Scalar holism: Some methodological reflections on Bucharest's religious mega-projects
10.7340/anuac2239-625X-2251
Questo articolo rappresenta un tentativo di analizzare i recenti sviluppi del panorama religioso a Bucarest utilizzando i concetti di scala e olismo. Nella prima sezione l’autore ripropone una serie di argomenti per riconoscere l’impronta olista di alcune correnti dell’ antropologia urbana contemporanea. Ne deriva che uno specifico approccio metodologico – che chi scrive definisce “olismo scalare” – puo rivelarsi utile nell’analisi di fenomeni religiosi in contesto urbano. Una descrizione piú approfondita di uno studio di caso (ossia la costruzione della cattedrale nazionale) e la presentazione di altro materiale etnografico raccolto nell’inverno del 2015 compongono invece la seconda parte dello scritto. Bucarest è oggi un’arena animata da specifiche forme di revival religioso, strategie di ri-consacrazione del paesaggio urbano e derive anticlericali. Al fine di comprendere come tali processi sociali interagiscano fra loro, l’autore suggerisce che diverse grandezze di scala (da quella delle istituzioni che operano su scala nazionale a reazioni micro osservate nella realtá locale della capitale) devono essere prese necessariamente in considerazione.
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Scalar holism: Some methodological reflections on Bucharest's religious mega-projects
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Giuseppe Tateo
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Scalar holism: Some methodological reflections on Bucharest's religious mega-projects
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                                                 2016 ⎸ANUAC. VOL. 5, N° 1, GIUGNO 2016: 129-149




                                                                               SEZIONE TEMATICA

Scalar holism. Some methodological reflections on Bucharest’s
religious mega-projects
Giuseppe TATEO
Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle


ABSTRACT: This paper is an attempt to reframe current religious architectural projects in
Bucharest resorting to the methodological purchase of the concepts of scale and holism. In the
first part, I aim to put holism back at the centre of contemporary urban anthropology. After
sketching the main nuances this term assumed so far, I will point out which is its main config-
uration today and how it still inspires, though without any apparent recognition, some well-
established approaches in urban anthropology. Through the notion of “scalar holism”, I hold
that scale is the new avatar of holism; therefore its properties are worth of further discussions
and reflections. A more accurate description of a specific case study (the construction of the
national cathedral) forms the second part of the paper together with some of the ethnographic
material I have been able to collect in Bucharest so far. The Romanian capital is today a con -
tested arena animated by specific forms of religious revival, strategies of townscape re-consec-
ration and anti-clerical drifts. In order to figure out how these social facts interact, I matched
nation-scaled contextualization with city-scaled practices and discourses reported in my ethno-
graphic accounts. Here holism – intended as a theoretical approach based on the concept of
scale – comes back at the heart of the matter: at the light of the Bucharest example, the script
ends offering some reflections on its analytical and methodological value.

KEYWORDS: SCALE, HOLISM, RELIGION, PUBLIC SPACE, BUCHAREST’S ORTHODOX CATHEDRAL




This work is licensed under the Creative Commons © Giuseppe Tateo
Scalar holism. Some methodological reflections on Bucharest’s religious mega-projects
2016 ⎸ANUAC. VOL. 5, N° 1, GIUGNO 2016: 129-149.
ISSN: 2239-625X - DOI: 10.7340/anuac2239-625X-2251
130                                                                                   GIUSEPPE TATEO




Introduction
    At the top of the Arsenal Hill, one of Bucharest’s highest points, an impressive con-
struction site is at work1. Even at late night, workmen, cranes and aerial work platforms
are still in action, illuminated by imposing floodlights. Hectic work rhythms have to be
kept up to build the biggest Christian Orthodox religious complex in the world within
the next three years. The «Cathedral for the Salvation of the Romanian People» (in
Romanian «Catedrală Mântuirii Neamului», henceforth CMN), is rising surrounded by
four minor buildings, right at the back of the most known symbol of the city, the
Palace of the Parliament, a landmark of the late Ceauşescu’s communist era.
    In addition to this, two other cases draw the attention to the growing presence of re-
ligious elements in the urban milieu of the capital. In the autumn of 2015, plans for a
new mosque were included in the agenda of the Bucharest urban development bureau.
Even though the local Muslim authority talked of «the largest mosque in a European
capital, it will be the largest in just Romania. Apparently, the Turkish government is to
finance it, while the Bucharest municipality has already provided a suitable location in
the northern part of the city. Even more recently, the senate approved a rather unusual
proposal: to build a 25 meter cross – adorned with 40 light bulbs – in the heart of the
capital, as symbol of resurrection after the dark communist era. Even if this last project
is unlikely to be implemented, it still retains some relevance if we are to study different
strategies of marking urban public space that operate by means of religious signifiers.
    This paper is an attempt to reframe current religious controversial architectural pro-
jects in Bucharest resorting to the methodological purchase of the concepts of scale
and holism. In the first part, I aim to put holism back at the centre of contemporary
urban anthropology. In fact, holism has always maintained a core position in anthropo-
logical practice and theory, its features changing together with the main streams of
thought which left a mark in the discipline over the years. After sketching the main nu-
ances this term assumed so far, I will point out which is its main configuration today
and how it still inspires, though without any apparent recognition, some well-estab-
lished approaches in urban anthropology (Low 1999, 2002; Brumann 2012). Recent
criticism about holism (Candea 2007; Cook, Laidlaw, Mair 2009) have been address-
ing a specific understanding of it, whose roots have to be found in the «world-system»
paradigm spreading since the 1970s. Instead, through the notion of «scalar holism», I
hold that scale is the new avatar of holism; therefore its properties are worth of further
discussions and reflections.

1. I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers, Alessandro Gusman, Ola G. Berta and Ştefan Guga
for their thought provoking comments on the draft of this article. I am also deeply grateful to Lucian
Cîrlan, with whom I have been confronting regularly since my fieldwork started.


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SCALAR HOLISM                                                                                         131


    A more accurate description of one (the national cathedral) of the three cases I
sketched above will be presented in the second part of the paper together with some of
the ethnographic material I have been able to collect in Bucharest so far. The Romani-
an capital is today a contested arena animated by specific forms of religious revival,
strategies of townscape re-consecration and anti-clerical drifts. In order to figure out
how these social facts interact, I matched nation-scaled contextualization with city-
scaled practices and discourses reported in my ethnographic accounts. Here holism –
intended as a theoretical approach based on the concept of scale – comes back at the
heart of the matter: at the light of the Bucharest example, the script ends offering some
reflections on its analytical and methodological value.

Fifty shades of holism
   Ton Otto and Niels Bubandt edited recently an excellent anthology about holism
aiming to show how such a fraught and problematic concept «is still at the heart of the
anthropological endeavour» (2010: 1). The term is indeed an ambivalent one, as in the
very same volume different contributors tend to identify two (Holbraad) or three
(Kapferer) main «forms» of holism. I start by quoting the latter one because of the
clarity of the distinctions he operates:
      Holism has at least three distinct uses in anthropology: (1) anthropology as a holistic dis -
      cipline in which potentially all branches of human knowledge may be engaged to under-
      standing the specific practices of human beings, (2) the study of human society and com-
      munities as wholes in which all practices are interconnected and mutually influential, and
      (3) holism as a search for the principles whereby assemblages or forms of human social
      realities take shape (Kapferer 2010: 187)

    The very first form of holism stands somehow outside of socio-cultural anthropo-
logy, calling for integration with biological anthropology on a broader level (a recent
example being Parkin and Ulijaszek 2007). One could call it a sort of «multi-disciplin-
ary holism». The second kind that Kapferer detects is perhaps the most sharply recog-
nizable one, at least until the 1980s. Classic social anthropologists like Bronislaw Ma-
linowski and E.E. Evans-Pritchard are among those who implemented this form of hol-
ism. Such an approach is holistic from a methodological point of view because of the
all-encompassing attitude the researcher used to adopt when facing a given community
– namely by studying its kinship, ecology, economy, cosmology etc. – as much as from
the descriptive one, since it led to the «presentation of societies as institutionally integ-
rated wholes» (Kapferer 2010: 187). The third kind quoted is relevant because it rep-
resents the desertion of any monolithic description: the old analogy between wholes
and societies is deconstructed in favour of more flexible conceptions (like the reference
to the «assemblages» suggests). Therefore, to operate in accordance with a holistic per-
spective could mean many different things: to call for multi-disciplinary approach,
serve as a descriptive figure of speech, guide the ethnographer in the field or work as


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132                                                                                       GIUSEPPE TATEO


analytical tool2. Though, George Marcus has downgraded the role of methodologic re-
flectivity to rather highlight the aesthetic pull that holism exerted in socio-cultural an-
thropology: «holism […] has been less a theoretical problem or a topic of methodolo-
gical concern than a regulative ideal and an aesthetic of practice and discourse express-
ive of professional culture» (Marcus 2010: 28).
    Some other anthropologists discussing the «sitedness» of ethnographic fieldwork
found themselves evaluating the relationship between the holistic logic engendering
multi-sited research and some possibilities to overcome its shortcomings, like
«bounded-site research» (Candea 2007) and «un-sited research» (Cook, Laidlaw, Mair
2009). This specific form of holism is firmly rooted in the «world-system» strand that
developed in social sciences starting from the late ‘70s, whose main by-product in an-
thropology was George Marcus’ multi-sited ethnography (1995). We can label this
fourth kind as «systemic holism». Its theoretical point of departure holds that «ac-
counting for local ethnographic phenomena must involve locating them within an en-
compassing trans-local “system” located theoretically at a “higher” level» (Cook, Laid-
law, Mair 2009: 48). Candea calls it «new holism», setting it against the old society-
based one (the Kapferer’s second kind of holism). According to him, anthropologists
cannot escape the arbitrary framing of their field-sites and multi-sited ethnography is
not going to change this: «with multi-sitedness we have eschewed the contrived totality
of a geographically bounded space for the ineffable totality of a protean, multi-sited
“cultural formation”»3 (Candea 2007: 180). Criticism here is not targeting holism itself
- which is a moving target - but rather the system-orientated nuance it adopted in
multi-sited research. Still it sounds odd to define «new» an approach whose ideological
roots date back to the seventies and which has been already widely downgraded be-
cause of the totalizing tendencies it retained. This is why it seems reasonable to focus
on the new guise that this protean term assumed in the last years.
    First, it must be acknowledged that Marcus himself has adopted more recently a
softer conception of holism. For example, the interest in grasping whole systems comes
out more cushioned, leaving room for a less value-laden definition. Thus, holism be-
comes «a particular style of thinking [which encourages the researchers] to be broad-
minded, to contextualize the particulars in which they specialize in wide scale and
scope, and to discover unsuspected connections and make something of them» (Marcus
2010: 29). Therefore, the choice to put aside any interest in parts and wholes is a decis-

2. Holism can also be an object of ethnographic description, like proved by scholars as Willerslev and
Pedersen (2010), Wagner (1991) and Strathern (2004).
3. In fact Candea rightly highlights that Marcus left open the sited part of his multi-sited approach. On
the other hand, it must be reminded that in specific domains like migration studies, scholars largely re-
sorted to multi-sited ethnography (inspired rather by the multi) producing relevant findings (especially in
Italy see: Riccio 2011; Boccagni 2014; Gallo 2011; Cingolani 2009; Capello 2009; Vietti 2010). The
huge literature about migration studies also offers interesting cross-fertilizations between transnational-
ism and city-scaled research (Glick Schiller, Caglar 2007, 2011).


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SCALAR HOLISM                                                                                        133


ive one when it comes to rethink holism from a new perspective: for Tim Ingold it is
thus necessary «to dissociate [it] from a concern with wholes. Holism is one thing, to-
talisation quite another, and [the] argument for holism [must be] … an argument
against totalisation» (Ingold 2007: 209 in Willerslev, Pedersen 2010: 263). Stripped
of its etymologic root, holism is not anymore about όλος: its understanding becomes
«dehomogenized, destructured, fragment-friendly» (Murawski 2013: 62) and its mis-
sion not dedicated anymore to «grasp whole systems» (Marcus 1986:91). The trans-
formation from «wholism» to «hole-ism» is complete.
    It is exactly this kind of holism which is informing some well-established paradigms
in contemporary urban anthropology. The term is also mentioned in the definition that
Setha Low gives of the discipline, which «combines the strengths of participant obser-
vation and intensive research with small groups with holism and political economy
within a comparative framework» (Low 2002: 15999). If we are to stick to such an in-
terpretation, then handling different scales should become a precondition, rather than a
simple analytical or methodological choice among many others. Driven by scale-think-
ing, holism becomes a theoretical commitment to fill some gaps and holes by tracing
«causal connections running all the way from national law and macroeconomic pro-
cesses to the peculiarities of historically grown neighbourhood boundaries» (Brumann
2012: 10). It is such a double movement – jumping from political economy to the eth-
nographic ground – that sketches a first, raw understanding of scale. On one hand, it
maintains the typical verticality of the systemic school and of the Burawoy’s «extended
case method». However, unlike the former, it does not necessarily bear any simplistic
top-down ideology, rather leaving room for a sort of causal open-endedness. A little ex-
cerpt from Burawoy’s methodological manifesto illustrates the employment of different
scales as a tool to unpack local power strategies:
      I could have extended the principle of structuration by regarding the arrangement of state
      and classes within Zambia as a structured process nested in an external constellation of in-
      ternational forces. Instead I stopped at the national level and looked upon ‘international
      forces’ not as constraints but as resources mobilized by the ruling elite to legitimate its
      domination (Burawoy 1998: 20).

   Interestingly enough, Steven Sampson published in 1984 a monography about so-
cialist planning in a Transylvanian town. In the first pages we find a description of his
method, «The Vertical Slice Approach»: «we select a discreet societal institution (Ro-
manian planning apparatus) and examine how it manifests itself through all the levels
of society (from the national polity down to the community) » (Sampson 1984: 10).
What if we replace the aforementioned institution with a specific project of religious
architecture (the national cathedral)? In accordance with Sampson’s vertical strategy, I
propose to match some ethnographical account of how the CMN is perceived on a city-
based layer to a broad contextualization of the institutional actors involved in its realiz-
ation on a national layer. My point is that the wider process of post-communist «re-


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134                                                                        GIUSEPPE TATEO


consecration» the CMN is part of would not emerge properly without a multi-scaled
methodological effort. «Scalar holism» is then an approach which encourages the re-
searcher to take advantage of different levels of interaction in the name of causal open-
endedness (or indeterminacy). Being it multidimensional by definition, it is the opposite
of «flat» anthropology (Latour 2005: 172).
   In the next sections, I hope to show how thinking through scales can turn out to be
productive in grasping recent changes in Bucharest’s architectural landscape and reli-
gious atmosphere. The following paragraph contains a few lines introducing some basic
information about religions in Romania, after which I focus on the anti-clerical nuance
of the demonstrations occurred in Bucharest in the autumn of 2015.

«The bible is modern, but they are not»
    There are eighteen recognised cults in Romania, each denomination receiving public
funds according to the principle of proportionality. According to the 2011 census, the
86% of the population belongs to the Romanian Orthodox Church, followed by Roman
Catholics (4.62%), Reformed (3.19%) and Pentecostal (1.92%). The Romanian
Church United with Rome (Greek Catholic) has been officially recognised in 1990
after more than forty years of clandestine survival during communism. Though, the dis-
bandment of this Church made the great majority of their components pass to the Ro-
manian Orthodox Church: while in 1930 the Greek Catholic composed the 7% of the
religious population, they amount today only to the 0.80%. The Romanian Orthodox
Church is organized in the form of the Romanian Patriarchate. The Holy Synod is the
highest authority of the Romanian Orthodox Church. It is formed by six metropolitan-
ates, sixteen archbishoprics and thirteen bishoprics accounting for Romania, plus some
representatives for Romanian Orthodox communities abroad. The Patriarch is the head
of the Romanian Orthodox Church.
    On November 3rd 2015, fifteen thousand people rose up against the main political
institutions deemed responsible for a dramatic accident which caused the death of
dozens of youngsters in a Bucharest club on October 30th. After protesting in front of
the Government, the big crowd scattered in different directions: while some targeted
the House of the Parliament or the local municipal institution, some others went
protesting in front of the Patriarchal see, shouting slogans against the new cathedral and
the Patriarch.
    The following day, seventy thousand people all around the country took to the
street. The head of the government, Victor Ponta, resigned in the morning, forcing the
head of the Republic Klaus Iohannis to choose a new Prime Minister to lead a new
government. The lack of public participation and of support for the victims by the Ro-
manian Orthodox Church (henceforth ROC) during the three days of national mourn-
ing was then the spark for the burst of anti-clerical sentiments. In Sibiu, a Transylvani-
an city whose identity is strongly forged by its Saxon roots and Habsburg heritage, me-


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SCALAR HOLISM                                                                                       135


dia reported that at the sound of the cathedral’s bell the people started booing and
shouting «We want hospitals, not cathedrals! » («vrem spitale, nu catedrale»), «Shame
on you!», «No politics in churches!», and «Thieves!». In Bucharest – a city well trained
with demonstrations in the last years - outright anticlerical performances took place: for
example, a man dressed like the Patriarch went collecting money for indulgences
among the protestors. This is a form of satire engendered from the atmosphere of gen-
eral de-legitimization of the local authorities (political, administrative, religious etc.)
one can breathe during street demonstrations. In other words, Church representors had
come to be perceived as part of the «system». This could sound even more astonishing
after considering that the ROC did not suffer of such a widespread unpopularity not
even during communist times. Some people rightly pinpointed that Patriarch Teoctist,
the one who experienced the transition to post-communist, was contested and shouted
«Teoctist Antihrist!» («Teoctist Antichrist»). Discontent, though, never rose to the
point to contest the whole ROC as a corrupted institution because of its representatives
(that is mainly the Patriarch and the hierarchs, but not exclusively, for the disappoint-
ment of many people targeted the alleged excessive wealth priests enjoy in contempor-
ary Romania).
   In the introduction, I briefly described three cases that show how religious monu-
ments and houses of worship re-gained relevance in marking Bucharest’s post-com-
munist public space. They all represent – although for different reasons – a process of
symbolic demarcation by means of religious signifiers. The giant cross to be installed in
University square has been described by the senator who proposed its construction as a
symbol of resurrection after the communist Dark Age. In July 2015, the land where the
mosque is supposed to be built was defiled by a Christian-orthodox protester who bur-
ied three dead pigs. Two months later a few hundred people gathered on the same land
to plant crosses (one for every bystander, around 350 crosses plus a one tonne stone
cross) and re-Christianise the area, while an Orthodox priest celebrated mass 4. And, fi-
nally, the erection of the CMN has been explained by Patriarch Daniel as a compensa-
tion for the five churches torn down in the area under Ceauşescu’s will. Moreover, the
fact that the dome of the new cathedral will tower over the hallmark of the communist
regime (the «House of the People», today «Palace of the Parliament») bears an evident
token value: after half a century spent in the shadow Orthodoxy is back at the core of
public life, taking its revenge over communist materialism and its atheist ideology.
   At this point, it should be clear that Bucharest is undergoing – among other things –
a general process of re-consecration of its public space and another of contestation to-
wards the Orthodox clergy. Restricting the discourse to the cathedral issue, my hypo-
thesis is that, if Orthodox institutions are losing legitimacy in front of the faithful, some
of the reasons have to be found in the controversial strategy adopted by the ROC hier-


4. The priest celebrating the mass was actually on retirement, while the whole initiative was soon disap-
proved by an official press communication of the Romanian Patriarchate.

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136                                                                                       GIUSEPPE TATEO


archy to occupy the public arena. From one side, the gigantic cathedral is widely per-
ceived as a form of ‘over-presence’ in the architectural landscape of the capital (and in
the taxpayers’ pockets). On the other hand, the absence of any public declaration of
support towards the victims of the fire kindled an already heated atmosphere. Protest-
ers addressed mainly the Patriarch in this specific case, since he declared that «people
should go to the church and not to the club» 5, while the ROC spokesperson explained
the absence of any Church representor by replying that «they had not been invited» 6.
This inability to step back and apologize with clarity fostered widespread displeasure
against Orthodox hierarchs. Only some days later, on occasion of a video message shot
to quieten the conflict, Patriarch Daniel added that «we apologize if our words have
been misunderstood»7.
    Another brief ethnographic vignette from the demonstration days helps to frame
what is at stake: during the last days of still significant protests – just a couple of days
before that the people meeting in University Square became just a few dozens – I ran-
domly joined some men in their forties who were talking about what was wrong with
the ROC. One of them started commenting on the attitude that Orthodox clergymen
had assumed recently: «The bible, the faith… they are modern! Their message is mod-
ern! But they [Orthodox hierarchs and priests], are not!» His dissatisfaction was due to
the cold attitude that some Orthodox priests kept regarding the fire at the club: since it
happened during a hard rock concert, some clergymen justified the tragedy as a direct
consequence of the celebration of Satanist music. This is to remind the reader that cur-
rent anticlerical streams are not necessarily sustained by atheists 8 or «militant secular-
ists»9 (Habermas 2008). If one excludes the youngest generations, the integrity of reli-
gious «belonging» and «believing» (Davie 1990) is not at risk: it is common to hear
people in Bucharest complaining about Orthodox clergy and then immediately pin-


5. www.gandul.info/tragedia-din-clubul-colectiv/patriarhul-daniel-reactie-nervoasa-dupa-tragedia-din-
colectiv-sa-vina-lumea-la-biserica-nu-la-club-14872479.
6. www.ziare.com/bucuresti/stiri-life-show/reactia-bor-dupa-tragedia-din-colectiv-nu-am-fost-invitati-
5777942
7. www.agerpres.ro/social/2015/11/05/patriarhul-daniel-ne-cerem-iertare-daca-unele-cuvinte-ale-
noastre-au-fost-insuficient-de-lamuritoare-16-17-01
8. Whose population represents only the 0.2% of the whole nation and the 0.43% in Bucharest. Never-
theless, their number has grown by three times in the last ten years. (Data from the 2012 national census
see also http://www.gandul.info/stiri/recensamant-2012-harta-noii-romanii-9978083).
9. Beaumont and Baker (2011) define one of the elements of the postsecular city «the indication of di -
verse religious, humanist and secularist positionalities». Even thought the controversy presented in this
manuscript is animated by similar positionalities, it would be inappropriate to label Bucharest as such.
The postsecular city the authors have in mind arise «by contrast to the utopian liberal uplift of the secu -
lar city (in which the role of the church and theology is to act as force of social progressive change and a
cultural exorciser against all oppressive practices which reinforce hierarchies of power and
dependency)». Such a secular city never existed in the Orthodox world, where state-church relationships
are radically different from the Western Christian one.


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SCALAR HOLISM                                                                                           137


pointing their Orthodox Christian identity10. The heart of the matter is not related to
personal faith or religious identity, but rather to the perception of Church representat-
ives at a time when their presence is being strongly reaffirmed throughout many layers
of public life (the most debated topics being teaching religion in schools; the liaison
with some political parties during elections and the impressive church-building rates in
the whole country).

Brief history and financing of the national cathedral
   The project of the national Orthodox cathedral was firstly conceived after the King-
dom of Romania won independence from the Ottoman Empire following the 1877
Russian – Turkish war. Due to lack of resources the project was temporarily aban-
doned and regained momentum after 1918, when the Romanian kingdom incorporated
Transylvania, Bessarabia and Bucovina and formed the so called Great Romania. It was
within this context that the current name took form. Anyway, during the interwar peri-
od the Orthodox clergy could not find a suitable location for the new building. There-
fore, after the WWII, the project was put on the back burner until the communist re-
gime had collapsed. After communism, the rapid re-churching of Romanian cities,
towns and villages made this project come to the fore once again. Following a decade
of tense negotiations about the location of the new cathedral, in 2005 State and Church
representatives finally agreed upon placing it on the Arsenal Hill, at the back of the
Palace of the Parliament.
   The institutional actors contributing to its realization are manifold. In 2005 The Par-
liament approved the previous governmental ordinance regulating the main financial
and property issues: the Romanian Patriarchate was accorded the plot of land where
the cathedral is now arising free of charge, while the money necessary for the construc-
tion would have been provided by State organs under the request of the beneficiary.
Governmental funds contributed with 146 million Lei, that is around 32.5 million €, to
the total expenses (amounting to 206 million Lei on June 2015 11), when the Bucharest
municipality and Bucharest city districts earmarked at least 63 million Lei 12 in the
2009-2015 period. As already highlighted, State and Church institutions are not the
only actor behind Romania’s massive re-churching. Rich businessmen, private entre-
preneurs and construction firms, parish communities and everyday faithful often lie be-
hind the erection of new houses of worship. To a some extent, this is the case for the


10. At this purpose, an episode reported by media during the anti-clerical protests in Sibiu is telling: dur-
ing a harsh confrontation between some protesters and Priest Constantin Necula – a local archiepiscopal
advisor famous all over the country for his fresh communication style – the priest asked to say all togeth-
er the “Our Father”. The background noise ceased and all the people started praying immediately, there-
after the demonstration went on.
11. This is the sum declared by the person in charge of the Romanian Patriarchate, Pr Nicolae Crângaşu.
See www.b365.ro/cum-arata-acum-catedrala-mantuirii-neamului-galerie-foto_231167.html

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CMN as well: according to the Romanian Patriarchate, till March 2016 private dona-
tions have covered the 35-40% of the expenses13 (considering only the cathedral build-
ing, thus excluding the cadastral value of the land of 200 million € and future costs
like the finishing touch, paintings and the construction of the rest of the religious com-
plex). In order to collect such donations, starting from 2009 Patriarch Daniel himself
inaugurated a capillary campaign of fund-raising in all the parishes of the country and
in the Romanian Orthodox communities abroad.
    The role of state financing represents the main difference from other recently built
Christian-Orthodox cathedrals, like St. Sava in Belgrade or Christ the Saviour in Mo-
scow14, whose funding has been sustained wholly or in large majority by private sup-
porters and by faithful’s donations (Aleksov 2003; Eady 2009; Sidorov 2000). Public
funding of the new national cathedral – which belongs to a private institution of public
interest - is, ultimately, the most widely criticised aspect of the whole project. From
militant secularists15 and all those shouting «vrem spitale, nu catedrale» to those who
simply expressed some doubts, all of them opposed this project in the name of social
justice, calling for the public spending to be more oriented towards welfare priorities.

An institutional revival
   Thus far, I have addressed two main drifts marking the religious atmosphere one
can breathe in today’s Bucharest. I called the first a ‘re-consecration’ of the public
space, and the second a strong ‘anti-clerical’ wave. Aiming to show how these two tend-
encies influence each other I will resort to the concept of scale, whose usefulness be-
comes immediately apparent through contextualization. Scale has primarily to be inten-
ded as the «size» (Gronhaug 1978) of a certain layer of social organization: consider
for example the range from household (Marston 2000) to neighbourhood, city 16, region,

12. www.romanialibera.ro/actualitate/eveniment/bucurestenii-finanteaza-fara-voie-catedrala-mantuirii-
neamului-228502; www.pmb.ro/institutii/cgmb/buget/docs/2015/20151112/2.21-
2_administratia_monumentelor_si_patrimoniului_turistic_situatia_lacasurilor_de_cult_540_541.pdf;
www.gandul.info/stiri/fotografia-de-moment-a-catedralei-mantuirii-neamului-500-de-muncitori-
lucreaza-zi-si-noapte-pentru-ridicarea-celui-mai-mare-lacas-de-cult-din-romania-10668322 (accessed
on 05.01.16). This sum is incomplete, since Sectors 1 and 5 have not made public whether and how
much they sustained the project.
13. This is because of the taxes the beneficiary has to pay back to the state concerning VAT and workers’
social insurance.
14. Being the current Moscow’s cathedral a faithful reproduction of the one destroyed by Soviets, the
money coming from public sources has been siphoned in the name of the local cultural heritage.
15. A perfect example of what I mean by this term is the deputy Remus Cernea, former president of the
association “Romanian Secular-Humanist Association” (ASUR). In the name of state secularity, he has
been organizing protests and demonstrations against the massive public financing of cults and the realiza-
tion of the CMN through public money. The slogan “we want hospitals, not cathedrals” has appeared for
the first time in the context of such protests.
16. One can also consider towns and villages, when referring to suburban and rural areas.


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SCALAR HOLISM                                                                                        139


nation-state, supranational entities and so on 17. It is also what Burawoy calls «level» in
the quotation above. Adopting a holistic perspective would firstly mean to make sense
of the Bucharest’ recent urban developments I mentioned by locating them in their na-
tional context. According to the same logic, the new national cathedral has to be read
against the background of the stunning church-building rates that Romania registered
in the last twenty-five years (and that seem far from abating).
    According to a survey conducted by the State Secretary for Religious Affairs 18, from
1990 to 2015 8.413 houses of worship belonging to the eighteen cults recognised in
Romania have been finalised and 1.578 are on construction. This means that after the
collapse of the communist regime, every day a new house of worship has been arising
in Romania. For what concerns the ROC, 3.191 new churches (considering also
chapels, monasteries etc.) have been finalized, while around 1.078 are still on construc-
tion. These data show that only 60% of the houses of worship erected after 1990 be-
long to the ROC, while Pentecostalism and Baptist cults have been able to build re-
spectively the 10.68% and the 5.74% of them (despite they represent only the 1.92%
and 0.60% of the Romanian population).
    The construction of new churches was the very first point of the agenda of the first
post-communist Orthodox Holy Synod in January 1990. Some of these buildings are
imposing cathedrals, since the ROC intends to erect more representative buildings in
its bishoprics. This is also the case for the CMN, one of the main motivations for con-
structing it being the small capacity of the current patriarchal cathedral. The process of
post-socialist churching of the whole country is a complex one, whose reasons depend
on many factors: firstly, the chance to live religion publicly again made evident the
faithful’s need of more (and roomier) churches. Private donations coming from simple
faithful as much as from construction firms, wealthy businessmen and entrepreneurs
constituted an important source of financing. Furthermore, state institutions (not only
the government, but also counties and municipalities) tried to compensate for the com-
munist anti-religious policies by allocating substantial funds for new houses of worship.
The ROC has regained its prevalence and strong presence in Romanian villages, towns
and cities by constructing new (sometimes huge) houses of worship at a striking pace.
This process is only partly explainable as a material and symbolic compensation in re-
gard of the abuses suffered during the Communist regime 19. For example, beyond the
re-establishment of those bishoprics disbanded by communists, in the post-socialist era
seven new bishoprics have been created: Slobozia și Călărași, Harghita și Covasna, Al-
exandria, Giurgiu, Tulcea, Slatina, Sălaj. Therefore, since every bishopric must include


17. My understanding of «scale» is here very basic, since my aim is rather to reflect on an inter-scalar
methodological approach. The fact that I used terms like «layer» and «level» as synonyms for it suggests
that «scale» also suggests the conceptual neutrality of the term. Nevertheless I am convinced that anthro-
pology can fruitfully draw on Human Geography in regard of phenomena of «scalar structuration» and
«sociospatial processes» (Brenner 2001: 604)
18. www.culte.gov.ro/library/files/noutati/situatie-lacasuri-de-cult_2015_forma_de_pe_site2.pdf

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140                                                                                          GIUSEPPE TATEO


a representative cathedral in its borders, in the last 25 years, I esteem that 15 new
cathedrals20 have been built in Romania, but in only six cases the construction works
are over. Many construction sites (eleven on fifteen) have been set in the very first years
of the 1990s, but only the economic growth experienced in the next decades made it
possible to finalise them: the first to be ready was the one in Slobozia in 2004, the last
one the Suceava cathedral in 2015.




FIG. 1: The Cathedral for the Salvation of the Romanian People on construction. In the back-
ground, the Palace of the Parliament.



19. A proper discussion of the impact that 40 years of communist rule had on religious life in Romania
is definitely out of the reach of this short contribution. It is worth mentioning that the collaboration be-
tween the ROC and the communist regime allowed Orthodoxy to survive and keep their basic activity
alive, at a time when other denominations had been disbanded (like the Greek-Catholic Church in 1948)
or harshly persecuted (Evangelical Protestant and Jehova Witnesses). In exchange, around the 80% of
the priests cooperated with the communist secret police by giving the information they received from
confessions (Stan, Turcescu 2007: 78). On the other hand the late Ceauşescu era caused the destruction
of twenty Orthodox churches (and the relocation of a few others) in order to realise the new ‘civic-ad-
ministrative center’ in the heart of the capital: after almost thirty years, church demolitions still represent
an open wound in many locals’ collective imagination.
20. Excluding the national cathedral in Bucharest, the cities welcoming the construction of a new cathed-
ral after 1990 are Zalău, Arad, Oradea, Suceava, Baia Mare, Bacău, Fagaraş, Caranşebeş, Turnu Sever-
in, Buzău, Curtea de Argeş and Slobozia. Some other cathedrals are in construction all over the country
(for example, in Mioveni and Fălticeni), but they do not serve as bishopric see (thus their classification as
such is improper, though their size is way bigger than a simple church).


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SCALAR HOLISM                                                                                        141


    In a nutshell, a true religious revival is happening in Romania after Communism.
Most importantly, such a revival does not only entail that forms of «believing», «be-
longing» or «practicing» (Davie 1990) gained new public visibility after 1990, but also
portrays an institutional revival. By this term I allude to the fact that the ROC has star-
ted a process of administrative re-organization, capillary church building, strengthening
of media services and enlargement of both clerical and lay personnel. At the same
time, by exposing some ethnographical data from Bucharest and matching them with
national-based data, I do not infer that no other level of interaction is relevant nor I sug-
gest adopting a simple top-down approach. Specific cases like the construction of the
national cathedral have shown that the actors participating are manifold and refer to
many levels of social organization.
    State funds for cults have been growing year after year, marking a new record in
2014 after a foreseeable decline due to the economic crisis (see table 1). The last
column of the following table shows the money allocated by the government to the con-
struction and the restoration of houses of worship (for every recognized cult in the
country and according to a proportional redistribution, keeping in mind that Orthodoxy
is the faith of 86% of the population in Romania). The 2014 budget reserved a signific-
ant sum for constructions and repairs – 148 million Romanian Lei (about 33 million
Euros) – but one third of this sum has been swallowed by the construction of the na-
tional cathedral.
    This last table does not represent all the public money dedicated to religious edi-
fices: regional councils, municipalities and district councils21 constitute further means
of economic supply. On a national scale, the material conditions at the base of such an
institutional revival of the Romanian Orthodox Church have been provided by the con-
stant growth of governmental funds assigned to recognised denominations: in this
sense, the state has played a major role in developing an outright church-building in-
dustry in Romania. On a symbolic level, this process has been intended as a form of re-
consecration of a domestic soil spoiled by communist profanations22. Such a re-consec-
ration is being carried out in the capital mainly through the construction of the national
cathedral, ostensibly a «symbol of national dignity»23. Widespread dissatisfaction with
Orthodox Church hierarchs in Bucharest is fuelled by the cumbersome presence of the
new national cathedral, a hulking project which represents the tip of an iceberg consist-
ing of the thousands of new churches and a dozen of new cathedrals that have been
mushrooming in the country in the post-communist era.

21. Bucharest is organized in six districts (with their own budget and local mayors) plus the city munici-
pality, which manages the richest budget and is run by the mayor of Bucharest.
22. In the very same area where the construction site is, Ceauşescu’s “systematization” of the city centre
erased whole neighbourhoods, thus abating or relocating also churches and monasteries. In order to com-
memorate this dramatic event, the new cathedral will include five altars, one for every church destroyed
in the area.
23. http://www.construimcatedrala.ro/

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142                                                                                       GIUSEPPE TATEO

TAB. 1: Situation of the amounts allocated from the State Budget for the salaries of the personnel of reli -
gious units and for the construction and repair of houses of worship and other activities carried out by re-
ligions in 1990-2014 (in Romanian Lei, not adjusted with inflation). Source: State Secretariat for Reli-
gious Affairs, 2015.

                                                                       OUT OF WHICH:
           YEAR                    TOTAL
                                                          SALARIES           CONSTRUCTIONS AND REPAIRS
           1990                    16,814                  15,694                       1,120
           1991                    32,661                  29,231                       3,430
           1992                   141,008                 118,338                      22,670
           1993                   629,370                  575,35                      54,020
           1994                  2,002,697               1,731,167                    271,530
           1995                  2,705,743               2,290,452                    415,291
           1996                  4,165,736               2,997,036                   1,168,700
           1997                  8,809,587               7,369,437                   1,440,150
           1998                  10,947,815              8,347,875                   2,599,940
           1999                  26,256,196              17,188,236                  9,067,960
           2000                  68,434,671              40,447,371                  27,987,300
           2001                  84,285,809              67,693,308                  16,592,500
           2002*                 62,630,921              51,181,321                  11,449,600
           2003                  94,994,803              69,316,363                  25,678,440
           2004                 108,881,385              90,751,585                  18,129,800
           2005                 141,890,789             111,122,500                  30,768,289
           2006                 178,484,990             132,502,990                  45,982,000
           2007                 314,729,598             151,298,543                 163,431,055
           2008                 351,373,638              83,949,388                 267,424,250
           2009                 367,700,856             261,451,356                 106,249,500
           2010                 311,111,738             227,312,238                  83,799,500
           2011                 310,653,100             224,846,035                  85,807,065
           2012                 301,781,209             237,517,209                  64,264,000
           2013                 331,145,838             261,943,338                  69,202,500
           2014                 411,488,695             263,338,695                 148,150,000
          TOTAL                3,495,295,667           2,315,335,056               1,179,960,610

* As of 2002, according to provisions in Government Ordinance nr. 82/2001 payments for non- clerical
staff are paid from local budgets.




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SCALAR HOLISM                                                                                            143


   When asked about the impressive trend to erect new churches, many of the people I
spoke with in the capital criticized the ROC in regard of the imbalance between the
number of houses of worship (18,000) and hospitals (425) in Romania 24; although they
often ignored that the former indicates an estimation of the whole number of churches
in Romania, including those belonging to other denominations. Still, very often their
target was exclusively the Orthodox clergy: many protesters in University Square per-
ceived them as a clique of devious people whose collective image has been sliding in
that mud where politicians are usually considered to wallow. In a sense, the strategy ad-
opted by the ROC to re-occupy the public space turned out to be a double-edged sword
in Bucharest: «Grandomanie! » («Megalomania! », exclaimed more than once some
taxi drivers on my way home, when driving by the construction site 25. Due to the huge
cathedral whose construction seems to be out of place, onerous and detached from
people’s everyday needs, Orthodox hierarchs are seen once more as part of the rotten
system leading the country.
   So far, I have tried to clarify how some events accounted on a local scale (anti-cler-
ical thinking, performances and practices in Bucharest) gained momentum due to other
phenomena taking place on a different level (the ROC institutional revival and its grow-
ing presence in the national, and specifically Bucharest’s, public space). It goes without
saying that the dissatisfaction expressed in the capital towards the ROC has compelled
the Orthodox powers-that-be to carry out some relevant adjustments: among other
things, a newly chosen spokesperson and several commemorative mass celebrated by
the Bucharest Archbishop for the victims of the fire on October 30th, one month after
the tragedy. Things are more uncertain in the government bureau: the new technocratic
executive branch installed after the protests proposed – in an attempt to satisfy the de-
mands coming from the demonstrators – that the first state budget draft for 2016 would
have stopped the state financing of religious constructions and repairs, raising at the
same time the state contribution for religious (+12%) and non-religious (+55%) per-
sonnel26.

Scale, context and field (site)
   Talking about scales is, to a certain extent, talking about context, which: «in short, is
about holism, one of the hallmarks – along with ethnographic fieldwork and intercul-
tural comparison – of social and cultural anthropology» (Otto, Bubandt 2010: 1). At


24. These data have been used in public debates and often appeared on the mass media. The number of
houses of worship refers, though, to a survey conducted in the very first 2000’s: a more recent estimation
(updated to 31.12.2015) counts 27.384 houses of worship, whose 1.578 are on construction.
25. I chose to settle in the cathedral area (Dealul Arsenalului) in order to report how locals are experien -
cing the construction of the largest religious architectural compound in the Christian-Orthodox world.
26. http://stirileprotv.ro/stiri/politic/premierul-ciolos-a-vorbit-la-telefon-cu-patriarhul-daniel-despre-bug-
etul-pe-anul-2016-ce-i-a-transmis.html. Such a growth in the budget for salaries was explained to me by
a member of the State Secretariat for Religious Affairs as caused by the new state regulations regarding
the minimum wage.

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144                                                                                        GIUSEPPE TATEO


this point, a basic question arises: «How much context to seek? » asks Candea (2007:
173). A possible answer could be «whatever is enough to make sense of what happens
locally». In my Bucharest case, this means taking my cue from a slogan shouted in the
streets, «We want hospitals, not cathedrals», to gather data about state financing for re-
cognised denominations, the ROC administrative expansion (though the establishment
of new bishoprics) and the flowering of new churches and cathedrals all over the coun-
try. Though some denominations (like Baptist, Roman-Catholics and Pentecostal)
present a higher church/believers ratio than the ROC, anticlerical dissatisfaction in
Bucharest addresses only Orthodox representors, led by the controversial visibility of
Orthodox representative buildings. To put forward another example, the mosque case
which I mentioned in the introduction appears extremely negligible when framed in its
international background: the Bucharest mosque becomes only a little spot after consid-
ering Erdogan government’s plan (already ongoing) of building new mosques all over
the world27. This represents an intriguing example of how religion can be employed
globally to gain consensus on a national ground. Also, when getting down to locally-
scaled reactions, it produces forms of rejection, defilement and re-consecration mainly
fostered by historical revanchism (since the Romanian kingdoms suffered under Otto-
man rule for centuries) rather than by the effective impact of the project itself.
    Marcus observes that holism can provide «the material […] out of which the field of
ethnography must be tailored» (Marcus 2010: 40). Agreeing with Candea, I would not
go that far in considering scale-thinking as a tool able to operate non-arbitrary cuts in
framing one’s own field-site. The information we obtain from the people we interact
with during the fieldwork, and that heavily shapes our own ethnographic account, are
the result of everyday chance interaction, and no method is going to change this 28. Still,
holism maintains a certain purchase in orienting the researcher’s interests while in the
field. For example, while interviewing a member of the State Secretariat for Religious
Affairs I learnt that some churches in Bucharest were facing pressures to destine money

27. www.theblacksea.eu/index.php?idT=88&idC=88&idRec=1211&recType=story.
28. «Now, there is an apparently banal sense in which this agenda is already built into the practice of
anthropology, namely, in the method of ethnographic fieldwork. The habitual justification of fieldwork is
roughly that long-term engagement with people allows us to get a deeper insight into their point of view.
But this is arguably a poor justification, since such appeals to experiential osmosis – verstehen in Ger -
man – hardly crack the logical conundrum of alterity (the dilemma of infinite regress vs. obliteration
outlined above). A better justification would advertise the role of coincidence. If there is one thing we
know about fieldwork (though we feel we should keep it a secret), it is that it is the antimethod par excel-
lence. We go to the field only to expect the unexpected, which is to say the coincidental. In that sense,
fieldwork is the exact opposite of lab work: an experiment out of control, fieldwork is by nature oriented
not toward planned eventualities but rather toward arbitrary coincidences. Happiest when things happen
to themselves, the ethnographer is professionally vulnerable to the unexpected. Indeed, arguably the
value of pretending that fieldwork could ever be systematic (the writing of proposals, research itineraries,
and even the key – but typically arbitrary – decision as to where to do fieldwork in the first place) is that
such pretenses construct a backdrop against which the coincidental character of what finds us in the field
can appear as such» (Holbraad 2010: 82).


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SCALAR HOLISM                                                                                         145


on a monthly basis towards the centre (that is, the Romanian Patriarchate) for the pur-
pose of collecting more funds for the national cathedral. It is not surprising that this in-
sight came from an institution operating as redistributive centre, thus in a position more
favourable to detect frictions, conflicts and needs of Orthodox churches in the capital.
This helped me in targeting some Bucharest parishes and in addressing more specific
issues, in order to grasp how their religious life and economic management changed
after that the biggest Orthodox complex in the world began to rise a few kilometres
away from them. To build the CMN is indeed an impressive enterprise that drains
money not just from the different layers of the public spending but may also affect
smaller churches in the capital and in the whole metropolitanate29.

Conclusion
   I have already hinted that moving through different scales is a well-established exer-
cise in today’s urban anthropology. Importantly, this kind of «scalar» holism is not
meant to lead to an old-fashioned, systemic-based and top-down reductionism:
       Latour argues that the conjuring up of such [social] entities, alleged to exist on a higher
       plane or sphere and therefore on an intrinsically greater scale, appears to be explanatory
       because it appears to lend the picture the social scientist paints an impression of “depth”.
       He argues for the virtues, instead, of eschewing this optical illusion and instead making
       our observations “flat” (Laidlaw, Cook and Mair 2009: 56).

    World is multi-dimensional and «depth» is a property operating in it as far as there
are people whose acts have an effect over other people. I argue that «scale» is a concept
apt to render this «depth», while holism is still a valid term as far as we do not associ-
ate it with totalisation or system-inspired reductionism. If holism is not anymore about
wholes, then why should we keep this term? Mainly because a holistic perspective still
maintains a certain nuance of verticality that I deem crucial in social sciences. When
renouncing to it, we also lack to report how specific groups (in the CMN affair, they
would be Orthodox hierarchs and some politicians) manipulate decision-making pro-
cesses, thus affecting other social actors located on a different scale (Romanian taxpay-
ers and especially Bucharest citizens). If ethnography revealed emic forms of disap-
proval against Orthodox Church representatives, it was only by looking at the adminis-
trative entities that it was possible to outline the process of institutional revival that the
ROC is experiencing. State funding at all its levels, from governmental funds to region-
al and municipal councils, plays a relevant (though not the only) role in the re-consecra-
tion of the country and of its capital city. The abundant and multi-layered public finan-
cing of the national cathedral – together with some other dubious aspects, like the free
concession of the relative plot of land by means of a controversial government ordin-

29. The Patriarch holds also the posts of Metropolitan of Muntenia and Dobrogea and Archbishop of
Bucharest. Even though the fund raising campaign is being carried all over the country, the Patriarch has
very limited power over the other five metropolitanates.

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146                                                                                  GIUSEPPE TATEO


ance – serves as a clear instance of the tight partnership ongoing between the state and
Orthodox Church in the post-socialist era. If anthropology is to maintain any explanat-
ory ambition, it cannot avoid providing basic contextualisation in the name of flattening
(and flattering) temptations. It is not by denying the existence of different scales of so-
cial organization that we improve our analytical endeavours 30, but rather acknowledging
their role without ignoring that they are made, in turn, of individual interactions and
practices.
    To sum up, thinking and operating through scales orientated my enquiry in two dir-
ections: first of all, I collected information on the financing of the cathedral, putting to-
gether data from different sources to find out that so far, its construction has been
mainly funded by public money. Moreover, it helped me to detect the institutional
nature of the «religious revival» Romania is currently undergoing. Secondly, I focused
my attention on the impact that the CMN exerts on a local scale, which is on the neigh-
bourhood where it is located and on a few churches in the capital whose priests and
churchgoers I got in contact with. The draining of resources and donations that such an
impressive project imposes on smaller Bucharest churches helps to draw a more de-
tailed picture of the events, revealing minor forms of resistance and friction inside the
Church itself. In this script, though, I rather tried to shed light on the sentiments of in-
tolerance against Orthodox hierarchs which burst out recently in the capital. Anticleric-
alism takes the shape of a reaction to the ROC strategy of occupying the Bucharest
urban landscape by means of a bulky building whose usefulness and favourable cost-
benefit ratio are hard to see for many locals.
    For a long time, anthropologists operating «in the city» (Hannerz 1980) tended to
leave processes of transformation out of their accounts, thus facing religious questions
in the city just like they would have done in a rural setting. By insisting on differences
of scale I don’t intend to dilute our own field-sites, chasing endlessly political and eco-
nomic implications. On the contrary, I believe with Marcus that holism is «what makes
anthropology more than ethnographic expertise» (Marcus 2010: 29) and a necessary
theoretical exercise to understand and explain facts happening on a micro scale. In
Bucharest, I took my cue from local anticlerical waves in order to sketch the outline of
an institutional religious revival in the country and suggest that the by-product of such
revival – that is, the re-consecration of the capital by means of the national cathedral –
turned out to be a double edged sword for the image of the Church itself. In the at-
tempt to build a symbol of national dignity, it has rather ended by stirring up wide-
spread indignation.




30. Hoefle (2006) holds a similar argument against Marston’s (2005) critic of «scale» and adoption of
«flat ontology» in geography.


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SCALAR HOLISM                                                                             147




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 Giuseppe TATEO is PhD candidate in Social Anthropology at the Max Planck Institute for So-
 cial Anthropology, Halle, Germany. His current project deals with the process of re-consecra-
 tion of the Bucharest’s cityscape after 1990. Previously, he obtained his BA in Intercultural
 Communication in 2011 and his MA in Cultural Anthropology in 2014 from University of
 Turin. He conducted ethnographic fieldwork in the Republic of Moldova and in Romania. He
 presented his works at several international conferences. Among his publications: Substitution,
 Secession and Negotiation: Reading the Post-Soviet Chişinău, in Identităţile Chişinăului,
 Culegere de studii, S. Musteaţă, A. Corduneanu, eds, Chişinău, Seria IDN, C4, 2015.
 tateo@eth.mpg.de




This work is licensed under the Creative Commons © Giuseppe Tateo
Scalar holism. Some methodological reflections on Bucharest’s religious mega-projects
2016 ⎸ANUAC. VOL. 5, N° 1, GIUGNO 2016: 129-149.
ISSN: 2239-625X - DOI: 10.7340/anuac2239-625X-2251
