The Pleasaunt Historie: Identifying the Source of the English Lazarillo
10.6092/issn.2240-3604/14448
L'articolo prende in esame la nascita di 'The Pleasaunt Historie of Lazarillo de Tormes', la versione inglese del primo esempio di letteratura picaresca. Grazie alla sua immensa popolarità, il 'Lazarillo' originale fu il primo di una serie di traduzioni quasi immediate: le prime furono in francese (nel 1560 e nel 1561), seguite piuttosto rapidamente dall'inglese (nel 1576). L'identificazione della fonte di 'The Pleasaunt Historie' è qui resa possibile alla luce di una accurata comparazione fra la struttura, la terminologia e la fortuna di queste quattro diverse edizioni.
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Francesca Salvatori
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The Pleasaunt Historie: Identifying the Source of the English Lazarillo
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                                     FRANCESCA SALVATORI

                            The Pleasaunt Historie:
                 Identifying the Source of the English Lazarillo



ABSTRACT
This article will examine how The Pleasaunt Historie of Lazarillo de Tormes, the English version of the
first picaresque novel, came into being. Due to its immense popularity, the original Lazarillo
inaugurated a series of early translations: the first were French (1560 and 1561), followed relatively
closely by the English (1576). The identification of the source of The Pleasaunt Historie is made
possible here, in the light of a thorough comparison between the layout, the language, and the
fortune of these four different editions.

Questo articolo prenderà in esame la nascita di The Pleasaunt Historie of Lazarillo de Tormes, la
versione inglese del primo esempio di letteratura picaresca. Grazie alla sua immensa popolarità, il
Lazarillo originale fu il primo di una serie di traduzioni quasi immediate: le prime furono in
francese (nel 156 H QHO   VHJXLWH SLXWWRVWR UDSLGDPHQWH GDOO·LQJOHVH QHO  
/·LGHQWLILFD]LRQHGHOODIRQWHGL The Pleasaunt Historie è qui resa possibile alla luce di una accurata
comparazione fra la struttura, la terminologia e la fortuna di queste quattro diverse edizioni.

                             __________________________________




l
     a vida de Lazarillo de Tormes y de sus fortunas y adversidades, with its tales
     of poverty, hunger, corruption and dishonesty, quickly became a
     bestseller of the 16th century. Four Spanish editions in 1554 were

 Abbreviations
Les faits merveilleux: Les faits merveillevx, ensemble la vie du gentil Lazare de Tormes, & les terribles
auantures à luy auenues en diuers lieux. Liure fort plaisant et délectable, auquel sont descris maints
DFWHV QRWDEOHV HW SURSRV IDFHFLHX[ DX SODLVLU HW FRQWHQWHPHQW G·YQ FKDFXQ 7UDGXLW QRXXHOOHPHQW
G·(VSDJQRO HQ )UDQoR\V SDU , * GH / Lyon, Jean Saugrain, 1560 (Bibliotheca Bodmeriana,
Cologny, Switzerland); /·KLVWRLUH SODLVDQWH: /·KLVWRLUH SODLVDQWH HW IDFpWLHXVH GY /D]DUH GH 7RUPHV
Espagnol. En laqvelle on pevlt recognoistre bonne partie des meurs, vie et conditions des Espagnolz,
Paris, Jean Longis & Robert Le Mangnier,  %LEOLRWKqTXH GH O·$UVHQDO -BL-29642); The
Pleasaunt Historie: The Pleasaunt Historie of Lazarillo de Tormes a Spaniarde, wherein it is conteined
his marueilous deedes and life. With the Straunge aduentures happened to him in the seruice of sundrie
Masters. Drawen out of Spanish by Dauid Rouland of Anglesey, London, Abell Ieffes, 1586 (British
Library C. 57.a. 2); EUL.SC: Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections; ODNB: Oxford
Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004, online edn., Jan 2008,
<www.oxforddnb.com , ultima cons.: 11.2.2013; SR: A Transcript of the Registers of the Company
of Stationers of London 1554-1640, edited by Edward Arber, London, privately printed, 1875, 5
vol. The quotations from Lazarillo in Spanish are from El Lazarillo de Tormes. Alcalá de Henares,
Burgos y Amberes, 1554, fac-simile, Valencia, Cieza, 1959, unless otherwise stated. The related
note will indicate: Lazarillo, the place of printing, and the page number of the edition in
question. All the quotations have been reproduced with their original spelling and
punctuation. The dating used is old style, with new style separated by a slash. This article is
based on my own dissertation: FRANCESCA SALVATORI, From Spain, through France, to England:
The Pleasaunt Historie of Lazarillo de Tormes and Its Sources, dissertation for an MSc by
Research in English Renaissance Literature, Graduate School of Literatures, Languages, and
Cultures, University of Edinburgh (2010-2011). I am deeply grateful to my supervisors,
Professor Greg Walker and Professor Jeremy Robbins, for assisting me with their knowledge,
experience and guidance during the research and composition of this work.
10                                                                 TECA n. 3, marzo 2013

promptly followed by two in French (in 1560 and 1561), then by at least
another in English (in 1576). Ironically and sometimes satirically, the lives
and dealings of a cross-section of sixteenth century social types were
candidly reported through the adventures of Lázaro: in Spain, the comedic
element was accompanied by familiar situations and stories; in France and
England, the story was appreciated for its anti-Catholic satirical element,
as well as for its entertainment value. Comparing the layout and the
vocabulary employed to compile these early translations, we will
ultimately be able to identify which edition was the primary source for
David Rowland of Anglesey and his Pleasaunt Historie.

Lazarillo de Tormes in Spain
The first extant editions of La vida de Lazarillo de Tormes, y de sus Fortunas y
Adversidades are four, and are all dated 1554;1 so many printings in the
space of a year prove that the initial success of Lazarillo was as widespread
as it was quick.2 Lazarillo constituted an outstanding innovation for the
readers of the time, and it entailed a promising bookselling business as a
consequence:3 so much so that in 1555 a Segunda Parte was published in
Antwerp by Martín Nucio, «Con Preuilegio Imperial».4 The first part,
divided into a Prólogo and seven Tractados GHSLFWV /i]DUR·V DGYHQWXUHV
under different Masters: a blind man, a priest, a squire, a friar, a pardoner,
a chaplain, and a sergeant. Moved by hunger, or following the instruction
of his Masters, Lázaro steals and deceives, and his tales are source of much
merriment. In the Segunda Parte, the social and religious criticism is
replaced by an allegory of political life. Since «the protagonist now served
to showcase the corruption of the Spanish court»,5 the book deserved
inclusion in the &DWKDORJYV/LEURUƆ4XL3URKLEutur of 1559: no longer a mere
receptacle of «errores, y doctrinas escãdalosas, y sospechosas, y mal
sonãtes cõtra nrߖa sancta fee catholica»,6 now it also offered writings that
were prejudicial to the interests of the crown. The existence of Lazarillo

1 Scholars suggest the existence of a previous edition or editions, although no copies have
yet been discovered. Cfr. Segunda Parte del Lazarillo: Anónimo, edición de Amberes, 1555 y
Juan de Luna, edición de París, 1620, edited by Pedro M. Piñero, Madrid, Cátedra, 1988, p. 9;
Lazarillo de Tormes, edited by Francisco Rico, Madrid, Cátedra, 2002, p. 14; The Life of
Lazarillo de Tormes (La Vida de Lazarillo de Tormes y de Sus Fortunas y Adversidades),
Translated into English by David Rowland, edited by Keith Whitlock, Warminster, Aris
& Phillips Ltd., 2000, p. 1.
2 Cfr. Lazarillo de Tormes, ed. by F. Rico, cit.
3 Cfr. Segunda Parte del Lazarillo, ed. by P.M. Piñero, cit., p. 10.
4 Ivi, p. 123 for the full text of the Privilege.
5 REYES COLL-TELLECHEA, The Spanish Inquisition and the Battle for Lazarillo: 1554-1555-

1573, in The Lazarillo Phenomenon: Essays on the Adventures of a Classic Text, edited by
Reyes Coll-Tellechea, Sean McDaniel, Lewisburg, Bucknell University Press, 2010, p. 80.
6 &DWKDORJYV /LEURUƆ 4XL 3URKLE?tur mandato Illustrissimi & Reuerend. D.D. Ferdinandi de

Valdes Hispaleñ. ArchieSi, Inquisitoris Generalis Hispaniae, Pinciæ, 1559, fac-simile, New
York, Huntingdon, 1895, vol. 2, p. 3.
RICERCHE - www.teca.patroneditore.it                                                        11

Castigado ² a censored version of the first part published in 1573 ² proves
the point: only a few parts were considered offensive in the first Lazarillo,
whereas the second part was never freed from the stigma of unorthodoxy,
and remained prohibited in its entirety.7 The French and the English
editions would not contain the whole of the Segunda Parte, probably
because the political allegory was deemed too obscure or irrelevant for a
foreign audience. Nevertheless, Lazarillo·V inclusion in the Index is
undoubtedly part of the reason why it was renowned and appreciated in
reformed countries: ultimately, it constituted «a propaganda gift to
Protestants attacking the Roman Church».8

Lazarillo de Tormes in France
The French translation of Lazarillo acts as the crucial link between the
original Spanish and the English rendition, and it is also the first
WUDQVODWLRQ RI /i]DUR·V DGYHQWXUHV LQ DQRWKHU (XURSHDQ ODQJXDJH9 The
earliest French edition was published in Lyon in 1560 by Jean Saugrain,
with the title:
                                           LES FAITS
                                 MERVEILLEVX, ENSEM-
                                ble la vie du gentil Lazare de
                                   Tormes, & les terribles
                         auantures à luy auenues en diuers lieux.
                         Liure fort plaisant et délectable, auquel sont
                         descris maints actes notables et propos face-
                        cieux, au SODLVLUHWFRQWHQWHPHQWG·YQFKDFXQ
              7UDGXLWQRXXHOOHPHQWG·(VSDJQROHQ)UDQoR\VSDU,*GH/10


7  Cfr. Index et Catalogus Librorum prohibitorum, mandato Illustriss. ac Reuerendiss. D.D.
Gasparis a Quiroga, Cardinalis Archiepiscopi Toletani, ac in Regnis Hispaniarum Generalis
Inquisitoris, denuò editus, Madrid, Alfonso Gómez, 1583, c. 67v (EUL.SC, *M.27.30).
8 The Life of Lazarillo de Tormes, ed. by K. Whitlock, cit., p. 2. The controversial ² even

dangerous ² nature of Lazarillo in a Catholic country is further demonstrated by the first
Italian translation (1597). In order to avoid detection, the creators of this edition obviated
any apparent reference to the original text: the title and the name of the protagonist were
modified, the action was moved to Bologna, and all references to religion and the Church
were deeply altered or eliminated altogether (cfr. ANDREA BATTISTINI, Una versione
Bolognese del Lazarillo de Tormes: Le disgrazie di Bartolino di Pompeo Vizani, in La
traducción en las relaciones ítalo-españolas: lengua, literatura y cultura, edited by Assumpta
Camps, Barcelona, Publicacions i Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona, 2012, p. 17-36).
9 Santoyo identifies the Spanish edition used by the translators to compile their work as

the one printed in Amberes (cfr. JULIO CÉSAR SANTOYO, Ediciones y Traducciones Inglesas del
Lazarillo de Tormes (1568-1977), Vitoria, Colegio Universitario de Álava, 1978, p. 51; cfr.
also ARISTIDE RUMEAU, La Première Traduction du Lazarillo: les éditions de 1560 et 1561,
«Bulletin Hispanique», LXXXII, 1980, p. 376.
10 Jean Garnier de Laval, a poet, or Jean Gaspard de Lambert, a Savoyard gentleman and

ambassador in Switzerland, are suggested as possible translators. Cfr. LOUIS LOVIOT, La
première traduction française du Lazarillo de Tormes (1560), «Revue des Livres Anciens:
GRFXPHQWV G·KLVWRLUH OLWWpUDLUH GH ELEOLRJUDSKLH  GH ELEOLRSKLOLHª ,,  S 167.
Reproduction of the cover and/or complete bibliographical descriptions can be found in
12                                                                      TECA n. 3, marzo 2013

The verso of the title page contains an anonymous «HVICTAIN AV LECTEVR»
promoting the book as a source of amusement; the verses are followed by
a dedicatory letter from Jean Saugrain to the «VERTVEVX, ET
TRESHONORABLE >sic@ SEIGNEVR >«@ Sebastien de Honoratis».11 The running
title is Les faits merveillevx / du Lazare de Tormes, and several glosses added
by the translator appear along the text. Les faits merveillevx is divided into
eight chapters preceded by a Prologue: for the first time, the first chapter
of the Segunda Parte appears, by itself, alongside the usual seven Tractados
of any 1554 Lazarillo. This feature will be reproduced by Rowland, who
follows the same layout in the composition of his translation.
         Loviot claims that this first translation of Lazarillo de Tormes went
unnoticed due to the literary climate of the time, where readers were still
very fond of Amadis de Gaule.12 Nevertheless, a new edition appeared in
Paris in 1561, by Ian Longis and Robert le Mangnier, this time with a
different title:

                                          /·+,672,5(
                                        PLAISANTE ET
                                       FACÉTIEUSE DV
                                 Lazare de Tormes Espagnol.
                                  EN LAQVELLE ON PEVLT
                             recognoistre bonne partie des meurs, vie
                                  & conditions des Espagnolz.13

OQWKHWLWOHSDJH6DXJUDLQ·VPDUNKDVXQGHUVWDQGDEO\EHHQUHSODFHGE\/H
0DQJQLHU·V GHYLFH IROORZHG E\ «A PARIS, Pour Ian Longis & Robert Le
Mangnier Libraires, en leur boutique au Palais, en la gallerie par ou on va
à la Chancellerie». The bottom of the cover presents an added
specification: «AVEC PRIVILEGE». The name of the translator has been


L. LOVIOT, La première traduction française, cit., p. 164-5; HENRI LOUIS BAUDRIER,
Bibliographie Lyonnaise: recherches sur les imprimeurs, libraires, relieurs et fondeurs de lettres de
Lyon au XVIe siècle, Paris, F. De Nobele, 1964-5, vol. 4, p. 327-8; A. RUMEAU, La première
traduction, cit., p. 369; and ALDO RUFFINATTO, Las dos caras del Lazarillo: texto y mensaje,
Madrid, Castalia, 2000, p. 39-40. 5HSURGXFWLRQRIWKHERRNVHOOHU·VGHYLFHFDQEHIRXQGLQ
H.L. BAUDRIER, Bibliographie Lyonnaise, cit., p. 318, 325.
11 Both men were booksellers in Lyon, and the Bibliographie Lyonnaise records Sébastien

+RQRUDWDVDZLWQHVVIRUD¶TXLWWDQFH·EHWZHHQ6DXJUDLQDQGDQRWKHU¶OLEUDLUH·RQWKH th
February 1559/60 (cfr. H.L. BAUDRIER, Bibliographie Lyonnaise, cit., p. 162, 321). The epistle
UHSHDWHGO\ DIILUPV 6DXJUDLQ·V JUDWLWXGH WRZDUGV +RQRUDW IDLOLQJ WR PHQWLRQ WKH UHDVRQ
for his obligation, Lazarillo is offered as a humble provisional gift, together with the
promise of better services in the future.
12 Cfr. L. LOVIOT, La première traduction française, cit., p. 164.
13 Complete bibliographical descriptions can be found in L. LOVIOT, La première traduction

française, cit., p. 166; A. RUMEAU, La Première Traduction, cit., p. 369. Reproduction of the
cover can be found in MONIQUE LAMBERT, La première traduction du Lazarillo de Tormes
parue à Lyon en 1560 : HVVDLG·DWWULEXWLRQj-HDQ6DXJUDLQ, «Bulletin du Bibliophile», I, 1979, p.
511.
RICERCHE - www.teca.patroneditore.it                                                               13

eliminated from the front cover, despite the opening «HVICTAIN AV
LECTEVRª DQG 6DXJUDLQ·V GHGLFDWRU\ PDWHULDO EHLQJ VWLOO LQFOXGHG LQ WKH
following pages;14 this may explain why Jean Saugrain has been
sometimes incorrectly quoted as the translator of both editions.15
       First and foremost, we can see that the title has been radically
changed in order to emphasise the exotic nature of the material. 16 The
selling point of this edition is its Spanish content, more than its comedic
value: this title advertises that the reader would clearly be able to identify
Spanish customs and behaviours, rendering the story educational, albeit
also pleasant and amusing. Additionally, the book is now divided into a
«PROLOGVE» and XXXI chapters. The stories of Lazarillo·V PDVWHUV DUH
subdivided, and the editors have devised new titles;17 several sentences
have also been slightly altered to accommodate the presence of the breaks
in the text, although the glosses remain.18 The final pages present the
«EXTRAICT DV PRIVILEGE», which allowed Vincent Sertenas (and forbade
anybody else) to print the book for six years.
       Apart from the presence of the chapters subdividing the Spanish
Tractados, the translations themselves may appear identical.19 However, on
closer inspection the text reveals «des interventions qui ne sont pas du

14 The same will happen in The Pleasaunt Historie, where the preliminary material of
previous editions keeps being reproduced in every new reprint, to this day.
15 We can undoubtedly affirm that Saugrain was the printer/bookseller of a Lazarillo in

Lyon in 1560, but there is no available evidence that he was also a translator in Paris in
1561 (Cfr. Les Bibliothèques Françoises de La Croix du Maine et de Du Verdier, edited by Jean
Antoine Rigoley de Juvigny, Paris, Michel Lambert, 1772, p. 588 (EUL.SC, *M.19.35-40)).
Nevertheless, the conviction that Saugrain was the translator of both editions still
remains to this day: cfr. BEATRIZ MARÍA RODRÍGUEZ-RODRÍGUEZ, 'DYLG5RZODQG·VLazarillo
de Tormes (1586): analysis of expansions in an Elizabethan translation, «Sederi» XVIII, 2008,
p. 81-96; cfr. also MIRELLA GOBBI-SPROCAGNOCCHI, Contributo allo Studio della Prima
Traduzione Inglese del Lazarillo de Tormes, «Studi Ispanici» III, 1985, p. 33-42. Lambert
even writes an essay of attribution to Saugrain, asserting his role as a Reformist printer,
DQGLQWHUSUHWLQJWKHFU\SWLFDFURQ\P¶,*GH /·LHWKHWUDQVODWRUDVVWDWHGRQWKHFRYHU
of Les faits merveillevx DV WKH LQLWLDOV RI WKH DQDJUDP RI 6DXJUDLQ·V QDPH LQ /DWLQ -HDQ
Garinus de Lyon (cfr. M. LAMBERT, La première traduction, cit., p. 508-15). This hypothesis
is described as «fort vraisemblable», but no further explanation is given (Ivi, p. 512).
Despite some analogies in style and construction, which can be ascribed to coincidence, I
would be inclined to dismiss the identification of Saugrain as the translator: since his full
name and device appear on the cover of the Lyon edition, and he openly recounts his
troubles in the dedicatory epistle, it would be implausible if he modestly hid his role as a
translator behind an acronym in a sudden display of reticence and humility (cfr. F.
SALVATORI, From Spain, through France, to England, cit., p. 11-2).
16 Cfr. L. LOVIOT, La première traduction française, cit., p. 166.
17 In one case, one of the glosses has been transformed into the title of a chapter (cfr.

/·KLVWRLUHSODLVDQWH, cit., p. 32).
18 Cfr. A. RUMEAU, La Première Traduction, cit., p. 370.
19 A thorough comparison of the two editions is carried out by Rumeau, who criticizes

Loviot for his decision to juxtapose the title pages only, excluding the rest of the text from
his supposed «étude bibliographique» (A. RUMEAU, La Première Traduction, cit., p. 365; cfr.
L. LOVIOT, La première traduction française, cit., p. 163-9).
14                                                                TECA n. 3, marzo 2013

domaine du compositeur».20 Firstly, the texts do not follow the same
orthography, which can be the result of writing under dictation.21
Moreover, a few discrepancies exist, certain «retouches >qui@ Q·LPSOLTXHQW
jamais la consXOWDWLRQGHO·RULJLQDOHVSDJQROª.22 These amendments betray
the attempt by the editors to disguise the counterfeit nature of the text,
and despite being fairly spaced-out, they fail «dissimuler la copie, >qui est@
dénoncée, tout au long des textes, par la présence des mêmes erreurs, des
mêmes absurdités, des mêmes lacunes».23 The conclusion that Rumeau
draws about the Paris 1561 edition is that it was a contrefaçon RI6DXJUDLQ·V
version, possibly via an intermediary manuscript:24 since Saugrain had not
provided his Lazarillo with a Privilege, Longis and Le Mangnier
transcribed the book and exported it to Paris, where it was copyrighted.25
In any case, the fact that two separate editions were printed, with different
titles and a different internal layout, is proof that there was at least enough
interest in the book to defy the laws of copyright, and smuggle a stolen
YHUVLRQ DFURVV WKH FRXQWU\ 7KLV FRQWUDGLFWV /RYLRW·V argument that
/i]DUR·V DGYHQWXUH ©SDVVD LQDSHUoXª26 and it is also an indication of the
future success that Lazarillo would experience in several other European
languages.

Lazarillo de Tormes in England
It is impossible to determine how either of the two French editions crossed
the Channel, or who acquired them during their journeys on the
Continent. Nonetheless, it is possible to trace the arrival and transmission
of Lazarillo de Tormes in England thanks to several official and private
sources.27
        The earliest reference appears in the 6WDWLRQHUV· 5HJLVWHU. In the
period between 22nd July 1568 and 22nd July 1569, a payment of «viijd» is
recorded as «recevyd of Thomas colwell for his lycense for pryntinge of a


20 Ivi, p. 371.
21 Ivi, p. 371-2.
22 Ivi, p. 372.
23 Ivi, p. 373. The discrepancies will be examined in the final part of this paper.
24 Ivi, p. 371.
25 Cfr. A. RUMEAU, La Première Traduction, cit., p. 374.
26 L. LOVIOT, La première traduction française, cit., p. 164.
27 Some of these sources have also been studied in FRANK WADLEIGH CHANDLER,

Romances of Roguery: an Episode in the History of the Novel: the Picaresque Novel in Spain,
New York, Columbia University Press, 1899, re-published in New York, Burt Franklin,
1961; JAMES FITZMAURICE-KELLY, The Relations between Spanish and English Literature,
Liverpool, The University Press, 1910; The Pleasaunt Historie of Lazarillo de Tormes Drawen
out of Spanish by Dauid Rouland of Anglesey (1586), edited by John Ernest Victor Crofts,
Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1924; DALE B. J. RANDALL, The Golden Tapestry: A Critical Survey of
Non-chivalric Spanish Fiction in English Translation (1543-1657), Durham, North Carolina,
Duke University Press, 1963; also, rather more extensively, in J.C. SANTOYO, Ediciones y
Traducciones Inglesas, cit.
RICERCHE - www.teca.patroneditore.it                                                          15

boke intituled the marvelus Dedes and the lyf of LAZARO DE TORMES»;28 the
copyright was «solde to Benyman 19 Junij 1573».29 The title is reported in
English, which indicates that the entry does neither refer to the Spanish
original, nor to the French edition, since «cuando se imprimía en un
idioma extranjero, se hacía constar así en el asiento respectivo».30
Therefore, in all likelihood Colwell presented the manuscript of a
translation, which had been probably compiled by David Rowland.31 The
title for which Colwell is granted copyright is a calque of the title of the
1560 French edition: «the marvelus Dedes and the lyf ZDV >«@ D SURMHFWHG
WUDQVODWLRQQRWRIDQ\6SDQLVKFRS\EXWRI6DXJUDLQ·VILUVWHGLWLRQLes faits
merveillevx, ensemble la vie».32
        It is not known whether Colwell ever printed the work, and there is
no surviving evidence of an edition prior to 1576.33 Despite the lack of a
SK\VLFDOFRS\FRQILUPDWLRQRI%\QQHPDQ·VSXEOLFDWLRQRILazarillo in 1576
² with a more commercial title, highlighting the foreign provenance of the
material ² can be found in WZRVHSDUDWHHQWULHVLQ%DJIRUG·VCollections for a
History of Printing, under the heading «An account of books printed by
Hen. Binneman & Thomas Easte»:

        The pleasant History of Lazarello de Tormes, a Spanyard wherein is
        conteyߖed his maruilous deedes & Life with ye strauߖge aduentures
        happened to him in ye servis of sundery Masters drawne out of Spanish
        by Dauid Rowland of Anglesey Imprinted at London by Hen:Binneman
        in 8º 1576

        The pleasant Histori>ty@ of Lazarillo de Tormes a Spaniard drawne out of
        Spanishe, by Dauid Rowlande of Anglesey dedicat>ated@ to ye right
        worshipfull Sr Thomas Gressam knight Imprinted in 8º at London by
        Henery Binneman, dewling in Knightriderstrete at y e signe of the
        Mermade 157634




28 SR, vol. 1, p. 378.
29 Ibid.
30 J.C. SANTOYO, Ediciones y Traducciones Inglesas, cit., p. 22.
31 Ibid.; cfr. also The Pleasaunt Historie, ed. by J.E.V. Crofts, cit., p. X.
32 The Pleasaunt Historie, ed. by J.E.V. Crofts, cit., p. X; cfr. also GARETH ALBAN DAVIES,

'DYLG 5RZODQG·V Lazarillo de Tormes (1576): the History of a Translation, «The National
Library of Wales Journal», XXVIII, 1993-1994, p. 373.
33 Cfr. D.B.J. RANDALL, The Golden Tapestry, cit., p. 57-8; J.C. SANTOYO, Ediciones y

Traducciones Inglesas, cit., p. 23; G.A. DAVIES, 'DYLG5RZODQG·VLazarillo, cit., p. 352; The Life
of Lazarillo de Tormes, ed. by K. Whitlock, cit., p. 35.
34 JOHN BAGFORD, Collections for a History of Printing, XVIII century, (British Library MS

Harl 5910), vol. 3, folio 183. The second entry appears to be written more rapidly, and it is
at times unclear; the square brackets indicate the apparent transcription. It is impossible
to establish whether the two entries are the result of an oversight by Bagford, or the
indication of two separate editions in the same year. Cfr. SR, vol. V, p. 98, for B\QQHPDQ·V
dwellings.
16                                                                  TECA n. 3, marzo 2013

Another private source provides a very early mention of Lazarillo. Inside a
copy of Til Howleglas belonging to Gabriel Harvey, there is a handwritten
note:

        This Howlesglass, with Skoggin, Skelton and Lazarillo, given me at
        London, of Mr. Spensar XX December >15@RQFRQGLWLRQ«>illegible@«
        by reading of them ouer before the first of January, ymmediately ensuing:
        otherwise to forfeit unto him my Lucian in fower uolumes.35

Two inventories provide further references to the English Lazarillo.36 The
first belongs to Thomas Bassandyne, an Edinburgh printer and bookseller
who died on 18th October 1577: «foure Spanzartis lyf»37 are listed among
his belongings, which indicates that the book had been exported to
Scotland. The other can be found in the inventory compiled upon the
death of Bynneman (15th April 1583) in order to auction his possessions.38
Two separate entries refer to Lazarillo: item 65 is «twohundred bookes of


35 As transcribed in J. FITZMAURICE-KELLY, The Relations between Spanish and English, cit., p.
19; this particular copy of Til Howleglas is held at the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Cfr. also
F.W. CHANDLER, Romances of Roguery, cit., p. 11. Both Chandler and Fitzmaurice-Kelly fail
to identify the three volumes; Santoyo provides a plausible identification in J.C. SANTOYO,
Ediciones y Traducciones Inglesas, cit., p. 28.
36 The different values, their ratio, and their importance as a means of identifying the

relevant editions are discussed in F. SALVATORI, From Spain, through France, to England,
cit., p. 21-2, 36-7.
37 Cfr. FREDERIC SUTHERLAND FERGUSON, Relations between London and Edinburgh Printers

and Stationers (-1640), «The Library», VIII, September 1927, 2, p. 165; cfr. also The
Bannatyne Miscellany: Containing Original Papers and Tracts, chiefly Relating to the History
and Literature of Scotland, edited by Walter Scott, David Laing, and Thomas Thomson,
reprinted from the edition of 1836, Edinburgh, originally issued as n. 19 of Bannatyne Club
Publications, New York, AMS Press, 1973, vol. 2, p. 197.
38 %\QQHPDQ·VSUHVVZDVUHVSRQVLEOHIRUWKHHGLWLRQRI+ROLQVKHG·VChronicles in 1577 (cfr.

HENRY R. PLOMER, Henry Bynneman, Printer, 1566-83, «The Library», IX, n. 35, July 1908, p.
242), and in 1580 he acquired the privilege to print «all Dictionaries in all tongues, all
Chronicles and histories whatsoever» (SR, vol. 1, p. 116). 7KH 4XHHQ·V SULQWHU KLPVHOI
acknowledged in the Register that «this Patent >«@ maye be more Daungerous to the
Patentee; then profitable» (Ibid.  %\QQHPDQ·V SULYLOHJH LQ IDFW ©LQFOXGH>d@ none of the
titles that were obvious and sure best-sellers >«; his@ titles were those that might be
bought only when a man had pennies to spare. Few of them reached a second edition»
(P.M. HANDOVER, Printing in London, cit., p. 34). In order to acquire material and prepare
his printing house for the production of these large works, Bynneman was forced to
borrow the large sum of £ 1,000 from Richard Hutton, an armourer. The money was
never returned, and Bynneman died before an order of repossession was carried out (cfr.
MARK ECCLES, %\QQHPDQ·V%RRNV, «The Library», XII, June 1957, 2, p. 82; cfr. also ODNB,
s.v. Bynneman, Henry. Access on 29.07.2011); the inventory mentioned above was
FRPSLOHGLQRUGHUWRVHWWOH+XWWRQ·VFODLP%\QQHPDQ·VHVWDWHZDVUHJUHWWDEO\YDOXHGDW
791 12s 9d only, not sufficient to cover the debt. «Printing of the Greek, Latin, and English
dictionary of Morelius, left LQFRPSOHWH RQ %\QQHPDQ·s death, was continued and it
DSSHDUHG ´peU DVVLJQDWLRQHP 5LFKDUGL +XWWRQµ»; the profit might have been used to
FRYHUWKHUHPDLQGHURI%\QQHPDQ·VGHEW ODNB, s.v. Bynneman, cit.).
RICERCHE - www.teca.patroneditore.it                                                       17

the Spanyardes lyfe»,39 and item 119 is «threscore and six bookes of the
Spanyardes lyfe»;40 this could be considered proof that two separate
edLWLRQV ZHUH LQGHHG SURGXFHG E\ %\QQHPDQ·V SUHVV LQ  SHUKDSV
VOLJKWO\ GLIIHUHQW DPRQJVW WKHPVHOYHV DV %DJIRUG·V Collections would
suggest.41
       The final mention of an early edition of Lazarillo is recorded as a
donation on 8th January 1583/4, in «a List of books presented by the
3DWHQWHHV IRU WKH XVH RI WKH SRRU RI WKH 6WDWLRQHUV· &RPSDQ\ª42 ¶7KH
6SDQLDUGVO\IH· DSSHDUVLQWKHOLVWRIRFWDYRV «found to haue belonged to
>«@Henrye Bynneman»;43 another printer would be entitled to its rights,
although the profit of its sale would be destined to «the reliefe of y e
poore».44 $EHO-HIIHVKDGEHHQRQHRI%\QQHPDQ·VDSSUHQWLFHV+HGLGQRW
own a Privilege, and it is likely that ² like many of his peers ² he was in an
unfortunate economic condition. The measures devised by the Company,
like the above mentioned donation, were introduced in order to
«direct>«@ work towards discontented printers»,45 and it is extremely
likely that Jeffes benefited from them. Hence, despite the fact that he
would not be able to make a return, in 1586 Jeffes probably accepted (or
requested) Lazarillo from the Company stock in order to keep his business
running. The result was

                                        The Pleasaunt
                                  Historie of Lazarillo de
                                 Tormes a Spaniarde, where-
                                  in is conteined his mar-
                                   ueilous deedes and life.
                                   With the straunge ad-
                                  uentures happened to him
                                   in the seruice of sun-
                                         drie Masters.
                               Drawen out of Spanish by Da-
                                 uid Rouland of Anglesey. 46

39 M. ECCLES, %\QQHPDQ·V%RRNV, cit., p. 84.
40 Ivi, p. 86.
41 Cfr. JOHN BAGFORD, Collections, cit., vol. 3, folio 183.
42 SR, vol. 2, p. 786.
43 SR, vol. 2, p. 788.
44 SR, vol. 2, p. 786.
45 C. BLAGDEN, 7KH6WDWLRQHUV·&RPSDQ\, cit., p. 69.
46 On the title page, below the name of the translator, we find the phrase Accuerdo, Olvid.;

LWLVQRWNQRZQZKHWKHUWKLVLVFRSLHGIURP%\QQHPDQ·VHGLWLRQDQGLWLVQRWUHSRUWHGLQ
%DJIRUG·V HQWULHV ZKLFK DSSHDU RWKHUZLVH YHU\ DFFXUDWH VHH DERYH  6FKRODUV KDYH
tended to overlook this phrase or motto, especially since it is not completely correct
(accuerdo has an extra c, and olvid. is missing the final o); we can safely assume that
5RZODQG PHDQW ¶, UHPHPEHU , IRUJHW· DOWKRXJK WKH LQDFFXUDF\ OHDGV WR PRUH GRXEWV
DERXW 5RZODQG·V DFWXDO NQRZOHGJH RI 6SDQLVK )XUWKHU HYLGHQFH WKDW 5RZODQG·V
inspiration may come chiefly from France rather than Spain, is the fact that the device
«Acuerdo, olvido» first appears as a motto in 1540, in the French version of Amadis de
Gaule WUDQVODWHGE\1LFRODVG·+HUEHUD\GHV(VVDUWVZKRVSHOOVWKH phrase correctly (cfr.
18                                                                   TECA n. 3, marzo 2013

This edition is an 8º of 128 unnumbered pages; the title page is in Roman
face type, whereas the text itself is printed in black letter; the running title
LV¶7KH6SDQLDUG·V/LIH· ZKLFKLVWKHODEHORIWHQDVVRFLDWHGZLWK Lazarillo.
The editions by Bynneman and Jeffes were conceivably quite similar:
although, as Santoyo observes, «ni la ortografía ni la distribución
tipográfica fueron probablemente las mismas que en 1576»,47 which we
cannot confirm, the fact that both editions were printed in octavo suggests
that «una y otra edición no debieron tener demasiados elementos
diferenciadores».48 By the time this edition saw the light, both the
translator Rowland and the patron Gresham had died; nevertheless, the
prefatory material remained, as did the final poem to the reader. For this
reason, despite the small differences listed above, the 1586 edition can be
considered a valiG VXEVWLWXWH RI %\QQHPDQ·V LPSUHVVLRQ49 in order to
carry out a comparative study of the Lyon, Paris, and London editions
with the original Spanish.
       The 1561 Paris edition has often been seen as the source for the
English Lazarillo, due to the presence of many replicated marginal glosses
explaining certain details of the narration,50 as well as a strong similarity
in the titles of the two works. Nevertheless, a few textual disagreements,
and the fact that Rowland does not replicate the subdivision in XXXI
chapters of this text, KDYHEHHQDVFULEHGWRWKHWUDQVODWRU·VKHDYLHUUHOLDQFH
on the Spanish original.51 The 1560 printing has not always been taken into
account by critics as a possible source for the English version because it
has passed from one private collection to another for centuries, and thus
was unavailable to scholars for long periods of time,52 which explains why



FRANÇOIS NICOLAS LOUIS DE NEUFCHÂTEAU, Essai sur la Langue Françoise, Paris,
Imprimerie de Crapelet, 1818, p. lj).
47 J.C. SANTOYO, Ediciones y Traducciones Inglesas, cit., p. 32.
48 Ibid.
49 Ibid.

50 Most of these glosses «provide a personal comment >of the translator, and@ are not

required to resolve our cultural or linguistic translation problems» (B.M. RODRÍGUEZ-
RODRÍGUEZ, 'DYLG5RZODQG·VLazarillo, cit., p. 85).
51 7KHSODXVLELOLW\RI 5RZODQG·VWUDYHOVWRWKH&RQWLQHQW KLVNQRZOHGJH of Spanish, the

LQVWDQFH ZKHUH WKLV PLVXQGHUVWDQGLQJ PD\ KDYH RULJLQDWHG DQG WKH WUDQVODWRU·V
relationship with the dedicatee Gresham are discussed in F. SALVATORI, From Spain,
through France, to England, cit., p. 29-34; cfr. ANTHONY A. WOOD, Athenae Oxonienses. An
exact history of all the writers and bishops who have had their education in the University of
Oxford: to which are added the Fasti, or Annals of the said University, first published in 1691-
92, edited by Philip Bliss, London, printed for F.C. et al., 1815, vol. 1, p. 528 (EUL.SC,
R*18.21-24); cfr. also THOMAS TANNER, Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica: sive, de scriptoribus,
qui in Anglia, Scotia, Et Hibernia Ad Saeculi XVII initium floruerunt, literarum ordine juxta,
London, William Bowyer, 1748, p. 645 (EUL.SC, *.S.16.14).
52 Cfr. A. RUMEAU, La Première Traduction, cit., p. 364. Only one copy remains, and it had

been considered lost until its rediscovery in 1972 (Ivi, p. 368). The Bibliotheca Bodmeriana
in Cologny (Geneva) currently holds this unique item.
RICERCHE - www.teca.patroneditore.it                                           19

the comparative study of the two French editions has to date been
fragmentary.
        Upon accurate comparison it is quite clear that Rowland religiously
follows the layout of the Lyon edition, including its glosses, thus
providing us with proof that Les faits merveillevx was his initial inspiration
and model. +RZHYHUWKHWLWOHRI6DXJUDLQ·VHGLWLRQGRHVQRWSUHVHQWDQ\
references to Spain or Spaniards, and it merely advertises the book as an
amusing read; we can therefore presume that the title The Pleasaunt
Historie is mirroring /·KLVWRLUHSODLVDQWH with its xenophobic undertone, thus
revealing a probable later reworking of the translation in the light of the
Paris edition.
        We will now reproduce all of the discrepancies between these four
texts; the parts that differ between the editions will be highlighted in bold,
accompanied by a counter-FKHFN ZLWK WKH $QWZHUS WH[W DQG 5RZODQG·V
rendition of the same expressions or phrases.

Prólogo:
 Antwerp     lo que vno no come, otro se pierde por ello
 Lyon        FHTXHO·YQQHYHXWJRXVWHUO·DXWUHVHSHUGSRXUOHPDQJHU
 Paris       ce TXHO·YQQHYHXWJRXVWHUO·DXWUHle preߖd pour le manger
 London      that which one maߖ will not eate, another longeth sore for

Tractado Primero:
 Antwerp     achacaron a mi padre ciertas sangrias mal hechas
 Lyon        PRQSHUHIXWDFFXVpG·Duoir mal taillé quelques veines
             PRQSHUHIXWDFFXVpG·DXRLr mal versé en sa charge, & taillé
 Paris
             quelques veines
             there was layde to my Fathers charge that he had shamefully cut
 London
             the seames

 Antwerp     por no echar la soga tras el caldero
 Lyon        pour ne getter le maߖche apres la coignée
 Paris       pour ne getter le manche apres la congnée
 London      fearing to throwe the helue after the hatchet


 Antwerp     -
 Lyon        -
 Paris       DXWUHVWUDIILTXHVGHVDXHXJOHVG·(VSDJQH >gloss@
 London      -
20                                                             TECA n. 3, marzo 2013

 Antwerp     peߖsays qߖ este mi moço es alguߖ innoceߖte·
 Lyon        estimez vous messieurs, ce mien garcon estre quelque innoceߖt
 Paris       estimez vous messieurs, ce mien garcon estre quelque innoceߖt?
 London      do you not thinke that this childe is some innocent


 Antwerp     mas da el duro que el desnudo
 Lyon        plus donne le dur que le nud
 Paris       plus doߖne le dur ; que le mol
 London      more giueth the niggarde than the naked


 Antwerp     dela longaniza, del qual solamente sabia qߖ auia de gozar
 Lyon        GHO·DQGRXLOOHGHODTXHOOe seulement auoye de participer
 Paris       GHO·Dߖdouille, de laquelle seulement auoye desir de participer
             the which was the onely witnesse that I shoulde bee the eater
 London
             thereof

Tractado Segundo:
             vn arcaz viejo, y cerrado coߖ su llaue, la qual traya atada coߖ vn
 Antwerp
             agujeta
             vn grand coffre vieux serrant à clef, laquelle pendoit auec vne
 Lyon
             esguillette
             vn grand coffre vieux fermant à la clef, laquelle il portoit
 Paris
             pendante à vne esguillette
             a great old coffer, wherin he coߖtinually locked with a keye which
 London
             did hang at the point of his reate

             y comienço a desmigajar el pan sobre vnos no muy costosos
 Antwerp     manteles que allí estauan y tomo vno y dexo otro, de manera que
             en cada qual de tres, o cuatro desmigaje su poco
             ORUV HVX\DQW OH SDLQ VXU YQH QDSSH TXL Oj HVWRLW G·DVVpV SHWLWH
 Lyon        YDOHXU'HVRUWHTXHSUHQHQWO·YQ ODLVVDQWO·DXWUHL·HQHVuyai vn
             peu de trois, ou quatre
             lors egratignant OHSDLQVXUYQHQDSSHTXLOjHVWRLWG·DVVpVSHWLWH
 Paris       valeur : comme si vne souris eust passé. De sorte que prenent
             O·YQ ODLVVDQWO·DXWUHL·HQdiminuay vn peu de trois, ou quatre
             theߖ I begaߖ to claw the breade with my nailes, vpon a simple
 London      napkin that was there, taking one loafe and leauing another, so
             that of euerie third or fourth, I would be sure to take some cruߖmes
RICERCHE - www.teca.patroneditore.it                                          21

 Antwerp     cerrasse la puerta a mi consuelo, y la abriesse a mis trabajos
             fermoit la porte auec moߖ allegresse, & l·uuroit à mes peines, &
 Lyon
             trauaux
 Paris       fermoit la porte auec moߖ allegresse, & l·uuroit auec ma peine
             his chest shoulde bee shutte to my comforte, and opened to my
 London
             paine

 Antwerp     -
 Lyon        -
 Paris       Lazare faisoit bourse de sa bouche >gloss@
 London      -

Tractado Quinto:
            como Lazaro se assento con vn Buldero, y de las cosas que conel
 Antwerp
            passo
 Lyon        comme Lazare servit à un Bulliste, & des choses qui luy auindrent
             comme Lazare servit à un Bulliste, & porteur de Rogatons, & des
 Paris
             choses qui luy auindrent
             how Lazaro placeth him selfe with a Pardoner, and What things
 London
             happened to him in his seruice

 Antwerp     y mandamiento del demonio
 Lyon        & instruit du Diable
 Paris       & instinct du Diable
 London      and instruction of the deuill

It is evident that in every case /·KLVWRLUH SODLVDQWH carries an anomaly in
relation to the English text; hence, it cannot possibly be taken into
consideration as a primary source. Moreover, the submission of the work
entitled the marvelus Dedes betrays the inspiration derived from Les faits
merveillevx, its layout, and its content: it could be argued, therefore, that
Rowland relied heavily on a Lyon copy, at least in his first draft. However,
the change of title in the English text manifests an acknowledgement of
the Paris edition and its popularity, which leads us to conclude that
Rowland probably also handled /·KLVWRLUH SODLVDQWH before submitting his
final work. Nonetheless, the examination of the extant and relevant
records ultimately confirms the 1560 Lyon edition as the primary source
used by Rowland to produce The Pleasaunt Historie.
