10.6092/issn.1973-9494/17314
application/pdf
1973-9494
17314
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Leila Sriti
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0
Conservation Science in Cultural Heritage
Algeria
Issues in the expression of local identity in the saharan regions of Algeria: in search of references to vernacular architecture
Text.Serial.Journal
https://conservation-science.unibo.it/
22
Articles
2023-07-20
2023-06-21
2023-07-20
2023-07-20
181-206
CSCH
Leila Sriti
2022
10.6092/issn.1973-9494/17314
181
Department of Architecture, Faculty of Science and Technology, University of Biskra, Biskra, Algeria
1973-9494
Algeria
en
206
Issues in the expression of local identity in the saharan regions of Algeria: in search of references to vernacular architecture
https://conservation-science.unibo.it/article/download/17314/16527
22
ISSUES IN THE EXPRESSION OF LOCAL IDENTITY IN THE
 SAHARAN REGIONS OF ALGERIA: IN SEARCH OF
 REFERENCES TO VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE


    Sami Zerari * , Alessandra Cirafici
    Department of Architecture and Industrial Design
    University of Campania “Luigi Vanvitelli”, Aversa, Italy

    Leila Sriti
    Department of Architecture, Faculty of Science and Technology
    University of Biskra, Biskra, Algeria

    Keywords: vernacular houses, local identity, the Souf, Algeria



    1. Introduction

    Algeria is one of the most important countries in North Africa. Its vast territory and
its ethnic and cultural background have favoured the creation of a diverse urban and
architectural heritage, offering a variety of expressions of identity. From Tell to the Sa-
hara, this heritage has forged Algeria’s cultural identity.
    The Sahara has long been described as a place of passage and a barrier separating
the Mediterranean world from Africa proper. It presents a space that obeys very specific
social and cultural representations, which have certainly been reflected in the built en-
vironment [1]. In fact, sedentarisation in Algerian Saharan areas has inherited human
settlements called ksour (plural of ksar), which perfectly reflect the ingenious relation-
ship between the ancestral culture of social groups and the geographic constraints of the
site. Indeed, the natural safety of the site (such as the difficulty of accessing the terrain
by enemies as a strategy of self-fortification), water supply (location on wet site), and
trans-Saharan trade, are the main conditions influencing the creation and multiplication
of human settlements. People’s representation in the area of the Sahara has given many
ksour a local identity that they have maintained throughout history.
    Today, and because of the cultural, economic, and technical transformations that
have affected the majority of contemporary Saharan societies, the question of identity
expression is more topical than ever. The issue that emerges in the light of this situation
concerns the “means” that may express identity and cultural benchmarks for these soci-
eties, particularly since they are constantly evolving [2]. Identity, by its nature, is difficult
to pin down with concepts and definitions, although many of its features are apparent. It
is used in many fields of research and has a wide variety of meanings. In architecture
and urbanism, identity is linked to the environment, including tangible and intangible
components. It covers a set of values, images, and meanings that define the local partic-




    * Corresponding author: sami_zerari@yahoo.com; sami.zerari@unicampania.it
                                                                                                                               ularity of the context (region or territory) [3-5]. This context is geographically delimited
                                                                                                                               and socially occupied by social groups who share certain cultural characteristics.
                                                                                                                                   On this basis, it was interesting in this paper to search for the relevant “means”
                                                                                                                               used to express the physical identity of the built heritage. This research axis is very
                                                                                                                               promising, considering that the affirmation of people’s identity is often related to their
                                                                                                                               heritage and transmitted from generation to generation. In this regard, vernacular hous-
                                                                                                                               es, as a human product belonging to a specific cultural sphere, are expected to be-
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                               come a source of and even a “means” for understanding local identity. It is thus possi-
                                                                                                                               ble to recognise the specific identity features of social groups.
                                                                                                                                   The present research attempts to understand how and by which “means” the ver-
                                                                                                                               nacular houses would be the expression and affirmation of the identity of a social
                                                                                                                               group located in a given region, and what would be the essence of that identity and its
                                                                                                                               relationship to place.
                                                                                                                                   To achieve this objective, the Souf region seemed an appropriate area for investi-
                                                                                                                               gation. This Saharan region in south-eastern Algeria has a particular and noteworthy
                                                                                                                               built heritage. What distinguishes the Souf vernacular architecture from other Algerian
                                                                                                                               Saharan regions are its houses with central courtyards and arcades, and above all, the
                                                                                                                               exclusive and widespread use of an original roofing system dominated by domes and
                                                                                                                               barrel vaults. This is why El Oued, the capital of the Souf, was called by the writer and
                                                                                                                               journalist Isabelle Eberhardt “the city of a thousand domes”. It should be noted that this
                                                                                                                               expression, which betrays Eberhart’s admiration for the exotic landscape of the city of
                                                                                                                               El Oued, is poetic and is intended to express the large number of domes observed in
                                                                                                                               this Saharan city rather than an exact count of these covering elements.
                                                                                                                                   Isabelle Eberhardt’s expression is of major importance for the object of the present
                                                                                                                               research, as it reinforces the heritage value of the locality of El Oued and can be at-
                                                                                                                               tributed to all the settlements of the Souf. From this, other secondary questions can be
                                                                                                                               raised; for example, if the physical aspects that gave rise to the signs of local identity
                                                                                                                               are primarily limited to the curved roof (domes and barrel vaults), why did the inhabi-
                                                                                                                               tants of the Souf adopt precisely this system of roofing for their houses to distinguish
                                                                                                                               themselves? And how do physical aspects express local identity, group identity, and,
                                                                                                                               by extension, place identity? What are the origins and references of identity?


                                                                                                                                  2. Methodology and motives for the selection of the case study

                                                                                                                                   To discuss these questions, an approach based on historical method and architec-
                                                                                                                               tural analysis was adopted. The investigation was based on documentary research,
                                                                                                                               including travelogues and mission reports, dating from the French colonial period, as
                                                                                                                               well as in situ investigations (on-site observations, interviews with architectural and
                                                                                                                               urban planning actors, etc.) to assess the current state of the vernacular built environ-
                                                                                                                               ment of the Souf. In addition, iconographic sources were used to cover the different
                                                                                                                               aspects of the studied built environment.
                                                                                                                                   The Souf region was selected as a case study for two reasons. The first is that this
                                                                                                                               Saharan region has not yet been the subject of a serious study in terms of the expres-
                                                                                                                               sion of local identity. Indeed, some recent studies on the region have focused mainly
                                                                                                                               on the technical side of the vernacular built environment of the Souf, neglecting the
                                                                                                                               historical, architectural, and, above all, heritage aspects that reflect the values of the
                                                                                                                               region. The concept of identity itself is newly integrated into studies in the field of urban-
                                                                                                                               ism and architecture in Algeria. Its exploration remains limited to the visual aspect of


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              A                                B                               C




                                                                                                      CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE
                                               D




                                               E

Figure 1. The state of conservation of the Souf’s built environment: A) and B) the use of stan-
dardised materials (brick and concrete) in the locality of Gemar; C) in the background, a contem-
porary house being finalised within the vernacular fabric; D) view of ruined vernacular houses in
Oued El Alenda; E) use of cement to restore the base of the walls of a vernacular house in the
locality of Magrane (Source: authors, 2022).


                                                                                                    183
                                                                                                                               contemporary buildings without taking into account their stylistic references, which would
                                                                                                                               certainly give a critical interpretation of the genesis of the built form and then the expres-
                                                                                                                               sion of identity. One study worth mentioning is that conducted by Bellal [6], which deals
                                                                                                                               with housing as an expression of self-identity in contemporary Algeria. The aim of the
                                                                                                                               study was to examine some of the current architectural trends in the country through
                                                                                                                               three selected examples: the first is in Maadher near Msila; the second is in El Oued;
                                                                                                                               the third example is a housing project in Ouled Djellal (the Ziban region). Bellal [6] at-
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                               tempted to document examples of projects by architects who adopted and reinterpret-
                                                                                                                               ed local elements (images, motifs, etc.) for the design of contemporary buildings. Re-
                                                                                                                               search on local identity in the field of built cultural heritage in Algeria is rare and limited
                                                                                                                               in scope and it is only recently that heritage issues have been integrated into Algerian
                                                                                                                               university programmes. Thus, Saharan vernacular heritage certainly represents fertile
                                                                                                                               ground for the establishment of fields of investigation and scientific exploration.
                                                                                                                                    The second reason for selecting the Souf as a case study is the current state of
                                                                                                                               marginalisation of the built heritage in this Saharan region and the desire to preserve
                                                                                                                               its identity for future generations. Indeed, despite its architectural richness, the vernac-
                                                                                                                               ular built environment of the Souf region is threatened with total disappearance if noth-
                                                                                                                               ing is done to preserve it. The decline of this built environment began in the middle of
                                                                                                                               the 20th century with the introduction of standardised materials (brick, cinder block, and
                                                                                                                               concrete) and the adoption of so-called modern construction techniques (reinforced
                                                                                                                               concrete, post-and-beam structure, etc.), to the detriment of the architectural specific-
                                                                                                                               ities of the Souf (Figures 1A, B, and C). Gradually, the vernacular built environment is
                                                                                                                               falling into ruin and tending to disappear because of a lack of maintenance (Figure 1D).
                                                                                                                               A few interventions have been carried out clumsily, either by non-specialised techni-
                                                                                                                               cians or by inexperienced volunteers working in the framework of heritage protection
                                                                                                                               associations. These interventions, however, have been done in a hasty manner, with no
                                                                                                                               prior study or knowledge of the specificities of this heritage, or of the rules for interven-
                                                                                                                               tion (Figure 1E). This has further aggravated the situation of the vernacular built envi-
                                                                                                                               ronment of the Souf to the point that its specific identity features are threatened with
                                                                                                                               imminent disappearance.


                                                                                                                                  3. The Souf: location, settlement, and history

                                                                                                                                   The Souf is a network of oases located in south-eastern Algeria (lower Sahara), on
                                                                                                                               the northern edge of the Great Eastern Erg (or the Great Eastern Sand Sea), bordering
                                                                                                                               Tunisia and Libya (Figures 2A and B) [7,8]. The Souf region corresponds administra-
                                                                                                                               tively to part of the wilaya (province) of El Oued (the rest of the wilaya is part of the
                                                                                                                               Oued Righ region). The Souf is characterised by a hot arid climate. In winter, the pre-
                                                                                                                               vailing winds are from the southwest and northwest, and in summer, the winds are from
                                                                                                                               the southeast and east. Sometimes a very hot wind blows (the Sirroco or Chihili), and
                                                                                                                               when the wind is strong, it frequently raises sand, accompanied by whirlwinds.
                                                                                                                                   The human settlements in the Souf present certain specificities requiring further
                                                                                                                               study by specialists. The Souf region was originally populated by the Berbers (the
                                                                                                                               native people of North Africa), as testified by the names of several sub-regions of
                                                                                                                               Berber origin, such as Taghzout and Tiksebt [9]. According to the Greek writer Hero-
                                                                                                                               dotus, the Souf was inhabited by Libyans and Ethiopians, as well as by the Gétules,
                                                                                                                               who lived there as nomads. The Numidians even called upon these peoples during
                                                                                                                               their battle against the Romans. The presence of the Romans is proven by the dis-


                                                                                        184
Figure 2. A) Map showing the geographical location of the Souf region (Source: authors, based
on [7] ); B) map showing the different settlements in the Souf (Source: authors, based on [8] ).

covery of coins in Guemar sub-region. Côte [9] stated that the first occupants of the
Souf were Berbers, who were predominantly nomadic or semi-nomadic. Only a few




                                                                                                     CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE
villages, Zeggoum, Guemar, and El Oued were inhabited by sedentary people. In
fact, the Islamization of North Africa following the first Muslim conquest in the 7th
century, as well as subsequent invasions by Arab tribes who successfully penetrated
the Sahara to reach distant Saharan regions, had transformed the existing socio-eth-
nic components. The various Saharan populations were largely assimilated; Islam
and the language of the Koran (Arabic) became predominant [10]. It should be noted
that the spread of Islam and sedentarisation in the Saharan regions are closely
linked to the history of trans-Saharan trade and to the migratory movements that
most often accompanied the trade routes.
     Historically, the position of the Souf near the Great Eastern Erg deprived it of the
passage of trans-Saharan caravans (Figure 3). Indeed, this region was not a major
commercial centre, but rather a place of “refuge”, coveted above all by persecuted
tribes seeking isolation in a favourable and naturally secure environment. This rather
convincing hypothesis is supported by Côte [9], who noted the absence of fortified
Ksourian human settlements in the Souf. In any case, the constraints of the erg, as
an expanse of dunes, constituted a major handicap, which prevented caravans from
arriving in the Souf.
     In the context of this study, it would be interesting to explore the origins of the Souf
settlement given its importance in elucidating certain aspects of culture, ancestral
know-how, and implicitly local identity. To understand the process and circumstances
of the settlement of the Souf, it is necessary to go back further in time and to the his-


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Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                                                Figure 3. Trans-Saharan trade routes in medieval times [1].

                                                                                                                               tory of North Africa. Indeed, the end of the 10th century and the beginning of the 11th
                                                                                                                               century profoundly marked the history of Maghreb. The massive arrival of the Banu
                                                                                                                               Hilal tribes and their dispersal throughout North Africa, especially in the flat areas,
                                                                                                                               created new living conditions and reinvigorated nomadic and semi-nomadic traditions
                                                                                                                               in much of the territory then occupied by the Berbers [11]. Ibn-Khaldoun [12] de-
                                                                                                                               scribes the genealogy of the Banu Hilal and distinguishes two (02) parent tribes: the
                                                                                                                               Hilal and the Banu Sulayms. Originally from the Nejd in the Arabian Peninsula, these
                                                                                                                               two tribes were nomadic Arabs, who lived in tents. According to Najah [13], the suc-
                                                                                                                               cessful penetration of the Banu Hilal tribes contributed to a process of sedentarisation
                                                                                                                               of nomadic and semi-nomadic Berber populations. The Berbers merged with the Ar-
                                                                                                                               abs, from whom they differed only in the survival of a few linguistic elements; indeed,
                                                                                                                               the Berbers already had relations with their Arab or Arabic-speaking neighbours in the
                                                                                                                               Ziban, Tunisia, and Tripolitania.
                                                                                                                                    According to a study carried out by Cat [14], who was one of the first researchers
                                                                                                                               to take an interest in the Souf region, the local population (Souafa) was mixed and
                                                                                                                               comprised of up to three juxtaposed categories. These were the Adouane from Arabia,
                                                                                                                               the oldest inhabitants of the Souf; the Troud, originally from Yemen, who crossed
                                                                                                                               Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia to settle in the Souf at the end of the 14th century; and the
                                                                                                                               Châamba, from Ouargla, who settled in the region towards the end of the 17th century
                                                                                                                               and the beginning of the 18th century, after having been obliged to expatriate. Accord-
                                                                                                                               ing to Chekhab-Abudaya [15], the Châamba originated from the Banu Sulayms tribe;
                                                                                                                               their arrival coincided with the last Hilalian movement to attain North Africa in the 14th
                                                                                                                               century [15]. In addition, there was another ethnic minority, the Jews, who were grouped
                                                                                                                               in two villages at El Oued and Guemar [16].
                                                                                                                                    Ultimately, ethnic miscegenation between the different groups who arrived in the
                                                                                                                               Souf ended up forming a homogeneous entity, consolidated by the same Arab-Muslim
                                                                                                                               civilisation, and sharing some local customs. This miscegenation created and probably
                                                                                                                               reinforced the Arab-Berber identity.


                                                                                         186
    During the Turkish-Ottoman regency, the regions of south-eastern Algeria were
part of the Eastern Baylek. The exercise of control over these regions permitted some
freedom, but it imposed taxes once a year through laborious procedures. Cities and
oases that refused to submit to this policy were raided: this was the case for Biskra (the
political capital of the Ziban) in 1552 when the city was not yet occupied by the Turk-
ish-Ottoman. However, the Souf region, unlike the Ziban and the Oued Righ, remained
outside the Turkish-Ottoman regency, and most of the time did not pay taxes [9]. This
was the case until French occupation in 1872, which saw the first military installations
in El Oued after the conquest of Touggourt (Oued Righ) in 1854.
    The French established El Oued as the capital of the Souf region. After a long pe-
riod of French colonisation, the Souf region officially gained its independence on July 5,
1962, as did the entire Algerian territory. With the reorganisation of the Algerian territory,
the wilaya of El Oued was created on February 4, 1984.


   4. In search of the features of the Souf’s local identity

    In the past, the Souf comprised three main villages: El Oued, Kouinine, and Guemar,
as well as seven secondary villages: Amiche, Ourmes, Zeggoum, Behima, Taghzout,
Djebila, and Sidi Aoun (see Figure 2B). All these centres were linked by lines of houses
staggered along the roads.
    The vernacular built environment in the Souf region presents two types of human
settlements: isolated and grouped [9]. The isolated settlements, or hamlets, known as
nezla, take the form of groups of buildings generally built near the gardens (ghouts) 1.
In the past, these settlements sheltered semi-nomads or served as summer residenc-
es for the farmers of the palm groves. Granaries for storing food supplies were usually
annexed to the nezla, and they were built in the pavilions of the rural houses or near-
by. The second form of human settlement, the grouped settlements, appeared follow-




                                                                                                   CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE
ing the sedentarisation of the nomadic population (Figures 4A and B) [17, 18]. It took
the form of village nuclei, which are at the origin of the current urban fabrics of the Souf
region. The vernacular houses were built outside the ghouts, unlike in the Ziban and
Oued Righ regions where the natural environment (palm groves) and the traditional built
environment intermingled to the point of constituting a single entity (Figure 4C) [19].
    To highlight the architectural characteristics likely to reveal the identity of the ver-
nacular residential architecture of the Souf, the following two levels of reading will be
successively investigated: 1) the materials and construction techniques and 2) the
form, spatiality, and usage of the house.


   4.1 Building materials and techniques

    In his theory, Rapoport [20] confirmed that social and cultural factors play a prima-
ry or even determining role in the formal genesis of the house. However, the form, in
turn, is modified by the methods of construction, the materials available, and the tools
required to build it. Thus, the materials and the techniques of implementation do not
command what is to be built or its form, but they make possible the realisation of closed
elements in an organisation of space decided for other reasons and can modify this
organisation. In addition, they facilitate and make certain decisions possible or impos-
sible, but they never fix or determine the form. Based on Rapoport’s theory, it is more


                                                                                                 187
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                               Figure 4. A) Old view of isolated houses in the Souf [17]; B) old view of grouped hous-
                                                                                                                               es in the Souf [18]; C) aerial view of the Tmerna ksar, Oued Righ region. The ksar has
                                                                                                                               a circular shape surrounded by palm groves. This photograph was taken during a
                                                                                                                               French military expedition in 1917 [19].

                                                                                                                               accurate to consider building materials and implementation processes as factors that
                                                                                                                               have largely influenced the appearance of the vernacular architecture of the Souf rath-
                                                                                                                               er than factors that have determined the form as a spatial configuration and organisa-
                                                                                                                               tion. This architecture, which is not found elsewhere in Algeria, as Côte [9] stated, com-
                                                                                                                               bines two original elements, both of which are part of the construction system: the
                                                                                                                               building materials and the domed roofing technique. In this case, the constructive sys-
                                                                                                                               tem has influenced the appearance of the built environment.
                                                                                                                                   In the traditional system, building a house was done voluntarily, and was called
                                                                                                                               touiza. This was an organised form of mutual aid and social cooperation that allowed
                                                                                                                               for occasional assistance to a member of the community. Thus, the owner informs his
                                                                                                                               friends, neighbours, and relatives of his project, and they all participate in the construc-


                                                                                        188
                                                                                                      CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE


Figure 5. Current view showing the construction system in the Souf: A) and B) cross-section views
of a dome and two adjoining barrel vaults supported on load-bearing walls; C) current views of
houses in Gemar (Source: authors, 2022).

tion process. The construction process was supervised by a qualified master mason who
had sufficient construction know-how. In general, the construction process started in
the morning and was completed by the evening.
     Côte [9] reported that the local materials frequently used were louss and tafza, two
materials extracted from the subsoil. Louss is a very hard gypsum material. In nature,
it forms a desert rose (crystal), but in continuous sedimentation, it gives a resistant
slab. This building material was used for the walls and roofs. As for tafza, it is limestone,
a kind of lighter and more friable stone which, once baked, gives a plaster of excellent
quality; and once dried, constitutes a very resistant binder.


                                                                                                    189
                                                                                                                                   Using louss and tafza, the walls were raised, pendants were made on the four sides
                                                                                                                               of the room, and then the domes were built directly without the need for formwork. The
                                                                                                                               walls were coated with a traditional hand-applied coating, producing a rough texture
                                                                                                                               with typically curved grooves to shade the outer walls. This coating was periodically
                                                                                                                               whitewashed, which increased the reflection of the surfaces exposed to the sun’s rays
                                                                                                                               and, at the same time, limited heat transfer by conduction through the walls.
                                                                                                                                   Conventionally, domes and vaults are supported by the walls that form the enclo-
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                               sure of the house (Figure 5). However, the major disadvantage of this construction
                                                                                                                               system is its vulnerability to lateral thrusts caused by the roof. Considering that the
                                                                                                                               Souafa builders constructed the walls of their houses with a relatively thin thickness,
                                                                                                                               they had to reinforce them externally with massive buttresses whose role was to bear
                                                                                                                               the loads applied by the vaults, domes, and arcades. These buttresses, which follow a
                                                                                                                               well-defined structural pattern, gave rhythm to the envelope of the houses and gave
                                                                                                                               them the appearance of fortified buildings. Finally, it should be noted that later, during
                                                                                                                               French colonisation, vaults resting on steel IPN beams were used for the first time.
                                                                                                                                   In fact, the curved roofs that constitute the particularity of the Souf had already attract-
                                                                                                                               ed the attention of French explorers and travellers who set out to discover the Algerian
                                                                                                                               Sahara at the beginning of colonisation. Thus, Jacqueton and Gsell [21] reported that the
                                                                                                                               systematic use of domes as roofs made the villages of the Souf resemble “cities of bee-
                                                                                                                               hives, immense colonies of bees”. Cat [14], in describing the Souf region, pointed out that
                                                                                                                               “unlike the other regions of southern Algeria, houses with accessible terraces are rare”.
                                                                                                                                   As for the origin of the use of the domed and barrel-vaulted roof system, it is not
                                                                                                                               mentioned in-depth in the literature relating to the Souf, whether old or recent. In gen-
                                                                                                                               eral, existing documents are content to describe the singular urban image of the Souf,
                                                                                                                               noting the widespread use of domes without questioning the origins and reasons for
                                                                                                                               these typical elements. The present study provides some plausible answers to fill this
                                                                                                                               gap. Two combined factors make it possible to justify the use of this technique com-
                                                                                                                               pared to the rest of Algerian cities: one natural (physical environment) and the other
                                                                                                                               human (historical and cultural).


                                                                                                                                   4.1.1. The influence of the natural factor

                                                                                                                                    Cultivating palms in the Souf was not as easy as in other Saharan regions due to
                                                                                                                               the sandy nature of the soil. Despite the ingenious use of the ghout technique, the risks
                                                                                                                               caused by the silting up of the ghouts and their disappearance under the sand led fa-
                                                                                                                               tally to the loss of the palm groves. The Souf is, therefore, classified as a Saharan re-
                                                                                                                               gion that does not have an abundance of wood. Presumably, this phenomenon led the
                                                                                                                               Souafa to turn to other building materials without resorting to palm wood. This was a
                                                                                                                               preventive measure to ensure the palm groves’ existence as a major source of subsis-
                                                                                                                               tence and to prevent any destructive actions for construction purposes. In French co-
                                                                                                                               lonial exploration, Cauvet [22] raised this particularity, reporting that the use of certain
                                                                                                                               materials almost necessarily led the sedentary inhabitants of certain Saharan regions,
                                                                                                                               including the Souf, to cover their houses with a multitude of hemispherical domes. This
                                                                                                                               meant they dispensed with using wood that was not sufficiently available to them and
                                                                                                                               the use of palm wood was only limited to the lintels above the openings.
                                                                                                                                    Another specificity of the Souf region, which distinguishes it from the other regions
                                                                                                                               of southern Algeria, is the limited use of earth as the main building material2. Indeed,
                                                                                                                               the nature of the soil precluded the use of clay; thus, most houses were built with the
                                                                                                                               available materials, namely louss and tefza stones, as explained above.


                                                                                       190
   4.1.2. The influence of the human factor

    A second explanation that could be put forward to justify the use of the curved roofs
in the Souf is social and cultural factors relating to the history of the settlement of the
region. Indeed, there is a rather interesting hypothesis supported by some authors,
including Côte [9], who established an affiliation between the curved roofs of the Souf
and the houses of Nubia (now known as the Republic of Sudan). Traditionally, Nubian
houses consisted of many buildings arranged in a ring, with walls connecting the indi-
vidual structures. The buildings provided living and storage space and sometimes en-
closures for domestic animals [23]. The roofs of Nubian houses are conical or pyrami-
dal, approximating the semi-sphere. Thus, the roofs of the Souf region show a formal
resemblance to those of Sudanese (or Nubian) villages where the curved roof type is
dominant (Figures 6A and 6B). This led Côte [9] to assume that the domed roof tech-
nique originated in this region of Africa.




                                                                                                 CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE




  Figure 6. A) A model of the Souf vernacular house [9]; B) a model of the Nubia house [23].


    Côte [9] is not the only researcher to have noted Sudanese stylistic influences on
the vernacular built environment of the southern Maghreb, including its primitive form
(or gourbi); some researchers have also noted these influences in Morocco and Tuni-
sia. According to Société de géographie (Lille) [24], there were two typical forms of
primitive architecture: the noualas in Morocco and the kib in Tunisia. The noualas were


                                                                                               191
                                                                                                                               huts built with straw or reeds and took different shapes: conical, cylindrical-conical, or
                                                                                                                               ring-shaped. They were sometimes grouped together and surrounded by a cattle pen
                                                                                                                               (zeriba) as if they were an aspect of a permanent settlement. As for the kibs, they were
                                                                                                                               huts made of branches and covered with mats. They were used by very poor people or
                                                                                                                               temporarily inhabited by gardeners. This exchange of influence between Sudan and
                                                                                                                               the southern Maghreb can be interpreted by the fact that the southern Maghreb was in
                                                                                                                               contact with the slave trade routes. It is, therefore, quite possible that transfers of
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                               know-how occurred both in terms of formal choices and building techniques.
                                                                                                                                    However, this first hypothesis put forward by Côte [9] concerning the origin of the
                                                                                                                               domed houses of the Souf is not entirely convincing, as the Souf region was far from any
                                                                                                                               direct contact with trans-Saharan trade (Figure 3). To explain the arrival of the domed
                                                                                                                               roofing technique in the Souf would imply going back to the mediaeval period and looking
                                                                                                                               at the neighbouring regions in Tunisia and Libya, where the so-called “Sudanese style”
                                                                                                                               architecture is very well marked [25]. Indeed, as the Souf was located away from the
                                                                                                                               trans-Saharan trade routes and had no caravan stations, the inhabitants of the Souf were
                                                                                                                               forced to trade their agricultural and handicraft products in neighbouring regions, such as
                                                                                                                               Ghadames in Libya. This contributed to the circulation and exchange of influences.
                                                                                                                                    On the other hand, trade was probably not the only factor generating influences in
                                                                                                                               the Souf, and in this case, migration movements, notably those of the Banu Hellal Arab
                                                                                                                               tribes who took refuge in this isolated region of the Sahara, contributed to the transmis-
                                                                                                                               sion of know-how. Indeed, though the Souf was not a relay point, it did not prevent it
                                                                                                                               from being a receptacle of contributions from several Arab-Muslim groups who came
                                                                                                                               from Arabia via Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia before finally settling in the Souf. This facili-
                                                                                                                               tated the sharing of know-how in architecture, art, and urban planning. Over time, the
                                                                                                                               dome was integrated into the local tradition to the point of becoming a reference and
                                                                                                                               even an archetype for construction among the sedentary tribes of the Souf.
                                                                                                                                    In his article “Architecture berbère,” published in the Encyclopédie berbère, Golvin
                                                                                                                               [26] described the traditional houses of the Souf as Berber architecture. However, the
                                                                                                                               author neglected the ethnic mixing that characterised the foundation of the settlements
                                                                                                                               in the Souf, and the influence of the Arab and Saharan components of the tribes, in
                                                                                                                               particular their contributions to sedentary architecture. In any case, the role of the
                                                                                                                               pre-existing peoples of Berber origin and their constructive know-how should not be
                                                                                                                               ignored. For his part, Cauvet [22] also tried to explain the origin of the dome by putting
                                                                                                                               forward a hypothesis that goes back to the distant history of the settlement of the
                                                                                                                               Maghreb. According to him, the Romans were aware of this technique since they used
                                                                                                                               it in Africa during their domination, notably to cover the apses of Christian basilicas. But
                                                                                                                               during the Roman Empire, the dome was not used to cover houses. In addition, Cauvet
                                                                                                                               [22] did not hesitate to observe that the city of Koum in Persia, like the villages of
                                                                                                                               the Algerian Souf, is covered with a multitude of small juxtaposed domes (Figure 7A).
                                                                                                                               These explanations appear relevant for such a subject and reflect his knowledge of the
                                                                                                                               context’s history. This is expected given that the author was a French colonial power
                                                                                                                               who commanded a vast Saharan territory, including the Souf.
                                                                                                                                    Moreover, other works have mentioned the presence of domes in the region as a
                                                                                                                               technique used by the local population long before the French occupation. Thus, Echal-
                                                                                                                               lier [27] investigated the appearance of the barrel vaults in the Souf, relying on the work
                                                                                                                               carried out in the 19th century to provide a date for their use in the region. Based on the
                                                                                                                               descriptions of Duveyrier, who visited the Souf region in 1860, and Largeau, who went
                                                                                                                               there for the first time in 1875, all that can be said, according to Echallier [27], is that no
                                                                                                                               work mentions the use of barrel vaults in the Souf. However, this does not constitute
                                                                                                                               absolute proof of their non-existence at that time, as Duveyrier and Largeau do not men-


                                                                                            192
                                                                                                     CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE
Figure 7. A) General view of Koum [29]; B) old view of the ghorfas in Medenine [30]; C) old view
of El Oued showing the combination of domes and barrel vaults [31].


tion flat terraces either, despite their well-noted existence. Duveyrier and Largeau only
indicate that the majority of the buildings were covered with domes.
     Côte [9] also tried to explain the presence of barrel vaults in the Souf. He put for-
ward a fairly realistic hypothesis concerning their origin and suggested that this tech-
nique was introduced into the Souf at the beginning of the 20th century, from the Mede-
nine, located in south-eastern Tunisia. Indeed, Medenine is well-known for its vaulted
Berber buildings, locally called ghorfas, which were originally used as collective grana-
ries for the nomads’ agricultural products. Some of the ghorfas were sometimes used
as houses. They are 4 to 5 metres long, 2 metres high, and have a semi-cylindrical
shape (Figure 7B). According to Duval and Lamare [28], the ghorfas are similar to the
tall, narrow Roman cisterns used in ancient Tunisia. The ghorfas were assembled to
form a ksar that could contain hundreds of ghorfas.


                                                                                                   193
                                                                                                                                   Given the similarity between the morphology of the ghorfas and the barrel vaults,
                                                                                                                               Côte’s hypothesis [9] is plausible to a certain extent but does not present arguments to
                                                                                                                               justify the adoption of this roofing system and the particular circumstances of its use in
                                                                                                                               the Souf. Note that the first ksour in Medenine dates back to the early 17th century.
                                                                                                                                   Historically, and based on the cross-referencing of existing sources and the dating
                                                                                                                               of the use of these roofing elements in the Souf region, there is every reason to be-
                                                                                                                               lieve that the appearance of barrel vaults ‒ as an alternative to the exclusive use of the
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                               domes ‒ coincides with the presence of French colonisation in south-eastern Algeria
                                                                                                                               (Figure 7C). It seems clear that this technique was not a local innovation, but rather an
                                                                                                                               exogenous contribution, probably made by French troops. The French military, who also
                                                                                                                               occupied neighbouring Tunisia, adopted barrel vaults to enlarge the areas to be cov-
                                                                                                                               ered, knowing that the typical domes of the Souf imposed restricted dimensions on the
                                                                                                                               rooms, and did not allow for larger and more functional spaces. However, another ex-
                                                                                                                               planation can be added, namely that there may have been human migration between
                                                                                                                               Medenine and the Souf. In this case, the population presumably imported the barrel
                                                                                                                               vault technique from that region and used it to a limited extent until the arrival of the
                                                                                                                               French military, who then improved and generalised its use in the Souf.
                                                                                                                                   In any case, the question of the dating and origin of the curved roof system (domes
                                                                                                                               and vaults) in the Souf cannot be absolutely settled. Despite all the arguments put for-
                                                                                                                               ward to discuss the mentioned assumptions, a certain amount of doubt has remained,
                                                                                                                               evidently due to the lack of textual sources describing the Souf during the mediaeval
                                                                                                                               period and, in particular, its vernacular built environment. Indeed, as the Souf region was
                                                                                                                               not a relay point, it did not arouse the interest of travellers and historians, and above all,
                                                                                                                               it was not the subject of detailed descriptions, as in the case of the regions of the Ziban,
                                                                                                                               the Oued Righ, and the Oued Mya. This constraint is not excluded from academic works
                                                                                                                               on cultural heritage and the historiography of old buildings of the Souf. Boudinar and
                                                                                                                               Belguidoum [32] had already made this remark in their research on the urban history of
                                                                                                                               the cities of south-east Algeria, pointing out that the geographical location of the Souf
                                                                                                                               region prevented the emergence of important cities and has, therefore, never been men-
                                                                                                                               tioned in the literature. It was only with the arrival of French colonisation in the Sahara
                                                                                                                               that the Souf became the object of serious research and exploration.


                                                                                                                                  4.2. Form, spatiality, and use

                                                                                                                                   The formal diversity of the built environment is an expression of the ingenious re-
                                                                                                                               sponses of people with very different attitudes and ideas to various environments.
                                                                                                                               Vernacular buildings are built by the inhabitants for themselves following popular local
                                                                                                                               traditions. Jacqueton and Gsell [21], in describing the vernacular houses of the Souf,
                                                                                                                               said that they were small and had an “air of elegance and cleanliness” that does not
                                                                                                                               exist in other Algerian Saharan regions. The vernacular houses are distinguished by
                                                                                                                               their curved roofs in the form of domes and vaults, although flat roofs were also used.
                                                                                                                                   As for the model that would account for the main characteristics of the Souf hous-
                                                                                                                               es, it seems that it is similar to the archetype of the Arab-Muslim houses and is a sub-
                                                                                                                               limation of the cultural model specific to Islamic civilisation. At the architectural level,
                                                                                                                               this archetype is guided by a system of conventions drawn from the civilisational area
                                                                                                                               in question, and is a response to attributes specific to the culture of reference and con-
                                                                                                                               veyed meanings that could be deciphered within that culture. Thus, the Souf houses can
                                                                                                                               be understood as a faithful incarnation of the typical Arab-Muslim houses that the in-
                                                                                                                               habitants-builders interpreted according to their local culture.


                                                                                        194
    From this point of view, the spatial layout of the houses in the Souf region responds
to a centralised organisation around an open courtyard. Geometrically, the plan follows
a regular layout carried by an orthogonal grid, the basic unit of which is a square of 2
metres on each side. The arrangement of the spaces is determined by the linear dupli-
cation-translation of this unit around the perimeter of the courtyard. Each basic unit
delimits an approximate area of 4 m2. In general, this domestic space structuring can
be perceived on the roof, as each built unit is covered by a dome (Figure 8). Thus, the
spatiality of the house and its evolutionary character are well-defined. Indeed, the do-
mestic spaces were sized according to their respective uses by the addition-fusion of
a few successive basic units. In other words, when the house owner wanted a more
spacious room, they merged two or more contiguous units, and, accordingly, placed
arches between these units to support the roof’s load. This construction process re-
sulted in oblong rooms, sometimes exceeding three basic units. Visually, the interior
volume is divided by the presence of the arches. Later, after the diffusion of the barrel
vaults, the elongated rooms were covered by these arched structures, and the arches
separating the different contiguous units eventually disappeared (Figure 9).




                                                                                                         CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE
Figure 8. Explanatory schema reproducing the formal genesis of the Souf houses. The spatial config-
uration, the geometric support (orthogonal grid), and the domed roof (Source: developed by authors).




Figure 9. Views of demolished houses in Guemar showing domed and barrel-vaulted units
(Source: authors, 2022).


                                                                                                       195
                                                                                                                                    The archetype of the Arab-Muslim houses is based on introversion and centrality.
                                                                                                                               From these two principles, a third one stems, which is the sacredness of family privacy.
                                                                                                                               This is manifested, in particular, in a strong hierarchy from the public to the private, and
                                                                                                                               is evident in the implementation of numerous urban and architectural modalities. In-
                                                                                                                               deed, the street branches out into narrow lanes that often end in cul-de-sacs. Thus,
                                                                                                                               following the reference model, access to the interior space of the Souf houses is either
                                                                                                                               through the courtyard or through a sguifa, which is a sort of vestibule separating the
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                               entrance from the rest of the house by a wall system that acts as a screen to keep out
                                                                                                                               indiscreet glances from the outside. Among the main rooms that make up the domestic
                                                                                                                               space is the kitchen, specifically the cooking area with a fireplace. The kitchen is often
                                                                                                                               annexed to a storeroom where provisions are stored. As a rule, the service areas are
                                                                                                                               located to the south. The stable, with a few goats and the henhouse, is set back from
                                                                                                                               the rest of the rooms in the house. Many rooms are arranged around an interior court-
                                                                                                                               yard, which ensures circulation and movement between the various spaces, as well as
                                                                                                                               ventilation and lighting of the adjoining spaces.
                                                                                                                                    In general, the vernacular houses of the Souf had one or two sabats, which were
                                                                                                                               spaces mainly used for women’s household and craft activities and were probably
                                                                                                                               equipped with a weaving loom and a stone grain mill (matthna). The sabat is a covered
                                                                                                                               space in the form of a portico that opens onto the courtyard on the south and/or north
                                                                                                                               side of the house. During the winter months, the occupants of the house use the south-
                                                                                                                               ern sabat as a solarium to enjoy maximum sunlight (Figure 10). However, it is in the
                                                                                                                               summer that the northern sabat is most useful, as it provides a covered, shaded area
                                                                                                                               that is airy and relatively cool.




                                                                                                                                        Figure 10. Views of a courtyard with sabat in Gemar (Source: authors, 2022).


                                                                                                                                   The description of the vernacular houses of the Souf presented above is, in a way,
                                                                                                                               that of the “consecrated model” or “consecrated type”. This is an implicit structure, re-
                                                                                                                               producible, recognised by society, and sufficiently stable over time to be consecrated
                                                                                                                               by history. Individual intervention implicitly refers to this model ‒ or type ‒ each time a
                                                                                                                               new house has to be built [33]. However, it is useful to mention certain deviations from
                                                                                                                               this reference structure. These deviations relate to the two vernacular types of houses
                                                                                                                               in the Souf region (isolated and grouped houses). Indeed, certain specificities regard-
                                                                                                                               ing the presence or absence of certain spaces allow a distinction to be made between
                                                                                                                               these two types of houses. It is the case of the kitchen with a fireplace, and the toilets,
                                                                                                                               which are only present in the grouped houses. The occupants of the Nezla (isolated
                                                                                                                               houses) are farmers and see to their natural needs in the garden, which justifies the


                                                                                         196
absence of toilets in their houses. In addition, the granaries, a large space used for the
storage of produce after harvest, are one of the characteristics of the isolated houses.
    The sabat space is another feature of the Souf vernacular architecture that has not
received sufficient attention from researchers. This typical space exists in all houses,
whether isolated or grouped, and it can be regarded as an identifying feature of the
vernacular architecture of the Souf. However, is this space an emanation of the genius
of the Souafa, or is it an exogenous contribution nevertheless, perfectly assimilated
into the local building culture?
    The question of the emergence of this space remains a little-investigated subject; a
certain vagueness hovers over its origins. Several studies in sociology, anthropology,
and cultural geography agree on the fact that the ancestors of the Souafa were Arabs,
who came from the Middle East and crossed Egypt and the countries of the Maghreb,
probably carrying their ancestral constructive know-how with them. However, no study
states that this settlement process had an impact on the typological and morphological
aspects of the vernacular built environment. However, Mazouz [34], when describing
the spatiality of the Souf houses, hastily elucidates the question by underlining a certain
typological similarity between the sabat and the iwan3, widely used in the Eastern world.
    In light of what has just been said, it is, therefore, more reasonable to agree that the
sabat space was introduced into the Souf at the time of the settlement of this region,
whose first inhabitants, ancestors of the Souafa, are assumed to have come from the
Middle East. This corroborates, to some extent, the arguments that have been put
forward to explain the genesis of the Souf vernacular houses. It is, in fact, a process of
acculturation, which has evolved over time and has been nourished by the most di-
verse cultural, ethnic, and social contributions; it has thus resulted in the characteris-
tics of the local identity of the Souf region. The process of acculturation is, therefore,
responsible for the evolution and dynamism of local identity.
    The vernacular houses of the Souf are relatively modest. The interior furnishings
are very simple; the inhabitants of the Souf use large clay jars in which provisions
(dates and flour) are kept. Sand replaces the paving, especially for the courtyard, and




                                                                                                 CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE
occasionally a new layer of sand is added by the women in charge of the house [35].
To prevent sand from penetrating into the interior, the floor of the rooms surrounding
the courtyard is generally higher, or else a sort of pavement bordering the perimeter of
the courtyard allows passage to the various rooms. Sometimes the floor is covered
with plaster, rarely with tiles [16].
    Sand has a low heat capacity since it is composed of silicates, which do not retain
the heat accumulated during the day. As soon as the sun sets, the heat of the day
quickly dissipates, and the sand is substantially cooled. This phenomenon is inge-
niously adopted in the houses of the Souf, where the surface of the courtyards is cov-
ered with sand (Figure 11A). During the hot season, the residents set up traditional
beds (sedda) in the courtyard and sleep under the stars, taking advantage of the cool
night air. The sedda is very popular in the Saharan regions of Algeria; it is made of palm
wood, and because it is relatively high off the ground, it protects the occupant from
possible attacks by scorpions and other crawling animals (Figure 11B).
    Old aerial views reveal additional information on the vernacular houses of the Souf.
They illustrate, in particular, that the urban fabric is characterised by a sparse morphol-
ogy. The human settlements are of low density due to the large surface of the court-
yards, the low height of the buildings (most of them have only one level), and the rarity
of covered passages (Figure 12A). It should be noted that the Souafa have built their
houses horizontally to avoid intensive exposure to the sun, which can exceed 50 °C
during the summer.


                                                                                               197
                                                                                                                                    The domed roofs were evidently adopted in response to the characteristics of the
                                                                                                                               physical environment. Indeed, it is fair to say that the sedentary inhabitants of the Souf
                                                                                                                               took advantage of the existing conditions to create a bioclimatic architecture. This in-
                                                                                                                               cluded climate constraints (notably the scorching heat and the sandstorms), and the
                                                                                                                               imperatives of construction (available materials and implementation process). The re-
                                                                                                                               lationship between curved roofs and the climatic desert conditions of the Souf region
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                                  				                                     A




                                                                                                                                  				                                      B

                                                                                                                               Figure 11. A) Views of a sand-covered courtyard with a water well in Gemar (Source: authors,
                                                                                                                               2022); B) view of a traditional bed (sedda) at Biskra oasis (the Ziban) [36].


                                                                                         198
can be explained by the fact that domes and barrel vaults ‒ as opposed to flat roofs ‒
prevent sand from collecting on the roofs. Thus, curved roofs mitigate the risk of apply-
ing an extra load on walls and foundations caused by the accumulation of sand on the
roof, considering that the accumulation of sand could lead, over time, to structural
damage to the buildings (differential settlement of the foundations and/or cracking of the
walls). In addition, the domes and vaults, as curved shapes, minimise the roof area ex-
posed to the sun. At the same time, they have small openings to ensure the escape of
the rising hot air that accumulates in the upper part of the room. The air entering from
outside and the air leaving through these openings creates a movement of air (ventila-
tion), a phenomenon which helps to cool the interior spaces.




                                                                                                      CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE
    				                                       A




                       B                                                C

Figure 12. Old views of the vernacular urban fabric in southern Algeria: A) old view of the Souf
highlights the urban morphology of the vernacular fabric [37]; B) old view taken from the mosque,
showing the flat terraces of the ksar of Sidi Okba in the Ziban [38]; C) old view taken from the
mosque, showing the flat terraces of the ksar of Ouled Djellal in the Ziban [39].


                                                                                                    199
                                                                                                                                   The existence of typical curved elements overhanging the vernacular houses de-
                                                                                                                               prives the inhabitants of the use of the terraces because they are not accessible
                                                                                                                               (Figure 12A), a point worth noting once again as part of the uniqueness of the built
                                                                                                                               environment of the Souf. As a general rule, flat accessible terraces are very common
                                                                                                                               in the Saharan regions and are used by the occupants day and night depending on the
                                                                                                                               season (Figures 12B and 12C). Flat accessible terraces are feminine spaces par excel-
                                                                                                                               lence; they are used for weaving and the natural drying of couscous4 and seasonal
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                               vegetables (tomatoes, beans, red peppers, etc.). When the terraces are sufficiently
                                                                                                                               secure with a low wall, they are used by children as play areas under the watchful eye
                                                                                                                               of their mothers. And since all the houses are adjoined, often sharing the same com-
                                                                                                                               mon wall, women can easily move from one terrace to another and chat with their neigh-
                                                                                                                               bours. Seen from above, the terraces resemble a large platform, linking the neighbour-
                                                                                                                               hoods together. Although the vernacular built environment is changing, some of the
                                                                                                                               customs mentioned above have been maintained by the inhabitants.


                                                                                                                                  5. Synthesis

                                                                                                                                    By cross-referencing the findings, exploration of the local identity through the ver-
                                                                                                                               nacular residential architecture of the Souf suggests that the concept of “local” refers
                                                                                                                               to an appropriate region, geographically delimited and identified by the sedentary peo-
                                                                                                                               ple who have occupied it throughout history. In urban planning and architecture, the
                                                                                                                               term “identity” refers to history and memory, as well as the individual or collective tra-
                                                                                                                               ditions that distinguish a region from others. The degree of similarity is the basis for the
                                                                                                                               very expression of the identity of buildings. Being a built environment belonging to a
                                                                                                                               geo-historically defined social group, the architectural identity will only be revealed if
                                                                                                                               the buildings maintain a certain morphological, typological, and/or stylistic affinity to
                                                                                                                               each other. This affinity is specific to the said group and distinguishes these buildings
                                                                                                                               from others outside the group.
                                                                                                                                    It should be noted that architectural identity can be hybrid, especially when different
                                                                                                                               social groups miscegenate. This makes it difficult to identify and inventory the architec-
                                                                                                                               tural identity of a built environment in a region that has undergone a dynamic process
                                                                                                                               of settlement throughout its history. In the case of the Souf, the Arab-Muslim, Berber,
                                                                                                                               and Sudanese cultural contributions have forged the features of the local architectural
                                                                                                                               identity, while the specificities of the place (climate, location, local materials, etc.) have
                                                                                                                               allowed them to be expressed and concretised. The local identity is nourished by the
                                                                                                                               specificities of the region, taking into account its human component within the chrono-
                                                                                                                               logical (historical) and cultural dimensions. Over time, these factors have interacted
                                                                                                                               and sublimated to give the vernacular residential architecture of the Souf its unique
                                                                                                                               local identity, which does not exist anywhere else in Algeria. Exogenous contributions
                                                                                                                               are the driving forces behind the dynamism in the expression of local identity.


                                                                                                                                  6. Conclusion

                                                                                                                                   The present study focused on the Saharan vernacular houses in the Souf region
                                                                                                                               from the point of view of their capacity to express local identity. An approach based on
                                                                                                                               historical research methods and architectural analysis was adopted to investigate the
                                                                                                                               subject.


                                                                              200
    The study showed that the physical characteristics that can be considered signs of
local identity in the Souf region are perceptible in the way of building, the use of local
materials, and the construction details, as well as in the organisation and the use of
domestic space. In addition, the study proved that there is no local architectural identi-
ty outside of a social, cultural, historical, and geographical context.
    By defending the thesis that considers the vernacular heritage as a carrier of local
identity, this study initiates, if not advances, a new line of research for a critique of the
Saharan vernacular heritage. This contribution is very promising, because it may be ex-
ploited to establish an architectural design approach adapted to the context of the Saha-
ran city, and inspired and nourished by the specificities of this context. In this respect,
studies on the built heritage should be intensified and made available to the actors con-
tributing to the production of the built environment, first and foremost the professional
community (architects, town planners, etc.), in order to raise their awareness of the ver-
nacular built heritage, which should be a source of inspiration and reference support for
a truly identity-based architecture and a built environment adapted to its context.


   Notes

   1
      The Souf region is known for its wealth of fossil water. The subsoil contains con-
siderable quantities of water which enabled the local population to invent an ingenious
hydro-agricultural technique of cultivating trees and ensuring their irrigation. This tech-
nique, called the ghout, involves digging a large hole between juxtaposed dunes ‒ at
point V ‒ and planting at its bottom. It takes the form of a funnel-shaped basin. The
ghout was dug manually to a depth of 10 metres and had a diameter of 80-200 metres.
Using this technique, the roots of the plants are in direct contact with the water table,
and irrigation is done naturally and permanently. This ancestral technique was passed
down from one generation to another through oral tradition and field practice. From




                                                                                                  CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE
above, the ghouts appear as green circular bubbles in a desert of golden dunes, giving
rise to an original and singular oasian landscape, specific to the Souf. For further ex-
planation, see, Remini, B., & Souaci, B.E. (2019) Le Souf: quand le forage et le pivot
menacent le ghout! Larhyss Journal, 37, pp.23-38. Available at: http://larhyss.net/ojs/
index.php/larhyss/article/view/625 [Accessed: 29/8/2022].
    2
      For more information on the use of clay and palm wood in construction, see,
Zerari, S., Sriti, L., & Mansouri. K. (2019) Dégradation du patrimoine ksourien du sud
algérien. Cas du tissu résidentiel des Ziban (Biskra). Al-Sabîl: Revue d’Histoire, d’Ar-
chéologie et d’architecture maghrébines, 7. Available at: http://www.al-sabil.tn/?p=5529
[Accessed: 21/10/2022].
    3
      An iwan is a rectangular or square space, usually vaulted and walled on three sides,
with one entire side opening onto a courtyard. The iwan is most often associated with
Islamic architecture, but the question of the emergence of this space remains a rather
controversial subject, as its origins are unclear. Many hypotheses have been put forward
to elucidate the question, and given the lack of consensus, each scholar defends their
own interpretation. On the basis of relevant research, Peker found that the iwan was in-
spired by the ancient niches that were carved for worship in the natural rocks of eastern
Anatolia. Subsequently, this tradition of carving niches in the rocks was transmitted to
Persia. As a result of this influence, the two rock-cut niches at Taq-i Bostan near Kerman-
sha in Iran resemble those of the Urartu region. These rock-cut niches bear stylistic
similarities to the monumental iwans of Sassanid palace architecture. For further expla-


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                                                                                                                               nation, see, Peker, A.U. (1991) The monumental Iwan: a symbolic space or a functional
                                                                                                                               device?. METU JFA, 11(1-2), pp.5-19. Available at: http://jfa.arch.metu.edu.tr/content/
                                                                                                                               view/26/29/ [Accessed: 03/02/2022]; Overlaet, B. (2011) Ardashir II or Shapur III? reflec-
                                                                                                                               tions on the identity of a king in the smaller grotto at Taq-i Bustan. Iranica Antiqua, 46,
                                                                                                                               pp.235–250. DOI: 10.2143/IA. 46.0.2084421.
                                                                                                                                   4
                                                                                                                                     More information on couscous is available at: https://en.unesco.org/news/unescos-i
                                                                                                                               nscription-couscous-traditions-example-international-cultural-cooperation [Accessed:
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




                                                                                                                               20/09/2022].




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                                                                                                                                  Biographical notes

                                                                                                                                   Sami Zerari is an architect specialising in the field of cultural heritage. He received
                                                                                                                               his Bachelor’s degree in Urbanism and Architecture, and his Master’s degree in Urban
                                                                                                                               and Architectural Heritage in the Sahara from the University of Biskra, Algeria. In 2021,
                                                                                                                               Zerari received his Ph.D. degree in architecture with honours from the same university.
                                                                                                                               He is currently studying for his Ph.D. research course – 37th cycle with administration
                                                                                                                               headquarters at the University of Campania “Luigi Vanvitelli”, Aversa, Italy, in Architec-
                                                                                                                               ture, Industrial Design, and Cultural Heritage. His major research interests include the
                                                                                                                               history of architecture, conservation of cultural heritage, historical building analysis,
                                                                                                                               cultural studies, etc.

                                                                                                                                   Alessandra Cirafici is an architect, Ph.D., and full professor at the University of
                                                                                                                               Campania “Luigi Vanvitelli”, Aversa, Italy. She graduated as an architect in 1989 from the
                                                                                                                               University of Naples Federico II. In 1995, she obtained her Ph.D. degree in building sur-
                                                                                                                               veying and representation, and in 1997, she was awarded a scholarship for postgradu-
                                                                                                                               ate studies at the University of Palermo. Since 2016, Cirafici has been a member of
                                                                                                                               several boards of the Ph.D. programme in Architecture, Design, and Cultural Heritage.


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Cirafici is currently involved in issues relating to the role of communication in the repre-
sentation of cultural heritage. Her major research interests include geometry, configura-
tion, and representation of space.

     Leila Sriti is an architect, Ph.D., and full professor at the University of Biskra, Alge-
ria. From 1992 to 1998, she received her Bachelor’s degree in Architecture and Urban-
ism and her Master’s degree in Architecture for Hot and Arid Regions from the same
University. In 2013, Sriti earned her Ph.D. degree in Architecture from the University of
Biskra. She is currently working as a full Professor at the same university and is the
supervisor on many Ph.D. projects in Algeria. Her major research interests include ar-
chitectural heritage in the south of Algeria (hot and dry climate), energy efficiency in
building, climatic adaptability of building envelopes, as well as sustainability strategies.


    Summary

     This article focuses on the Saharan vernacular houses in the Souf region (Algeria),
from the point of view of their capacity to express local identity. An approach based on
historical research methods (documentary research, iconography, etc.) and architec-
tural analysis was adopted to investigate the subject. The findings confirmed that the
features of local identity are expressed in certain morphological attributes noted in the
vernacular houses. These attributes are the result of the construction process itself,
which is closely linked to the use of local building materials, namely tafza and louss
stones. The constraints of the settlement site precluded the use of earth and palm
wood as the main building materials. In addition, the space of the sabat (portico-like
structure in the courtyard) is a major identity feature, marking the layout and use of
domestic space. If the culture of reference, the site, and the climate have proved to be
predisposing factors for a particular typology, it is the building system that has truly




                                                                                                      CONSERVATION SCIENCE IN CULTURAL HERITAGE
forged the identity image of the Souf. The local architectural identity is fed by the spec-
ificities of the region, taking into account its human component in accordance with the
historical and cultural dimensions. Exogenous contributions are the driving force be-
hind the dynamism in the expression of local identity.


    Riassunto

     L’articolo si concentra sull’analisi delle peculiarità delle case tradizionali sahariane
della regione di Souf (Algeria), prese in esame dal punto di vista della loro capacità di
esprimere l’identità locale. Per lo studio è stato adottato un approccio basato sulla rico-
gnizione storica (ricerca documentaria, iconografia, ecc.) e sull’analisi delle emergenze
architettoniche. I risultati hanno confermato che i tratti dell’identità locale si esprimono in
alcuni elementi morfologici rilevati nelle case tradizionali. Questi elementi sono il risulta-
to del processo di costruzione stesso, che è strettamente legato all’uso di specifici mate-
riali da costruzione locali (le pietre tafza e louss) e ai vincoli imposti dai siti di insedia-
mento che hanno precluso l’uso di terra e legno di palma come materiali da costruzione
principali. Inoltre, lo spazio del sabat (struttura porticata situata nel cortile) è un elemen-
to identitario importante, che segna in modo evidente la disposizione e i modi d’uso
dello spazio domestico. Se la cultura di riferimento, il sito e il clima si sono rivelati fattori
predisponenti per una particolare tipologia, è il sistema costruttivo che ha veramente


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                                                                                                                               forgiato l’immagine identitaria del Souf. L’identità architettonica locale è alimentata dalle
                                                                                                                               specificità della regione, tenendo conto della sua componente umana in accordo con le
                                                                                                                               dimensioni storiche e culturali. I contributi esogeni sono la forza trainante del dinamismo
                                                                                                                               nell’espressione dell’identità locale.
Sami Zerari, Alessandra Cirafici, Leila Sriti - Issues in the expression of local identity in the Saharan regions of Algeria




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