque and
Romanesque altars also contained small reliquaries, which sometimes wore inscriptions.
These boxes, more often found hidden in the altar stipes, were used to carry and contain
the relics during the consecration ritual. According to Catalan historiography, those
reliquaries (inscribed or not) have a specific name: they are called lipsanoteques
(singular: lipsanoteca). This word comes from the Greek substantive λείψανον (what
remains) and the suffix θήκη (where it’s kept)4. It is a synonym for reliquary, which is of
Latin origin, and much like it, it was created in the modern period5. The use of the word
lipsanoteca as the altar reliquary was spread in Catalonia by Mn. Josep Gudiol i Cunill in
Nocions de arqueologia sagrada Catalana, published in 19026. It is not widespread in
medieval studies outside of Catalonia and France7. There can be a debate on which word
is more accurate to designate those objects, but it sure is convenient to use a specific
word to categorize them, especially because, as we will see, they present a series of
characteristics that are not shared with the rest of the reliquaries. I have chosen to work
with the word lipsanoteques because it is the one of Catalan and Aragonese academics.
In addition to the inscriptions, the lipsanoteques bear marks of the consecration ritual.
They contained parchments with fragments of the Decalogue and the beginning of the
four Gospels, basic information on the consecration (date, year, bishop) and sometimes



1
  Treffort 2016: 39-46.
2
  While those nominal inscriptions are usually called ‘graffitis’, this appellation is contested. The
problem is well exposed by Cécile Treffort in: Eadem 2004: 137-146.
3
  Ponsich 1975: 41-65; Alavedra i Invers 1979; Treffort 2003: 147-160; Eadem 2004: 137-146;
Eadem 2007: 43-83.
4
  The word λείψανον (what remains) was used in latin (lipsanum,a, n.) by late antic Christian
authors as a synonym for relics.
5
  Our first survey in texts databases and dictionaries leads us to attribute a Jesuit Flemish origin to
this Greek neologism. The first known use of this word is found in Christoph Brouwer’s 1617 post-
mortem edition to Raban Maur’s poems (PL 112, col. 1677a, carmen III). As for the second and
third, they can be attributed to the Bollandist Socitety, in the Acta Sanctorum Julii (PL 140,
col. 0039a-0039b, n. 53).
6
  Gudiol i Cunill 1902: 271-272.
7
  Italians call them capsella or capsa, Germans also call them capsa, but in both cases the use of
this vocabulary is not established, and reliquary is used undeferentially. In English academic
works, it is only known because of the famous ivory reliquary, commonly called the lipsanoteca of
Brescia (Brubaker 1986: 587).

2
Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



lists of names of men and women, both clergymen and laymen, either alive or dead8.
They also contained pieces of hosts and incense, and, in some cases, small bottles of
sacred wine or oils. The lipsanoteques themselves, or the sepulchres in which they were
placed, were sealed with wax or plaster, and stamped with the ring of the bishop.
The typology of the lipsanoteques’ inscriptions present similarities both with the
inscriptions of the common visible reliquaries and the altar ‘graffitis’. They have been
classified by Javier de Santiago Fernández in a paper published in 20029. It is based on
the 16 Catalan lipsanoteques and lids registered in the encyclopedia Catalunya Romànica10.
The typological analysis he provided in his article is very well thought and is certainly
still a reference. However, my PhD research on lipsanoteques has led me to explore
museums warehouse and reveal the existence of more of these inscribed objects. It has
also been an occasion to revise the editions provided by Catalunya Romànica.
Furthermore, I chose to include both Catalan and Aragonese objects in the same corpus,
because of the use of a similar liturgy of consecration on part of the territory. Javier de
Santiago Fernández’s classified the inscriptions according to four categories, based on
their written content and form. First, there are the inscriptions who identifies the relics
present in the altar; second, the ones who contain a verb; third, the lists of names; and
fourth, the mix of the second and the third11.
Within the framework of this paper, it seems useful to focus on the nominal inscriptions
(the second, third and fourth categories). The relics identification inscriptions are distinct
because they belong to a wider group of lipsanoteques inscriptions which are found as far
as Asturies12, and which must be linked with older and broader tradition of reliquaries
and relic authentication parchments. The context of the consecration, as well as the
invisibility of these scriptures after the closing of the altar, seems to give a different
meaning to the nominal inscriptions and thus justify their specific study.
The aim of this paper is to present an actualized version of the corpus of nominal
inscriptions and to reflect on their purpose and meaning in the context of the altar and
the ritual of consecration. In a first part, it presents the context of the inscriptions: the
material context (lipsanoteques and lids), the archeological context of the objects (the
altar) and the liturgical context of their use (the consecration ritual). This introduction is
necessary to later understand their reception and purpose. It later records and revises
Santiago Fernández’s typology and presents examples for each type of inscriptions. To
finish, it proposes a reflection on their meaning and purpose. The actualized editions of
the inscriptions can be found at the end of the article.




8
  These consecration parchments have been studied recently by Patrick Henriet (Henriet 2013: 67-
106), and they have been published in several editions, generally mixed with the dotalies: Baraut
Obiols 1978: 11-182; Idem 1979: 481-488; Idem 1986; Ordeig i Mata 1993-2004.
9
  Santiago Fernández 2002: 35-62; Idem 2003: 183-192.
10
   CR 1984-1999.
11
   Santiago Fernández 2002: 53.
12
   Carrero Santamaría 2004: 577-589; Panizo Delgado 2004: 265-276; Araus Ballesteros 2013: 455-496.

                                                                                                 3
M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



Part One: Context


Material Support: The Lipsanoteques
The lipsanoteques have never been classified or studied as a group13, the building of a
corpus is part of an ongoing research. The group of lipsanoteques I study comes
principally from the ancient Catalan dioceses, which are Barcelona, Elne, Girona, Roda,
Tarragona, Tortosa, Urgell and Vic, but they can also be found in the neighbouring
dioceses of Comminges, Roda-Barbastro, and Huesca, and there are some isolated cases
in the north of the Peninsula until Palencia and Oviedo14. These dioceses are the only
ones where lipsanoteques are currently attested in large numbers, both in the Iberic
Peninsula and in central Europe15. Though their conservation is partly due to the hazards
of time and conservation, their abundance (as for now more than 280 objects) supports
the idea of a geographic particularity. Moreover, most of these territories were united
under a common liturgical tradition, and thus celebrated the consecration of an altar in a
similar way. As for the chronology, it goes from the end of the 10th century to the
beginning of the 13th. The chosen chronology also corresponds to a period Christian
expansion, leading to the modification of the religious landscape, renewal of architectural
forms and decorations, intense construction and reconstruction of churches and the
development of a network of parishes16. There are some posterior examples in the same
territories, but they are fewer and are considerably different both in form and content.
My ongoing study of the lipsanoteques has led me to establish their typology. Since it is
not the point of this paper, its presentation will be general. They can be classified in two
large categories: those that were ‘made to be’ lipsanoteques and the repurposed
containers. Though the second category is of much interest, they will not be part of this
study, because they do not wear inscriptions related to the consecration. The ‘made to
be’ lipsanoteques are for the vast majority made from wood, sculpted in a rectangular
box shape, or turned into a cylindrical or ovoid shape. Other materials were also used in
some cases: stucco, alabaster, and regular stones. They could be shaped into rectangular
boxes (with sliding, built-in, or loose taps), but also into miniature tombs and sarcophagi.
Whether in wood or other materials, they were very sober objects: few were decorated.
Those that were, were carved with simple geometric shapes or painted with stripes of
different colours.


13
   Half of the lipsanoteques are briefly presented in the Catalunya Romanica. Among all, only a
few objects have been the subject of a comprehensive study. Some museum collections have also
been the subject of general analyses. It is the case of the Episcopal Museum of Vic (Trullén, ed.
2003: 250-254) with the studies of Josep Gudiol i Cunill (Gudiol i Cunill 1901) and Marc Sureda i
Jubany (Sureda i Jubany 2010: 47-62). See also the two following publications that study groups of
lipsanoteques: Ponsich 1987b: 5-8; Bastardes i Parera 1989.
14
   Thanks to the work of Juan Pablo Rubio Sadia on liturgical manuscripts, the expansion of the
Catalano-Narbonese liturgical traditions to other peninsular churches is attested for the 10th and
11th centuries. The inscriptions could be another example of the liturgical influences he detected
in Oviedo and in Palencia thanks to the responsoria (Rubio Sadia 2014: 95-114; Rubio Sadia
2010: 243-278).
15
   The conserved lipsanoteques from the Italian peninsula and east-European territories are usually
from late antiquity and early Middle Ages. As for the German ones, they are from a slightly later
chronology, and very different typology (Röckelein 2010: 21-34). Their absence in France suggests
that until at least Latran IV in 1215, the relics were deposited enfolded in fabric, but truth is there
are not many remains to rely on.
16
   Zimmermann 2008: 16-17.

4
Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



Archeological Context: The Altars
In a church, where could be found the lipsanoteques, and thus the inscriptions? The
typical locus for the relics in Catalonia was situated in the foot of the altar (stipes), directly
under the table, though there are few exceptions17. The altar foot could be made of 4 or 5
small columns (4 in each angle and one in the centre), one unique column or pilar, or of
a stone-built structure18. The hole could be round, square, rectangular, or cruciform, and
was most of the time closed with a stone or wood lid. Those lids were usually sealed with
wax or even cement. However, the lipsanoteques are not often found in their original
context. Most of the time, they were discovered in posterior altars or Romanesque altars
that were reconsecrated in a posterior period, and a lot of them are unfortunately
decontextualized because of looting and illegal selling.


Social Context: The Consecration Ritual
Before presenting the inscriptions, it is necessary to briefly present the ritual for the
consecration of the church, to put them in context. During the Romanesque period, the
consecration ritual that prevailed in the Catalan Dioceses was the one of the
archbishopric of Narbonne, usually called the Ordo Catalano-Narbonnais by the
historians19. According to Miquel Gros, this ordinary was developed in the late 8th and
early 9th centuries, following the condemnation of the Hispanic liturgy at the Council of
Frankfurt in 794, and the unification of the liturgy in the Empire20. The Roman-Frankish
liturgy was gradually established and mixed with previous Hispanic liturgical practices21.
The Catalano-Narbonese ritual for the consecration of the church is known by four
manuscripts from the 11th and 12th centuries22. It was a long and complicated ritual, made
to transform a common place into a divine one. The burial of the relics in the altar
determined the fixity of the now sacred locus, this earthly point of divine incarnation.
Preceded by a vigil the night before, the ritual took place in more than 90 steps, including
purification rites, processions outside and inside the church, the drawing of the Greek and
Latin alphabet on the pavement, blessings, many orations and prayers, the benediction of
the donations, the deposit of the relics and the celebration of the first Mass.



17
   It could be on the side of the foot, or in the table. It is the case of the marble altar of Santa Maria
Santiga which has a loculus for the relics on top of the table (Alavedra i Invers 1984: 45-80;
Dourthe 1995: 18-19; Ripoll, Chavarria Arnau 2005: 32-33; Narasawa 2015: 512).
18
   Dourthe 1995: 11-14; Narasawa 2015: 476-499.
19
   The study of the Ordo Narbonensis has been largely dominated for more than 50 years by the
work of Miquel Gros i Pujol at the Episcopal Archives of Vic, but his work depends on a long
tradition of liturgical studies in the county of Osona, which dates to the 18th century and whose
main figures were Jaume Ripoll i Vilamajor (1774-1843), Josep Gudiol i Cunill (1872-1931),
Eduard Junyent i Subirà (1901-1978), then, more recently, that of Joan Bellavista i Ramon. This
article offers a short historiography of the subject and an exhaustive bibliography up to 2002: Gros
i Pujol 2002: 369-370.
20
   Gros i Pujol 1976: 127-154; Gros i Pujol 2008: 66-68. On the context of liturgical unification
during the 8h and 9th centuries, see Rubio Sadia 2022: 205-218.
21
   Méhu 2016: 86.
22
   The Pontifical of Roda (Lleida, Arxiu Capitular, ms 16, f. 110r-126v; Barriga Planas 1975); the
Pontifical of Narbonne, from which the original was lost, but is conserved in a 18th century edition
(Martène 1736: col. 733-747); the Pontifical of Vic (Vic, Arxiu Capitular, ms 104 (CV), f. 68r-88r;
Gros i Pujol 2004: 169-181); and the Pontifical of Ramon de Barbastro (Tarragona, Biblioteca
Publica, ms 26, f. 203v-217r), which has not been edited.

                                                                                                        5
M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



The consecration parchments were prescribed by the ordinary, as were the wax seals
and, of course, the relics23.
None of the manuscripts mentions anything related to inscriptions. However, in the Ordo
ecclesiae consecrandae of the Pontifical of Narbonne, from the 11th century, when
describing what the capsa should include, it mentions: Si autem pontifex, aut clerus, vel
populus suorum nomina, aut etiam fidelium defunctorum inserere voluerint, non
prohibeatur24. This testimony shows that the tradition of including the faithful’s names
inside the altar (on parchment, in this case) was strong, or at least widespread enough to
be included in the official discourse.




Part Two: Nominal Inscriptions, in altare


Corpus and Typology
The in altare inscriptions are found on three types of support, closely linked to each other:
lipsanoteques, sepulchres and their lids. To classify the nominal inscriptions, I use Javier
de Santiago Fernández’s second and third categories25, with some modifications, based
on the larger corpus and the revision of some inscriptions. The second type (the ones who
contain a verb) is widened to include any inscriptions which promote the action of one or
two individuals, whether by a using a verb or by the display on the object. The third
category (list of names) stays the same. The mixed category has been eliminated, not
because mixed inscriptions don’t exist, but because I don’t think that creating another
category for them helps in the analysis of their meaning. I thus prefer to consider two
categories that are not exclusive.
The inscriptions are distributed between the two categories quite evenly: 16 promote
individuals and 15 lists of names. On a total of 25 objects with 31 inscriptions, 1 is from
the 9th century, 2 are from the 10th century, 17 are from the 11th, 4 from the 12th and 1
from the 13th. Most of the inscriptions of our corpus are thus from the 11th century, all
types combined. As for their distribution on the territory, nominal inscriptions are
concentrated in the North-East of the Pyrenees, in the Catalan dioceses of Barcelona,
Elne, Girona, Urgell and Vic, and in the diocese of Roda-Barbastro.


Origin
The recommendation to a saint by the association of the name with a sacred place is very
antique. The origin of the ‘promotion’ inscriptions can be seen in donation and patronage
inscriptions from Roman Antiquity, using the same formulas and similar layouts. As for
the ‘lists of names’, they can be associated both with paleochristian sanctuary nominal
inscriptions, called proscynèmes, and the altar ‘graffitis’ from the 9th-11th centuries. The
link between these ‘graffitis’ and the Carolingian Libri Vitæ has been studied by Cécile
Treffort26. The presence of the name of the deceased in the Libri Vitæ or on the altar
themselves have their theological origin within the Old Testament, with the white stone

23
   For a general analysis of the meaning of this ritual, see Méhu 2016: 83-110.
24
   Martène 1736: col. 746.
25
   Santiago Fernández 2002: 53.
26
   Treffort 2007: 43-83.

6
Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



of the apocalypse on which the names of the elected were written until the Last
Judgment. Though the lipsanoteques’ inscriptions are inside the altar and not on it, the
similarities between them and the altar ‘graffitis’ are impossible to deny. The formulas are
the same, they both associates the living and the dead, they both aren’t read, they both
are recommendation to God and thus have an eschatological dimension. Though the
nominal inscriptions inside the altar are clearly linked to these two traditions, they are the
only ones that can be linked with the deposition of the relics or the consecration ritual27.


Individual Promotion
 CHURCH                            T.   C.   DIOCESES          LOCATION            ID
 Andorra la Vella, Sant Esteve     L    11   Urgell            PCA                 000424
 Ardanué, San Esteban              L    12   Roda-Barbastro    MDBM                00025
 Bestracà, Sant Andreu             L    11   Girona            MAG                 MD 134
 Cabanelles, Santa Coloma          L    11   Girona            MAG                 MD 82 763
 Cóll, Santa Maria                 S    12   Roda-Barbastro    Casa rectoral del   n.i.
                                                               Pont de Suert
 Cruïlles, Sant Miquel             L    13   Girona            MAG                 MD 130
 Fluvià, Sant Miquel (2+3)         S    11   Girona            MAG                 MD 59
 Girona, Palau episcopal (2+3)     S    11   Girona            MAG                 MA 2504
 Grau, Sant Pere (2+3)             L    11   Vic               MEV                 3964
 Lillet, Santa Maria (1+2)         L    9    Urgell            MCM                 358
 Lledó, Santa Maria (2+3)          L    11   Girona            MAG                 MD 87
 Montauriol, Saint-Saturnin        L    10   Elne              Unknown             n.i.
 Montgrony, Sant Pere              S    11   Vic               MEV                 325
 Nagol, Sant Serni                 S    11   Urgell            Espai Columba       n.i.
 Vilatorta, Sant Julià (2+3)       S    11   Vic               MEV                 9719
 Vivès, Saint-Michel (2+3)         L    10   Elne              In situ             n.i.


This first group of inscriptions is formed by the objects on which a name or two are
especially underlined. This individual promotion was done in several ways. The names
could be putted forward by graphic manners: with higher and wider letters, with
monumental capital letters, with chisel carving instead of drypoint graving, with a ductus
and/or with their layout on the object. Names could also be putted forward by
underlining the person’s action, with a verb.
The marble lipsanoteca of Sant Andreu de Bestracà (fig. 1 – table 5) has two names
engraved on both large faces of the rectangular container, each with their respective
title28. On the first face, the name of BORRELLU appears, followed on the smaller side by
the abbreviation PRB for presbiter. This first name is written in rustic capital letters and

27
  About consecration inscriptions, see: Codou 2008: 253-282; Gagné 2020.
28
  The general bibliography related to each lipsanoteca or sepulchre is in the Annex, with the
editions of the inscriptions.

                                                                                                7
M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



was engraved with a point chisel. It doesn’t follow a ductus. On the back face, there is
another name with a title inscribed below, but with a less skillful rustic capital letters and
engraved directly with a drypoint: BERNARDUS / LACH, lach meaning laymen29. This
type of writing, which is neither of current epigraphic nor cursive forms is also hard to
date, because it has been made by unprofessional hands and thus do not follow the
norms. However, if compared to the signatures on some charters from the 10th and
11th centuries, it is possible to see a similarity between the unexperimented hands on
both types of supports. The orthography of «lach» would place the second inscription in
the second quarter of the 11th century.
Unfortunately, the absence of documentation related to that church impedes the
identification of Borrel and Bernard and the precise dating of the inscription and thus the
consecration or consecrations. It is indeed a possibility that the two names belong to two
different consecrations, Borrel from the 10th century consecration30 and Bernard from the
12th century31, but it is impossible to confirm. Despite all these difficulties, it is still
possible to draw some conclusions from this inscription. Borrell, by the quality of his
writing and his status as a priest, is marked as hierarchically higher than Bernard, though
Bernard’s place on the lipsanoteca is an important privilege.
It must be stressed that though the consecration is an episcopal ritual, the names written
on this lipsanoteca and the vast majority of others are not from the bishop. Neither were
they of count or countesse. In general, it seems like it was the role of the local elite in the
construction of a church which was important. It was significant enough to allow them a
presence in the altar. However, there are exceptions.
On a lot of theses lipsanoteques and sepulchres, individual promotion is mixed with
nominal lists (the third type of inscriptions). In those objects, the graphic elements of
distinction are even more important. The sepulchre wood lid of Sant Miquel de Fluvià
(fig. 2 – table 9), believed to be dating from the consecration of 1065, is a great example
of that mise en scène. On one side appears very clearly the name GUILLEM, because its
letters have been profoundly engraved in the wood with a drypoint. There are two short
lines of text following the name, which are probably abbreviations, but that are hard to
interpret. It reads coma[.] lmis, which could transcribe to comitissa legitimis according to
the abbreviations32, but which doesn’t make much sense in this context. On the other

29
   This last inscription has not been transcribed in this way either in CR IV (1990):155-159 or in
Bastardes i Parera 1979. They both read BERNARDUS / ALVICH without explaining what «Alvich»
meant. It is unknown how they reached this result, but after a meticulous review of the inscription,
I propose this new edition of «lach». The existence of the spelling «l-a-c-h» to write the Latin laicus is
attested by a parchment from Sant Julià de Vilatorta, which dates from the consecration of 1050:
Parchment MEV 17 380 (Junyent i Subirà 1946: 284-285; Ordeig i Mata II-1 1996: #188B-II, 153).
30
   There is a Borrellus presbiter vel monachus who signed the dotation act of Sant Llorenç prop
Bagà, in 983. This act confirms the possession by the monastery of the churches of Bestracà, Sant
Andreu and Sant Julià (Ordeig i Mata I-2 1994: #101, 241-245). Though it is not much, it is
possible that this Borrell was also linked with the construction and consecration of Sant Andreu de
Bestracà. There is unfortunately no other documentation to confirm this. This Borrell was only
found in one other document, the dotation act of Sant Miquel prop Bagà, in 984, where signed a
certain Borrellus monachus, which is believed to be the same person (Ordeig i Mata I-2 1994:
#102, 245-247).
31
   Bernard could be one of the first known castlans from the castle of Bestracà, Bernardus de
Bestrachano, who appears in the documentation in the years 1138 and 1139 as a witness to acts
linked to the monastery of Sant-Joan de les Abadesses, and in 1157 as accused in a trial in the
curia of Ramon Berenguer IV (Baiges 2010: #1012, 1627-1629).
32
   Cappelli 1912: 59, 203-204.

8
Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



side of the tap is a list of names, scarcely engraved in the wood by the same hand and
very difficult to read. In the lower part, it reads again GUILLEM coma[.] lmis, which could
well be the same person who appears twice, due to the repetition of what is probably his
title. By his name’s layout, Guillem was distinguished from the others whose names
appear on the lid.
In the case of Fluvià, there is documentation from the consecration and thus it is possible
to guess who he might be. According to the dotation act of the church, the owners of the
parcel on which the monastery was built were Guillem of Fonolleres and his father,
Bernard: […] Bernardus de Fonollariis et uxor sua Guinedellis cum filiis suis Guilelmo
Sibica et Karo Domino Arsendis et Elliadrix et Bernardus filius eius et cuncta illorum
progenies […]33. The identification of GUILLEM coma[.] lmis with Guillem of Fonolleres
would explain the attribute of legitimis. Indeed, before the 1065 consecration, there was a
conflict on the property of the land on which was build the monastery. Both Gausfred of
Rosselló and Guillem of Fonolleres claimed the property, but the dispute was ruled in
favour of the last, making him the legitimate owner and most important donator to the
monastery34. However, Guillem of Fonolleres was not a count, so if the abbreviation
«coma» refers to this title, it could not be him. The second option would be that the
inscription identifies Guillem II, count of Besalù, who supported the construction and
consecration of the monastery with the count of Empùries, Ponç I, and the count of
Barcelona, Ramon Berenguer I. In this case, the mention of legitimis would be hard to
explain, as the obvious mistake of coma instead of comes. If it is the case, it would be the
only count whose presence was made material in an altar. Although it would be
interesting to be able to confirm the identity of this Guillem, this inscription still reveals
something. The people who were allowed to have their name written in the altar didn’t
have all the same status and they were distinguished, even in a locus never to be seen.
In some cases, names are putted forward on lipsanoteques in another manner in addition
to graphic staging: they are identified as actors with a verb. The verbs used are the
following: fecit (has done), iussit (has ordered), recondit (has hidden) and comparavit (has
acquired). More often than not, they are used with the reflective pronoun me. On the
alabaster lipsanoteca of Sant Pere del Grau (fig. 3 – table 11) from the 11th century, there
are many names, but one stands out. On the front face of the sarcophagi, written in two
straight-ish lines, with rustic capital letters that are higher and wider than any others, is
written: ANSULFUS ME COM-/PARAVIT. This inscription is not ambiguous: Ansulfus
(whether a priest or a layman, it is unknown) has acquired the lipsanoteca for the
consecration, and this action has given him the privilege of having his name written on
the reliquary, as an actor.
The meaning of the verbal inscription of Sant Pere del Grau is quite clear, but it is not
always the case. Some other verbal inscriptions are quite problematic, and their
ambiguity has led to multiple interpretations. If the verbs iussio (order prescribe),
comparo (acquire, procure) and recondo (hide, bury) are quite straightforward in their
meaning, the verb facio is not. This verb in Latin had, from Antiquity to Medieval Ages,
many different uses. Indeed, it did not necessarily refer to the act of making or
manufacturing, it could also refer to the action of consecrating, blessing, contributing,
ordering, or organizing35. It is important to keep this in mind, because in almost every



33
   CR IX (1990): 812-814; Ordeig i Mata II-2 1997: #221, 209-212.
34
   CR IX (1990): 814.
35
   Database of Latin Dictionaries 2022: facio, -ere.

                                                                                            9
M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



case, these people have been identified as artisans, on the only basis that their names
were written with the combination of me fecit, interpreted as «X made me».
The research in the field of epigraphy was, until recently, very unclear about what defines
and distinguishes an artist inscription from a donator or sponsor inscription36. Historians
were keen to identify any «X me fecit» as an artist signature. But there is no way of
knowing, only with the combination «X me fecit» if we are dealing with an artisan, a
donator, a sponsor, or any other actor in the making of the object. However, recent
research by Emilie Mineo has rectified the situation. In an article published in 2015, she
explored the meaning of the me fecit inscriptions and came to some conclusions37. From
Latin antiquity to the 11th century, this expression was used has «X have X made», and
from the 12th century onward, there is a tendency to see me fecit as «X materially made
X»38. She also argues convincingly that it cannot refer to the artist who executed the
inscription and that the reflective pronoun me referred to the object itself or to the
church39. In the end, the only way to surely identify the action is to have more
information about it, whether in the inscription itself or out of context.
The corpus of lipsanoteques offers some examples that might be possible to interpret
because of the presence of two different verbs. On the stucco lipsanoteca of Santa
Coloma de Cabanelles (fig. 4 – table 6), is written: STEFANUS PRESBITER ME IUSIT /
SENIFREDUS PRESBITER ME FECIT. In this case, I do think that Senifredus is the artisan-
priest who fabricated the lipsanoteca, because the verb fecit is in parallel with the verbs
iussit: one orders, the other one executes. This hypothesis is supported by the existence of
a second inscription, on the stucco lipsanoteca of Santa Maria de Lledó, a few kilometres
away, which also identifies Senifredus: SENIFREDUS ME IUSIT ET / SENIFREDUS
PRESBITER ME FECIT. Since the two lipsanoteques are very similar both in materials and
form, are from churches that are close to one another, and the inscriptions are made in
the exact same writing, it is highly possible that Senifredus is the maker of this object and
the inscription in both cases.
The inscription on the wooden lipsanoteca of Sant Esteve d’Andorra la Vella (fig. 5 – table 1)
is more ambiguous: PETRUS PECCA-/TOR FECIT / ALUNDINUS / PRESBITER RECONDIT.
First, according to this inscription, the lipsanoteca «was buried» by Alundinus, a priest:
what does it mean? If it means that the lipsanoteca was deposited in the altar by this
priest, it goes against the norms of the consecration ritual, which must be celebrated by a
bishop. It is still possible that this Alundinus did help the bishop during the ceremony,
and that is why he identified his action with this verb. It could also mean that he was
responsible of the care for the relics which were inside the lipsanoteca, and so his action
was not to bury the lipsanoteca but the relics inside it. As for the action of this Peter the
sinner, it is quite impossible to know with the information that is available. But if the
action of Alundinus is toward the lipsanoteca, it would be more coherent if the one of
Peter was too, thus meaning he could be the artisan.
Unfortunately, even in the cases for which we have some documentation contemporary
to the consecration, it is almost impossible to identify any of the actors whose names are
on the lipsanoteques, so their action cannot be specified. This whole reflection on the
meaning of those verbs as lead me to think that their precise meaning wasn’t important,


36
   The most important works on this subject are: Favreau 1989: 214-223; Idem 1992: 681-722;
Idem 2001:37-59; Mariaux 2003: 199-214; Codou 2008: 273-279.
37
   Mineo 2015: 106-112. It is also the subject of her PhD Diss: Mineo 2016.
38
   Mineo 2015: 107-108.
39
   Mineo 2015: 109-110.

10
Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



the important is that those people were linked by their action to the construction, to the
relics and to the opus, whatever action that might be. Emilie Mineo arrived at the same
conclusion on the ambiguity of the inscriptions: «This is because the community they were
addressed to did not have the need to remember this kind of obvious information, but also
because the men and women of the Middle Ages did not think, as we do, in terms of ‘artist’
or ‘client’. Even if a financial, intellectual, or material contribution was made, what
mattered was above all the result, the work that was proposed in the eyes of the spectator
and whose final beneficiary was God40». These different gestures and acts are understood
as an integral part of the same process, which is that of building the earthly church.
To summarize, on the lipsanoteques and sepulchres, there are certain people who were
distinguished by their actions, whether expressed with a verb or not. They had the desire
to be in the altar, and it seems that their actions were rewarded with this prominent
place, closest to the relics. Most of them were priests, but there were also laymen. The
range of actions which are known to be rewarded remains quite large: ordering the
fabrication of the lipsanoteques or the construction/consecration of the church, donating
to the church for its construction/consecration, acquiring the lipsanoteca for the
consecration, maybe depositing the lipsanoteca in the altar or the relics in the
lipsanoteca, and, fabricating the lipsanoteca for the relics.


Nominal Lists
 CHURCH                              T.   C.    DIOCESIS         LOCATION          ID
 Arles-sur-Tech (Sainte-Marie)       L    11    Elne             In situ           n.i.
 Arles-sur-Tech (Sainte-Marie)       L    11    Elne             Lost              n.i.
 Fluvià, Sant Miquel (2+3)           S    11    Girona           MAG               MD 59
 Girona, Palau episcopal (2+3)       S    11    Girona           MAG               MA 2504
 Grau, Sant Pere (2+3)               L    11    Vic              MEV               3964
 Guils de Cerdanya, Sant Esteve      S    11    Urgell           In altare         n.i.
 Joval, Sant Martí                   S    12    Urgell           MDCS              963
 Lledó, Santa Maria (2+3)            L    11    Girona           MAG               MD 87
 El Munt, Sant Llorenç               S    11    Vic              Private owner     n.i.
 Palera, Sant Sepulcre               S    11    Girona           MAG               MD 78
 Pontons, Sant Joan de la Muntanya   S    11    Barcelona        In situ           n.i.
 Sauto, Saint-Maurice                S    12    Elne             Mairie de Sauto   n.i.
 Talló, Santa Maria                  S    11    Roda             In situ           n.i.
 Vilatorta, Sant Julià (2+3)         S    11    Vic              MEV               9719
 Vivès, Saint-Michel (2+3)           L    10    Elne             In situ           n.i.


40
   Personal translation from Castellan: «Ello es debido a que la comunidad a la que estaban
dirigidas no tenía la necesidad de recordar este tipo de información tan evidente, pero también
porque los hombres y las mujeres de la Edad Media no pensaban, como lo hacemos nosotros, en
términos de “artista” o de “comitente”, aunque se efectuara una contribución financiera,
intelectual o material, lo que importaba era sobre todo el resultado, la obra que se proponía a los
ojos del espectador y cuyo beneficiario final era Dios». Mineo 2015: 111.

                                                                                                  11
M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



The inscriptions that are considered nominal lists are the one that presents an abundance
of names without graphic distinctions: these names can be written by the same hand,
which is the most current situation, or by different hands. They could be scattered or
organized. In all cases, the lists of names are inscribed in letters that are more like cursive
than monumental and are written in ink or with a drypoint, without much care. As it was
mentioned before, the lists of names sometimes cohabited with individual promotion, like
in Sant Miquel de Fluvià and Sant Pere del Grau. The following examples are from both
combined inscriptions and lists of names alone.
The example of Santa Maria de Lledó is peculiar (fig. 6 – table 15). The stucco
lipsanoteca is covered in inscriptions from three hands: one we discard because it is from
the 19th centuries (on the small side); one that has been mentioned just before
SENIFREDUS ME IUSIT ET SENIFREDUS PRESBITER ME FECIT (on the lid); and a list of
names in cursive (on the front side). This last inscription was first edited (reservedly) in the
Catalog of the Museum from 1981 and was not revised neither by the makers of
Catalunya Romànica, neither by Javier de Santiago Fernandez. The problem is that there
are mistakes in its edition, which is why I propose a new one41:


 Personal edition                                    MAG, Catalog 1981
 Lobetus presbiter cum Ennalegi defunct[i], Alliu,   Lobetas presviter cum Ennalegi defuncti Olliu-
 Baro, Suniario defuncti, Argeleva defuncta,         baro Suniario defuncti Argeleva defuncta
 Filmera, Olibani defuncti, Ermetruit.               Tilmeta Olibasu defuncti me iussit


When looking at this inscription, it is very tempting to see in it a certain similarity with
Visigothic high traits writing, but it is much more comparable to poorly written Caroline
letters of the 11th century. These letters are very basic cursive, not formalized, probably
because the writer didn’t have the experience to write well on the stucco support. In the
case of the identification of these people, the mystery is total: neither the two Senifredus,
neither any of these people appear in the foundational act of the monastery in 1089.
However, the introduction to this act mentions the existence of a previous monastery at
the same location: «Let it be known to all the faithful, both present and future, that the
sacred place of Santa Maria, mother of God, commonly called Lledó, was once rich and
endowed with many honours and many goods, and that later, due to the negligence of
the inhabitants and the den of wicked people, was reduced to such poverty that no one
dwelt there nor showed any honour to the divine worship»42.
Considering the type of writing, the absence of any of these people in the foundation act
and the knowledge of a prior monastery, it is possible to propose two hypotheses. The
lipsanoteca could itself belong to the anterior church; or the inscription of the names could
refer, in 1089, to the prior community who promoted it, which would explain the
references to dead people. Using both the Catalunya Carolíngia43 and the Codolcat


41
   I would like to thank Stefano Cingolani for his precious help in transcribing this inscription.
42
   Personal translation from Latin: Notum sit fidelium universitati future, et presenti sacratissimum
locumbeatissime Dei genitricis Marie vulgo vocatum Lotonense quondam fuisse opulentissimum et
magnis honoribus ac rebus ditatum postmodum vero incuria inhabitantium et direptione pravorum
hominum ad tantam inopiam redactum quod nemo ibi morabatur nec aliquis ibi divinis cultibus
honor exhibebatur.
43
   Catalunya Carolíngia 2022: antropònims.

12
Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



database44, I have tried to identify the people in the inscription. For most it was not very
concluding, but in a document from the 26th of March 1000, appears a woman named
Filmera, wife of Garmi, which had three sons, Olibani, Seniofredi and the Abbot
Hacfredo45. They were owners of a gran quantity of camps and buildings in les Preses,
which they donated to Bernat I de Besalú. Besalú’s counts had influence in Lledó: the
dotation act was signed by Bernat II de Besalú, grandson of Bernat I. Could Filmera,
Olibani, and Senifredus have been linked to this community and honoured the
lipsanoteca of the new one? It is a possibility, but this document alone is not enough to
go on. What was made quite evident, though, is that the anthroponyms from this list are
more common in the 10th century until the beginning of the 11th century, which would
confirm that the people identified are not contemporary to the 1089 foundation.
The cursive inscription of Santa Maria de Lledó is written by one hand. The names are
presented as a group, but in other cases, the names are scattered on the object without a
sense of order, sometimes written by different hands. It is the case of one of the
lipsanoteca from Sainte-Marie d’Arles-sur-Tech. This impressive block of stone, which
holes are placed like a Greek cross, has inscriptions almost on every surface. It was first
published by Pierre Ponsich in 1987, who said he discovered it in the garden of the
monastery in 1953, serving as a trough for the chickens46. However, during a short
research stay in the Arxiu Mas of the Institut Amatller of Barcelona, I was able to consult
some pictures of this same lipsanoteca that were taken before 193947. The good news is
that there are more names visible on it than there were when Ponsich found it altered by
the water. The pictures are of a good enough quality for reading at least some of them.
There are isolated names on the top part: Seguinus / Petrus / Tedul[f]us / Bernardus /
P[…]; and on one side, like Dugo presbiter. There are also names followed by formulas,
which have not been mentioned until now but were very common in the 10th and
11th centuries48. On the rim, is written:
Wilabertus cum omnibus parentibus suis; and on the sides: Vivas monachus cum omnibus
parentibus / Gaucbertus cum omnibus parentibus and Oto cum omnibus parentibus suis.
These formulas, also present on parchment and altars, were common in the Libri vitæ in
the Carolingian period, which indicated their commemorative and prophylactic role49.
Those lists of names, with or without formulas, are found in inscriptions, but also written
on parchments inside the lipsanoteques or sepulchres. Indeed, the name lists have a
parchment equivalent in the charters of consecration and the charters of recommendations
from the very end of the 11th century to the beginning of the 12th century. The parchments
of Oliba from the Catedral of Urgell, in 1040, are well-known examples50. In Oliba’s
recommendation charter, like in Lledó’s inscription, there are many members of the
community who were allowed to write their name, and thus to have a place inside the
altar: clerks, laypeople, both men and women, dead or alive, with or without their relatives.
The most vivid example of this community representation is found in Sant Julià de
Vilatorta, both on the lid of the reconditory (fig. 7 – table 24) and on the five parchments
of recommendation that were found in one of the lipsanoteca. They are very well known

44
   Corpus Documentale Latinum Cataloniae 2022.
45
   Sobrequés et al. 2006: #622.
46
   Ponsich 1987a: 1.
47
   Barcelona, Institut Amatller d’Art Hispànic, Arxiu Mas, Foto Gudiol R-113.
48
   Treffort 2007: 43-83.
49
   Ponsich 1987a: 3; Treffort 2007: 43-83.
50
   La Seu d’Urgell, Arxiu Diocesà, Pergamins de consagracions i relíquies 2-3. See the brief study
of the charter in Sureda i Jubany 2018: 134-135.

                                                                                                 13
M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



because they have been published by Edward Junyent I Subira in 194651, but their
importance makes it impossible not to present them. On the wood lid, there are three
types of writing: engraved and inked monumental capital letters, engraved mixed cursive
letters, and inked minuscule cursive letters. The majority of the names are written
horizontally, half of them are upside down. The engraved and inked capital letters are the
more visible, partly because they have resisted better the use of time, but mostly because
they are double the size of the inked minuscule letters and the ink makes them much
more visible than the only engraved ones. In other words, this layout is intentionally
promoting the four people who are named: Bonefilio sacer, Vidal sacer, Engluviga and
Guntricus sacer.
It so happens that Bonefilio, Vidal and Engluviga also appear in one of the recommendation
charters and dotation act:
In Dei nomine. Ego Bonefilius Gitardis sacer +, filius Vitalis sacer vel Ingluigia femina +,
qui istam eglesiam feci reedifichare cum omnibus vicinibus suis vel vicinas et aliorum
bonorum [omnium] clerici vel lachi et feminas qui ibi fecerunt adjutorium propter
timorem et amorem Dei ut Deus Dominus noster Jesus Christus faciat illis et nobis
retribucionem in vitam eternam. Amen, amen. Fiat, fiat, fiat. Amen +52.
Their role and intention couldn’t be clearer. The priest Bonefilio, together with his
associate priest Vidal, and the women Engluviga, are responsible for the reconstruction of
the church and the petition to the bishop of Vic, Guillem of Balsareny, for its consecration.
They are the main actors of this petition, but they also include with them all the
neighbouring community, vicinibus vel vicinas, the good men, clerks, and laypeople,
clerici vel lachi, and the women, all who helped them out of their fear and love of God,
propter timorem et amorem Dei. As they are included on the parchment, there are also
on the wooden lid, though their names are much harder to read. On the parchments and
on the wood, there are names of clerks and laypeople, with mentions of their family.
They are this community around the church of Vilatorta and their action is honoured as
such. They all hope for retribution in eternal life Deus Dominus noster Jesus Christus
faciat illis et nobis retribucionem in vitam eternam.
The case of Vilatorta is an incredible and unique testimony of the importance of the
community (and its hierarchy) around the consecration ritual: are conserved the dotation
act, the consecration charter, the recommendation charters, two lipsanoteques, three
bishop seals from Guillem of Balsareny, and this amazing sepulchre lid. However, I must
stress out that it is the only case for which are preserved these materials altogether, and
the only inscriptions for which it is possible to identify with certainty the people who
appear and link them to the consecration. Vilatorta is thus an incredible exception, the
summit of laypeople’s representation in the altar.




51
     Junyent i Subira 1946: 279-292.
52
     Vic, MEV, 17380.

14
Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



Part three: Afterthought and Conclusions


Community
What can these inscriptions teach us about the consecration, about the laity’s patronage
system and about the importance and meaning of writing in the church? The inscriptions
that I have presented are far from being widespread. Nevertheless, they are part of a more
generalized writing tradition surrounding the consecration, including the dotation acts
(more then 400 conserved), the consecration and recommendation charters (more then
50), and the relic identification parchments. Altogether, they form a considerable
testimony of who was involved in the ritual, of the importance the consecration and the
altar itself had in the society, and of the power of the written word. More than a religious
act, it seems that the consecration was crucial for the constitution of the community that
surrounded the church and its hierarchy53.
The inscriptions can help us determine that the people who were involved in the
consecration were part of three categories: first, the direct actors in the construction and
the religious actors of the consecration, which were specially honoured by the layout of
the inscription (priest, clerks, donators, promoters, and artisans); second, the other
members of the local community who participated in the process, without being main
actors; and third, the dead members of the community who are not linked with the
consecration but with the place. These inscriptions seem to be the engraved testimony of
the demand of social groups for the construction of their community’s church or monastic
community. This whole process underlines the role of both the religious and the laic
community in the construction of churches in the Catalan counties: their edification were
social works54. Participating in the consecration, by donating to the church or by any
other means made them part of the building, gave them a place in their community, and
could benefit them in the afterlife. All these people participated in the good opus which
was the construction of a church, in hope of redemption55.
Somewhere in the 12th century, laypeople stopped writing their name near the altar. The
only names that can be found around it are the ones of ecclesiastics. I do believe that the
end of this tradition has to do with the condemnation of the right of patronage of the laity
on the churches, a fight that the Church took on in the middle of the 11th century, though
it was slow to impose in the Catalan counties56. The decisions of the Council of Toulouse
in 1056 are only one example of it, as is the slow change to a unified Roman liturgy.
Laypeople were more and more kept away from the altars and the uniformization of the
liturgy took out what was left of the local traditions, including the charters and the inscriptions.


Power of the Verb
If there is a thigh link between the consecration and the written act in most liturgical
ordinary, the sacred nature of writing was particularly valued in the Catalano-Narbonese
Ordo and the territory where it was used. Indeed, in the North-East of the Peninsula, the
organization of the society around law and written documentation had a central importance,

53
   Zimmermann 2008: 17, 26-27; Méhu 2016: 102-110.
54
   Codou 2008: 281; Zimmermann 2008: 17; Méhu 2016: 106-110.
55
   Treffort 2003: 158-160. Anita Guerreau-Jalabert makes an amazing description of the system of
circulation and exchange of charity, using examples from donation to monasteries that I believe
can be applied to our case. Guerreau-Jalabert 2000: 55-57.
56
   Codou 2008: 270-273.

                                                                                                 15
M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



rooted in Roman culture57. Considering the written word as an incarnation of the truth is
both a heritage of the Roman law and the translation of a very Christian interpretation of
the Bible: the tables of the Law, incarnate the word of God (Ex 32, 15), and the Gospels
incarnate the Verb. This is literally acted in the consecration ritual in different ways. The
A-B-C-tarium is traced in Greek and Latin on the pavement of the Church by the bishop,
to incarnate the Verb in the building. The Alpha and the Omega are traced outside the
doors of the church they represent Christ, the beginning, and the end. All words that the
bishop pronounce have power: Sanctificare per verbum Dei unda caelestis, sanctificare
aqua Christi calcata vestigiis58. The written consecration charters including the Decalogue
and the Gospels are probably (with the inscriptions) the most original liturgical practice
included in the ritual. It identifies the altar as the locus of the Law, both the Old and the
New59. If this identification between the altar and the Arch of the Covenant was common
ground, here they decided the incarnate this link by writing the Laws down60. The altar
was not only metaphorically the Arch of the Covenant, but it was also materially. It
pushes to the extreme the will to give the sanction of writing to all transactions and acts.
In a very similar way, the name written on matter was considered the true incarnation of
the self61. Though the action of the donators, clerks and community was itself crucial, it
seems that it was important that it was written for it to be true. As Patrick Henriet said, the
altar attracted words, because it was the centre of liturgical speech62. By writing their
name on the lipsanoteques and sepulchres, they were present, and they were made
materially part of the church, and the Ecclesia.


Purpose
Cécile Treffort reflected on the eschatological dimension of hidden nominal inscriptions,
both of the endotaphs and the altar ‘graffitis’63. Writing one’s name close to the relics was
an essential devotional practice in the High Middle Ages. The will was to benefit from the
Saints’ intercession, to be identified, recognize during the Last Judgment64. In most cases,
it doesn’t seem important to be able to even read the names with human eyes, only their
presence suffice, although even inside the altar, the social hierarchy remains important65.
Taking that into account, the nominal inscriptions in altare seem to be the extreme expression
of the will to be close to the Saints. Closest to the relics as they could be, inside the locus
of the Eucharistic miracle, people related to the church and its edification were profiting
of the intercession of the saints and of the spiritual status of the altar, from that moment
and perpetually.
The inscriptions in the field of epigraphy are studied as written objects which belong to
the visual and sensitive realm. They were part of a public discourse. I believe the in altare
inscriptions belonged to the spiritual realm: they are to be read only by the Saints and
Christ. However, they are still part of a discourse, one on the community of Christians
and each other’s chances to access eternal life.


57
   Cingolani 2015: 36-37.
58
   Pontifical of Narbonne, Martène 1736: col. 735.
59
   Henriet 2013.
60
   Gros i Pujol 2008: 70-74; Henriet 2013: 76-77.
61
   Bourin 1998: 193-213; Treffort 2003: 158; Codou 2008: 279-282.
62
   Henriet 2013: 86-87.
63
   Treffort 2016: 39-46.
64
   Treffort 2016: 140.
65
   Codou 2008: 280.

16
Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



ANNEX




Edition criteria
Text transcribed in lowercase (except text carved with a chisel, transcribed in capital letters).
Restitution of the modern rules of punctuation and use of capital letters.
Separation of the words.
Re-establishing of the difference between U/V and I/J.
Developing the abbreviations between parentheses.
Indicating the gaps by […]
Restitution between [ ]
Crosses marked by a +




                                                                                                    17
   M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



1. Andorra la Vella (Sant Esteve)

    Support                  Lipsanoteca                                 Wood
    Location                 PCA                                         000424
    Type(s)                  Individual promotion                        –
    Date                     11th century                                Approx.
    Description              The inscription is made on one of the large faces of the wood
                             container. It is engraved with a flat chisel in footed monumental
                             capital letters. The ‘B’ and ‘D’ are uncials. It doesn’t follow a straight
                             ductus. It doesn’t use many abbreviations.
    Inscriptions             [P]ETRUS PECCATOR FECIT. +ALUNDINUS PR(E)SB(ITE)R RECONDIT
    References               CR XXIII (1986): 257; CR VI (1992): 416-417; Santiago Fernández 2002: 51.




    Fig. 5 (Picture by Author © Patrimoni Cultural d’Andorra)




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  Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



2. Ardanué (San Esteban)

    Support             Lipsanoteca                                 Wood
    Location            MDBM                                        00025
    Type(s)             Individual promotion                        –
    Date                12th century                                Approx.
    Description         The inscription is made on top of the wood container. It is profoundly
                        engraved with a drypoint in rustic capital letters. The ‘A’ has a top bar
                        curved upwards and the ‘T’ is footed. It doesn’t follow a straight ductus.
    Inscriptions        [Ab]stone pr(e)s(biter)
    References          Iglesias Costa 2003 [1985]: I, 146-151; Montaner 2019: 69-70.




3. Arles-sur-Tech (Sainte-Marie)

    Support             Lipsanoteca                                 Stone
    Location            In situ                                     n.i.
    Type(s)             List of names                               –
    Date                881/891 and/or 1046                         Hypo.
    Description         The names are spread on all surfaces of the container except under it.
                        They are lightly engraved with a drypoint in a cursive style that mixes
                        minuscules and capital letters. They do not follow any direction or ductus.
                        They were written by different hands, maybe at different consecrations.
    Inscriptions        Top centre: Petrus, Seguin(us), Tedul[f](us), Bernard(us), P[…].
                        Top rim #1: Wilab(er)t(us) c(u)m om(n)ib(us) par[en]tib(us) [s]uis.
                        Top rim #2: S[…]s[…]n[…].
                        Side #1: Dugo [presbi]t[er]. Oto cu(m) om(n)ib(us) parentib(us) suis.
                        Side #2: Vivas monachus cu(m) omnib(us) [parentibus]. Gaucb(ertus)
                        c(u)m omnib(us) paren(tibus). Lo[…].
    References          Demaux, Roumailhac 1987: 9-15; Ponsich 1987a: 1-4; CR XXV (1996): 85;
                        Santiago Fernández 2002: 51-52.




                                                                                                      19
  M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



4. Arles-sur-Tech (Sainte-Marie)

    Support             Lipsanoteca                                 Wood
    Location            Lost                                        –
    Type(s)             List of names                               –
    Date                1046 and/or 1157                            Hypo.
    Description         «The writing, quite poorly made, seems to be – he added – from the 11th
                        or 12th century. On one of the sides, I read: “Oliba…, Petrus, Wilelmus,
                        Guanlangater (?) cum omnibus illorum…”. Wouldn’t this small cube
                        have contained the relics placed in an altar, and couldn’t the transcribed
                        text be a fragment of the act of consecration?»66
    Inscriptions        Oliba […], Petrus, Wilelmus, [Guanlangater] cum omnibus illorum […]
    References          Brutails (1901): #4, 179; Demaux, Roumailhac 1987: 9-15; Ponsich
                        1987a: 1; CR XXV (1996): 85; Santiago Fernández 2002: 52.




  66
     Personal translation: «L’escriptura, bastant mal formada, me sembla ésser – afegia – del segle XI
  o del XII. En una de ses cares llegeixo: “Oliba…, Petrus, Wilelmus, Guanlangater (?) cum omnibus
  illorum…”. Aquest petit carreu no hauria contingut les relíquies col·locades en un altar, i el text
  transcrit no podria ésser un fragment de l’acta de consagració?». Brutails (1901).

  20
  Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



5. Bestracà (Sant Andreu)

    Support                   Lipsanoteca                               Marble
    Location                  MAG                                       MD 134
    Type(s)                   Individual promotion                      –
    Date                      10th and 12th centuries                   Approx.
    Description               This lipsanoteca has two inscriptions. The first occupies two sides,
                              was made with a point chisel, and uses rustic capital letters, except
                              for the uncial ‘B’. The second uses only one side and is written with a
                              drypoint on two lines in rustic capital letters, except again for the
                              uncial ‘B’. This last one is from a much less habile hand. Both do not
                              follow a ductus.
    Inscriptions              Side #1 and #2: BORRELLU(S) PRB.
                              Side #3: Bernardus lach.
    References                CR XXIII (1988), p. 115; Bastardes i Parera 1989: 21-22, 27; CR IV
                              (1990): 158-159; Santiago Fernández 2002: 52; Blanchard 2022: 1-4.




    Fig. 1 (Pictures by Author – © Bisbat de Girona)




                                                                                                        21
  M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



6. Cabanelles (Santa Coloma)

   Support                 Lipsanoteca                                Stucco
   Location                MAG                                        MD 82763
   Type(s)                 Individual promotion                       –
   Date                    11th century                               Approx.
   Description             The inscription is inscribed with a point chisel on the lid and on one of
                           the large sides of the stucco box. It uses rustic capital letters and does
                           not follow a ductus. It uses abbreviations for the ‘m(e)’ and ‘p(resbite)r’.
                           It is the same writing and abbreviations as on the lid inscription of the
                           lipsanoteca of Santa Maria de Lledó.
   Inscriptions            Lid: STEFANUST M(E) IUSIT.
                           Side: SENIFREDUS P(RESBITE)R M(E) FECIT.
   References              Godoy Torrijos 2018: 1-2.




   Fig. 4 (Pictures by Author – © Bisbat de Girona)




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   Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



7. Cóll (Santa Maria)

    Support              Sepulchre (lid)                              Slate
    Location             Casa rectoral de Pont de Suert               n.i.
    Type(s)              Individual promotion                         Consecration
    Date                 1110                                         Exact
    Description          The inscription is on one side of the slate on four lines. It is written with a
                         drypoint, uses a mix of minuscule and capital letters, in a cursive style. It
                         is followed by an inscription from 1925.
    Inscriptions         Bernard(us) Roroger p(resbiter) hoc fecit era t(rabeationis) m(i)l(lesim)a
                         c(e)n(tesim)a (deci)ma [K](a)l(endas) XI in mense otubrio
    References           CR XVI (1996): 197-198.




                                                                                                           23
   M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



8. Cruïlles (Sant Miquel)

    Support                 Lipsanoteca                               Wood
    Location                MAG                                       MD 130
    Type(s)                 Individual promotion                      –
    Date                    13th century                              Approx.
    Description             This inscription is on the cylinder body of the container, written from
                            right to left in rustic capital letters. It is barely engraved, with a
                            drypoint.
    Inscriptions            Remun(dus) p(res)b(ite)r
    References              CR XXIII (1988): 122; CR VIII (1989): 289-290.




    (Pictures by Author – © Bisbat de Girona)




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     Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



9.   Fluvià (Sant Miquel)

      Support                    Sepulchre (lid)                             Wood
      Location                   MAG                                         MD 59
      Type(s)                    Individual promotion                        List of names
      Date                       1065                                        Hypo.
      Description                The lid from Fluvià is inscribed on both sides. On the first, there is
                                 the promotion inscription, with the name deeply engraved with the
                                 drypoint, and the tittle more lightly engraved in minuscules. On the
                                 other side, there is a list of names, all written with a drypoint and
                                 barely readable. The names vary in size, but I am unsure if they are
                                 made by the same hand or not. Both inscriptions use a mix of
                                 minuscule and capital letters, in a cursive style. It seems like it lost a
                                 part of the wood, as the list of names is partial at the beginning.
      Inscriptions               Side #1: Guill(e)m [coma? lmis].
                                 Side #2: […] om(n)ibus parentib(us) vivis (et) defu(n)ct[is].
                                 […] s […], Wil[afr]ed(us), S[…], […], Vitalus p(resbi)t(e)r, Sn[…],
                                 […].
                                 Guill(e)m [coma? lmis].
      References                 Monsalvatje y Fossas 1917: 68-69; Marquès y Casanovas 1955: 45-46;
                                 CR IX (1990): 827 (wrong lipsanoteca).




      Fig. 2 (Pictures by Author – © Bisbat de Girona)




                                                                                                              25
    M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



10. Girona (Palau episcopal)

     Support                  Sepulchre (lid)                            Stone
     Location                 MAG                                        2405
     Type(s)                  Individual promotion                       List of names
     Date                     11th century                               Approx.
     Description              This lid is only inscribed on one side with two inscriptions. The first is
                              of individual promotion, it is engraved with a point chisel with a mix
                              of rustic capitals and uncials, following a ductus. The ‘M’ is footed. It
                              is parallel to the shorter side of the stone. The second one is a list of
                              names and is perpendicular to the first one. It is engraved lightly with
                              a drypoint, barely readable, with capital letters in a cursive style.
     Inscriptions             Parallel: ERM(E)NGOD(US)
                              Perpendicular: Tuli[cane], Cind[eleva].
     References               –




     (Pictures by Author – © Bisbat de Girona)




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    Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



11. El Grau (Sant Pere)

     Support                    Lipsanoteca                                Alabaster
     Location                   MEV                                        3964
     Type(s)                    Individual promotion                       List of names
     Date                       11th century                               Approx.
     Description                The promotion inscription on the lipsanoteca of Sant Pere del Grau
                                is on the front of the little tomb, engraved with a point chisel in
                                rustic capital letters that are a little bit erased. The other names are
                                written with a drypoint, dispersed on all the other surfaces of the
                                container. They do not follow an order, but they are written in
                                similar letters, mixing capitals and minuscules in a cursive style. The
                                writing is clumsy and quite hard to read.
     Inscriptions               Front, low: AUSULFUS ME COMPARAVIT.
                                Front, up: Et Arnatgo.
                                Lid: Guitard(us), Wihelm, Galin.
                                Side #1: Bonofilio.
                                Back: At[t]o, Arnalus, Durandus.
                                Under: Oliba, Isarn, Ermenir, Guitardus, Adam.
     References                 Gudiol i Cunill 1906; Alavedra i Invers 1979: I, 350 et II, 65-69; CR
                                II (1984): 287-288; CR XXII (1986): 251-252; Bastardes i Parera
                                1989: 19, 23-24; Santiago Fernández 2002: 50; Trullén 2003: 254;
                                Sureda 2010: 58.




     Fig. 3 (Pictures by Author – © Museu Episcopal de Vic)




                                                                                                           27
    M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



12. Guils de Cerdanya (Sant Esteve)

     Support             Sepulchre (lid)                              Stone
     Location            In altare                                    –
     Type(s)             List of names                                Consecration
     Date                1042                                         Hypo.
     Description         This lid is serving as a parchment for the consecration act of the church.
                         It is the only known case that is not on parchment. It is followed by lists
                         of names, on both sides of the stone, which are unreadable, according to
                         Martí Sanjaume.
     Inscriptions        […] Bonushomo sacer. Vives sacer. Aairo sacer. Seniofredus sacer.
                         Gentilus. Xixol. Wifredus presbiter cum omnibus parentibus suis.
                         Quimara. Requilles vivis vel defuntis. Segario cum omnibus parentibus
                         suis. Ermengaudus gratia Dei episcopus […].
     References          I chose not to include the whole consecration act in this paper because it
                         is not necessary for our argument. It is easily available in the bibliography.
                         Martí Sanjaume 1928: 481-482; Baraut Obiols 1978: #53, 131-132;
                         Baraut Obiols 1986: #56, 141; CR VII (1995), p.148; Ordeig i Mata 1996
                         II-1: #171-I, 119-121.




    28
    Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



13. Joval (Sant Martí)

     Support                    Sepulchre (lid)                            Wood
     Location                   MDCS                                       963
     Type(s)                    List of names                              –
     Date                       11th century                               Hypo.
     Description                The inscription is on the irregular side of the lid. The names are
                                engraved with a drypoint on four irregular lines. The letters are a mix
                                of capitals and minuscules, in a cursive style, and are quite easy to
                                read. They could be from different hands, because there are significant
                                differences between the type of letters used in the names: the ‘R’, ‘D’
                                and ‘N’ in particular.
     Inscriptions               Vodolardo, Miro sacerdo, Seniofre sacer(do), Bernardo
     References                 CR XXII (1986): 371-372; CR XIII (1987): 94; Calderer i Serra et al.
                                1990: 148; Santiago Fernández 2002: 47.




     (Pictures by Author – © Museu Diocesa i Comarcal de Solsona)




                                                                                                       29
    M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



14. Lillet (Santa Maria)

     Support               Lipsanoteca                                Alabaster
     Location              MCM                                        10470
     Type(s)               Individual promotion                       Relic identification
     Date                  833                                        Hypo.
     Description           The inscription of Lillet is on the cylindric lid of the container. It was
                           finely engraved with a flat chisel on two lines inside a line mark. Each
                           line is preceded by a cross. The letters are a mix of monumental capitals
                           and uncials, all footed.
     Inscriptions          +VIDALUS P(RES)B(ITE)R Q(UI) ME F(E)CIT IN O(NO)RE.
                           +S(AN)C(T)A MARIA ET S(AN)CT(US) MARCIALIS CO(N)FES(O)R.
     References            Vigué, Bastardes 1978, p. 291-292; CR XII (1985): 367-369; Bastardes i
                           Parera 1989: 18, 25-26; Millenum 1989: 106; Santiago Fernández 2002: 47.




    30
    Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



15. Lledó (Santa Maria)

     Support                    Lipsanoteca                                Stucco
     Location                   MAG                                        87
     Type(s)                    Individual promotion                       List of names
     Date                       10th century and 1069                      Hypo.
     Description                There are three inscriptions on the lipsanoteca of Lledó: two from the
                                Middle Ages, on the lid and front, and one on the side front 1811.
                                The lid inscription, which is of individual promotion, is engraved
                                with a point chisel in rustic capital letters, the same as on the
                                lipsanoteca of Cabanelles. The one on the front is a cursive
                                inscription made with a drypoint and is a list of names, all written by
                                the same hand.
     Inscriptions               Lid: SENIFREDUS M(E) IUSIT ET SENIFREDUS P(RESBITE)R M(E)
                                F(ECI)T.
                                Side #1: Lobetus presbiter cum Ennalegi defunct[a], Alliu, Baro,
                                Suniario defuncti, Argeleva defuncta, Filmera, Olibani defuncti,
                                Ermetruit.
                                Side #2: Se feu est Altar en lo any 1811 per Baltasar Subietas […] axó
                                ya se trobà en lo Altar bell.
     References                 Museu d’Art 1981: 36-37; Calzada i Oliveres et al. 1984: 15; CR
                                XXIII (1988): 115; Vayreda i Olivas 1989 [1931]: 143-146; CR XI
                                (1990): 545-546; Santiago Fernández 2002: 47-48; Godoy Torrijos
                                2018: 1-2.




     Fig. 6 (Pictures by Author – © Bisbat de Girona)




                                                                                                          31
    M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



16. Montauriol (Saint-Saturnin)

     Support             Lipsanoteca                                  Stucco
     Location            Lost                                         –
     Type(s)             Individual promotion                         –
     Date                10th century                                 Approx.
     Description         The inscription of Montauriol is on the front and side of the container: the
                         name followed by the title. The name is engraved with a flat chisel in
                         monumental capital letters that occupy all the surface available. The tittle
                         in minuscules abbreviated.
     Inscriptions        BERNARDUS P(RES)B(ITE)R.
     References          Durliat 1954: 110; Dictionnaire des églises de France 1966: 88; Ponsich
                         1987b: 5-6; CR XIV (1993): 262; Santiago Fernández 2002: 46.




17. Montgrony (Sant Pere)

     Support             Sepulchre (lid)                              Stone
     Location            MEV                                          325
     Type(s)             Individual promotion                         –
                             th
     Date                12 century                                   Approx.
     Description         The inscription of Montgrony was made with a drypoint on one face of
                         the stone lid, in diagonal. It is in minuscule cursive and is easy to read.
     Inscriptions        Fortunius p(res)b(ite)[r].
     References          –




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    Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



18. Nagol (Sant Serni)

     Support                    Sepulchre (lid)                             Slate
     Location                   PCA                                         000432
     Type(s)                    Individual promotion                        –
     Date                       1055                                        Exact
     Description                The inscription of Nagol was made with a drypoint in rustic capital
                                letters. It is on the side of the lid that faced down to the lipsanoteca.
     Inscriptions               Arnallus Bonefilius
     References                 Canturri 1979: 5-17; CR XXIII (1986): 257; CR VI (1992): 515.




     (Picture by Author – © Patrimoni Cultural d’Andorra)




                                                                                                            33
    M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



19. Palera (Sant Sepulcre)

     Support             Sepulchre                                    Stone
     Location            MAG                                          MD 78
     Type(s)             List of names                                –
     Date                1086                                         Hypo.
     Description         The sepulchre of Palera is engraved on almost all surfaces, except the
                         bottom. The names are scattered on the object without any order, in
                         different directions. They were made with a drypoint by different hands
                         and in cursive minuscule letters.
     Inscriptions        Unfortunately, I was unable to directly access the sepulchre and the
                         pictures available do not allow to distinguish the letters.
     References          –




20. Pontons (Sant Joan de la Muntanya)

     Support             Sepulchre (lid)                               Stone
     Location            In situ                                       –
     Type(s)             List of names                                 –
     Date                c. 1075                                       Hypo.
     Description         The list of names is on the face of the sepulchre lid, written with a
                         drypoint in cursive minuscule letters. The inscription is barely readable.
     Inscriptions        […] Igela, P[…], […]dis, […]erti[…]
     References          CR XIX (1992), p. 167; Pladevall (1970), p. 143-155.




21. Sant Llorenç del Munt (Idem)

     Support             Sepulchre (lid)                              Ceramic
     Location            Home of the owner                            –
     Type(s)             List of names                                –
     Date                11th century                                 Approx.
     Description         The lid was carved with different names with a drypoint, it seems by
                         different hands. The size of the letters varies, the inscription mixes rustic
                         capitals and minuscule letters and they do not follow a ductus.
     Inscriptions        […] sacer(dos), [F]lav[ius], […]s s[.]atas un[…].
                         Adalbertus, Bone[filio], Eldemaru(s) sac[erdos], Bonefilio l(evi)ta.
     References          CR II (1984): 492; Santiago Fernández 2002: 52-53.




    34
    Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



22. Sauto (Saint Maurice)

     Support              Sepulchre (lid)                                Slate
     Location             City Hall of Sauto                             –
     Type(s)              List of names                                  –
     Date                 12th century                                   Approx.
     Description          The lid of Sauto is marked with a large circle, following the
                          circumference of the disc, and a cross, going from the centre of the disc
                          to the circumference, which creates four different spaces. Two names are
                          in the top left corner, two others in the top right corner, and one in each
                          bottom corners. They are written in cursive letters, hard to read, and are
                          preceded by footed crosses, like in medieval charters.
     Inscriptions         Top left corner: + Agso [or Agio], + Siginus
                          Top right corner: Agose [or Agone] + Milaro [or Miliro, Milano]
                          Bottom left corner: + Exa[l] [or Eco]
                          Bottom right corner: G[o]derago [or Godemaro]
     References           –




     (© CCRP/Conseil Départemental 66)




                                                                                                        35
    M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



23. Talló (Santa Maria)

     Support              Sepulchre (lid)                              Slate
     Location             In situ                                      –
     Type(s)              List of names                                –
     Date                 1098                                         Hypo.
     Description          The lid of Talló is partly broken, but some letters are still visible on it.
                          They are a mix of rustic capital and minuscule letters, hard to read, and
                          are carved with a drypoint. The difference of size and the chaotic
                          dispersion of the names indicates that they are probably written by
                          different hands.
     Inscriptions         In large letters: [Bern]ard, Anam, […]us, Mi[ro].
                          In small letters: Tor[…], Hono[ratus], Tom[as], […].
     References           CR VII (1995): 95; Santiago Fernández 2002: 48.




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    Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



24. Vilatorta (Sant Julià)

      Support                    Sepulchre (lid)                             Wood
      Location                   MEV                                         9719
      Type(s)                    Individual promotion                        List of names
      Date                       1050                                        Exact
      Description                The lid of Vilatorta has inscriptions on both sides. On the first,
                                 here are three types of writing: engraved and inked footed
                                 monumental capital letters (with triangular interpunctuation),
                                 carved mixed cursive letters, and inked minuscule cursive
                                 letters. The names are written horizontally, but half of them are
                                 upside down. The different types of writing are overlapping.
      Inscriptions               Recto, up, inked and carved: BONEFILIO SACER, VIDAL SACER,
                                 ENGLUVIGA, C(U)M PARENTORUM OM(NIUM) EO(RUM).
                                 Recto, up, carved: Gischafre. Guitard. Guifre cum parentibus.
                                 Rechel femina. Guilelmus p(res)b(iter) cum parentorum eorum.
                                 Recto, up, inked: Bernard(us) Guifre cu(m) sociis suis. […]us
                                 pare(n)tib(us) suis. [Am]alricus.
                                 Recto, upside down, inked and carved: GUNTRICUS SACER.
                                 Recto, upside down, carved: cu(m) parentibus suis. Floresinda.
                                 Galin cum parentibus suis.
                                 Recto, upside down, inked: Fredulfus levita cu(m)
                                 co(n)[san]guinitatib(us) suis v(e)l cu(m) sociis suis. Earnusga
                                 levit[a] [cum omnibus] suis parentib(us). Adalbertus levita cum
                                 parentib(us) suis. Reimund(us) Atila cum parentib(us) suis.
                                 Alera(n)d(us) cu(m) om(n)i[bus] pare(n)tib(us). Guil(el)m(us)
                                 cum parentibus suis et suis parentibus. Oliba […] cu(m)
                                 om(n)i[bus parentibus] suis. Lengard(us) [Atila]. Isarnus et
                                 cu(m) om(n)ium parentorum su(orum). Guilielm[us] cu(m)
                                 omnib[us parentibus]. […] cu(m) sociis suis.
                                 Verso, inked: […] Petrus […].
      References                 CR XXII (1986): 250; CR III (1986): 502; Gudiol i Cunill 1915-
                                 1917: 4-6; Junyent i Subirà 1946: 279-292; Santiago Fernández
                                 2002: 48-49; Trullén 2003: 253.




                                Fig. 7 (Pictures by Author – © Museu Episcopal de Vic)



                                                                                                      37
    M. Blanchard, Nomina Inserere Voluerint, Non Prohibeatur. Nominal Inscriptions



25. Vivès (Saint-Michel)

     Support             Lipsanoteca                                  Stucco
     Location            In situ                                      –
     Type(s)             Individual promotion                         List of names
     Date                10th century                                 Approx.
     Description         The lipsanoteca of Vivès is inscribed on the top with two names (with
                         verbs) and on one side with a list of names. All of them are carved with a
                         drypoint, except the last two names of the name list, which are engraved
                         more deeply with a point chisel. The letters are mostly rustic capitals,
                         with some uncials, in a cursive style.
     Inscriptions        Top: Gaucelmus p(res)b(ite)r me fecit. Seniofredus p(res)b(ite)r.
                         Side: Seniofredus p(res)b(ite)r, Gaucelmus p(res)b(ite)r, Amelius sacerdos,
                         Seniofredus, Vergell e(t) Sibia, Susanna, Spera(n)d(e)o, Engo(n)te, Adroarius,
                         Pozo, Albarig cu(m) om(n)ium co(n)sang(ui)neoru(m) benefactoru(m)
                         nostro(rum), […]ennillo, Agilla cu(m) an(im)aru(m) suaru(m).
                         WITICA P(RES)B(ITE)R, GAUCELMUS P(RES)B(ITE)R.
     References          Ponsich 1980: 327-329; Ponsich 1987b: 5-6); CR XIV (1993): 450-451;
                         Ordeig i Mata 1999: #136, 387; Santiago Fernández 2002: 46.




    38
Fenestella 3 (2022): 1-43



Abbreviations

MAG             Museu d’Art de Girona
MCM             Museu Comarcal de Manresa
MDBM            Museu Diocesa de Barbastro-Monzón
MDCS            Museu Diocesa i Comarcal de Solsona
MEV             Museu Episcopal de Vic
PCA             Patrimoni Cultural d’Andorra
CR              Vigué J., Pladevall A. (eds), Catalunya Romànica, 27 vols, Barcelona 1984-1999




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