Antiziganisms: Ethnographic Engagements in Europe
10.7340/anuac2239-625X-2927
Parallelamente alla crescita di interesse verso i gruppi Rom a livello politico e sociale, l’Antiziganismo è diventato oggetto di studio da parte delle scienze sociali a partire dagli anni 2000. Una ricca letteratura ha contribuito alla definizione del concetto e all’identificazione delle sue radici nella stessa storia Europea. Il dibattito si è finora sviluppato intorno a una declinazione al singolare del concetto e a partire da analisi di casi raccolti a “volo d’uccello”, provenienti cioè da realtà lontane tra loro e tendenzialmente decontestualizzati. Di conseguenza, dopo una rapida evoluzione la teorizzazione mostra oggi segni di impasse e di ridondanza. Questa sezione tematica si propone di superare tale impostazione teorico-deduttiva della riflessione sull’Antiziganismo, presentando i risultati di ricerche-azione di antropologia pubblica svoltesi in contesti locali, in dialogo con altre discipline e in spazi di interazione tra Rom e non-Rom, nei quali gli etnografi intervengono per promuovere un cambiamento. Questa etnografia degli “Antiziganismi” e delle pratiche di contrasto offre la possibilità di studiare empiricamente la connessione tra l’antiziganismo e altre forme di razzismo, le esperienze cognitive ed emotive degli attori di volta in volta in campo e la complessità delle linee che ne demarcano la capacità e la direzionalità dell’azione. È, inoltre, una possibilità per mettere alla prova l’applicabilità, l’adattabilità e la trasferibilità dei saperi disciplinari.
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Giuseppe Beluschi Fabeni
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Antiziganisms: Ethnographic Engagements in Europe
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Giuseppe Beluschi Fabeni
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Antiziganisms: Ethnographic Engagements in Europe
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                                                   2017 ⎸ANUAC. VOL. 6, N° 1, GIUGNO 2017: 99-117




                                                                            SEZIONE TEMATICA

Antiziganisms
Ethnographic engagements in Europe

Sabrina TOSI CAMBINI
Università di Firenze
Giuseppe BELUSCHI FABENI
Universidad de Granada


ABSTRACT: Parallel to the interest in Roma at the social and political level, Antizigan-
ism has rapidly gained the interest of social sciences since 2000. A copious litera-
ture has contributed to decisive breakthroughs in defining the concept and identify-
ing its roots in the history of Europe. However, the debate has mostly developed
with “Antiziganism” in singular declension, with the frequent merging together of
cases originating in different contexts. After a speedy evolution, theorization shows
signs of entering conceptualization redundancy. This thematic section wishes to
move beyond the currently prevailing top-down reflection on Antiziganism. It offers
the results of public anthropology and interdisciplinary research-actions, carried on
in local contexts, in spaces of interaction between the Roma and the non-Roma, and
by ethnographers intervening to promote a change. Ethnography of “Antiziga-
nisms” and of the practices which counteract them offer opportunities for revealing
the link between antiziganism and other forms of racism, the cognitive and emo-
tional experience of the subjects at play in the specific field and the fuzziness of the
dividing lines between their agency. It is finally a chance to experiment with the ap-
plicability, adaptability and transferability of disciplinary knowledge.
KEYWORDS: RACISM, ROMANI STUDIES, PUBLIC ANTHROPOLOGY, CRITICAL ETHNOGRAPHY, INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACH.




This work is licensed under the Creative Commons © Sabrina Tosi Cambini, Giuseppe Beluschi Fabeni
Antiziganism: Ethnographic engagements in Europe
2017 ⎸ANUAC. VOL. 6, N° 1, GIUGNO 2017: 99-117.
ISSN: 2239-625X – DOI: 10.7340/anuac2239-625X-2927
100                                                 SABRINA TOSI CAMBINI, GIUSEPPE BELUSCHI FABENI




From Antiziganism to Antiziganisms: the reason for this publications1
   The concept of antiziganism2 was introduced into the field of social sci-
ences in the second half of the 1980s. The aim was to describe and define the
representations and phenomenologies of symbolic, political, structural and
institutional violence which, in the Western world, characterize the relation-
ships between majority societies and the social groups known as gypsies (see
Hancock 1987; Margalit 1996; Nicolae 2007; Tosi Cambini 2012; Piasere 2015;
Wipperman 2015; Selling et al. 2015) in different ways according to the his-
torical and territorial contexts.
   As a general definition, scholars do agree that antiziganism can be under-
stood as a specific form of racism which underlies both the ideologies of
racial superiority and the processes of de-humanization. It can also be seen
in forms of structural and institutional discrimination against gypsy other-
ness. All these processes are based on stereotyping and prejudice, with their
historical roots in Europe. It affects those who call themselves Roma and
Sinti and other groups who are constructed locally as gypsies (see below).
   Despite its emergence as a new concept, antiziganism rapidly gained the
interest of anthropologists, sociologists, political as well as legal scientists
(though hardly any historians), so much so that since 2000, a constant and
quantitatively notable increase in publications on this subject was recorded
all over Europe. This was paralleled by widespread general interest in the
Roma issue at social and political levels. In the public arena, as it has been

1. The editors wish to dedicate this thematic section to the memory of Lorenzo Bargellini
and Nicola Solimano. The authors wish to thank the editorial board of Anuac for their inter-
est in our original proposal and the support provided during the preparation of this themed
section. The research leading to the present publication results from MIGROM, The immi-
gration of Romanian Roma to Western Europe: Causes, effects and future engagement strategies,
a project funded by the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme under the call on
«Dealing with diversity and cohesion: the case of the Roma in the European Union»
(GA319901), 2013–2017. The first and second paragraphs are written by Sabrina Tosi Cam-
bini, the third paragraph is written by Giuseppe Beluschi Fabeni.
2. In the current English version of the text we have chosen Antiziganism and not Antigyp-
syism. According to Marko D. Knudsen (2004) «the commonly used English term [Antigypsy-
ism]… only refers to the Roma (“Gypsies”) in English-speaking territories like Great Britain
and Ireland, while the rest of Europe uses closely related terms like “Zigeuner”, “Cigan”,
“Cingany”, “Tsigange” etc. Thus, the linguistic root “Zigan” is better suited for usage in a
terminological definition for the entirety of Europe, the term “Antiziganism” allowing an
identification of the problem on a national as well as international level […] The term “Anti-
gypsyism” therefore only makes sense in the context of the special, national Antiziganism in
the English-speaking territories of Europe». See also Piasere 2015; Selling et al. 2015; Wip-
perman 2015.


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ANTIZIGANISMS                                                                                101


well documented, the focus on Roma has been used by political parties and
their leaders as a form of scapegoating. It has featured in many electoral
campaigns and in the actions of national and local governments: examples
have been seen in all European countries. Among those which clearly stand
out, in terms of scope and reach, are the discourses, legislative acts and re-
pressive practices carried out (and continuing) in Italy and France – in West-
ern Europe – and – in the East – Hungary, Bulgaria, and the Czech Republic 3.
   It seems that the only way for groups who come under the “Roma” um-
brella – aside from those who do not identify themselves as “Roma” – to en-
ter Europe (as a political and economic territory) with full social and legal
entitlement, is to be accorded an inflexible gypsy identity. Thus they repre-
sent a minority – who have to “integrate” with the (white4) majority, but from
whom the majority should be kept safe. Such a dichotomy is currently the
object of debate within social and legal sciences, as well as within the politi-
cal arena.
   Michael Stewart (2012) shows in detail how political persecution of the
Roma in Central Europe is based on planned socio-ethnic compartmentalisa-
tion which classifies them, and treats them, as a foreign body within the na-
tions to which they belong.
   In fact, the absence of the historicisation of gypsies as an ethno-essential-
ist construction, on which Lucassen’s research sheds light, was widely
shown5 to be instrumental in excluding individuals with a travelling living
style – linking the ideas on travelling groups to the structural economic de-
velopments from the Middle Ages onwards (1998), and at present, through
what the author defined «Gypsy Policy» (2007).
   A key element in the current focus on the Roma by such a wide variety of
social bodies is the Council of Europe, which identified the Roma minority as
a privileged object of its own inclusion policies. It created ad hoc pro-

3. At international level, the websites of the European Union Agency for Fundamental
Rights, European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, European Roma Rights Cen-
ter and the European Roma Policy Coalition are rich in reports about different aspects of
discrimination against Roma people, including violent attacks against them.
4. See the great work by Du Bois (The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the
color-line, 1903: 19), especially the concept of the color line and the role of race and racism in
history and society. On the construction of whiteness as a feature that belongs to the power-
holding majority, for the Italian case see Giuliani 2015. On the issue of the color line and the
Roma: Piasere 2015: 42-55; Fassin et al. 2014. These works also show the symbolic value of
that issue and the volume of Leonardo Piasere proposes an analysis of the theoretical rela-
tions between anti-ziganism and racism; the latter has been extensively discussed in an-
thropology (see at least the well-known essay by Verena Stolcke 1995).
5. In particular, see the studies by Aresu and Asséo, especially issue number 2/2014 of Qua-
derni Storici, Zingari: una storia sociale, and the further references in the next paragraph.

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grammes and set out tenders for organisations within the civil society and
public institutions (NGOs, local and national institutions, research centres,
universities, etc.)6.
   Due to its territorial vastness, its breakneck growth in relation to its his-
torical roots and the diversity of the agents involved antiziganism – as a phe-
nomenon and as a category – requires an accurate, multifocal and interdisci-
plinary process of reflection. This has to be capable of scanning the seabed as
well as holding in view the various creatures, including the plankton, that
move from the bottom to the surface of this bad present7. In the scientific
panorama, it is not by chance that we record the contributions of nearly all
the best-known Romalogists8, as well as those of scholars from later genera-
tions, covering more than one disciplinary field9.
   This speedy evolution seems, however, to bring along the risk of scientific
rhetoric that produces refined and scrupulous analyses, which at times are
redundant in view of the proposed conceptualisations.
   We do not mean to say that we have reached analytical saturation of an-
tiziganism, but its declension in the singular, from the viewpoint of potential
theoretical thinking, seems to harness us scholars within the paradigms and
concepts that circulate in scientific communities and which we ourselves
have embodied: from the wider ones like the biopolitics of Foucault, to the
concepts linked to processes of securitization, to that of the right to the city,
to name but a few.
   But danger still exists, in our opinion, even where its declension in the
plural remains enmeshed in a disembodied theorisation. The goal we are set-
ting ourselves in this work, therefore, is to link the concept of antiziganism
to the actual contexts where it operates, and to the practices which counter-
act it. We see its use in the plural as necessary because not only does it shed
light on the polythetic character of the category (Piasere 2015: 16), but it
gives us the possibility of re-embodying it, making its own constitutive di-
mension empirical. Antiziganism is something that you think and you do.
Therefore the plural declension of the category localises and historicises it at
the same time, preventing us from running the risk of generalising and/or
straining the concept in epistemological as well as interpretative terms.

6. To get a summary, see Liégeois 2010.
7. A well-known expression by Ernesto De Martino, see The Land of Remorse: A Study of
Southern Italian Tarantism, 2005, translated and annotated by Dorothy Louise Zinn [first
Italian edition 1961].
8. Among these: Stewart 2012; Asséo, Aresu 2014; Hancock 2015; Piasere 2015; Marushiako-
va, Popov 2016.
9. See Sigona, Trehan 2009; Clough Marinaro, Sigona 2011; Olivera 2011, 2015; Sigona 2011;
Agarin 2014 and the authors writing in the volume edited by Selling et al. 2015.


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ANTIZIGANISMS                                                                    103


Ethnography and the possibilities of understanding antiziganisms
   Ethnographic research in the public arena, the study of individual context
and the successive comparison of antiziganisms – historically, socially and
culturally – can give us a variety of opportunities.
   The first opportunity is that of dealing with cognitive experiences located
in living contexts, in which the different players move around with direction,
logic, strategy and purpose, as well as with emotions and feelings, values and
wishes, against which the “anti” definitions have leverage and weight of their
own. In the same way, this applies as much to those who are the object of
these “anti” definitions as to those who are set to fight against them,
whether community or individual, private or public. The dividing line be-
tween all these subjects is rather blurred, fuzzy and ambiguous. A public in-
stitution official can in all good conscience be working to support the Roma,
but actually be carrying out actions or setting up practices which end up be-
ing hijacked by ignorant, unquestioning antiziganism, (see the materials pro-
duced within the project Wor(l)ds Which Exclude and Leggio infra). Therefore,
well-intentioned deeds end up creating an opposite effect to that which they
were conceived to accomplish.
   On the other hand, the individuals and groups subjected to antiziganism
are not so simply identifiable. The definition of the term gypsy as a social, le-
gal and political idea, and its historical significance, is a fundamental aspect
of the issue: its multi-faceted and plural construction has been tackled in
many works (cf. Lucassen 1998, 2007; Aresu, Piasere 2008; Asséo, Aresu
2014). The same term “Roma”, with a politically correct undertone, adopted in
official statements, documents and deeds of European institutions, ended up
contributing to the essentialisation of a personological category, flattening
the process of ethnicisation. Due to the standardisation of this term, as gen-
erated by local institutions, there is the risk – amongst other ones – of losing
the fluidity of the borders between the socio-cultural groups defined as such.
This is more visible in Eastern Europe, and in more obvious labelling in
Western Europe. In some contexts, the overlapping of the category of
“Roma” with that of “gypsy” blurs that grey zone formed between the hetero-
and self-ascription of a group to both categories, or to only one of the two.
And this is evident for some groups like the Rudari in Romania (and under
other names in the Balkans generally), the Sicilian Caminanti, and the Span-
ish Mercheros. Research carried out among the Rudari – Ţigani but not Rromi
– who emigrated to Italy and Spain (see Tosi Cambini 2016; Slavkova 2008),
has highlighted the fact that in being able to escape the stereotypical image
of the Romanian Roma (in particular that which corresponds to platoși) they
have presented themselves publicly (to social services, schools, workplaces,
etc.) as Romanians. They have thus managed to elude the categorisation of


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gypsy and what this would entail in terms of further discrimination. At the
same time there is a paradox in their home regions in Romania: they exist as
Ţigani in everything that outlines their relationship with the neighbouring
Romanians, with local institutions and, generally, with Romanian society (for
instance, discrimination in access to work and in employment conditions),
but they disappear from statistics because they do not define themselves as
Rromi. This means they are not regarded as such.
   As to the context of the country of immigration, we have opposing exam-
ples about what has happened in other situations generated at the local
level, in the social and political treatment of a group identified as “gypsy”.
There is the case, for instance, of the Ashkali who arrived in Florence in the
90s seen as Roma by parts of Italian society, and who were therefore forced
to settle in “nomadic camps”10.
   Certainly, the Italian term zingari, as well as zigeuner in German, carries a
decidedly negative meaning (in Germany its use is banned unless it is in quo-
tation marks), and the term “Roma” was adopted by European Roma intellec-
tuals, especially the Romanians11. In Romania itself, particularly following
press reports in Western European countries, many political representatives
and members of the civil society had requested the reintroduction of the
term Țiganii at the public level, and in official documents, because the simi-
larity between the words “Roma” and “Romanian” in the countries to where
Roma and non-Roma emigrated (some having Romanian nationality), cre-
ated some confusion which might have damaged the image of Romania itself.
Nonetheless, and Lucassen and his research group (Lucassen, Lucassen 1997;
Lucassen 1998, 2007) explain it well, the battle of the names, in overshadow-
ing the nature of their construction, ends up contributing to the essentialisa-
tion and reification of the groups in question. We might add that this results
in the dazzling but empty formality of legislature.
   The empirical dimension of field research, combined with theoretical and
comparative research leads us out of the shadows into which a too sectorial
perspective on the Roma can push us. This is the third opportunity that the
ethnographical approach to antiziganisms offers. In order to establish that

10. Claudia Lichnofsky writes: «Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians are three separate recognised
ethnicities in Kosovo. Ashkali and Egyptians refer to a Muslim, Albanian-speaking though
non-Albanian population, and distance themselves from the Roma. […] I argue here that the
choice of the ethnonym depends not on cultural differences but rather on exclusion from
the majority; regional loyalties; and different strategies for survival in post-war Kosovo»
(2013: 29).
11. Recommendations on the use of Rrom: Gheorghe, Hancock, Courtiade 1995; for a recon-
struction of the birth and development of Roma activism see Acton 1974; Liègeois 1994; Pi-
asere 2004: 116-123. More recently, among others, it is interesting to note the perspective
introduced by Rövid 2013.


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ANTIZIGANISMS                                                                         105


antiziganism is actually at work we must be able to highlight the difference
between the racism and discrimination to which other groups are subject 12. A
perspective which is blind to context risks missing the connection between
the elements inherent in the categorisations and practices of modern welfare
and the instances we find in the treatment of the Roma. There is therefore an
echo in the approach and behaviour towards other subjects seen as being
“marginal” or “potentially dangerous”. Some Roma behaviours can be con-
sidered as strategies not related to the fact that they are Roma, but to the
fact that they suffer certain types of oppression, like others, which trigger
similar responses in the same field of pressures. This latter point, that refers
to the link between antiziganisms and other forms of racism, is highlighted
in the article by Viktor Leggio, in which antiziganism itself is challenged by
ethnography. Just as the idea of coming out of the type of shadows that a
too-narrow perspective on the Roma could provoke, the essay by Battaglini
and Hasdeu, starting with the patterns of sociabilité in the Romanian Roma
in Geneva, establishes an intersection between antiziganism, the struggle
against the poor, and the policies and practices regarding migrants. This con-
tributes to the anthropological debate on the redefinition of citizenship and
to a reflection on the limits of democracy.
   Following the subtle thread between social and cultural elements and – as
anthropologists – placing cultural interpretation at the core of understand-
ing antiziganism, the comparison of ethnographies on antiziganisms and the
application of social sciences, in order to counteract them, opens up a fur-
ther opportunity – when seeing it at work – of treating it as a powerful, cul-
tural, cross-cutting construct. As far back as 1973, Werner Cohn had called a
short chapter in his pioneering work “The Gypsies as an Institution of West-
ern Culture”, saying: «Why is it that despite the many pressures to assimilate
to the world of non-Gypsies, the Gypsies retain so firmly their own culture?
[…]. It seems to me that the Gypsies persist because they, or groups like
them, are needed in our culture» (1973: 61).
   If antiziganism began to take on its current form and features in 19th cen-
tury Europe, and the action of institutions takes on a systematic discrimina-
tory character, aimed at the persecution and assimilation of gypsies (see Pon-
trandolfo 2013), the historical analyses show its longstanding duration 13. In
his volume on European Roma, Piasere identifies some stereotypical images,
among which the nomad family appears a «powerful transcultural pattern»
(2004: 10) in the «gypsy third Europe» (ibidem: 8), where Roma are less than
0,2% of the total population of a State. Piasere also devotes a volume to the
investigation into the presence of gypsies in the writings of poets, play-

12. Elsewhere we have heard of “discrimination squared” (Tosi Cambini 2013).

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106                                                 SABRINA TOSI CAMBINI, GIUSEPPE BELUSCHI FABENI


wrights and novelists (particularly Italian, but also European) from Human-
ism to Romanticism (2011) and speaks of them «comme les tricksters d’Eu-
rope» (see 2014: 245-251).
   The Roma are part of modern and contemporary cosmology: «Like any
cosmology, even the European one intersects cognitive-symbolic devices, rit-
ual practices and the organisation of space in relation to the different hu-
mankinds present. In actual fact, behind the word gypsy there is the way in
which our society has constructed one or more prototypical figures of other-
ness» (Trevisan 2014: 1). We would say that this is a specific otherness: the
anomaly – or to continue our discourse in the plural – the anomalies. If, as
we know, cosmology allows us to overcome disorder, understanding the im-
portance of regularity and the principle of order in the world, it also leaves
anomalies detectable, even when they are hidden in the shadows. The «con-
ceptual Gypsy» (Kyuchukov 2015) or the «imagined Gypsy» (Mladenova 2015)
take on, one by one, the characteristics that the majority society, and its so-
cial and symbolic order, needs. Antiziganisms in their empirical dimension
put us in touch with the power of the symbolic, with the embodiment of a
sort of heritage: «Antiziganism can be considered as a kind of European cul-
tural heritage» (Knudsen 2004). Maybe this is why a «reasonable Anti-Gypsy-
ism» (Van Baar 2014) can exist.
   We are finally moving towards the fifth opportunity that which the follow-
ing paragraph will focus on, accounting even more precisely for the work that
we want to submit to the scientific community through this monographic
section. In the essays we are presenting, the anthropologist works in the con-
text and the field of external forces, at times alongside other disciplinary fig-
ures. It is therefore a public anthropology in which we position ourselves,
where researchers experiment with the applicability of some assumptions
and an applicative imagination of disciplinary knowledge, taking on posi-
tions and roles in those contextual spaces rooted in the interaction between
the Roma and the non-Roma: “experts”, in the case of Persico and Sarcinelli;
producers of counter-narrative (Battaglini and Hasdeu, and – in a different
way – Mochi Sismondi); carrying forward a counter-discourse (Leggio); and
proposing a change of perspective and a new object of enquiry (Santilli).

13. See the already mentioned works of Ilsen About, Elisa Novi Chavarria, Benedetto Fas-
sanelli, Massimo Aresu and Henriette Asséo, as well as the well-known book by Kenrick and
Puxon (1972). For a brief overview, see Piasere 2004: 31-60. All these works highlight that
antiziganism is a not uniform phenomenon, in both chronological and geographical per-
spective. It can be accordingly interesting to make a parallel reading of the Spanish case in
the period from XV century to the XVIII century, during which it can be noticed at a real es -
calation of anti-gypsies legal measures, (see Leblon 1985; Sánchez Ortega 1991, 2005;
Martínez Martínez 2003) and the case-study of the Kingdom of Naples in the same cen -
turies, made by Novi Chavarria (2007).


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ANTIZIGANISMS                                                                    107


Ethnographic counteractions
   Antiziganism manifests itself with high adaptability to the geo-historical
characteristics. Each society develops local imaginaries that construct the
Roma in stereotypical ways and generate practices around them, from expul-
sion to physical or cultural annihilation. «The history of antiziganism coin-
cides with the history of those who are called “zingari” [“gypsies”]» (Piasere
2012: 126), i.e. it coincides with the history of the qualities and roles attrib-
uted to them within the ethnoscapes (Appadurai 2006: 589) – the constructs
around the social reality – that western societies have produced locally,
imagining themselves.
   However, the Europe transformation, from the fall of the communist
regimes to the expansion of the European Union, has generated a transna-
tional framework for the representation of the Roma, adopted by institu-
tional players at different levels as well as by the third sector and Roma ac-
tivism. The “Europeanisation of Roma representation”, as van Baar (2014)
refers to such a process, has shifted the construction of the Roma as a “Euro-
pean minority” to be protected – within a paradigm of human rights, multi-
culturalism and in the context of Eastern Europe’s transition – towards one
of the Roma as an “emergency” – as a series of local, national and transna-
tional “European issues”, generated by the anxiety of Western European gov-
ernments before international migrations of the Roma. Policies, instruments
and actions have been conceived around these “issues”. New discourses sus-
tain them, reintroducing old stereotypes under modern guises.
   The history of the forming of the European Union, the Roma demographic
distribution and the socioeconomic and structural differences between the
states underlie two trends that make up the Europeanisation of the Roma
and their “handling”, supporting a “reasonable anti-gypsyism” (van Baar
2014).
   In eastern Europe, where policies towards the social inclusion of the Roma
were often linked to the accession to the EU, the local societies have come to
perceive the Roma as a “privileged community”, legitimised by the state to
disobey laws, public order and civic duties and to live on public subsidies
(Marushakova, Popov 2016). Roma have also appeared as disengaged from
the post-socialist transformation and reorganisation of local relations and as
a threat to the communities’ harmony (Feischmidt, Szombati 2016). The rise
of nationalist discourse and extreme right-wing policies in Eastern Europe
have joined the chorus of anti-gypsy and anti-European rhetoric.


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   In the west, within European agreements on free circulation between 2004
and 2007, it was the “regularity” of the mobility of the Roma that was ques-
tioned (van Baar 2011), through a process of “criminalising” their presence.
Perceived as a menace to local society and as a “pathologic” cultural minority
because of the victimisation of its weakest members (see Matras 2015), the
practices put in place regarding the Roma were those of mass expulsion, of
control, restriction of freedom of movement, and segregation (Cahn, Ver-
meersch 2000; Clough Marinaro, Daniele 2011; Clough Marinaro, Sigona
2011).
   In the analysis of the Europeanisation of the Roma representation, van
Baar suggests – along the lines of Foucault – to shift the attention onto the
processes of “problematisation” and the practices through which problemati-
sations are formed. For example, the Italian and French governments have
“problematized” the Roma in terms of nomadism, illegality, and as threat to
public safety, to create states of exception and to authorise intervention at
the very limit (or even beyond) of legality (van Baar 2011: 206).
   It is through the analysis of how antiziganism materialises as different an-
tiziganisms in local contexts that the ethnographic approach can contribute
to overcome the impasse which the theorizations based on assembling cases
from different contexts create. In this sense, even if not always explicitly
within the theoretical framework of antiziganism, various researchers have
concentrated their ethnographic attention on the social dynamics of a single
local case. For example, they have studied the interaction of different insti-
tutional levels in producing Roma marginality in the suburbs of Paris (Nacu
2010), how the socioeconomic structuration of the modern city relegates the
Roma, as precarious migrants, to the urban outposts of the bidonvilles (Oliv-
era 2011; Tosi Cambini 2015a), or the negative impact of policies of disman-
tling camps and rehousing on the therapeutic paths and usage of public
health facilities (Alunni 2011).
   In a highly complex context, such as the one just described, public and
private bodies, from European to local level, have started to set aside re-
sources for initiatives aimed at fighting discrimination against the Roma,
sometimes even using the term “antiziganism”. Many anthropologists work-
ing on this matter have received appropriate funding, generating multiple
experiments in applied anthropology, some of which are currently underway.
Others have worked independently, through projects originating within uni-
versities and/or responding to a critical reading of what was happening in
the area where they were doing their research. All these projects make up a


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corpus that we want to present in a way that reveals the scope of the anthro-
pological information, interrelated with other disciplines, and applied –
weighing up strengths and weaknesses – within the framework outlined
above.
   In the essays we present we move towards another opportunity offered by
the ethnographic works on antiziganism. The anthropologist is not only on
the inside as an observer, but takes on an active role in the multi-player in-
teraction between the Roma and the non-Roma. Ethnography is not only in-
strumental in studying the processes and practices of problematisation, but
in deconstructing – and (re)problematizing – the truths that the context takes
as given. Dependence on the context and need for adaptability of the anthro-
pological practices for completing of this project are a leitmotiv that makes
the series of contributions heterogeneous and heterodox.
   The contribution of Leggio, the first in this collection, is critical of the
weakness that the conceptualisation of antiziganism shows, in cases in
which actions towards inclusion are based on essentialising the Roma, which
end up reinforcing their exclusion. We hear the warning «The road to hell is
paved with good intentions» with which Marushakova and Popov (2016)
closed their aforementioned recent contribution. In it the authors analyse
how the policies for the integration of the Roma into Central and Eastern Eu-
rope have revived anti-Roma stereotypes, renewing the conflictual social sit-
uation for Roma minorities. In this case, Leggio reconstructs in detail the
process according to which, initially, the strategies implemented by the local
government in Manchester, with the intervention of third sector organisa-
tions, had the aim of preventing the phenomenon of anti-gypsy violence, but
were based on a stereotypical manipulation of the Roma. He then analyses
how the academy, in an initial phase, through scientific research and in the
context of the MigRom project (see Matras, Leggio 2017), deconstructed and
delegitimised this process. Then it mobilised, “from below”, the birth of
Roma associationism and its involvement in the drafting and implementa-
tion of local political strategies, devoid however of the prejudices of “abnor-
mality” and the processes of pathologisation regarding the Roma communi-
ties.
   In the text by Santilli, the anthropologists – in this case as independent
researchers – collaborate directly with members of the local police force in
the city of Rome, who legitimise them as “experts on the Roma” and who in-
vite them to collaborate on an “investigation” into sexual violence and the
exploitation of minors, in which the inhabitants of the “nomad camps” are
suspected to be involved. We are in Rome, the metropolis that, since 2009
particularly, has made the Roma the subject of political and media discourse.

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Based on their criminalisation and representation as a threat to public safety,
Rome local government reinvented the “equipped village” as a measure of
control and containment (Sigona 2011; Clough Marinaro, Daniele 2011; Tosi
Cambini 2009). In this context, the anthropological investigation is seen by
the “client” as a control mechanism (a role that the discipline has not always
denied taking in the past) and as a support for the police investigation. San-
tilli’s text concentrates initially on the renegotiation of the terms of the col-
laboration, in which the activities of recycling metals and the reuse of waste
products in the “camps” are presented as a new topic for joint reflection. In
the second part, she analyses how these activities are interpreted as illegal,
informal or legitimate by the different actors in the field. Through an ethno-
graphic description, mindful of the many players and accompanied by an
analysis of administrative documents and research reports, the author high-
lights how the ambiguous and contradictory legislative framework risks ex-
posing the “Roma in the camps” to double discrimination: both because they
conduct activities that are not clearly regulated, and because they belong to
a social category which already experiences discrimination.
    The article by Monica Battaglini and Iulia Hasdeu takes us to Geneva, one
of the five cities with the highest level of wellbeing in the world and a capital
of finance, world trade and luxury goods, where, since its adoption in 2007,
the law against begging has turned into repression of the poor, by means of
moral violence on the part of the police. The two authors’ ethnographic anal-
ysis focuses on the conflict that arises in the visibility of public spaces. In
them, “making a village” and the practice of reconstructing solidarity and fa-
miliarity by immigrant Roma, reproduce a rural otherness that is problema-
tized, in the urban context, and becomes an issue of public order and police
repression. The Roma migrants’ ability to rebuild privileged relationships
through the transnational dimension of the extended family and in the local
context of Geneva invites us to give critical thought to the classical concept
of a “village within the city”. At the same time, the dissolution of the bound-
aries that separate the city from the countryside, and the moving of national
borders, necessitate a critical reflection on the limits of democracy and on
the dynamics of the growing perception of insecurity of daily life.
    The article by Andrea Mochi Sismondi examines the role that the lan-
guage of the theatre and narrative devices may have in countering the an-
tiziganism in public opinion. The interviews with residents of the Macedo-
nian city about the meaning of liberty, equality, happiness and rights, accom-
panied by participatory observation, are moulded into dramaturgical mate-
rial. The works presented by the author show the potential of the artistic


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production to “counter-narrate” the distance perceived as culturally un-
bridgeable between the Roma and the non-Roma, and the dehumanisation
that Nicolae (2007) has characterised as the universal expression of an-
tiziganism.
   Finally, Persico and Sarcinelli reflect on how the anthropologic-pedagogic
production may be applied within the school context. The authors intervene
in a project geared towards “the inclusion of Roma and Sinti pupils” in Milan.
Here too we find the pattern envisaged by the “neo-traditional” policies de-
scribed by Matras (2015), and already encountered in the case of Manchester,
presented by Leggio. This case, moreover, shows the space for action and the
role that the anthropologists are called to take on as “Roma experts”, asked
to validate projects based on a pathologisation of the “Gypsy culture”. The
authors find themselves facing a paradox: their room for action is generated
by the framework that they themselves propose to deconstruct, through the
training and didactic planning activity that they have been given. Their legit-
imisation as “experts” is in their role as pedagogues, in keeping with the “ap-
plied” vision of the discipline of pedagogy in Italy, for which, as they them-
selves declare, “anthropology must camouflage and hybridise itself in order
to leave the academy”. The text describes how their action is directed to-
wards the deconstruction of the ethnic categories defining the project’s tar-
get, proposing “universalistic” methods (cooperative learning) which focus on
the dynamics of the class group, putting the functioning of school institu-
tions and the de-ziganising of “Roma pupils” at the front line.




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 Sabrina TOSI CAMBINI teaches Cultural Anthropology at the University of Florence.
 She was research fellow at University of Verona and University of Florence, and re-
 search associate at the Michelucci Foundation. She has carried out fieldwork
 among homeless, urban neighborhoods, social movements, squats, nomadic
 camps, romanian rudari. Her books include: Gente di sentimento (2004); Zone di
 transizione (2011, with M. Bressan); Wor(l)ds which exclude. The housing issue of
 Roma, Gypsies and Travellers in the language of the acts and the administrative docu-
 ments in Europe (2014, with L. Piasere, N. Solimano); La zingara rapitrice. Racconti,
 denunce, sentenze (1986–2007) (seconda edizione riveduta e ampliata, 2015).
 sabrina.tosicambini@gmail.com
 Giuseppe BELUSCHI FABENI, PhD in Social Sciences, is currently research assistant at
 the University of Granada (MigRom project). He is project director of the Taller
 ACSA – Antropología y Ciencias Sociales Aplicadas. He is interested in migration
 studies and he conducted ethnographic researches on Romanian Roma migrations.
 Publications: Roma Korturare entre Transilvania y Andalucía: Procesos migratorios y
 reproducción cultural (2013); Mangajmo, našavel y čačimo. Consenso y conflicto en
 los procesos matrimoniales entre “roma korturare” rumanos en España. Un ejem-
 plo de autonomía jurídica (Gazeta de Antropología, 29, 1, 2013); Roma Korturare,
 “kaj žanas le vurdonenca”: Some ethnographic answers to the Romani Dialectolo-
 gical Survey (Romani Studies, 23, 2, 2013).
 beluschi@gmail.com




This work is licensed under the Creative Commons © Sabrina Tosi Cambini, Giuseppe Beluschi Fabeni
Antiziganism: Ethnographic engagements in Europe
2017 ⎸ANUAC. VOL. 6, N° 1, GIUGNO 2017: 99-117.
ISSN: 2239-625X – DOI: 10.7340/anuac2239-625X-2927
