10.7340/anuac2239-625X-4062
application/pdf
2239-625X
4062
1
en
urn:nbn:it:unica-27478
Chiara Magliacane
Anuac
Struggling lives and symbolic boundaries: Violence, young people and trauma in post-conflict Belfast
Text.Serial.Journal
https://ojs.unica.it/index.php/anuac
10
Thematic section: Rethinking agency: Cultural trauma and political violence
2021-06-01
2020-03-21
2021-07-23
2021-07-23
93-114
1
Chiara Magliacane
2021/06/01
10.7340/anuac2239-625X-4062
93
Queen’s University Belfast, United Kingdom
2239-625X
1
en
114
urn:nbn:it:unica-27478
Struggling lives and symbolic boundaries: Violence, young people and trauma in post-conflict Belfast
https://ojs.unica.it/index.php/anuac/article/download/4062/4881
10
                                               2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114




Struggling lives and symbolic boundaries
Violence, young people and trauma in post-conflict Belfast
Chiara MAGLIACANE
Queen’s University, Belfast




ABSTRACT: In Belfast, despite everyone knowing the conventional date that put an end
to the Northern Irish conflict, commonly known as The Troubles, many people still
suffer from its legacies to this day. In this article, I consider both post-conflict dynamics
and contemporary issues in Belfast, focusing in particular on young people. Through a
qualitative methodology, and drawing on anthropological concepts such as structural
violence, I provide some reflections on the relationship between violence and trauma in
this context through the analysis of the ethnographic data collected in a youth centre.
This intervention is intended as a potential contribution to the broader literature on the
anthropology of trauma and the ethnographies of violence, and on the debate on the
transmission of mental distress from one generation to another.

KEYWORDS: STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE; YOUNG PEOPLE; CULTURAL TRAUMA; POST-CONFLICT; BELFAST.




This work is licensed under the Creative Commons © Chiara Magliacane
Struggling lives and symbolic boundaries: Violence, young people and trauma in post-conflict Belfast
2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114.
ISSN: 2239-625X – DOI:10.7340/anuac2239-625X-4062
94                                                                       CHIARA MAGLIACANE




Introduction
   In this article, I will build on the insights gained from my research in
Belfast1. Most of the data was collected, through a qualitative methodology,
over a year of ethnography in a youth centre in 2018/2019 in the Lower Falls,
West Belfast. Prior to that, I had spent three months of research in North
Belfast in 2016. In this article, I reflect on the relationship between violence
and trauma and the role they have on young people’s lives in the context of a
segregated Nationalist area in the Lower Falls. This area, which is located near
the Cupar Way, one of the longest peace wall in Belfast, was one of the most
affected by the past conflict, and it is considered a “deprived area” by the
Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency (2017).
   It is worth stressing the inherent challenges and debates surrounding the
idea of trauma. The word itself represents a vague and abstract concept;
therefore, the theoretical discussions have the tendency to narrow down to
one of its possible meanings in order to focus on specific situations. In this
article, trauma is defined as any psychological suffering that disturbs and
distances within and from one own’s everyday life; in particular, when
related to certain past events or present violent dynamics, such as
paramilitary activities or drug abuse. Indeed, wellness is not just the absence
of diseases. Thus, trauma is not just connected to clinically diagnosed
disorders, but is something related to the historical and social context in
which individuals live2.
   For the purpose of this article, I will be using the terms Catholics and
Protestants, but I am fully aware of the multi-layered dimensions associated
with these identities: it is important to mention that such binary contra-

1. I would like to thank Anuac’s anonymous reviewers for the time and precious insights you
gave me while reviewing the manuscript. These comments were useful to clarify the scope
of the article, and greatly improved the overall quality of the research. Moreover, the
suggested references proved very useful for my PhD in general. Thanks to all those who
participated in this research and gave their time and precious insights. Thanks to Professor
Roberto Beneduce and Professor Simona Taliani for the involvement and support in the
production of this article. Thanks to Dr. Evropi Chatzipanagiotidou, Dr. Alice Neeson and
Dr. Luca Innocenti for advice, proofreading and editing. I would also like to thank the
anonymous reviewers for the useful suggestions and comments. This research is supported
by the Economic and Social Research Council and the Northern Ireland and North East
Doctoral Training Partnership [grant number 1926125]. Interview transcripts are stored by
the author.
2. Among others, see for instance Young 1995; McNally 2014; Broch-Due and Bertelsen
2016.


2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
STRUGGLING LIVES AND SYMBOLIC BOUNDARIES                                                    95


position, usually used in written documents, is somewhat naïve 3. In
Northern Ireland, the ethno-nationalist conflict known as The Troubles
(1969-1998)4 involved different armed and non-armed groups, and still today
there is a multi-faceted landscape of different social actors at play.
    It is important to focus on young people 5 in order to recognise that there
is a generational gap, one that anthropology can help recognise: investigating,
questioning and showing flaws contributes to understanding how and where
to improve a particular situation. If we recognise that trauma today among
the younger generations is related to contemporary issues, such as violence,
domestic and state abuse and drug and alcohol abuse, we realise that these
are only indirectly connected to the past conflict; rather, they are due to
residential segregation, structural violence, lack of opportunities (difficult
access to education and employment), everyday violence, deprivation and
inequalities. The emphasis that older generations still put on the past
conflict shifts the attention from what the problems are today; the focus
should instead be on providing familial support, mental health services, and
resources in general. That is not happening at the moment, and there is still
massive social inequality in Belfast, crucially so in segregated areas.

Violence, trauma and Northern Ireland: the theoretical context
  Many anthropological studies draw upon the analysis of the social body
and how it embeds and is influenced by the broader and structural context.
Fassin (2003: S4) stresses this argument using the expression “the
embodiment of inequality”, “in an attempt to conceive how history becomes
physical reality”. In fact, embodied inequalities and narratives of suffering


3. For an understanding on the complexities of the Irish and British, Catholic and
Protestant, Nationalist, Unionist and Loyalist identities in Northern Ireland, and their inter-
connections, see for instance Nic Craith 2002.
4. The conflict is commonly considered starting in 1969: accordingly, in the late 60’,
Northern Ireland was the theatre of clashes between protesters from the Civil Rights
Movement and the Royal Ulster Constabulary; major incidents happened (e.g. in Bombay
Street) where violence escalated; also, the peace walls were built across the territory. The
Troubles is usually considered to have ended in 1998 with the signing of the Good Friday
Agreement, or Belfast Agreement.
5. For the scope of this article, I refer to young people in terms of biological age (<35) to
highlight the differences between those who lived through the conflict and those who are
affected by its legacy. I am aware that youth is a complex category, and there are many
debates around the concept. Notwithstanding these debates, defining here young people in
terms of their biological age can help in addressing relevant arguments on youth and
violence in relation to the Northern Irish context, where youth is sometimes considered
creator of “antisocial behaviour”.

                                            2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
96                                                             CHIARA MAGLIACANE


can reveal those hidden structural conditions that exist beyond the
individual and can affect entire social groups. The concept of structural
violence has been used, firstly, by Galtung (1969) and, later, by Farmer
(2004), who successfully used this theoretical idea to investigate the
diffusion of AIDS and the consequences of political violence in Haiti.
Structural violence refers to those individuals and/or social groups who,
because they live within a certain socioeconomic and political context,
cannot easily access specific resources (e.g. education) and are prevented by
structural factors from having the same life opportunities as other
individuals who live in different contexts. Jenkins’ (1983) Northern Irish
report of working-class youth and “ordinary kids” comes to mind, especially
about their different involvement with crime and the law, based on socio-
economic status. Thanks to Farmer and Jenkins, the reader is left with an
empathetic understanding of how structural violence is dangerous and
unfair. The crucial role that the ethnographer (or the sociologist) may have
in the recognition and identification of such social dynamics is clear, helping
in analysing certain social, political, historical and economic factors that
may affect specific groups of individuals that share a particular living
condition or status (e.g. in terms of disease, gender, class, poverty or
unemployment). In fact, anthropological studies like these allow the
interpretation of social suffering under the awareness of broader and global
forces, such as culture, history, and political economy. I borrow the idea of
structural violence as well as the theorisation of everyday violence
conceptualised by Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois (2004) and Kleinman (2000)
as starting points to reflect on how structural conditions affect particular
areas and social groups in Northern Ireland, in relation to the diffusion of
mental suffering. At the same time, I follow Beneduce’s (2016: 10) idea of
“ethnographies of violence” while approaching the themes addressed in this
manuscript, thus focusing on the specific contexts in which violence is
produced and reflecting on the local effects it generates. Similarly to how
Fassin and Rechtman (2007) caution against the universalisation and the
consequent banalisation of trauma, one should heed Taliani’s (2011: 141-
142) warning: rather than generalising trauma and violence, it is important
to listen to the individuals and their “stories within History”.
   Within the Northern Irish context, studies on trauma look at suicide
(Tomlinson 2012) and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) (Ferry et al.
2008) rates, both extremely high, and others reflect on the usage of
antidepressant medications at interface areas – where communities with
different backgrounds border each other – (French 2009; Maguire, French,


2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
STRUGGLING LIVES AND SYMBOLIC BOUNDARIES                                                97


O’Reilly 2011). Moreover, Ferry et al. (2010) point out that Northern Ireland
registers the highest prevalence of PTSD in the world. Tomlinson’s (2012: 1)
analysis about legacies of conflict among young people and the concept of
“trauma narrative” describes how “the whole society has been traumatised,
brutalisation is common, resistance to change engrained, and depression
and anxiety are widespread”. There have been some studies that tried to
measure the impact of residential segregation on the diffusion of mental
disorders. Among others, French (2009: 892) registers that, when individuals
living in a community with a specific background are entirely separated, and
surrounded by different communities at an interface, they will record a high
index of mental suffering (e.g. anxiety and depression) – as measured
through the recorded usage of antidepressants. An example of this is the
Shankill Road, a Protestant enclave in predominantly Catholic West Belfast.
In contrast, an area containing residents from only one community and
surrounded by areas with a similar community profile will present a low
index of mental disorders. This data probably underestimates the reality of
the situation, considering that the usage of antidepressants cannot be
properly recorded (e.g. due to the presence of a black market on the streets);
nevertheless, these observations give important insights into the level of
fear and stress felt where different communities border each other, and
where conflict-related deaths are recorded (Shirlow, Murtagh, 2006).
Notably, some interface areas are recognised as neutral (Mitchell, Kelly
2010). For instance, Duncairn Gardens, which divides the Catholic New
Lodge and the Protestant Tiger’s Bay, is not identified with one specific
community’s identity. However, even though Duncairn Gardens is intended
to act as a shared space, it actually acts as a “continuation of the peace
walls”: gates are closed on weekends and “there is a great chance of rioting”
(ibidem: 15); the place itself becomes part of the trauma and the violence.
   Growing up in a traumatic environment, symbols of trauma and violence
are embedded into the body from the society. I follow the lines drawn by
other scholars both on the embodiment (Lock, Scheper-Hughes 1987;
Csordas 1994; Pizza 2011), and on the transmission of trauma from one
generation to another, and how it indirectly and implicitly affects the child
(Irish Peace Centres 2010; McNally 2014; O’Neill 2015). For instance, an
individual with PTSD develops a psychological connection between a feeling
of sufferance, such as panic and fear, with a specific traumatic experience,
such as the suicide of a loved one. Once this event is remembered, it lives
again, evoking that condition of sufferance with it. With reference to the
concept of embodiment, mind and body interact and influence each other.


                                           2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
98                                                              CHIARA MAGLIACANE


Individuals cannot separate emotions from traumatic events, so an
individual with PTSD cannot avoid embedding into his/her body some
feelings of fear, panic and anxiety when he/she remembers a traumatic
event. Psychological studies attempting to treat PTSD symptoms showed
some positive results; some aimed to separate the memory of the traumatic
event from the emotion evoked (LeDoux 1996). It may, however, be useless if
complementary efforts to change the historical and political context are not
made; accordingly, the social environment may contribute to the spread of
traumatic experiences among the population.
    A fair amount of literature points out the fear in which people live on an
everyday basis. Lysaght (2005) shows how the fear of violent attacks is part
of daily practices of negotiations in the city of Belfast; Roche (2008: 74)
notes how young individuals experience a strong feeling of seclusion and
this has an “impact on all sorts of life activities”. What is needed, though, is
to investigate the broader context framing young people’s fear and trauma,
i.e. exposure to severe violence. This is also suggested by Lysaght and Basten
(2003: 2), who highlight how the overall literature on the Northern Irish
context deals with specific situations, and “tend[s] to ignore the wider
societal implications of fear of sectarian attacks”. Regarding sectarian
attacks, one element that brings out young people’s fears is the paramilitaries’
control of local areas. Hansson (2005) focuses on young people and how
paramilitary organisations have a great impact on their mental wellbeing.
Seeking to uncover the reasons behind the use of violence in segregated and
interface areas, he interviews some young individuals about their
experiences with paramilitaries. He finds that Protestant and Catholic
paramilitary groups employ “rough justice” against young people in
instances of what they consider “antisocial behaviour” (even on the very
young, such as 12 years old) and exercise their local power through
punishments such as beatings, shootings and exiling. For instance,
sometimes paramilitaries will do a “pick and mix”, which means that
“whoever is there gets it” (ibidem: 88). This creates an atmosphere of fear
among young people, and any form of protest is extremely risky and severely
punished. Even if some young people consider the presence of paramilitaries
in the area positively – to protect the neighbourhood from outsiders –, the
majority thinks that they are “responsible for much of the violence at the
interfaces and they therefore helped create the sense of insecurity they
claimed to be protecting the area from” (ibidem: 90). These theoretical
debates all point out that even if The Troubles are supposed to be over,
trauma is widespread, especially in segregated areas.


2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
STRUGGLING LIVES AND SYMBOLIC BOUNDARIES                                                99


Belfast boundaries: the ethnographic field
    The spatial composition of Belfast, presenting high levels of residential
segregation (Shuttleworth, Lloyd 2009), reveals an inner complexity. The
narratives collected among the population cannot be separated neither from
the physical place nor from the still-present violence, even though this does
not obstruct the recognition of broader patterns that can be common in
economically deprived areas. The physical place in which a community lives
is involved in the definition of local identities. Some parts of the city have a
predominance of Catholics or Protestants, and quite often there are sort-of
enclaves, separated by interface areas; some of them are segregated by
physical walls (peace walls), with gates that, today, are open most of the
time, and by symbolic ones (i.e. the roads themselves work as an imaginary
delimitation between different areas).
    In Belfast, the space, sometimes contested and shaped by different
symbols, to the extent that some scholars refer to the Northern Irish
environment as a symbolic landscape (Bryan, Stevenson 2009), is used to
build commemorative gardens and memorials, or to prepare celebrations
(e.g. parades), considered very important in remembering the loss of
familiars, friends and community members. The simple act of walking
through certain streets may become a very emotional experience and those
are the moments when the heterogeneity of the city comes together to
remember the lost loved ones. In this regard, Komarova and Svašek (2018: 3)
aptly recognise that people in Northern Ireland are “caught up in a diversity
of spatial experiences that cannot be understood through the prism of
political agency alone”. Everyday life becomes a negotiation between space
and identity to define places as safe or unsafe (Lysaght, Basten 2003): mental
maps (Jarman, Bell 2012) separating familiar and unfamiliar places in
relation to identity-related divisions; the unfamiliar evokes feelings of fear
and anxiety. Individuals may employ several strategies: they avoid walking
through areas where groups with a different background live, and if they
have to cross some neighbourhoods or interfaces in which they feel unsafe,
they avoid wearing clothes with symbols associated with their own area. I
experienced something similar myself when I avoided wearing t-shirts with
the Union Jack or the Irish flag. During my fieldwork, in line with the above-
mentioned scholars, I observed how these mental maps are shared with and
embodied by the younger generations. This argument works as a starting
point to analyse how the younger generations locate themselves in this social
environment, and it represents a type of discourse in which anthropology can
have a privileged look and seed the germ for future changes.

                                           2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
100                                                                        CHIARA MAGLIACANE


   Most of the information I gathered here comes from my doctoral
research. In 2018, I started my fieldwork in the Gillian Youth Centre in a
Nationalist working-class area in the Lower Falls, West Belfast, where I
spent one year participating in various activities and groups. The activities
are intended for young people (<18), but lately, the social workers 6 have
started two support groups for mothers: the “Wee Mamas” (18-35 years
old) and the “Big Mamas” (35+ years old). Nevertheless, young people’s
well-being remains at the core of this centre: the activities are many and
various and range between individual tutoring, group activities and cross-
community projects with a youth centre in the Greater Shankill, the
Unionist area on the other side of the wall. The group I followed the most is
intended for 14-17 years old, but I engaged with both social workers and
young people, especially during evenings when the centre is open for walk-
ins. The majority of the data collected comes from two research methods:
open-ended interviews with social workers and fieldnotes taken during the
group activities as part of my participant observation; fieldnotes have been
gathered avoiding direct interviews with minors in order to respect the
ethical boundaries previously defined during the planning of my doctoral
project. Notwithstanding such ethical distance, formal interviews with
social workers have proven to be extremely insightful; at the same time,
the informal engagement I had with young people and their parents within
the centre gave depth to the themes that came out from the interviews,
mixing personal emotions and observations with the participants’ points of
view. I spent months as an observer in this place, where young people and
mothers7 gather in search of support. Focusing on young people and their
everyday experiences, I aim to unravel different perspectives from those
who lived the conflict and those who did not, at least not directly.




6. I refer to both voluntary and paid youth workers. Most of the social workers in the
Gillian youth centre have a Nationalist background; a few of them are from the Lower
Falls.
7. The absence of the fathers within the activities of the centre is notable and finds its
roots in the role that they have within the families; this will not be detailed in the context
of this article.


2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
STRUGGLING LIVES AND SYMBOLIC BOUNDARIES                                               101




FIG. 1: Opening Hours. 13 April 2019, Lower Falls. Photo by Matteo Bina.



The role of structural and everyday violence on young people’s lives
   As Bourdieu (1977) states, habits and routines that are part of the general
social structure shape people’s life in a nonconscious way. That is,
Bourdieu’s analysis of the everyday practices suggests that these are
influenced by some environmental and structural conditions; these are able
to function as invisible patterns for ways of doing things (Grenfell 2008: 44).
The ethno-nationalist-related strategies of segregation that parents
transmit to their children – spatial practices such as separation between safe
and unsafe areas, lessons about wearing particular clothes in some places,
mental maps and general warnings about the other side –, represent the
implications of being part of a particular group and growing up in a
particular area. This also means that one person’s everyday life may include
feelings of unfamiliarity when going to other areas, and potential fear and
danger in one’s own place.
   Observations, formal and informal engagements with social workers,
parents and young people in the Gillian youth centre made me reflect that
there are different discourses on mental suffering, and these are intertwined
with others that I argue involve structural (e.g. economic and social poverty,
lack of opportunities) and everyday violence (e.g. paramilitary activities and


                                           2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
102                                                                          CHIARA MAGLIACANE


drug abuse). It is impossible to provide an in-depth analysis of all these
issues in this article. Accordingly, I will focus on the role that the
intersection of these different factors has on young people’s lives.
   The separation between those who are considered young people and those
who are adults, albeit blurred and vague, is imposed from the adult world
itself: young people, engaging in what is called “antisocial behaviour”, risk
beatings and shootings by paramilitaries anytime they go against their
“rules”. Antisocial behaviour is a term often used by adults upon young
people, both informally and formally – e.g. there are public signs saying,
“antisocial behaviour will not be tolerated”. The use of this term is in
practice often associated with the youth. The boundaries of what is
antisocial behaviour, and what is not, are not well-defined, and vary between
different social actors. It is said in colloquial discourses that paramilitaries
use this term to explain why they are punishing a young person: mostly,
punishments are connected to drugs that, ironically, the paramilitaries
themselves trafficked. With the ongoing presence of paramilitary groups in
local areas, who hold the control of drug trafficking, there are often clashes
between them and young people; often parents are asked to negotiate with
paramilitaries to reduce their punishments. It may happen that the social
workers in the Gillian youth centre work as mediators between parents and
representants of armed groups.
   From the social workers’ point of view, as well as according to health
professionals who also participated in the investigation, drug abuse does not
have a recreational connotation, but it represents a coping mechanism. The
focus on drugs is particularly important: even young people who are <10
years old may engage with such substances8. The major impact that it can
have on their brain in such a developing psychological stage is
straightforward and it is one of the main reasons why both social workers
and health professionals have major worries for their mental health. Jarman
et al. (2002) mentioned in their study the hostility that young people feel
towards statutory bodies, such as social services and schools, and state that
this anger probably has a role in the diffusion of drugs. While I agree, as they
state, that many factors – not only experimentation and youth culture –
create a “link between socio-economic circumstances and those most at risk
of experiencing drug-related difficulties” (ibidem: 160), the diffusion of
drugs in the Lower Falls has more structural connotations as well.

8. I am not referring here to illegal drugs only, but to prescription drugs as well. Prescription
drug abuse opens a different argument connected to trauma and the delivery of mental
health services in Belfast that unfortunately I cannot properly exhaust here.


2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
STRUGGLING LIVES AND SYMBOLIC BOUNDARIES                                                 103


   Such structural connotations include both sectarianism and socio-
economic status. Paramilitarism itself is a legacy of sectarianism and the
conflict: its legitimacy has both historical and political roots9; it continues to
have a strong presence in working-class areas due to structural deprivation
in the form of both economic and social poverty. Contrariwise, middle and
upper-class areas do not present intense paramilitary activity. Socio-
economic distress in the Lower Falls has to be contextualised as well 10:
families struggle with poverty, employment is hindered by various factors,
such as social marginalisation, and some cannot work due to mental health
issues. Some are relying on governmental benefits, but current reviews of
the mental health system starting in 2019 (NIAO 2019) include a re-
assessment with harder criteria for those who are entitled to disability
benefits11.
   Overall, because of the high level of sectarianism and violence, e.g. due to
paramilitary activities, still recorded in segregated and interface areas, all
the people I interviewed still talk of an “ongoing” conflict; discourses mix
connections with the past conflict and still-contemporary problems that highly
affect the population, such as suicide and drug abuse. The past conflict is
intended as a “lived experience” for various individuals. In certain areas, the
past trauma is the present: “The conflict here has lasted for 100 years”
(Youth worker 2018). It is connected to a socio-economic status: working
class-areas are significantly more affected than middle-class ones. It is no
coincidence that, historically, The Troubles affected those areas the most.
   The recognition of trauma in young people from social workers and health
professionals, I argue, is located in the intertwined combination of these
many factors. This opens the discourse on the transmission of trauma among
generations; events such as the suicide of a loved one, or a familiar who has
been badly injured by paramilitary violence, or being injured by a para-
military himself, produce negativity in the whole family. If these can be
considered as indirect consequences of The Troubles on young people, at the
same time, experiencing these events has a direct and explicit effect on the
child: young people do not seem to consider themselves as traumatised, but


9. A detailed account of paramilitarism in Belfast goes beyond the scope of this article.
However, it is important to mention that in the Lower Falls there is an historical
relationship with paramilitarism due to The Troubles and an historical mistrust toward the
Police Service of Northern Ireland, which was strongly associated with Unionism during the
conflict.
10. Albeit not exhaustively.
11. Regarding the effects of neoliberal policies on access to healthcare, see Sakellariou and
Rotarou 2017.

                                           2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
104                                                                         CHIARA MAGLIACANE


they are living in what adults consider a traumatised environment, in
particular the lived everyday violence due to the massive presence of
paramilitaries in segregated areas. The direct experience of The Troubles is
affecting the older generations – and, in this regard, PTSD and suicide rates
are indicative (Ferry et al. 2010: 30; NISRA 2016).

Generational rebellion
   A traumatic environment does not influence only those who directly
experience trauma during the past conflict. Today, trauma still affects young
people’s lives, increasing the already-high probability of mental suffering,
such as suicide, depression, drug abuse and diagnoses of PTSD, which are
recognised by psychologists and social workers as having different causes,
such as the so-called sectarian attacks 12. In some areas of Belfast, young
individuals have to deal with more than they should. Moreover, family
members belonging to older generations often have a traumatic past and no
coping mechanisms. In this section, I will focus on both trauma, considered
as mental suffering passed from one generation to another, and the active
role that young people have in this complex context. To do so, I will refer to
both observations and informal engagements with mothers and especially
their sons and daughters.
   In this sense, it is important to mention what some mothers participating
in the Big Mamas group feel, which is a sense of lack of coping mechanisms,
which they consider as expressed through anxiety and mental suffering. The
group work is also intended to support and help them with that; they
mentioned how such lack of coping mechanisms had somehow an influence
on their parental skills and therefore on their teenage sons and daughters –
the same young people I met at the youth centre.
   There is a difference among generations on how the past conflict is
considered: some participants in the Big Mamas group would feel its
influence on their lives, as they have lived and experienced it; some
participants in the Wee Mamas mentioned a connection with the past
conflict, but it would not be the first thing coming to mind; overall, young
people tend to defy the adults’ political and ethnic divisions. Talking
informally with young people in the Gillian youth centre during the group
activities, I realised quickly that the past conflict is not their major concern.
Young people today, or at least not most of them, are not involved in
political-related activities. They do not care about the political situation.
Daniel, one social worker who also teaches in an integrated school, stated

12. Sectarian attacks refer to physical violence that have a sectarian motivation.


2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
STRUGGLING LIVES AND SYMBOLIC BOUNDARIES                                                    105


that they “just want to have fun”. Few young people are likely to get actively
involved in the political and ethno-nationalist contraposition that was at the
basis of The Troubles. Most young people, Daniel continues, “do not know so
much about them [The Troubles], except for a general contraposition
between Catholics and Protestants”.
   At the same time, young people may engage in verbal contestations
towards the adult world and show aggressive behaviour. Some youth workers
highlighted how young people feel that everything “is against them in the
world”13. Pizza (2011: 61) considers the personal identity as “not universal,
never stabilised or crystallised in a definitive manner, except in a historical-
political invention, as it happens often with national identities and feelings
of belonging”14. In the case of young people in Belfast, it is in that
“historical-political invention” that a young individual’s identity shows its
dynamism. Young people’s social body creates contradictions, rebels against
“the police, the paramilitaries and adults in general”. Young people’s
practices contrast and display an identity that is not passive; they reinvent
and create tactics in a dynamic way. Different forms of contestations are
displayed in segregated areas: not only through young people rebelling
against paramilitaries’ control of the area, but also against State institutions
(e.g. police), which they feel are against them. They rebel against the social
services, which they feel are against them because they come to take them
away from their parents. Finally, they rebel against the geographical
organization of the city itself, against the political and ethnic division of the
areas. The mental map (Jarman, Bell 2012) embedded from their families is
contested. As Mitchell and Kelly (2010: 7) point out, everyday practices are
emblematic to understand “the manner in which (in)visible boundaries are
erected and transgressed” in order to change and mitigate the ongoing
conditions of sufferance that young people live in segregated and interface
areas.
   De Certeau (1988: 98) states that the “spatial order organises an ensemble
of possibility (e.g. by a place in which one can move) and interdictions (e.g.
by a wall that prevents one from going further)”. At the same time, Leonard,
McKnight and Spyrou (2011) state how spatial practices organise and decide


13. One difficulty for the researcher here is that of toxic masculinity, which is an obstacle to
the understanding of young males’ feelings: this is currently the focus of some recent
investigations. Pioneers on the topic in Northern Ireland are Harland (2008: 6), who
highlights that “young men demonstrate their masculinity by being dismissive of their
emotional pain”, and Hutchinson (2009: 2) who states: “Boys find it far harder than girls to
talk about their emotions and to express feelings of helplessness and despair”.
14. Translated from Italian.

                                            2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
106                                                                       CHIARA MAGLIACANE


which places are safe or dangerous, especially in the case of peace walls.
Some young people physically cross the peace lines, transform and abandon
the spatial order, using spatial elements to act against power and constrictions;
crossing the peace line can be considered as a tactic of resistance, referring
to De Certeau’s theory, among young people’s everyday practices. However,
this happens with a youth worker working as a mediator; young people from
segregated Catholic and Protestant areas only properly meet during third-
level education – if they get the chance and join a university. At the same time,
they cross the symbolic boundaries of their own area to meet at crossroads
with people from other close neighbourhoods15.
   Considering that young people do not necessarily care about the past
conflict, their major problems are not related to having or not having
interactions with either Protestants or Catholics. In the social space, such as
in the – still very few – mixed schools, they interact very well with young
people that have different backgrounds. The interviews show how
interactions between young people with different backgrounds have a
positive outcome on their mental health. When children see that they are
not so different, they understand how easy it is to interact with the other
side, playing and staying together. The group work, facilitated by some of
the youth workers interviewed, showed no conflict between young people
with different backgrounds; youth workers offered them a place where they
do not have to follow division rules. As one interviewee pointed out, the
problem is “when they come back in their segregated areas”; where trauma
and violence shape their everyday lives. It is indicative of how easy young
people’s interactions are in the social space of the institutes: “It really is just
bringing people together for a couple of hours taking away the trip” (Youth
worker 2016).
   If on the one side young people contest the mental transmission of moral
values acquired by society, their inner group and families, their interactions
outside their group are controlled. Crossing the peace lines takes the form of
formal meetings: the so-called cross-community projects are intended and
organised to improve interactions between different areas. The Gillian youth
centre, as with many other youth centres and as decided by the Education
Authority (EA)16, uses part of its funding to finance such groups in partner-
ship with a Protestant youth centre on the other side of the Cupar Way. Such
meetings are controlled in the sense that youth workers accompany young
people in and out of the gates, to ensure their safety. These are positively

15. Even on the Nationalist side of the Cupar Way, as well as on the Unionist side, there are
different Nationalist (or Unionist) areas.
16. Most policies involving young people are delivered through this public body.


2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
STRUGGLING LIVES AND SYMBOLIC BOUNDARIES                                               107


aimed to overcome the past and present segregation in Belfast; however,
young people in that area still go back to being separated and have their friends
within that same area. It would be important to develop this contra-diction
between integrated versus non-integrated settings and explore its
implication in future articles; here, instead, I use it for a final reflection, in
connection with the arguments analysed in the previous section.
   In fact, not only do young people’s major concerns not involve sectarianism,
but there is also concern among the social workers on how activities that
tackle sectarianism are delivered. Bill, a youth worker I met at the Gillian
Youth Centre, said:
      Me: Do you think that [cross community projects] are having benefits?.
      B: I don’t know. […] Within these communities it’s done… not well, because
      I think very often what happen is that they avoid issues that make them
      different and they focus on the issues that make them similar […]. It’s silly
      things like you can’t wear cultural symbols like football tops or sporting
      stuff….
      Me: So they simply avoid talking about….
      B: Yes, because they are afraid to double generate conflict, as opposed to
      say… ok. let’s have a discussion about our differences, it’s not because
      people are afraid that people get hurt or they open a can of worms they
      can’t get back in, because they can… the community relation programme
      tends to focus around activities: we get these kids together to do bowling, a
      joint activity […] as opposed to deal with issues.

   What Bill says shows that, today, cross-community projects that tackle
sectarianism do not seem able to have long-lasting effects. At the same time,
intra-community interventions need to be improved. In this context, young
people’s position is complex: on the one side, many of those belonging to
the younger generations are growing up resisting and contesting social and
cultural values connected to the past conflict: they do not accept passively
their social and cultural context. On the other side, practices of integration
are imposed on them from above. There is a discrepancy between young
people’s everyday experiences and how youth programmes are designed at a
policy level: most of the efforts to fulfil EA policies in tackling sectarianism
weights on the shoulders of youth work alone, while education and
residential areas are still segregated. At the same time, the youth centre has
to deal with other issues, as young people have more pressing needs within
their own area than tackling sectarianism. However, even though trauma
and violence are connected to a different socio-economic status between
poor and rich areas – with the former suffering much more structural and
everyday violence, as also comparable with other working-class settings


                                           2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
108                                                                    CHIARA MAGLIACANE


elsewhere –, sectarianism remains the fundamental lens to use in Northern
Ireland to look at all the above-mentioned issues. This shows the complexity
of what it means to live in the segregated areas of Belfast.

Conclusion
   Lefebvre (1974) gave a fundamental lesson on how individuals perceive
the social space through its symbols and how the space is not only physical,
but also socially reproduced and shared. In this article, the urban space of
Belfast has been used to provide the context in which structural and
everyday violence and trauma happen, or do not happen. The peace walls, as
mentioned in the previous sections, have symbolic meanings; people have
heterogeneous perspectives on them, as Leonard, McKnight and Spyrou
suggest (2011), and points of view around the past conflict are different
between generations, as this article pointed out. It is worth mentioning the
parades17 as well and how these are used to shape the urban space: in this
regard, I refer to Bryan’s (2000: 27) analysis of parades as rituals and acts of
“resistance”. Analysing marching in Northern Ireland from a historical
perspective, Feldman (1991: 22) connects urban space and the violence of
the past: accordingly, marching is a “practice of sectarian space with its own
residual political meanings”. In this sense, symbols of the past violence may
be implicitly embedded and create representational spaces (ivi) related to
trauma and to overall sufferance, albeit proving a direct connection between
symbols of the past violence and trauma has not been the scope of this
research. Accordingly, it has been argued how even those who do not
directly experience trauma embed symbolic meanings of sufferance. The lack
of structures and the disadvantaged socio-economic conditions in
segregated areas can be seen in connection with the diffusion of trauma and
mental illness. Accordingly, Maguire, French and O’Reilly (2011: 365) find
that residents of economically disadvantaged areas are more likely to
develop mental disorders in Northern Ireland.
   In the article, I highlighted how challenging the social environment in
segregated areas can be in Northern Ireland, especially for young people: I
am referring to the role of paramilitaries, the lack of trust toward statutory
bodies, and also the high level of mental suffering, e.g. suicide rates
(Tomlinson 2012). Following the insights gained from my research, I
reflected upon the relationship between some kinds of trauma and the

17. Parades are intended to celebrate historical events, such as the commemoration of the
1690 Battle of the Boyne and the 1916 Easter Rising. For instance, see Bryan 2000 for a
detailed account of the Orange parades.


2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
STRUGGLING LIVES AND SYMBOLIC BOUNDARIES                                               109


ongoing structural and everyday violence in segregated areas in Belfast. The
social environment presents ongoing situations of conflict, due to a mix of
different factors, such as paramilitaries’ activities (i.e. young people being
punished for “antisocial behaviour” by paramilitaries).
    Overall, I argue that young people’s memory is not connected directly
with the past, but it is constantly wrapped within the consequences of that
past in a nonconscious way. However, contemporary factors have a role and
need to be considered. If trauma is thus something that distances from one
own’s everyday life, it is worth at least questioning what happens in an
environment where trauma is considered as part of the everyday life.
Research about the transmission of trauma between generations contributes
to the understanding of why trauma is widespread among young people,
even though they did not experience the conflict. In case of a traumatic
experience, children of those affected can be obsessed and unable to deal
with what they are living, “due to a wider context of fear, repression and
silence”. It is thus necessary to pay attention to the risk of treating trauma
“without reference to relevant social and political context” (McNally 2014:
5 ) . Even though young people may not really connect their traumatic
experiences to the ways they act in the physical world, their bodies
experience that connection and reveal the conditions of the historical and
political context in which they live. That is why everyday practices are
explicative of the complex framework of young people’s lives and why they
can be used to understand the social world.




                                           2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
110                                                                  CHIARA MAGLIACANE



REFERENCES
Beneduce, Roberto, 2008, Introduzione. Etnografie della violenza, Antropologia, 9-
      10: 5-48.
Bourdieu, Pierre, 1977, Outline of a theory of practice, Cambridge, Cambridge
      University Press.
Broch-Due, Vigdis, Bjørn E. Bertelsen, 2016, Violent reverberations. Global modalities
      of trauma, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan.
Bryan, Dominic, 2000, Orange parades: the politics of ritual, tradition and control,
      London, Pluto Press.
Bryan, Dominic, Clifford Stevenson, 2009, Flagging peace: struggles over symbolic
      landscape in the new Northern Ireland, in Culture and belonging in divided
      societies: contestation and symbolic landscapes, Marc Howard Ross, ed,
      University of Pennsylvania Press: 68-84.
Csordas, Thomas J., 1990, Embodiment as a paradigm for anthropology, Ethos.
      Journal of the Society for Psychological Anthropology, 18, 1: 5-47.
Csordas, Thomas J., 1994, Embodiment and experience: the existential ground of
      culture and self, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
De Certeau, Michel, 1988 [1984], The practice of everyday life, Berkeley, University of
      California Press.
Farmer, Paul, 1999, Infections and inequalities: the modern plagues, Berkeley,
      University of California Press.
Farmer, Paul, 2003, Pathologies of power: health, human rights, and the new war on
      the poor, Berkeley, University of California Press.
Farmer, Paul, 2004, An anthropology of structural violence, Current Anthropology,
      45, 3: 305-325.
Fassin, Didier, 2003, The embodiment of inequality, Science and Society, 4, 1: S4–S9.
Fassin, Didier, 2009, Another politics of life is possible, Theory, Culture & Society,
      26, 5: 44-60.
Fassin, Didier, Richard Rechtman, 2009, The empire of trauma: an inquiry into the
      condition of victimhood, Princeton, Princeton University Press.
Feldman, Allen, 1991, Formations of violence: the narrative of the body and political
      terror in Northern Ireland, Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
Ferry, Finola, David Bolton, Brendan Bunting, Barney Devine, Siobhan McCann,
      Sam Murphy, 2008, Trauma, health and conflict in Northern Ireland. A study of
      the epidemiology of trauma related disorders and qualitative investigation of the
      impact of trauma on the individual, Omagh, The Northern Ireland Centre for
      Trauma and Transformation.
Ferry, Finola, David Bolton, Brendan Bunting, Siobhan O’Neill, Sam Murphy,
      Barney Devine, 2010, The economic impact of post-traumatic stress disorder in
      Northern Ireland. A report on the direct and indirect health economic costs of
      post-traumatic stress disorder and the specific impact of conflict in Northern
      Ireland, Omagh, The Northern Ireland Centre for Trauma and Transformation.


2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
STRUGGLING LIVES AND SYMBOLIC BOUNDARIES                                               111


French, Declan, 2009, Residential segregation and health in Northern Ireland,
      Health and Place, 15, 3: 888–896.
Galtung, Johan, 1969, Violence, peace, and peace research, Journal of Peace
      Research, 6, 3: 167-191.
Ghigliazza, Lisa A., 2010, Children, trauma, and the Troubles: Northern Ireland's
      social service response, McNair Scholars Research Journal, 1, 1: 88-100.
Gallagher, Elizabeth, Brandon Hamber, Elaine Joy, 2012, Perspectives and
      possibilities: mental health in post-agreement Northern Ireland, Shared
      Space: A Research Journal on Peace, Conflict and Community Relations in
      Northern Ireland, 13: 63-78.
Grenfell, Michael, ed, 2008, Pierre Bourdieu. Key concepts, Durham, Acumen.
Hall, Michael, 2000, Left in limbo. The experience of prisoners’ children,
      Newtownabbey, Island Publications.
Hansson, Ulf, 2005, Troubled youth? Young people, violence and disorder in Northern
      Ireland, Belfast, Institute for Conflict Research.
Harland, Ken, 2008, Key issues in promoting mental health: Masculinity and Mental
      Health, Design for Living partnership, Action Mental Health, The Youth
      Council for Northern Ireland and The Health Promotion Agency NI,
      www.healthpromotionagency.org.uk/Resources/mental/Masculinity%20and%-
      20mental%20health.html, accessed on 03/08/2016.
Hutchinson, Dustin, 2009, What boys talk about to ChildLine, Belfast, National
      Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children.
Jarman, Neil, Chris O'Halloran, 2001, Recreational rioting: Young people, interface
      areas and violence, Child Care in Practice, 7, 1: 2-16.
Jarman, Neil, George Quinn, Jo Murphy, Susan N. Irvine, 2002, Escaping to the
      happy planet? Drug Use, education and professional support in North Belfast,
      Child Care in Practice, 8, 3: 159-175.
Jarman, Neil, John Bell, 2012, Routine divisions. Segregation and daily life in
      Northern Ireland, in Everyday life after the Irish conflict: the impact of de-
      volution and North-South cooperation, Cillian McGratton, Elizabeth Meehan,
      eds, Manchester, Manchester University Press: 39-53.
Jenkins, Richard, 1983, Lads, citizens and ordinary kids. Working-class youth lifestyles
      in Belfast, London: Routledge.
Kleinman, Arthur, 2000, The violences of everyday life. Forms and dynamics of
      social violence, in Violence and subjectivity, Veena Das, Arthur Kleinman,
      Mamphela Ramphele, Pamela Reynolds, eds, Berkeley, University of
      California Press: 227-241.
Komarova, Milena, Maruška Svašek, eds, 2018, Ethnographies of movement, sociality
      and space: place-making in the new Northern Ireland, New York-Oxford,
      Berghahn Books.
Irish Peace Centres, 2010, Intergenerational aspects of the conflict in Northern Ireland,
      Belfast, Irish Peace Centres.


                                           2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
112                                                                   CHIARA MAGLIACANE


LeDoux, Joseph, 1996, The emotional brain, New York, Simon and Schuster.
Lefebvre, Henri, 1974, La production de l'espace, Paris, Anthropos.
Leonard, Madeleine, Martina McKnight, Spyros Spyrou, 2011, Growing up in divided
      societies: confronting continuity and change, International Journal of
      Sociology and Social Policy, 31, 9/10: 520-530.
Lock, Margaret M., Nancy Scheper-Hughes, 1987, The mindful body: a prolegomenon
      to future work in Medical Anthropology, Medical Anthropology Quarterly, New
      Series, 1, 1: 6-41.
Lysaght, Karen, 2005, Catholics, Protestants and office workers from the town: the
      experience and negotiation of fear in Northern Ireland, in Mixed Emotions,
      Maruška Svašek, Kay Milton, eds, London, Routledge: 127-143.
Lysaght, Karen, Anne Basten, 2003, Violence, fear and “the everyday”: negotiating
      spatial practice in the city of Belfast, Queen’s University Belfast, www.qub.ac.-
      uk/c-star/pubs/Violence%20fear%20and%20the%20everyday.pdf, accessed on
      01/08/2016.
Maguire, Aideen, Declan French, Dermot O'Reilly, 2011, Residential segregation
      and mental health in a post conflict society, Journal of Epidemiology and
      Community Health, 65, 1: 365.
McNally, Damien, 2014, Transgenerational trauma: dealing with the past in Northern
      Ireland, Belfast, WAVE Trauma Centre.
Mitchell, Audra, Liam Kelly, 2010, “Walking” with de Certeau in North Belfast:
      agency and resistance in a conflicted city, Divided Cities/Contested States,
      Working Paper No. 17.
Morrissey, Mike, Marie Smyth, Marie T. Fay, 1999, The costs of the Troubles study.
      Report on the Northern Ireland survey: the experience and impact of violence,
      Derry Londonderry, INCORE (University of Ulster & The United Nations
      University).
NIAO (Northern Ireland Audit Office), 2019, Welfare Reforms in Northern Ireland,
      www.niauditoffice.gov.uk/sites/niao/files/media-files/Welfare%20Reform%20-
      Report%202019.pdf, accessed on 03/10/2020.
Nic Craith, Máiréad, 2002, Plural identities – singular narratives. The case of Northern
      Ireland, Oxford, Berghahn Books.
NISRA (Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency), 2016, Wellbeing in
      Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland data for ONS measures, http://www.nisra.-
      gov.uk/publications/Wellbeing%20in%20Northern%20Ireland%20-%20June%-
      202016%20report.pdf, accessed on 03/08/2016.
NISRA (Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency), 2017, Northern Ireland
      Multiple Deprivation Measure 2017 (NIMDM2017), www.nisra.gov.uk/stati-
      stics/deprivation/northern-ireland-multiple-deprivation-measure-2017-nim-
      dm2017, accessed on 21/09/2020.


2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
STRUGGLING LIVES AND SYMBOLIC BOUNDARIES                                               113


O’Neill, Siobhan, Cherie Armour, David Bolton, Brendan Bunting, Colette Corry,
      Barney Devine, Edel Ennis, Finola Ferry, Áine McKenna, Margaret McLafferty,
      Sam Murphy, 2015, Towards a better future: the trans-generational impact of
      The Troubles on mental health, Belfast, Ulster University.
Pizza, Giovanni, 2011 [2005], Antropologia medica. Saperi, pratiche e politiche del
      corpo, Roma, Carocci editore.
Roche, Rosellen, 2008, Sectarianism and segregation in urban Northern Ireland:
      Northern Irish youth post-agreement. A report on the facts, fears and feelings
      project at the School of History and Anthropology, Queen’s University Belfast,
      Belfast, Queen’s University Belfast.
Sakellariou, Dikaios, Elena S. Rotarou, 2017, The effects of neoliberal policies on
      access to healthcare for people with disabilities, International Journal for
      Equity in Health, 16: 199.
Scheper-Hughes, Nancy, Pierre Bourgois, eds, 2004, Violence in war and peace: an
      anthology, Hoboken, New Jersey, Wiley-Blackwell.
Shirlow, Peter, Brendan Murtagh, 2006, Belfast: segregation, violence and the city,
      London, Pluto Press.
Shuttleworth, Ian G., Christopher D. Lloyd, 2009, Are Northern Ireland's
      communities dividing? Evidence from geographically consistent census of
      population data, 1971–2001, Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space,
      41, 1: 213-229.
Taliani, Simona, 2011, Il passato credibile e il corpo impudico. Storia, violenza e
      trauma nelle biografie di donne africane richiedenti asilo in Italia, Lares, 77,
      1: 135-158.
Tomlinson, Mike, 2007, The Trouble with suicide mental health. Suicide and the
      Northern Ireland conflict: a review of the evidence, Belfast, Department of
      Health, Social Services and Public Safety.
Tomlinson, Mike, 2012, Young people and the legacies of conflict, paper presented at
      the ASITIS Children of Conflict Conference, 26 March, Belfast, www.poverty.-
      ac.uk/sites/default/files/attachments/Young%20people%20and%20legacies%-
      20of%20Conflict-PSENI.pdf, accessed on 26/04/2016.
Young, Allan, 1995, The harmony of illusions: inventing post-traumatic stress disorder,
      Princeton, Princeton University Press.




                                           2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114
                                               2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114




 Chiara MAGLIACANE is an ESRC-funded doctoral researcher in Anthropology at
 Queen’s University Belfast. She holds an anthropological II-level degree from “La
 Sapienza” University of Rome, and an MA in Conflict Transformation and Social
 Justice at the Mitchell Institute for Global Peace, Security and Justice, Queen’s
 University, Belfast. Her main research activities are in the fields of medical
 anthropology, violence and mental health. She has carried out ethnographic
 research on socioeconomic inequalities of access to healthcare in the Sierra Norte
 de Puebla, Mexico, and on trauma and violence in Belfast, Northern Ireland; her
 work has been published both in Italian and English.
 cmagliacane01@qub.ac.uk




This work is licensed under the Creative Commons © Chiara Magliacane
Struggling lives and symbolic boundaries: Violence, young people and trauma in post-conflict Belfast
2021 | ANUAC. VOL. 10, N° 1, GIUGNO 2021: 93-114.
ISSN: 2239-625X – DOI:10.7340/anuac2239-625X-4062
