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Economic nationalisms in a world on fire: An introduction
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Gustavo Onto
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Economic nationalisms in a world on fire: An introduction
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                                       2022 | Anuac. Vol. 11, n° 2, Dicembre 2022: 113-126




Economic nationalisms in a world on fire
An introduction
Ann Kingsolver
University of Kentucky
Chandana Mathur
National University of Ireland, Maynooth
Gustavo Onto
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro



Abstract: In the recent context of a global pandemic, wars, and climate-related crises am-
plified by capitalism’s structural violence, a wave of economic nationalist regimes have
come into power with anti-globalist stances exemplified by the United Kingdom’s with-
drawal from the European Union and Trump, Putin, and Bolsonaro’s defiance of trans-
national treaties. What do economic nationalist policies share transnationally, and how
are they distinct in terms of their political articulation and the lived experiences of those
most affected by them? The ways in which economic nationalist arguments are used,
often in combination with populist and white supremacist tactics, to violently restrict
cultural and national citizenship, close borders, silence minority voices, oppress work-
ers, and reject oversight of environmental destruction and human rights violations are
discussed in this issue by authors working in the United States, India, Brazil, Guatemala,
Italy, the Kurdish region, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. Ethnographic exploration of
the plurality of economic nationalisms makes it possible to compare state-specific polit-
ical strategies while noting parallels in the ways in which economic nationalist rhetoric
emphasizes the protection of those imagined as belonging to the enisled economic na-
tion while ironically relying profoundly on global constellations of labor and resource
extraction and circulation.

Keywords: Economic nationalism; Globalization; Labor; Citizenship; Immigration.




This work is licensed under the Creative Commons © Ann Kingsolver, Chandana Mathur, Gustavo Onto
Economic nationalisms in a world on fire. An introduction
2022 | Anuac. Vol. 11, n° 2, Dicembre 2022: 113-126.
ISSN: 2239-625X - DOI: 10.7340/anuac2239-625X-4948
114	Ann Kingsolver, Chandana Mathur, Gustavo Onto

   Globally, the COVID-19 and rapid climate change (IPCC 2021) crises1 have
demanded collaboration and have had no regard for human-imposed national
borders. Across the world, however, especially among the nations that have
promoted a hierarchically controlled system of global economic integration
since World War II, there has been an increasing turn away from international
integration and toward policies that (rhetorically, at least) emphasize national
economic and political interests. The Russian state’s recent actions exemplify
such a turn. In this thematic issue, we continue a transnational comparative
anthropological conversation about economic nationalism begun in 2018 in
a congressional meeting of the International Union of Anthropological and
Ethnological Sciences, now combined with the World Council of Anthropo-
logical Associations in the World Anthropological Union (see Kingsolver et al.
2022). Drawing on the archival and ethnographic strengths of anthropological
analysis, we examine varied articulations, implementations, and experiences
of economic nationalism across national contexts. As Helleiner (2021: 230)
has pointed out, political economic analyses of the resurgence of economic
nationalism(s) have been Western-centric in their theoretical influences, ahis-
torical, and have not attended clearly to key differences in what gets glossed
as a single concept, economic nationalism, but which is actually quite a dis-
tinct range of neomercantilist and neoliberal approaches to state policies on
labor, migration, and trade. Matthew J. Baltz (2021: 799), for example, parses
“militarist, developmental, liberal and populist” emphases in economic na-
tionalisms within and between nations, and calls for “rigorous investigation of
economic nationalisms in specific times and places (ibidem: 811)”.
   This thematic issue takes up that challenge in a world apparently facing
what James Baldwin (1963) predicted as “the fire next time” – radical racial
and other social, economic, and environmental injustice, as entire communi-
ties are flooded or burn to the ground; go without food, water, and access to
health care; and are displaced from, and/or denied full citizenship in national
territories. While economic nationalist rhetoric (especially as articulated by
populists like the U.S.’ former President Trump and Brazil’s President Bolson-
aro, but also by many others invoking nation-first policies) may express an
interest in the well-being of the “national public,” who comprises that nation-
al public is increasingly limited, as associated anti-immigrant and internally

1. Obstfeld (2020) would add to this list cybersecurity. Our emphasis here is not on that par-
   ticular aspect of statecraft and challenges to national and industrial security, but on the
   well-being of those who have been displaced and most silenced and marginalized by the
   economic nationalist policies disregarding global collaboration and human well-being.


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Economic nationalisms in a world on fire                                       115

disenfranchising policies demonstrate. We pay, in the connected discussions
in this issue, particular ethnographic attention to the effects of quite distinct
economic nationalisms on the forced expulsions, rejections, or circulations of
people – often in the name of protecting those workers imagined as “belong-
ing” to the national community. Global capital, and policies (Peck, Theodore
2015), may circulate much more freely than selectively marked people in this
tapestry of increasing economic nationalisms. We situate these specific anal-
yses in vital historical context. The reliance of national economies on global
circulations and involuntary displacements of workers over the entire arc of
capitalism has been well documented by Cedric Robinson (1983) in his dis-
cussion of racial capitalism. Within and between nations, there have been
tensions about liberalization of trade and border policies in relation to concep-
tualization of political and economic nationalist interests along what Berger
and Fetzer (2019: 2) have usefully articulated as the “nationalism-economy
nexus.” Within a specific nation like the United States, for example, how have
Presidents Trump and Biden’s “America First” policies been similar and differ-
ent from each other? The policies and practices to discourage immigration to
the U.S. (particularly from the Global South) seem to be more seamless than
might be indicated by political party lines. Ethnographically, we do not see
vast disruptions with changes in administration as much as capitalist elites
using economic nationalist discourse in different ways to justify increasing
social and economic injustices, rendered transparent by the transnational
calls in 2020-2021 for accountability for racialized state violence, for global
health justice in access to care during the COVID-19 pandemic, and for climate
justice in response to numerous human-engendered environmental disasters
and displacements.
   In this introductory essay, we briefly review the diverse ways in which eco-
nomic nationalisms are understood and articulated in the scholarly literature
and by national political administrations, and discuss the historical context
of waves of economic nationalist policies and power relations among nations
emphasizing or deemphasizing economic nationalist policies in relation to
broader transnational relationships (e.g., Global North and South, core/pe-
riphery nations in post-World War II international alliances, capitalist and
noncapitalist contexts, developing and waning industrialist economies, etc.).
We also provide an example of plural and historically contextualized itera-
tions of economic nationalism within one nation, India, before introducing
the three articles collected in this thematic issue for transnational compar-



                                 2022 | Anuac. Vol. 11, n° 2, Dicembre 2022: 113-126
116	Ann Kingsolver, Chandana Mathur, Gustavo Onto

isons of economic nationalisms: Ayşe Seda Yüksel’s discussion of economic
nationalism in Turkey in relation to the Syrian War as a way to understand
policies that promote and rely on dispossession in historical context; Giulia-
na Sanò’s discussion of the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic in highlighting
Italy’s reliance on “invisible” refugee labor for food security (refiguring those
denied cultural and national citizenship suddenly as essential workers), un-
derscoring the hypocrisies of economic nationalism; and – extending that
discussion of the hypocrisies of economic nationalisms – Julia Morris’ dis-
cussion of U.S. anti-immigration policy and closed-border rhetoric, global
outsourcing of national “security,” and the investment in discouraging immi-
gration through the U.S. policy she calls “frontiering through development” in
Central America.
   The term economic nationalism has recently been an object of scrutiny and
critique by international political economy scholars. Among liberal economists
and international relations practitioners, economic nationalism is common-
ly considered a set of economic policies identified with trade protectionism
through tariffs and the subsidy or the incentive of local industries (Pryke 2012).
As Takeshi Nakano (2004: 211) explains,
     Political economists have conventionally identified economic nationalism
     with mercantilism, statism, industrialism and trade protectionism. Its policy
     prescriptions have been associated with tariff protection, subsidies for firms,
     legal regulation of markets, reorganisation of industries and many other
     industrial policies.

   This “economistic” conception of economic nationalism (Pickel 2003)
leaves out of the analysis areas that demand consideration. First, it excludes
the historical, social, political and cultural contexts in which these forms of
policies or practices are embedded in different countries. Second, as a pol-
icy based on a strict and clear economic doctrine, economic nationalism
could be easily compared across time and space (e.g., De Bolle, Zettelmeyer
2019), but these would be anachronistic comparisons if they were to refer to
contemporary economic nationalism as a version of early sixteenth century
mercantilism (Fetzer 2020), since nationalism, a modern ideology (Anderson
1991), did not yet exist. It could also be the basis of a misleading contrast
with economic liberalism (considered as another set of policies), as if both
doctrines were mutually exclusive or unrelated (Helleiner, Pickel 2005). Last-
ly, the above-mentioned economistic literature tends to criticize economic
nationalism as a set of policies (the USA’s “buy American” policies, for exam-
ple) advanced by and for special economic interests or agendas pretending


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Economic nationalisms in a world on fire                                            117

to attend to the general interest (Pickel 2003, Kingsolver 2023). This kind of
analysis treats economic nationalism as a “set of attitudes rather than a coher-
ent theory” (Nakano 2004: 211). Such a moral and political assessment of this
form of economic policy can be set up as a chimeric (or straw) position. In con-
trast, economic liberalism is considered to have evident empirical support and
even the possibility of benefiting the larger public. The ways in which these
arguments are intertwined, then, is much more than a simple binary between,
for example, trade protectionism and liberalism, and it is those contradictions
and complexities we attempt to understand ethnographically within several
national contexts.
   In the attempt to grasp the historical and spatial diversity of forms of pol-
icies, practices or rationalities of government that fall under the umbrella of
economic nationalism, some political economy scholars have tried to formu-
late a more precise definition of the term. Pickel (2003) argues that economic
nationalism should be understood as a “generic phenomenon that can ac-
commodate almost any doctrinal content [...] economic nationalism is not
so much about the economy as it is about the nation.” This point resonates
among scholars who contend that policies presumed to convey the principles
of economic liberalism in different contexts might also be implemented for
nationalist interests or inspired by ideas regarding the preservation or devel-
opment of the nation. There is no reason why the promotion of international
trade should be dissociated from the advancement of nationalist goals (Hel-
leiner, Pickel 2005: 2). As Eric Helleiner (2021) demonstrates when comparing
recent economic nationalist doctrines of the United States and China, even
protectionist – neomercantilist – policies can be diverse in the way they enact
nationalist ideas.
   Andreas Pickel (2003) reminds us that economic nationalism cannot be un-
derstood without an appreciation of the meanings of nationalism in different
contexts. This implies further investigation into the constitution and trans-
formation of national economies and national states where such policies and
ideas are said to exist, as well as nationalist discourses, their performative
effects and historical circumstances in which they emerge. Economic nation-
alism can be studied as the way nationalist ideas and discourses, or national
identities, are related to economic policies (Helleiner 2002).2 Some authors,
such as Sam Pryke (2012) suggested that, even though the recent literature

2. On the importance of a theory of nationalism for the study of economic nationalism see
   Nakano (2004).


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118	Ann Kingsolver, Chandana Mathur, Gustavo Onto

has contributed to unveiling the limitations of the economistic view of eco-
nomic nationalism (beyond trade protectionism and towards national ideals
and identities), new definitions of the term have amplified the field in too
many directions. As a proposal, he construes economic nationalism as a “set
of practices designed to create, bolster and protect national economies in the
context of world markets” (Pryke 2012: 285). However, we understand this
definition also delimits the term to very specific sets of economic policies and
disregards the fundamental ideational and discursive character of national-
isms worldwide, particularly the way these ideas connect with local histories,
political struggles and social inequities.
   In recent years, political economist Thomas Fetzer has produced a series of
articles (Berger, Fetzer 2019; Fetzer 2019, 2020, 2022) that, while discouraging
the use of the term economic nationalism, opens the field to the many rela-
tions possible between nationalism and the economic realm. His focus on the
“nationalism-economy nexus” (Fetzer 2021) is particularly relevant for the
construction of an ethnographic perspective on economic nationalism, as we
propose in this special issue. Fetzer explains that we should pay attention to
how people conceptualize economic nationalism, instead of thinking of it as
related simply to protectionist, anti-globalization state policies (ibidem: 2). In
his view, this is fundamental to be able to consider at the same time how the
economy stands as a field in which nationalist ideologies, discourses, move-
ments and sentiments are expressed, and how it develops according to these
ideas and practices. Also, Fetzer makes the point that economic nationalism
tends to be regarded consistently through an international relations per-
spective (ibidem: 3).3 It would be equally important to consider the processes
and relations between the economy and nationalism that occur domestical-
ly, which were always the focus of interdisciplinary nationalism studies. For
example, he mentions that discrimination against “outsiders” is frequently
directed against “internal” national or immigrant populations (Fetzer 2021).
   Fetzer’s comparative research agenda therefore intends to foreground how
local contexts sustain and produce different forms of relations between nation-
alism and the economy. He considers nationalism in four different ways in a
political economy approach (Fetzer 2021): (i) as an ideology – e.g., how national
growth and development, economic self-rule and autonomy are embedded in

3. “Nationalism, in whichever way it is conceptualised, always addresses notions of commu-
   nity whose production (and successive reproduction) involves not only imaginations of a
   nation’s relationship with the outside world, but, first and foremost, a domestic dynamic
   of community building” (Fetzer 2021: 6).


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Economic nationalisms in a world on fire                                             119

nationalist ideologies understood as prescriptive programmes, (ii) as a political
discourse – e.g., practical categories that legitimize political actors and agen-
das, such as national values, historical events and a “nation’s predicament”; (iii)
as a political movement – e.g., when the cause of the nation mobilizes groups
through separatist movements, economic boycotts, national reforms and fiscal
grievances; and (iv) as everyday sentiment – e.g., lived experiences, sentiments
and categories of national belonging that inform a variety of quotidian prac-
tices, such as national identities and symbols, national pride and national
economic cultures (Billig 1995; Knott 2015). Fetzer’s attention to the variety
of enactments of nationalist ideas and practices, as well as his broader agenda,
from ideologies of elite policy makers to ordinary people’s experiences, to the
relation between nationalism and the economy, provides a framework to reflect
on what political and economic anthropologists are already doing, as demon-
strated in this introduction and in the papers that follow it.
   Differently from Fetzer (2020, 2021), who considers the term economic na-
tionalism misleading, we do not intend to abandon the term whatsoever. On
the contrary, economic nationalism is already a frequent and accepted de-
nomination in policy arenas and in scholarly and lay discourses for explaining,
justifying or criticizing forms of political action and thought.4 Therefore, it
exists as a concept that acquires local meanings and expressions throughout
the globe. In the United States, for example, former presidential advisor Steve
Bannon considered the principle of “economic nationalism” a key pillar of the
Trump administration in its trade war with China (Evans 2017). In Brazil, by
contrast, the former minister of foreign relations of the Bolsonaro administra-
tion, a known anti-globalist campaigner and politically allied with the Trump
government, considered economic nationalism an outdated ideology, giving
preference to an ultraliberal economic stance at the same time as he defended
a radical nationalist discourse of Judeo-Christian civilization (Dieguez 2019).
Different meanings, different uses, in different contexts. Having emerged at
the end of the World War I (De Bolle, Zettelmeyer 2019; Heilperin 1960), the
term economic nationalism has been appropriated variously, reflecting local
social environments.
   “Economic nationalism” can carry very different connotations even within
the very same national context. In India, the term has a long ancestry, per-


4. De Bolle and Zettelmeyer (2019) demonstrate how the online use of the term “economic
   nationalism” and the mentions in online news have peaked in recent years, probably as a
   result of the election of President Donald Trump in the United States of America.


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120	Ann Kingsolver, Chandana Mathur, Gustavo Onto

haps first employed by the historian Bipan Chandra in his 1966 book The rise
and growth of economic nationalism in India, which chronicles the searing cri-
tique of the economic impact of British rule in India made by writers such
as Dadabhai Naoroji, Romesh Chunder Dutt, Mahadev Govind Ranade and
others between 1880 and 1905 (Chandra 1966). These ideas were influential,
affecting not only India’s decolonization movement but indeed guiding the
post-1947 import substitution and planned development policies of indepen-
dent India. Coming after the damage inflicted by centuries of colonial rule,
Chandra (like many other observers) tended to regard the economic nation-
alism of India’s decolonizing generation as benign, even worthwhile. Though
Chandra was sternly taken to task by a reviewer for being insufficiently critical
of the cosy relationship between India’s nationalist leadership and industrial
capitalist class (Ramarao 1968), it has been pointed out again recently that
both Indian nationalism and Indian capitalism of that era were quite distinc-
tive (Velkar 2021). Velkar maintains that “Swadeshi capitalism – protection of
Indian capital for the benefit of Indian nationals – was a cultural, political, and
economic response to colonialism” (ibidem: 1033-1034). Be that as it may, it
was certainly a far cry from contemporary Modi-era capitalism and contem-
porary Modi-era economic nationalism in India.
   Protected markets (and the ensuing benefits to the Indian bourgeoisie, if
not to the Indian public) lasted in independent India from 1947 until 1991,
when “economic liberalization” policies came into force. These sweeping neo-
liberal economic reforms, with their emphasis on foreign direct investment,
have been interpreted by some as marking the death of economic nationalism
in India. However, Surajit Mazumdar points out that these policies did not
amount to an abandonment of the Indian capitalist class. Economic liberal-
ization has in fact accommodated the changed needs of big business in India,
which had outgrown the autonomous development strategy of the past era
and stood to gain from greater integration with the world economy (Mazum-
dar 2012). The new economic nationalism of the post-1991 period has seen
the state becoming ever more attuned to the interests of the Indian capitalist
class, at the expense of the urban and rural working classes and the agricul-
tural sector. As the Hindu right wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has risen to
power on the national stage, the economic liberalization agenda has contin-
ued to gather speed, to the accompaniment of increasingly shrill nationalist
rhetoric. Prime Minister Modi’s “Make in India” initiative and its glorification
for an external elite audience of the fact that labor is cheap in India exempli-



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Economic nationalisms in a world on fire                                       121

fies this new kind of economic nationalism in strong contrast to the intended
domestic audience for Swadeshi economic nationalism (Kingsolver, Pandey
2019). Thus, the Indian case makes it clear that the rubric of economic na-
tionalism can cover very different policy and discursive variants even within
a single national context. Transnational comparisons, then, as between the
Modi and Trump economic nationalist rhetoric Kingsolver and Pandey (ibid.)
compare between recent national administrations of India and the US, require
close attention to the diverse economic nationalist rhetoric, strategies, and
policies within nations and to historical context.
   Inspired by recent literature that conceptualizes economic nationalism
as more than a specific set of protectionist policies, and considering a broad
perspective on nationalism – as discourse, social movement, ideology and
everyday sentiments, as suggested by Thomas Fetzer (2021), and within histor-
ical context, in our example above – to analyze the political economy domain,
we propose an ethnographic approach to economic nationalism, grounded in
the anthropological tradition of investigating local settings and contexts. In
the following three articles, the authors’ ethnographic discussions show that
complexity of plural economic nationalisms within specific national contexts
and also offer possibilities for transnational comparison.
   As with Modi’s version of economic nationalism in India, Ayşe Seda Yük-
sel argues that Turkey’s current economic nationalism on the state level is
outward-facing. In that context, she makes the point that it is vital to an-
alyze economic nationalism in relation to wars. This resonates with global
analyses of economic nationalisms in the transnational policy contexts of the
post-World War II economic organizations (most recently, the World Trade
Organization) and their enforcement of structural inequities, for example,
and of independence movements and postcolonial nation-building resisted
and exploited through neocolonial relationships. Yüksel does not leave her
ethnographic focus on state-level economic nationalisms in the context of
war-related structural inequalities, however, but follows the ways in which
“economic nationalist discourses are actively adopted and locally reproduced
by local actors.” This is the contribution that we argue can be made by an-
thropologists in interdisciplinary conversations about economic nationalism:
seeing states as multivalent in strategy, temporality, and vocality, and in fol-
lowing diverse, specific threads through everyday contexts and interactions.
Yüksel parses the distinct economic nationalisms of two main political parties
in Turkey (the CHP and, following especially, the AKP), their stances shaped



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122	Ann Kingsolver, Chandana Mathur, Gustavo Onto

in relation to the Syrian war and those refugees who have been displaced by it.
Through her discussion of how work permits for Syrian refugees, and the de-
ployment of their dispossessed labor, get variously represented by local actors
– particularly business elites – in relation to the “national interest,” Yüksel
demonstrates the pivotal role of those seen as non-citizens in citizen-focused
economic nationalist strategies and discourse.
   Giuliana Sàno, like Ayşe Seda Yüksel, centers her analysis of econom-
ic nationalism on those whose labor is essential to national economies and
strategies but whose invisibility and exclusion are emphasized in economic
nationalist projects. Sàno’s ethnographic article focuses on the transnational
migrant workers in Italy’s agricultural sector, and on how the COVID-19 pan-
demic has suddenly rendered that labor force visible within the state context,
revealing the essential labor contributions to the national public from which
these workers are excluded, often through racialized injustice, even as – para-
doxically – they are vital to the “Made in Italy” products distributed globally.
She analyzes the “normalization” of spatial and social segregation of agricul-
tural workers (like Yüksel, emphasizing the essential role of the international
work permit to national economic projects) and the racial capitalist founda-
tion for both economic nationalism and global economic circulations. Sàno
examines the way that the immobilization of labor migration from Eastern
Europe to Italy shifted the organization of agricultural labor and the reliance
on (if not public recognition of) more marginalized transnational workers
(e.g., from northern African nations) as essential to the national economy
and, in turn, Italy’s essential role in the global agro-food supply chain even as
living and labor conditions for those workers worsen.
   Julia Morris’ article continues the focus on labor mobility and immobility
in relation to economic nationalisms. She focuses on the U.S.’ role in both
widespread dispossession from land in Guatemala and in immobilizing and
rejecting Guatemalans’ migration north to the U.S. through Mexico, with
that potential mobility being a resource frontier for extracted, marginalized
labor in Guatemala necessary to economic nationalist domestic consump-
tion in the U.S. In the context of U.S. imperialist “frontiering” in Guatemala,
Morris connects U.S. and transnational NGO neoliberal investment in “lo-
cal” skill-building and livelihood programs, often aimed at Indigenous young
people – ostensibly for the well-being of Guatemalans – with the bordering
project of immobilizing labor circulations between Guatemala and the U.S.,
thus ventriloquizing U.S. national interests as Guatemalan national interests,



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Economic nationalisms in a world on fire                                       123

and rhetorically “conserving” both indigenous landscapes and livelihoods and
economic nationalism for U.S. residents read as citizens in moral economic
discourses.
   Demonstrating the transnational ethnographic approach to economic na-
tionalisms we advocate, the three articles together emphasize that the state
may be the rhetorical emphasis in economic nationalist discourse but is not
the most useful unit of analysis in understanding economic nationalisms.
Such projects advanced by state actors – like national leaders Modi, Trump,
Bolsonaro, and Erdogan – rely on deeply transnational histories and practic-
es of racial capitalism and large-scale dispossession through war, land grabs,
and climate injustice which lead to the circulations and immobilizations of
low-wage and non-wage workers, vigorously denied national and cultural cit-
izenship (Ong 2006) within the nation-states in which economic nationalist
projects are negotiated between state, local, and transnational actors in every-
day life. The COVID-19 pandemic, as Sàno particularly notes, has only brought
this reliance of economic nationalist projects on marginalized transnation-
al labor circulations (or suppression of those circulations, as documented by
Morris) into sharper focus.




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124	Ann Kingsolver, Chandana Mathur, Gustavo Onto

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126	Ann Kingsolver, Chandana Mathur, Gustavo Onto

 Ann Kingsolver is Professor of Anthropology and Director of the Appalachian Stud-
 ies Program at the University of Kentucky. She earned her PhD. in Cultural Anthro-
 pology from the University of Massachusetts/Amherst, and has researched local in-
 terpretations and critiques of global capitalist processes and policies in the United
 States, Mexico, Sri Lanka, and the United Kingdom. Her most recent book is Global
 Mountain Regions: Conversations Toward the Future (2018), co-edited with Sasiku-
 mar Balasundaram. She is a member of the International Union of Anthropological
 and Ethnological Sciences’ Commission on Human Rights, and a past president of
 the Society for the Anthropology of Work.
 ann.kingsolver@uky.edu

 Chandana Mathur was educated at the University of Delhi and the New School for
 Social Research, New York, and now teaches at the Anthropology Department, Na-
 tional University of Ireland, Maynooth. Drawing on the perspectives of anthropo-
 logical political economy, her research focuses principally on the United States and
 South Asia, both contexts in which economic nationalism is interlaced in complex
 ways with the contemporary politics of hate. She is a former Chair of the World
 Council of Anthropological Associations (2016-18) and a permanent member of its
 Advisory Board. She serves currently as Vice-President of the European Association
 of Social Anthropologists (2021-23).
 chandana.mathur@mu.ie

 Gustavo Onto holds a PhD in Social Anthropology from the National Museum (Fed-
 eral University of Rio de Janeiro). He is currently a Visiting Scholar at the Robert L.
 Heilbroner Center for Capitalism Studies at the New School for Social Research and
 coordinator of the research center Documenta – Laboratory of Anthropology of the
 State, Regulation, and Public Policy – at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. He
 is also a researcher in the Center for Research on Culture and Economy in the same
 university, where he conducts ethnographic research on forms of economic policy
 and regulation.
 gustavo.onto@gmail.com




2022 | Anuac. Vol. 11, n° 2, Dicembre 2022: 113-126
