10.6092/issn.2611-2752/7293
In providing a more imperial theoretical paradigm, highlighting earlier and more informal intervention by T.E.A. and Peace Corps volunteers and addressing their successes and failures, this article demonstrates the complexities created by new transnational connections and interactions between young Americans and East African students and their importance specifically in Tanzania. It delves into the conflicts with the T.E.A. and Peace Corps and the departing British colonial teachers worried about their declining influence, the American volunteers and the Tanzanian government, as well as organizational conflict between the T.E.A. and the new Peace Corps.
application/pdf
2611-2752
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Timothy Nicholson
USAbroad – Journal of American History and Politics
Decolonization
Empire of Individuals: American Expansion, British Angst and Tanzanian Anger
Text.Serial.Journal
https://usabroad.unibo.it/
1
Essays
2018-03-01
2017-10-18
2018-03-01
2018-10-30
USAbroad
Timothy Nicholson
2018/03/01
10.6092/issn.2611-2752/7293
Saint Peter's University
2611-2752
Decolonization
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Empire of Individuals: American Expansion, British Angst and Tanzanian Anger
https://usabroad.unibo.it/article/download/7293/7544
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Essays – peer-reviewed                                 USAbroad – Journal of American History and Politics. Vol. 1 (2018)
https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2611-2752/7293                                                             ISSN 2611-2752




   Empire of Individuals: American Expansion, British Angst and
                                           Tanzanian Anger

                                               Timothy Nicholson

                 Submitted: October 18, 2017 – Accepted: February 2, 2018 – Published: March 1, 2018



                                                      Abstract

       In providing a more imperial theoretical paradigm, highlighting earlier and more informal inter-
       vention by T.E.A. and Peace Corps volunteers and addressing their successes and failures, this article
       demonstrates the complexities created by new transnational connections and interactions between
       young Americans and East African students and their importance specifically in Tanzania. It delves
       into the conflicts with the T.E.A. and Peace Corps and the departing British colonial teachers wor-
       ried about their declining influence, the American volunteers and the Tanzanian government, as
       well as organizational conflict between the T.E.A. and the new Peace Corps.
       Keywords: United States; Tanzania; John F. Kennedy; Peace Corps; Decolonization




Timothy Nicholson: Saint Peter’s University (United States)
Contact: tnicholson@saintpeters.edu
Timothy Nicholson is an Assistant Professor of History at Saint Peter’s University in Jersey City, NJ. He is writing
a manuscript on East African youths and their interaction with local and global paradigms of authority during
the Cold War.



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    In 1961, 150 Americans arrived in Uganda as part of the new Teachers for East Africa (TEA) orga-
nization to serve as instructors in schools throughout East Africa. As the first large-scale American
engagement with the three East African countries (Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania1 ), these teachers rep-
resented a seminal moment in the expansion of an informal American empire in Africa. In providing
a more imperial theoretical paradigm, highlighting earlier and more informal intervention by TEA
and Peace Corps volunteers (PCVs), and addressing their successes and failures, this article demon-
strates the complexities created by new transnational connections and interactions between young
Americans and East African students, and their importance specifically in Tanzania. It also highlights
American engagement with the rapidly changing non-Western world during the critical years of the
early 1960s. Additionally, this article notes how the personal and everyday interactions of the volun-
teers of these organizations tended to subvert the overall goals of the organizations involved. Lastly,
the article delves into the conflicts between the British and American teachers, the TEA and the Peace
Corps and, finally, the American volunteers and the Tanzanian government. Consequently, the arti-
cle will work to demonstrate the challenges that individuals faced as American involvement evolved
over the course of the 1960s from an informal to a formal empire with the arrival of the Peace Corps,
leading to a stronger American presence, but also a more visceral reaction from Tanzanian leaders
and the local population. Simply, individual Americans conflicted with the institutional presence of
colonial-era education, new American programs, and the Tanzanian government itself, and through
this struggle they worked to forge and maintain connections with local Tanzanians.
    Prior to the start of the Peace Corps and the growth of an official American presence, the involve-
ment of the United States in Africa and relationships with African countries can be characterized as
an informal empire of individuals. This American expansionism must also be considered with re-
gard to global paradigms of authority and the deliberate posturing of Tanzanian leaders who sought
transnational resources to develop their own nascent but expanding state institutions. The power
of individuals needs to be stressed, as they pushed American expansion without a common agenda,
causing chaos and conflict between groups, and with the organizations themselves being subverted by
their own members. Supporting information exists largely outside of traditional sources and is to be
found in oral histories, memoirs and private papers, as well as Tanzanian newspaper letters and other
accounts. Through an examination of these sources, this article strives to highlight the often chaotic
nature of American involvement in the region, with the individuals involved driven less by Cold War
ideology and its connections with African decolonization than previously thought. After an overview
of the organizations involved, the paper focuses on the messiness of an empire of individuals and its
ultimately unsuccessful replacement by a more formalized American presence.



1 Background and Historiography
From the late nineteenth through the first half of the twentieth century, Americans possessed a small
but varied presence in African education, existing largely outside official government channels. Schol-
ars debate the extent and degree to which the US was engaged with Africa during this period, with
recent work on this issue showing a greater number and diversity of connections than previously
thought. Americans established and staffed Jeanes Schools, American missionaries worked through-
out the continent, and African-Americans participated in back-to-Africa movements. Gerald Horne’s
Mau Mau in Harlem highlights these connections and demonstrates a number of previously overlooked
ties that existed between the African-American community, among others, and the African population
in Kenya, in addition to educating future West African anti-colonial leaders such as Nnamdi Azikiwe
and Kwame Nkrumah in the 1930s.2 While the number of transcontinental connections grew through-




1
    For the purpose of simplicity, Tanzania will be used in place of Tanganyika, which was the official name of the country
    before its merger with Zanzibar in 1964.
2
    Gerald Horne, Mau Mau in Harlem?: The U.S. and the Liberation of Kenya. Contemporary Black History (New York: Palgrave,
    2009), 15. See also Penny M. Von Eschen, Race Against Empire: Black Americans and Anticolonialism, 1937–1957 (Ithaca: Cornell
    University Press, 1997).



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out the early twentieth century, especially among the African-American community and missionary
societies, they still remained quite limited and confined to small segments of the population.3
    In contrast to the limited American involvement prior to World War II, the postwar period wit-
nessed a slow but growing interest in the continent. Pushed by organizations such as the Council on
African Affairs, more Americans spent time in Africa, became interested in African affairs, and worked
to gain knowledge about African people. In assessing claims of America as an ally to the decoloniz-
ing world, new scholarly attention focuses on American efforts to replace British influence and the
complicating factors associated with this effort. John Kent and others argue that Cold War concerns,
and a need to maintain strong alliances with traditional imperial powers, quickly superseded altruistic
efforts to encourage decolonization. American officials now worked with the departing colonial pow-
ers themselves (and not African nationalists) to implement change.4 Additionally, the American civil
rights movement possessed multifaceted links to the international anti-colonial movement, with the
actions and discourse of African leaders proving critical in shaping African-American politics.5 Still,
African affairs remained mostly overlooked as concerns over communism topped the foreign policy
agenda and, through the 1950s, US officials concentrated on events in Europe and Asia. British Foreign
Office officials closely monitored American interest in the region and their reports claimed Americans
thought of Africa “as no more than a large area of steaming jungle inhabited by wild animals, naked
savages and pompous officials.”6 While Eisenhower famously went golfing to avoid meeting newly
installed African leaders and his foreign policy largely ignored the African continent, he and other
American officials recognized that British power was on the wane and at least some sort of attention
was needed to stop the spread of communism.7 New Cold War tensions as well as specific events, such
as the perceived bedlam in the Congo following Belgium’s quick and chaotic withdrawal, served as
the impetus behind increased US concern, with the government believing the spread of communism
would benefit from the potential chaos in the decolonizing world. Despite the hope of British colo-
nial officials to remain the dominant power in East Africa and limit opportunities for African students
to study abroad, they quickly noted rising American concern over events in Africa by both govern-
ment officials and the general public, starting in the very late 1950s. With a rising global presence,
new Cold War concerns, and increased attention from the civil rights movement, American interest
in Africa grew between the end of World War II and 1960, but still remained largely outside official
government circles.
    Much of the historiography over the past twenty years has focused on the transformative events of
the 1960s and the rapid expansion of American interest in Africa. Only recently has greater attention
been paid to the intellectual and domestic antecedents of these projects, with new works highlighting
the influence of the Great Depression. For many coming of age in the 1930s and holding state power
in the 1950s and 1960s, this defining event shaped views of state involvement in direct correlation with
the economy, including modernization and the state-centered approach of American development
policies from Truman’s Point Four Program onward. These efforts were advocated by American in-
tellectuals in order to transform backward cultures, push economic modernization, and effectively
secure American interests abroad.8 In addition to focusing on state development, Nils Gilman argues
that American thinking of non-Western people was based on “Americans’ understanding of their own



3
    Apollos Okwuchi Nwauwa, Imperialism, Academe and Nationalism: Britain and University Education for Africans, 1860–1960
    (New York: Routledge, 1997), 70.
4
    John Kent, “United States Reactions to Empire, Colonialism and the Cold War in Black Africa,” Journal of Imperial and
    Commonwealth History 33-2 (2005): 195–220.
5
    See Kevin Kelly Gaines, American Africans in Ghana: Black Expatriates and the Civil Rights Era (Chapel Hill: University of North
    Carolina Press, 2006) and Nikhil Pal Singh, Black is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge:
    Harvard University Press, 2005).
6
    Horne, Mau Mau in Harlem?, 3.
7
    British National Archive, FCO 141/7092. “To Selwyn Lloyd.” July 10, 1957, 3.
8
    See Michael Lantham, The Right Kind of Revolution: Modernization, Development and U.S. Foreign Policy from the Cold War to
    the Present (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2011), 2; also Nils Gilman, Mandarins of the Future: Modernization Theory in Cold
    War America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003).



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identity.”9 Individual Americans also need to be considered more in an informal role and guided
less by American ideology, although certainly possessing notions of superiority. Additionally, Larry
Grubbs dubs a wide range of Americans as secular missionaries who were quickly disillusioned when
confronted with the problems within the continent; instead of promoting a colonial “civilizing mis-
sion,” they worked to uplift the continent based on the in-vogue modernization theory.10 However,
their role needs examining in connection to official aid organizations and developmentalist thinking—
although teachers still possessed general notions of superiority and a desire to free locals from bonds
of tradition. Seemingly, the greater the interaction American teachers enjoyed with their local coun-
terparts, the more respect they developed for local cultures, and their viewpoints increasingly differed
from Cold War ideologically.11
     Furthermore, with the exception of Grubbs’s work noted above, examinations of the Peace Corps
are prone to focus on the Peace Corps as an institution, itself recently subject to reexamination, and
are only now analyzing how this organization helped project American power throughout the world.
Gerard Rice, author of The Bold Experiment: JFK’s Peace Corps, provides a comprehensive overview of
the organization, its important impact, and dramatically fast start.12 Fritz Fischer’s Making Them Like
Us: Peace Corps Volunteers in the 1960s develops a more nuanced view, arguing that although Kennedy
viewed the Peace Corps as a cornerstone of his Cold War policy, its volunteers realized the problems
of dividing up the world into two camps, promoting a linear sense of development and, as was the
case in Tanzania, became critical of American foreign policy itself.13 However, the Peace Corps, as
representative of American expansion into Africa, needs examining beyond simply viewing it as ful-
filling the role of a domestic institution serving the needs of American politicians, and must be put
into the larger context of American expansionism, British decolonization, the Cold War, and African
state-building.
     Connecting agendas between different actors with regard to decolonization in Africa, Frederick
Cooper argues that “the modernization discourse of the bureaucrats” was a shared agenda between
the departing colonial state and newly empowered nationalists throughout the British and French
colonies, and the idea of the state serving as the driving force of postcolonial development continued.14
Cooper writes that independence brought more than education—access to health care increased (in-
fant mortality declined; life expectancy rose), the economies grew, and, through the growth of new
institutions, governments delivered “at last something to their citizens—education, health services,
roads.”15 Additionally, Priya Lal argues that state-building and ideological development were firmly
connected to Third World networks and thought of as an alternative to Western modernization the-
ory; Tanzanian nation-building in general needs to be considered with regard to global decolonization
and the Third World nations.16 Adding to this point, John Kelly and Martha Kaplan suggest that for
the colonized: “Decolonization was not so much an exit but instead an entry into a global political sce-
nario … .”17 Despite later eschewing foreign influence, Nyerere positioned his country at the forefront

9
     Gilman, 12.
10
     Larry Grubbs, Secular Missionaries: Americans and African Development in the 1960s (Amherst: University of Massachusetts
     Press, 2010).
11
     Jonathan Zimmerman goes as far as calling American teachers “innocents abroad” in Zimmerman, Innocents Abroad: Amer-
     ican Teachers in the American Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009), 17.
12
     Gerard T. Rice, The Bold Experiment: JFK’s Peace Corps (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1985); Elizabeth
     Cobbs Hoffman, All You Need is Love: The Peace Corps and the Spirit of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998);
     Jonathan Zimmerman, “Beyond Double Consciousness: Black Peace Corps Volunteers in Africa, 1961-1971,” Journal of Amer-
     ican History 82, (1995): 999–1028.
13
     Fritz Fischer, Making Them Like Us: Peace Corps Volunteers in the 1960s (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1998).
14
     Frederick Cooper, “Modernizing Bureaucrats, Backward Africans and the Development Concept,” in Frederick Cooper and
     Randall M. Packard, International Development and the Social Sciences: Essays on the History of Politics of Knowledge (Berkeley:
     University of California Press, 1997), 64–92.
15
     Frederick Cooper, Africa and the World (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014), 97.
16
     Priya Lal, African Socialism in Postcolonial Tanzania: Between the Village and the World (New York: Cambridge University Press,
     2015), 16–17.
17
     John Kelly and Martha Kaplan, Represented Communities: Fiji and World Decolonization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,



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of African affairs, the British Commonwealth and, following the Zanzibari revolution, the Cold War,
prompting State Department official Francis Terry McNamera to succinctly note: “Dar [es Salaam,
Tanzania’s capital] was the liberation capital of Africa … .”18 Thus, by leveraging its location and activist
foreign policy, Tanzania forged a unique place in the Cold War to which other countries, especially
the United States and Soviet Union, needed to respond with offers of scholarships to Tanzanian stu-
dents, direct foreign aid for school- and infrastructure-building, local advisors, and teachers—all of
which helped develop Tanzanian state institutions.
     As American interest in Africa slowly increased, education throughout East Africa, especially Tan-
zania, was experiencing a revolution as the decolonization process commenced. Although mostly a
reward for the political and economic colonial elite, colonized people used education as a method
of self-advancement, a means to counter British perceptions of their ethnic group or religion, and a
method of justifying greater political participation, which prompted many to actively campaign for
new missionary or government schools. The late colonial period witnessed a huge expansion in the
demand for education and, with colonial officials leaving, the need for a trained workforce. With less
than a hundred college graduates, Tanzania’s need was especially acute and nowhere could existing
African institutions match the demand for advanced degrees. Secondary school students, both male
and female, realized the new opportunity for advancement and worked to obtain access to universities
so they could become technocratic and bureaucratic leaders, and members of the new government
elite.19 To deal with this demand, the late colonial state and its postcolonial successor drastically in-
creased enrollment capacities within the school systems throughout the continent, with Tanzania at
the forefront in primary school expansion. Compared with fewer than ten thousand mostly male
African students during the late colonial period, government figures show that 486,470 students were
enrolled in schools in 1961, rising to 537,725 students the following year. By 1966 schools taught 774,604
students, and that rose to 829,182 in 1967.20 As outside observers quickly noted, however, the school
system did not have the necessary trained teachers to match this growth, which hampered the over-
all functioning of the schools and slowed expansion efforts. Overall, access to education remained
an ongoing battle and the demand for education constantly exceeded the available space, forcing
East African governments to search for possible solutions. Thus, this important nation-building en-
deavor contained important transnational connections and components and needs to be considered
in a global context.



2 Incoming Americans and British Conﬂicts in Tanzania
Recognizing many of the issues that decolonizing countries faced, American scholars, celebrities, and
journalists—among others—worked to provide new forms of assistance to African countries. As part
of these new efforts, Professor Kenneth Bigelow and R. Freeman Butts, both associated with Teachers
College of Columbia University and with funding from the Carnegie Corporation, hosted a meeting
in December 1960 with the governments of the United States and United Kingdom, along with repre-
sentatives from the British East African territories.21 Responding to urgent requests from East African
officials for teachers, the pair established a new organization, Teachers for East Africa, whose mission
was to help staff and consequently expand the education systems in East Africa, hoping to increase the




     2001), 5.
18
     Francis Terry McNamera interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy, March 18, 1993, Association for Diplomatic Studies and
     Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project Archive, Library of Congress.
19
     Andrew Ivaska, Cultured States: Youth, Gender and Modern Style in 1960s Dar es Salaam (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011).
20
     Statistics differ between Lene Buchert’s Education in the Development of Tanzania, 1919-90 (Athens: Ohio University Press,
     1994), 110, and “Twenty Years of TANU Education” in Towards Ujamaa: Twenty Years of TANU Leadership, Gabriel Ruhumbika
     (ed.), (Dar es Salaam: East African Literature Bureau, 1977), 227.
21
     P.C.C. Evans, “American Teachers for East Africa,” Symposium on Education in Africa, Comparative Education Review, June
     1962, 69–77.



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stability and overall development of the countries.22 By providing teachers, the TEA hoped to foster
cooperation between the United States and United Kingdom aid agencies, the three East African gov-
ernments, and various universities in the United States. With financial and logistical support from the
US government, the program reflected broader American goals of rapidly improving the educational
situation in the region at all levels, in addition to undertaking larger infrastructure projects. Thus,
the newly established TEA worked to address school-related problems and became one of the first
large-scale American organizations in East Africa, demonstrating the quick response of determined
collectivized interests. Despite the stated cooperation, the organization became symbolic of a new
American dominance and provided American entry into the region.
     To recruit teachers, the organization visited universities throughout the United States, mailed over
12,000 letters, and utilized the resources of the National Education Association to increase awareness
of the TEA program. Demonstrating a new interest towards overseas engagement and volunteering,
thousands of college students and recent graduates applied for teaching positions, which allowed the
organization to be highly selective—only approving 150 teachers with master’s degrees.23 In provid-
ing an overview of the TEA’s recruitment efforts to the New York Times, Butts stated that the teachers
“must be professionally first rate … they must be personally resourceful and imaginative … with no
trace of paternalism, they must be able to cooperate with Africa in educating itself … they must be
animated by a spirit of service.”24 Thus, the organization worked to distance itself, although some-
times unsuccessfully, from colonial-era entities, thus attacking their British partners, and show new
enthusiasm while reproducing some imperial attitudes of service. What Butts was arguing for was
more of an alternative, humanistic approach to modernization that would not rely predominately on
infrastructural-based projects and, as mentioned in the quote, helping Africa to help itself, implying
some degree of equality.
     While the organization strove to include British teachers, work with the British government to
become a joint Anglo-American venture suffered. After only a year of existence, the growing feeling
of disappointment changed to a sense of failure within the British government, as Overseas Devel-
opment Ministry [ODM] officials reported little success in attracting teachers to the TEA program.
British students had long enjoyed opportunities to serve the empire and teach overseas, unlike in
America, where this was a new opportunity, and consequently British students remained less enthusi-
astic. In one call for applications, H. Holmes at the ODM highlighted this problem, writing: “Although
there were about 60 first enquiries, only 10 application forms were returned”; of the ten received, none
of the applicants passed the initial recruitment stage.25 Recruitment officials blamed the unfavorable
press that was linked to larger debates over the future of the British Empire and pitted the Tanzanian
government against the British over South Africa and the official severing of relations with Southern
Rhodesia. Consequently, by the mid-1960s, the British ODM was no longer encouraging British vol-
unteers to go to Tanzania, after an educational engagement of over fifty years.26 The general British
attitude that their power was waning and they were moving away from imperial rule, especially the
controversies associated with decolonization, contrasted with the excitement of young Americans in
developing a more informal relationship with the region. The program’s failures demonstrated the
limited support for imperial projects in Britain, especially in contrast to the American enthusiasm for
volunteering for an exotic adventure untainted by their own imperialism.
     Over its ten-year existence, the TEA supplied 631 educators for teaching and teacher training in
East Africa and became a conduit for information between the region and the American public.27 The
volunteer teachers established important, albeit informal, links throughout the region, interacted with
people at a local level, and provided the means whereby the education systems could successfully teach

22
     R. Freeman Butts, “A Second Program of Teachers for East Africa,” February 1, 1962, Teacher’s College Archive [TCA],
     Columbia University, Butts Correspondence File, 33.
23
     Butts, “Teachers for East Africa,” 33.
24
     Butts, “Teachers Sought in Africa Project,” New York Times, February 5, 1961.
25
     See B.N.A [British National Archive], “Applicants,” ODM17/86.
26
     B.N.A, ODM17/86.
27
     Butts, “Teachers for East Africa,” 34.



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record numbers of students. Increasingly cognizant of events in the world and having a greater inter-
est in Africa than previous generations, applicants possessed a strong desire to see foreign lands and
wanted to discover themselves as well as help others.28 Despite the slight difference in ages between
TEA teachers (born in 1940 at the latest) and Peace Corps volunteers (born only 4–6 years later), the
parents of TEA workers were more a product of the Great Depression, not as likely to have fought
in WWII and raised in a period of American isolationism. The TEA also possessed a different atti-
tude towards work, as they did not want to follow their parents into specific desk-based careers for
the rest of their lives. Unlike the PCVs later in the decade, however, they were raised hearing tales
of America’s informal intervention in Latin America, rather than the conflict in Vietnam, and were
largely unconnected to the civil rights movement that would define the later 1960s. Slightly older than
PCVs, TEA participants were more likely to be married and have children than the next generation
of volunteers and, as a requirement of the program, possessed a teaching degree. Finally, reminis-
cent of nineteenth-century British humanitarian predecessors, the desire to help the downtrodden
throughout the world influenced the motivations of those going overseas. While possessing an al-
most blind faith in the value of education and its potential for individual and societal uplift, neither
group of young volunteers was particularly educated in or dedicated to the modernization ideology
promoted by developmentalist planners. Thus, with little experience to draw on, volunteers viewed
their upcoming experience as the most exotic adventure Americans could partake in at the time and
an escape from the boredom of middle-class lives. They held a desire to forge connections with unfa-
miliar peoples rather than impose a specific ideology (a larger concern after the start of the Vietnam
War) on non-Western people.
     Specifically in Tanzania, the TEA trained, transported, and placed over 300 American teachers
in schools during the early 1960s. As a nascent organization and after only a few brief trips by its
leadership to the region, the organization needed to establish an entire infrastructure to place, supply,
and oversee the teachers. Consequently, a degree of chaos plagued the early efforts of the organi-
zation and it took a concerted effort by the incoming teachers to address these issues. Sometimes
schools were unprepared for the teachers’ arrival or did not know they were coming at all. However,
the vast majority of issues centered on supplies and suitcases not arriving in a timely manner, leading
the teachers to improvise and go without for two or three weeks until their carefully packed suitcases
arrived. American researchers have noted that the first wave of teachers was “probably unconcerned
about a number of facets of life they were entering, including such potentially important issues such
as isolation, working under a system using teaching methods quite different from those to which they
have been accustomed, loneliness and cost of living.”29 Lastly, there were expectations of gratitude
that did not materialize. Teachers thought that their students would be more appreciative of their
volunteer efforts, their small gifts, and their organization of many local trips, but many students be-
lieved these efforts were what the rich Americans did back home and that they did not entail much
extra effort. Since most of these issues were not covered during orientation, they often caught the
newly arriving volunteers by surprise and complicated an already difficult adjustment process. Fur-
thermore, when examining American teachers abroad and outside of elite levels, the interactions and
actions of Americans highlight an optimism powered more by a faith in education for uplift than
support for modernization theory, and more for international adventure than global power struggles.
     Despite the problems noted above, the TEA helped the Ministry of Education move closer to
meeting the ambitious goals established by their first five-year plan for education released in 1963, in
which education experts estimated a shortfall of 541 teachers in 1964, and greatly increased the scope
of the education system.30 In part, the political legitimacy of Tanzania’s leader, Julius Nyerere, and his
TANU party was based on meeting these demands. Teachers arriving through the TEA filled critical
positions that the Ministry could not fill itself. By 1964, Tanzania possessed 143 such teachers (roughly
one-third of the total teachers) and, although relatively small in number, they were critical for the



28
     “Application Essay,” December 7, 1960, TCA, Application File, 9.
29
     Raymond L. Gold, A Teaching Safari: A Study of American Teachers in East Africa (Baltimore: PublishAmerica, 2004), 131.
30
     Butts, “Teachers for East Africa,” 33.



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expanding school system.31 These teachers allowed program director Butts to state “for the first time
within memory, the schools are reasonably well staffed” and the presence of TEA teachers permitted
“the development plan for the expansion of secondary education.”32 However, the TEA’s immediate
impact was limited. Although they successfully provided teachers to replace departing British ones,
this also created an opportunity for African teachers to receive additional training or join the Ministry
of Education, thus removing themselves from active teaching duties. While an important step in
Africanizing the bureaucracy, such actions not only failed to solve the teacher shortage and increased
reliance on outsider teachers, but they also demonstrated the importance of transnational resources
in developing local institutions.
     Issues began to surface between the British and American partnership, which was compounded by
a generational gap, widely different attitudes, and limited cooperation between groups of teachers. De-
spite their official support, British officials both in London and throughout East Africa expressed their
dislike of the program, although they appreciated its usefulness. First, the independence of Uganda
and Tanzania now made it impossible to use Colonial Development and Welfare Funds. ODM officials
assumed the East African governments would pay for half of the additional training of their teachers,
but after encountering protests from East African governments, they reluctantly agreed to cover all
the expenses.33 Additionally, ODM officials, such as Bernard Ashley and George Dickson, viewed the
TEA program as an attempt by the Americans to “force an entry into the field of teacher training,”
which they allegedly wanted to Americanize, thus changing Britain’s carefully crafted legacy of impe-
rial rule. With American teachers and funding playing an increasingly prominent role in the program,
Colonial and Foreign Office officials began to feel marginalized and wondered about their future in
the field of East African education. By developing a presence in a new region outside of formal gov-
ernment support, the TEA forged new connections to the region and increased American knowledge
about East African life at the expense of the long-standing British presence. Despite pledges of co-
operation, the Anglo-American venture showed the practical limitations of such efforts, especially as
disputes began occurring between individual teachers.
     In addition to officials in London, British teachers and other officials on the ground in Tanzania
complained about the attitudes of the arriving volunteers, while remaining aware that they repre-
sented the arrival of a new imperial presence. With their long-standing ties to the Empire, these
teachers and officials wrote about the “it is our turn now” approach of the Americans and argued the
new teachers failed to recognize the contributions of their British colleagues. In researching the orga-
nization, Raymond Gold found instances of British headmasters, accustomed to living in East Africa
and already insecure about their positions, protesting that Americans were “inclined to grumble about
their extended work obligations and generally were overly concerned about their health,” to the de-
gree that many headmasters labeled them hypochondriacs. Many officials used this common attack to
discredit the American volunteers and reinforce the divide between American and British educators.34
Headmasters also complained about the long holidays their American teachers took. Americans inter-
preted the term “school holiday” liberally and viewed it as a vacation, not realizing that many students
stayed at school and supervision was needed. Americans understood they would only be in Africa for a
short time and wanted to tour as much as possible. These criticisms were not unwarranted, as the ma-
jority of teachers viewed travel as an essential component of their time in East Africa. In one instance,
Gary Gappert and a fellow teacher planned to drive 3,500 miles from Tabora to Cape Town, conse-
quently earning the scorn of the “old timers” and arriving late for the start of the school term.35 The
alleged holiday-first attitude of the teachers reinforced negative British attitudes towards the newly
arrived American teachers, criticism based on real problems, but also the desire of British officials to
condemn the Americans’ actions in an attempt at self-preservation.
     In contrast, the American teachers noticed the “aloofness, attitude, the formality of the older

31
     Zanzibar is not included in this calculation.
32
     Butts, “Teachers for East Africa,” 33.
33
     See B.N.A., FO 924/1473.
34
     Gold, A Teaching Safari, 214.
35
     Gary Gappert “Letter Home,” TCA, TEA Personnel Communications File, 79.



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British type teacher.”36 Arriving teachers perceived a sense of fatigue among British teachers com-
pared to the American excitement and felt that many of the British teachers were simply waiting to
return home. Finally, the arrival of African-American teachers added a degree of racial mixing and
blurred the carefully maintained hierarchies the British had established. While still rare, African-
American teachers permeated white-only clubs, arguably the last bastion of Europeans, and helped
force the racially segregated colonial society to change. Thus, in opposition to the lasting British influ-
ence, where racial attitudes existed, the American presence was welcomed by the Tanzanian popula-
tion as a viable postcolonial alternative to British teachers and by local politicians eager to demonstrate
changes brought by independence.
    Changes were also taking place in the classroom, as TEA teachers quickly began instructing stu-
dents, often without lesson plans and with minimal guidance. The newly arriving teachers noted that
few teaching supplies existed for their lessons.37 As Jim Blair remembers, with regard to teaching, “I just
did it. I found that I had unrealized talent. I could teach. Once I realized that I could accomplish what-
ever I put my mind to, I never looked back.”38 Spurred by their informality, TEA teachers questioned
existing practices, including the need for Cambridge exams, much to the dismay of both the British
and those needing to take the exams in order to advance in schooling. Other minor issues turned into
larger disputes, as Americans also questioned the lecture-based system of memorizing facts practiced
by the British, which turned out to be a major legacy of empire.39 As a result, the students themselves
initially questioned the effectiveness of American teachers, with Gus Lewis recalling that students
asked: “What did these teachers know about British exams taken by African boys?”40 Over the first
year of teaching, many of these unexpected issues worked themselves out and the organization flour-
ished, leading the three East African countries, especially Tanzania, to request more TEA teachers and
showcase their expanding educational systems, replace more colonial-era educators, and respond to
local demands.
    Perhaps the area of greatest influence the teachers enjoyed came from informal interactions out-
side the classroom. For example, the new teachers went on hikes, organized visits to local places of
interest, and, as part of their love of sightseeing, encouraged learning outside the classroom. Addi-
tionally, sports existed as a major draw at the local festivals and provided an opportunity to increase
student participation and excitement. The fledgling Tanzanian state struggled for audiences at newly
created state celebrations and students provided a captive audience and served as athletic contestants.
Through organizing and participating in these events, people would be more inclined to embrace the
new national holidays, and government officials could further develop nation-building activities and
strengthen national unity. Moses Howard, an African-American TEA volunteer, remembers this in-
formal interaction as an influencing factor in dating, which was going through renegotiation, as the
young students established their own relationships and needed guidance on how to deal with these
new issues.41 He recalls: “My students often came to tea at my house. They asked me to explain
lessons, but they were more interested in personal relationships.”What is this dating?” “Do most boys
have cars to drive around with girls as we see in the movies? … They were always respectful and seemed
convinced they could ask me anything … .”42 Thus, the informality of American teachers encouraged
by the TEA program promoted a different degree of bonding and, for the rare African-American

36
     R. Freeman Butts, “First Impression of Teachers for East Africa in Action,” TCA, Butts Correspondence File, 11.
37
     Pat Gill, “My English Challenge,” teaaki (blog), November 20, 2013, http://teaaki.pbworks.com/w/page/70973781/My%
     20English%20Challenge%20-%20Pat%20Gill.
38
     Jim Blair, “TEA Reflections,” teaaki (blog),     August 21,   2013,   http://teaaki.pbworks.com/w/page/44447933/TEA%
     20Reflections%20-%20Jim%20Blair.
39
     Joel Reuben, “The New Primary Approach,” teaaki (blog), August 25, 2015, http://teaaki.pbworks.com/w/page/99582131/
     The%20New%20Primary%20Approach%20-%20Joel%20Reuben.
40
     Gus Lewis, “Strike! to Study,” teaaki (blog), November 27, 2011, http://teaaki.pbworks.com/w/page/48393046/Strike%21%
     20to%20Study%20-%20Gus%20Lewis.
41
     Lynn Thomas, “Schoolgirl Pregnancies, Letter-writing and Modern Persons in Late Colonial East Africa,” in Africa’s Hidden
     Histories: Everyday Literacy and the Making of the Self (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006): 180–207.
42
     Moses Howard, “My African Students,” teaaki (blog), January 30, 2017, http://teaaki.pbworks.com/w/page/114936556/My%
     20African%20Students%20-%20Moses%20Howard.



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teacher, reinforced this bonding by commonalities of race.43 The close connections helped students
navigate the new world of the 1960s while learning about America outside the classroom. These un-
planned interactions and new bonds continued long after the volunteers departed back to America
and remained useful for Tanzanians wanting to attend university in America. Overall, the individual
connections worked to augment many of the efforts of the TEA program and provide an alternative to
colonial teaching methods. These spontaneous interactions, based more on intimacy than ideology,
were not a component of modernization planning; replacing British teachers at the local level became
more important than global Anglo-American cooperation or Cold War competition.



3 Peace Corps Volunteers and New Conﬂicts
In addition to the clashes occurring between Americans and departing British officials, a new conflict
emerged as the American presence transitioned from an informal to formal presence with the arrival
of PCVs to replace TEA teachers. Presidential candidate John F. Kennedy argued for an increased
American presence in the region and the vital importance of the decolonizing world to America’s
strategic vision. At the same time, Kennedy combined his domestic and international agendas by
encouraging American students to help develop (again reflecting colonial undertones) newly decolo-
nized countries. In a brief speech while campaigning at the University of Michigan, Kennedy asked:
“How many of you who are going to be doctors, are willing to spend your days in Ghana?”44 Thus,
Kennedy was able to create a sense of moral obligation and he reshaped American interactions with
the developing world by introducing a more formal state program, utilizing volunteers who were
now part of the US government. On March 1, 1961, this relationship was solidified as now President
Kennedy signed an order establishing the Peace Corps, revolutionizing the method by which peo-
ple could volunteer for government service and signifying a more formal American presence that
was connected to official, anti-communist aid programs. With the birth of the Peace Corps, however,
American aid programs that possessed different overall goals were often competing against each other;
some elements, such as the Peace Corps itself, were less ideologically focused than other American
aid-granting organizations.45
    Kennedy’s new engagement was a crucial response to Nyerere’s aggressive foreign policies and
desire to position Tanzania as a country that would dominate regional politics. Despite later agitating
for self-sufficiency, Nyerere quickly realized the benefits for both educators in general and as replace-
ments for the British. As an early proponent for PCVs, Nyerere actively sought international aid to
build, staff, and fund schools, as well as the infrastructure more broadly, and worked to play different
Cold War powers against each other. Nyerere also actively helped outside liberation groups, which
only increased American interest in the country. The result was a newly formed government posi-
tioned to claim additional transnational resources and use them for state-building purposes. Conse-
quently, Kennedy and officials in the State Department felt it necessary to quickly involve Americans
in Tanzanian affairs.
    New American engagement in the guise of PCVs created the problem of having two American
organizations devoted to teaching on the ground in the region and highlights the second conflict
complicating American foreign policy. For a brief moment, the organizations were more focused
on competing with and discrediting each other, and proving their own worth rather than with global
or ideological concerns. Despite efforts by the leadership of the Peace Corps and TEA to limit fraternal
arguments, recognizing that both were at least partially funded by the American government, tempers
flared on several occasions, especially as TEA teachers realized they were slowly being phased out. In
one case, Professor of Education Margaret Lindsey stated her pro-TEA bias, “in favor of teachers who
had a career commitment to teaching and who had received extended and specialized professional

43
     Ibid.
44
     John F. Kennedy, “October 14, 1960 Speech to Michigan University Students,” The Founding Moment in About https://
     www.peacecorps.gov/about/history/founding-moment/.
45
     Lantham, 141. Latham argues the Peace Corps in Latin America provided the literacy skills for more radical political
     advocacy.



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training for their jobs,” thus putting down PCVs who did not have the same education-related back-
ground or training.46 Rumors circulated of disputes between the TEA and Peace Corps, prompting
Butts and Bigelow to report: “T.E.A. teachers were being openly told that T.E.A. was ‘through’ and
that the Peace Corps was going to take over,” a disheartening statement to their volunteers and in-
dicative of the rivalry that existed between the two organizations and the chaotic transition between
informal and formal empire.47 At Nyerere’s urging, the Tanzanian government welcomed this tran-
sition to PCVs—in part due to the organization’s connection to the American government, but also
simply because Peace Corps teachers were free while TEA teachers cost money—and sought to use
the new volunteers to its advantage. Thus, as the Cold War heightened, the American government
became increasingly involved with this critical African country and brought development programs
more under state control, a change host officials initially welcomed as the volunteers were crucial to
staffing the schools and other needed programs.
     Aware of the existing massive shortage of teachers within the country, Tanzanian education of-
ficials recognized the importance of making use of PCV teachers and other arriving American ex-
perts. Nyerere personally welcomed the first group of PCVs to East Africa and received a telegram
from Kennedy stating that these volunteers reflected the true spirit of friendship from the American
people.48 Nyerere highlighted this precedent-setting project and the desperate need for teachers to
fill existing vacancies throughout the region.49 The PCVs helped staff newly built schools and inter-
acted with newly appointed Tanzanian teachers and students, among others. These informal interac-
tions largely mirrored those of the TEA but now carried a more formal role, with funding from the
American government and connections to larger foreign policy goals. The transition generally went
smoothly and ex-TEA teachers, such as Rod Hinkle, even helped train the more inexperienced incom-
ing PCVs.50 As TEA teachers and others within the organization recall, despite the savings in salary,
East African ministries were not pleased with the need to replace the older and more experienced
TEA teachers with PCVs.51
     Despite these misgivings, PCVs arrived and were quickly incorporated into Tanzanian state-
building institutions. Reflecting effects similar to the TEA programs, new PCVs, mostly placed in
upper primary schools, freed existing local teachers to return to teacher-training colleges so they
could further their own education, receive an upgraded classification, and create a better-trained
workforce for the Tanzanian state. The presence of the volunteers helped provide expertise in science
and math in particular, raise money for school projects, and simply allow children to attend school.
Communication between the Ministry of Education and the PCVs themselves also served as a covert
method of the national government assessing schools and implementing a new, more nationalistic
curriculum. Thus, the PCVs served as informal educational officials who, as the Ministry quickly
realized, possessed few biases or conflicts of interest. Furthermore, the level of interaction with
ordinary Tanzanians also increased outside the school setting. PCV John Bush recalls how the Peace
Corps brought Americans into the lives of everyday Tanzanians for the first time. Tanzanian children
felt comfortable approaching American volunteers, associating them with the cowboys of global
American television shows.52 Again aligning with the experiences of TEA teachers, the friendships,
bonds, and connections forged during the volunteers’ two-year stay continued throughout their
lives, and many unknowingly inspired Tanzanians to study, work, or travel to the United States.
Consequently, due to their posting in rural areas with no more than two volunteers at a school, the
level of interaction between Americans and Tanzanians was maximized and individual connections

46
     R. Freeman Butts, “Butts to Williams” May 27, 1964, TCA, Butts Correspondence File, 41.
47
     Ibid., 41.
48
     “Teachers from Abroad Vital,” Tanganyika Standard, September 12, 1964, 5.
49
     “Teachers Told to Be Friendly,” Tanganyika Standard, July 19, 1961, 3.
50
     Rod Hickle, “Transition to Peace Corps,” teaaki (blog), January 4, 2014, http://teaaki.pbworks.com/w/page/72285926/
     Transition%20to%20Peace%20Corps%20-%20Rod%20Hinkle.
51
     Ibid.
52
     John Bush interviewed by Ernest Zaremba, Return Peace Corps Volunteer Collection, John F. Kennedy Library, November
     14, 2004.



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remained an important aspect of the new program, at the expense of any loyalty to larger ideological
and developmental concerns, aside from education itself.
    American State Department documents, such as the 1965 Report, provide an overview of this new
engagement with Tanzania, while also stressing the limited influence of the British. Ironically, as the
United States praised Nyerere’s regime as an anti-communist ally, advocated the need for building
up state apparatus to replace the British, and increasingly recognized the strategic importance of the
country, Nyerere moved further to the left and eventually began to question the necessity of the Peace
Corps itself. Furthermore, the preoccupation of the American government with modernization and
the Cold War came into competition with Nyerere’s implementation of his third-world-influenced so-
cialist ujamaa program.53 Finally, over time the shortage of teachers lessened, leaving the Tanzanian
government not as beholden to the outsiders. Mostly due to the connection between the Peace Corps
and the American government, many locals attacked the general idea of the organization to show
their anger at American actions in Africa and throughout the world. This quick shift from accep-
tance to condemnation demonstrates the third major conflict Americans experienced in Tanzania—a
fight between the host people and government against the Peace Corps itself. Protests against the
organization quickly became a rallying point for the Tanzanian population, which effectively lim-
ited the overall goodwill the organization hoped to foster. In one illustrative instance, PCV Leonard
Levitt noted the protesters carried signs stating: “AMERICA GO HOME. AMERICAN SPIES. AMER-
ICAN IMPERIALISTS … . These demonstrators, our friends, they were demonstrating against us.”54
Other demonstrators focused on American actions in the Congo, with the overthrow and killing of
Lumumba, along with involvement in Vietnam and the close connection between Shriver, as leader
of the Peace Corps, and Kennedy. In these demonstrations, the sons and daughters of those who ad-
vocated for independence in the 1950s, now frustrated with the limitations of independence, vented
their frustration with charges that continued to resonate and motivate. Thus, the formal expansion
of the American presence and global knowledge of events elsewhere subverted the goodwill the Peace
Corps hoped to establish in Tanzania. However, for Nyerere’s regime, the mere presence of the orga-
nization became a highly symbolic target that could unite the various ethnic groups in the country in
a non-threatening manner.
    While those with direct contact with the volunteers and those in the Ministry of Education were
mostly thankful for their work and remained supportive, those lacking such connections became
highly critical of their presence. In demonstrating the lack of an informed response to PCV presence,
most Tanzanians differentiated between the individual PCVs, whom they generally liked and gen-
uinely appreciated, and the broad American foreign policies that implied the Peace Corps program
was a front by the American government to fulfill its ulterior motives. In one example, a Tanzanian
teacher came up to two PCVs and made a concerted effort to make them understand that “what they
were saying had nothing to do with us, [PCV] Mike or me. We were their friends, they all knew that.
It was the government they were against. They were the spies. Not us. They all greatly appreciated
what we were doing at Ndumulu; they knew how hard we were working, and how much we were
trying to help them.”55 Still, nearly everyone remained wary of any American program in Tanzania,
and debates over the formalized imperial nature of the program manifested themselves in periodic
outbursts of anti-American sentiment.56 Additionally, it was up to volunteers to distance themselves
from the American government and make their individual views known. These contributions fur-
ther developed the informal interactions that remained a cornerstone of American connections to
the developing world and could often work to overcome more unpleasant Cold War exchanges. Thus,
PCVs were caught between the increasingly unpopular US formal empire (mostly due to actions in
the Congo and Vietnam) and the much more respected informal interactions with Tanzanians—and
while working to support some aspects of American foreign policy they became the focus of nation-
alist attacks.

53
     For more on the uniqueness of ujamaa see Lal, African Socialism in Postcolonial Tanzania, 17.
54
     Leonard Levitt, An African Season (New York, 1967), 137.
55
     Ibid., 137–8.
56
     Gary Gappert, “Letter Home,” TCA, T.E.A. Personnel Communications File, 79.



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4     Conclusions
In perhaps the strongest reaction to the organization, Nyerere expelled the Peace Corps from Tan-
zania in 1969. Highlighting the ties between the organization and the US government, he cited the
war in Vietnam (and the same problems of American actions cited by PCVs); but he was also cav-
ing to pressure from the more radical elements in Tanzania, those who had been writing letters and
condemning the Peace Corps for the past nine years. The formal presence of Americans became
contentious, causing the Tanzanian state to respond severely. Additionally, teachers were now arriv-
ing from Sweden, Denmark, and India.57 By the late 1960s, Tanzania was also enjoying increased aid
from other socialist countries, such as Cuba, China, the Soviet Union, and Sweden, which built schools
during the early 1970s. Despite Nyerere’s goal of limiting foreign intervention, the dispute with and
dramatic elimination of American aid allowed other funding to continue. With increased global aid
from diverse sources, Nyerere could afford to terminate the Peace Corps program and attack impe-
rial American diplomacy, while at the same time improving his own domestic prestige and socialist
credentials. Thus, even in its withdrawal, the transnational Peace Corps program helped to further
legitimize Nyerere and his government.
    Overall, the transition from informal to formal empire in Tanzania worked to push and solidify
an American presence in the region, but ultimately backfired with the expulsion of the organization.
The formal transnational links and important cross-cultural interactions sponsored by the American
government now ended, as did the ability of the Tanzanian state to attract American youths, who sim-
ply went to other countries having a Peace Corps presence. Consequently, American connections to
the county reverted to an informal relationship between individuals and separate from the American
government. The conflicts between individuals and larger organizations thus limited the overall ef-
fectiveness of American intervention in Africa and damaged the efforts of many educators to teach
or otherwise help in Tanzania. Thus, following a rapid replacement of British educators, individual
connections forged in the 1960s remained as the lasting bonds between the two countries and now
existed outside formal political debates and global Cold War concerns.




57
     “160 Foreign Teachers to Work Here,” Daily News, October 8, 1975, 5.



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