Chapter 9 Electromagnetic Waves
9.4 Energy in Waves: Intensity – review
Summary
- Calculate the intensity and the power of rays and waves.
All waves carry energy. The energy of some waves can be directly observed. Earthquakes can shake whole cities to the ground, performing the work of thousands of wrecking balls.
Loud sounds pulverize nerve cells in the inner ear, causing permanent hearing loss. Ultrasound is used for deep-heat treatment of muscle strains. A laser beam can burn away a malignancy. Water waves chew up beaches.
The amount of energy in a wave is related to its amplitude. Large-amplitude earthquakes produce large ground displacements. Loud sounds have higher pressure amplitudes and come from larger-amplitude source vibrations than soft sounds. Large ocean breakers churn up the shore more than small ones. More quantitatively, a wave is a displacement that is resisted by a restoring force. The larger the displacementthe larger the forceneeded to create it. Because workis related to force multiplied by distanceand energy is put into the wave by the work done to create it, the energy in a wave is related to amplitude. In fact, a wave’s energy is directly proportional to its amplitude squared because
The energy effects of a wave depend on time as well as amplitude. For example, the longer deep-heat ultrasound is applied, the more energy it transfers. Waves can also be concentrated or spread out. Sunlight, for example, can be focused to burn wood. Earthquakes spread out, so they do less damage the farther they get from the source. In both cases, changing the area the waves cover has important effects. All these pertinent factors are included in the definition of intensityas power per unit area:
where P is the power carried by the wave through area A. The definition of intensity is valid for any energy in transit, including that carried by waves. The SI unit for intensity is watts per square meter (W/m2). For example, infrared and visible energy from the Sun impinge on Earth at an intensity of 1300W/m2just above the atmosphere. There are other intensity-related units in use, too. The most common is the decibel. For example, a 90 decibel sound level corresponds to an intensity of 10-3 W/m2. (This quantity is not much power per unit area considering that 90 decibels is a relatively high sound level. Decibels will be discussed in some detail in a later chapter.
Example 1: Calculating intensity and power: How much energy is in a ray of Sunlight?
The average intensity of sunlight on Earth’s surface is about 700 W/m2.
(a) Calculate the amount of energy that falls on a solar collector having an area of 0.500 m2 in 4.00 h.
(b) What intensity would such sunlight have if concentrated by a magnifying glass onto an area 200 times smaller than its own?
Strategy a
Because power is energy per unit time or the definition of intensity can be written as and this equation can be solved for E with the given information.
Solution a
- Begin with the equation that states the definition of intensity:
- Replace P with its equivalent
- Solve for Energy E:
E=IAt
- Substitute known values into the equation:
- Calculate to find E and convert units:
Discussion a
The energy falling on the solar collector in 4 h in part is enough to be useful—for example, for heating a significant amount of water.
Strategy b
Taking a ratio of new intensity to old intensity and using primes for the new quantities, we will find that it depends on the ratio of the areas. All other quantities will cancel.
Solution b
- Take the ratio of intensities, which yields:
The powers cancel because P’=P.
- Identify the knowns:
- Substitute known quantities:
- Calculate to find I’:
Discussion b
Decreasing the area increases the intensity considerably. The intensity of the concentrated sunlight could even start a fire.
Example 2: Determine the combined intensity of two waves: Perfect constructive interference
If two identical waves, each having an intensity of 1.00 W/m2. interfere perfectly constructively, what is the intensity of the resulting wave?
Strategy
We know from Superposition and Interference that when two identical waves, which have equal amplitudes X interfere perfectly constructively, the resulting wave has an amplitude of 2X. Because a wave’s intensity is proportional to amplitude squared, the intensity of the resulting wave is four times as great as in the individual waves.
Solution
- Recall that intensity is proportional to amplitude squared.
- Calculate the new amplitude:
- Recall that the intensity of the old amplitude was:
- Take the ratio of new intensity to the old intensity. This gives:
- Calculate to find
Discussion
The intensity goes up by a factor of 4 when the amplitude doubles. This answer is a little disquieting. The two individual waves each have intensities of 1.00 W/m2.yet their sum has an intensity of 4.00 W/m2 ,which may appear to violate conservation of energy. This violation, of course, cannot happen. What does happen is intriguing. The area over which the intensity is 4.00 W/m2 is much less than the area covered by the two waves before they interfered. There are other areas where the intensity is zero. The addition of waves is not as simple as our first look in Superposition and Interference suggested. We actually get a pattern of both constructive interference and destructive interference whenever two waves are added. For example, if we have two stereo speakers putting out 1.00 W/m2 each, there will be places in the room where the intensity is 4.00 W/m2 other places where the intensity is zero, and others in between. Figure 2 shows what this interference might look like. We will pursue interference patterns elsewhere in this text.
Check Your Understanding
1: Which measurement of a wave is most important when determining the wave’s intensity?
Section Summary
Intensity is defined to be the power per unit area:
and has units of W/m2
Conceptual Questions
1: Two identical waves undergo pure constructive interference. Is the resultant intensity twice that of the individual waves? Explain your answer.
2: Circular water waves decrease in amplitude as they move away from where a rock is dropped. Explain why.
Exercises
1: Medical Application
Ultrasound of intensity 1.50×102 W/m2 is produced by the rectangular head of a medical imaging device measuring 3.00 by 5.00 cm. What is its power output?
2: The low-frequency speaker of a stereo set has a surface area of 0.05 m2 and produces 1W of acoustical power. What is the intensity at the speaker? If the speaker projects sound uniformly in all directions, at what distance from the speaker is the intensity 0.1 W/m2?
3: To increase intensity of a wave by a factor of 50, by what factor should the amplitude be increased?
4: Engineering Application
A device called an insolation meter is used to measure the intensity of sunlight has an area of 100 cm2 and registers 6.50 W. What is the intensity in W/m2?
5: Astronomy Application
Energy from the Sun arrives at the top of the Earth’s atmosphere with an intensity of 1.30 kW/m2. How long does it take for 1.8 x 109 J to arrive on an area of 1.00 m2?
6: Suppose you have a device that extracts energy from ocean breakers in direct proportion to their intensity. If the device produces 10.0 kW of power on a day when the breakers are 1.20 m high, how much will it produce when they are 0.600 m high?
7: Engineering Application
(a) A photovoltaic array of (solar cells) is 10.0% efficient in gathering solar energy and converting it to electricity. If the average intensity of sunlight on one day is 700 W/m2 , what area should your array have to gather energy at the rate of 100 W? (b) What is the maximum cost of the array if it must pay for itself in two years of operation averaging 10.0 hours per day? Assume that it earns money at the rate of 9.00 ¢ per kilowatt-hour.
8: A microphone receiving a pure sound tone feeds an oscilloscope, producing a wave on its screen. If the sound intensity is originally 2.00 x 10 -5 W/m2, but is turned up until the amplitude increases by 30.0%, what is the new intensity?
9: Medical Application
(a) What is the intensity in W/m2 of a laser beam used to burn away cancerous tissue that, when 90.0% absorbed, puts 500 J of energy into a circular spot 2.00 mm in diameter in 4.00 s? (b) Discuss how this intensity compares to the average intensity of sunlight (about 700 W/m2 ) and the implications that would have if the laser beam entered your eye. Note how your answer depends on the time duration of the exposure.
Glossary
- intensity
- power per unit area
Solutions
Check Your Understanding
1: Amplitude, because a wave’s energy is directly proportional to its amplitude squared.
Problems & Exercises
1: 0.225 W
3: 7.07
5: 16.0 d
6: 2.50 kW
8: 3.38 x 10-5 W/m2


6 Family and Kinship
Sean Ashley
Marriage and family are key structures in most societies. While the two institutions have historically been closely linked, their connection is becoming more complex. The relationship between marriage and family is often taken for granted in the popular imagination but with the increasing diversity of family forms in the 21st century their relationship needs to be reexamined.
What is marriage? Different people define it in different ways. Not even sociologists are able to agree on a single meaning. For our purposes, we will define marriage as a legally recognized social contract between two people, traditionally based on a sexual relationship, and implying a permanence of the union. In creating an inclusive definition, we should also consider variations, such as whether a formal legal union is required (think of common-law marriage and its equivalents), or whether more than two people can be involved (consider polygamy). Other variations on the definition of marriage might include whether spouses are of opposite sexes or the same sex, and how one of the traditional expectations of marriage (to produce children) is understood today.
Sociologists are interested in the relationship between the institution of marriage and the institution of family because, historically, marriages are what create a family, and families are the most basic social unit upon which society is built. Both marriage and family create status roles that are sanctioned by society.
The question of what constitutes a family is a prime area of debate in family sociology, as well as in politics and religion. Social conservatives tend to define the family in terms of a “traditional” nuclear family structure with each family member filling a certain role (like father, mother, or child). Sociologists, on the other hand, tend to define family more in terms of the manner in which members relate to one another than on a strict configuration of status roles.
Here, we will define family as a socially recognized group joined by blood relations, marriage, or adoption, that forms an emotional connection and serves as an economic unit of society. Sociologists also identify different types of families based on how one enters into them. A family of orientation refers to the family into which a person is born. A family of procreation describes one that is formed through marriage. These distinctions have cultural significance related to issues of lineage (the difference between patrilineal descent and matrilineal descent for example).
We can analyze the family as a social form that comes into existence around five different contents or interests: sexual activity, economic cooperation, reproduction, socialization of children, and emotional support. The types of family form in which all or some of these contents are expressed are diverse: nuclear families, polygamous families, extended families, same-sex parent families, single-parent families, blended families, and zero-child families, etc. However, the forms that families take are not random; rather, these forms are determined by cultural traditions, social structures, economic pressures, and historical transformations. They also are subject to intense moral and political debate about the definition of the family, the “decline of the family,” or the policy options to best support the well-being of children. In these debates, sociology demonstrates its practical side as a discipline that is capable of providing the factual knowledge needed to make evidence-based decisions on political and moral issues concerning the family.
The Macro and Micro Family
The family is an excellent example of an institution that can be examined at the micro- or macro- levels of analysis. For example, the debate between structural functionalist and conflict sociologists on the rise of non-nuclear family forms is a macro-level debate. It focuses on the family in relationship to a society as a whole. Since the 1950s, the functionalist approach to the family has emphasized the importance of the nuclear family — a cohabiting man and woman who maintain a socially approved sexual relationship and have at least one child — as the basic unit of an orderly and functional society. Although only 39% of families conformed to this model in 2006, in functionalist approaches, it often operates as a model of the normal family, with the implication that non-normal family forms lead to a variety of society-wide dysfunctions such as crime, drug use, poverty, and welfare dependency.
On the other hand, conflict theory emphasizes the inequalities and power relations within the family and their relationship to inequality in the wider society. The contemporary diversity of family forms does not indicate the “decline of the family” (i.e., of the ideal of the nuclear family) but the diverse responses of the family form to the tensions of gender inequality and historical changes in the economy and society. In this perspective, the nuclear family should be thought of less as a normative model for how families should be and more as an historical anomaly that reflected the specific social and economic conditions in North America following the Second World War. These are analyses that set out to understand the family within the context of macro-level processes or society as a whole.
At the micro-level of analysis, sociologists focus on the dynamics between individuals within families. One example, of which probably every married couple is acutely aware, is the interactive dynamic described by exchange theory. Exchange theory proposes that all relationships are based on giving and returning valued “goods” or “services.” Individuals seek to maximize their rewards in their exchanges with others. How do they weigh up who is contributing more, and who is contributing less, of the valuable resources that sustain the marriage relationship (such as money, time, chores, emotional support, romantic gestures, quality time, etc.)? What happens to the family dynamic when one spouse is a net debtor and another a net creditor in the exchange relationship?
In The Unbearable Lightness of Being, the Czech novelist Milan Kundera describes the way every relationship forges an implicit contract regarding these exchanges within the first six weeks. It is as if a template has been established that will govern the nature of the conflicts, tensions, and disagreements between a married couple for the duration of their relationship. Kundera is writing fiction, but the dynamic he describes exemplifies a micro-level analysis in that this “contract” is a form created through the interaction between specific individuals. Afterwards, it acts as a structure that constrains their interaction. In the more severe cases of unequal exchange, domestic violence, whether physical or emotional, can be the result. The dynamics of “intimate terrorism” and “violent resistance” describe the extreme outcomes of unequal exchange (Whynacht, 2021).
What is love (for a sociologist)?
Throughout most of history, erotic love or romantic love was not considered a suitable basis for marriage. Marriages were typically arranged by families through negotiations designed to increase wealth, property, or prestige, establish ties, or gain political advantages. In modern individualistic societies on the other hand, romantic love is seen as the essential basis for marriage. In response to the question, “If a man (woman) had all the other qualities you desired, would you marry this person if you were not in love with him (her)?” only 4% of Americans and Brazilians, 5% of Australians, 6% of Hong Kong residents, and 7% of British residents said they would — compared to 49% of Indians and 50% of Pakistanis (Levine, Sato, Hashimoto, and Verma, 1995). Despite the emphasis on romantic love, it is also recognized to be an unstable basis for long-term relationships as the feelings associated with it are transitory.
What exactly is romantic love? Neuroscience describes it as one of the central brain systems that have evolved to ensure mating, reproduction, and the perpetuation of the species (Fisher, 1992). Alongside the instinctual drive for sexual satisfaction, (which is relatively indiscriminate in its choice of object), and companionate love, (the long-term attachment to another which enables mates to remain together at least long enough to raise a child through infancy), romantic love is the intense attraction to a particular person that focuses “mating energy” on a single person at a single time. It manifests as a seemingly involuntary, passionate longing for another person in which individuals experience obsessiveness, craving, loss of appetite, possessiveness, anxiety, and compulsive, intrusive thoughts.
In a sociological context, the physiological manifestations of romantic love are associated with several social factors. Although romantic love is often characterized as an involuntary force that sweeps people away, mate selection nevertheless involves an implicit or explicit cost/benefit analysis that affects who falls in love with whom. People tend to select mates of a similar social status from within their own social group. The selection process is influenced by three sociological variables (Kalmijn, 1998). Firstly, potential mates assess each other’s socioeconomic resources, like income potential or family wealth, and cultural resources, like education, taste, worldview, and values, to maximize the value or rewards the relationship will bring to them. This does not necessarily happen at the level of consciousness, though it can Secondly, third parties like family or other community members tend intervene to prevent people from choosing partners from outside their community or social group because this threatens group cohesion and homogeneity. Thirdly, demographic variables that effect “local marriage markets” — typically places like schools, workplaces, temples, clubs, and neighborhoods where potential mates can meet — will also affect mate choice.
In her research on polyamory, Jillian Deri found that culture also helps structure the experience for polyamorous women in Vancouver queer community, albeit in different forms. Polyamory is the practice of engaging in multiple romantic relationships, with the consent of all the people involved. Many people find it surprising that people who practice polyamory are not constantly wracked with jealousy. Deri explains that it is the culture of polyamory that provides a symbolic system through which people come to understand and experience their relationships in a way that leads to compersion, which means finding joy in others happiness.
Perceptions of the family
Symbolic interactionist theories indicate that families are groups in which participants view themselves as family members and act accordingly. In other words, families are groups in which people come together to form a strong primary group connection, maintaining emotional ties to one another over a long period of time. Such families could potentially include groups of close friends as family. However, the way family groupings view themselves is not independent of the wider social forces and current debates in society at large.
North Americans are somewhat divided when it comes to determining what does and what does not constitute a family. In a 2010 survey conducted by Ipsos Reid, participants were asked what they believed constituted a family unit. 80% of respondents agreed that a husband, wife, and children constitute a family. 66% stated that a common-law couple with children still constitutes a family.  This survey revealed that children tend to be the key indicator in establishing “family” status: the percentage of individuals who agreed that unmarried couples constitute a family nearly doubled when children were added.
Sociologists would argue that the general concept of family is more diverse and less structured than in years past. Society has given more leeway to the design of a family — making room for what works for its members (Jayson, 2010).
One Partner or Many?
Europeans typically equate marriage with monogamy, when someone is married to only one person at a time. In many countries and cultures around the world, however, having one spouse is not the only form of marriage. In a majority of cultures (78%), polygamy, or being married to more than one person at a time, has been seen as acceptable (Murdock, 1967), with most polygamous societies existing in northern Africa and East Asia (Altman and Ginat, 1996). Instances of polygamy are almost exclusively in the form of polygyny. Polygyny refers to a man being married to more than one woman at the same time. The reverse, when a woman is married to more than one man at the same time, is called polyandry. It is far less common and only occurs in about 1% of the world’s cultures (Altman and Ginat, 1996). The reasons for the overwhelming prevalence of polygamous societies are varied but they often include issues of population growth, religious ideologies, and social status.
While the majority of societies accept polygyny, the majority of people do not practice it. Often fewer than 10% (and no more than 25 to 35%) of men in polygamous cultures have more than one wife; these husbands are often older, wealthier, high-status men (Altman and Ginat, 1996). The average plural marriage involves no more than three wives. Negev Bedouin men in Israel, for example, typically have two wives, although it is acceptable to have up to four (Griver, 2008). As urbanization increases in these cultures, polyandry is likely to decrease as a result of greater access to mass media, technology, and education (Altman and Ginat, 1996).
In Canada, polygamy is considered by most to be socially unacceptable and it is illegal. The act of entering into marriage while still married to another person is referred to as bigamy and is prohibited by Section 290 of the Criminal Code of Canada (Minister of Justice, 2014). Polygamy in Canada is often associated with those of the Mormon faith, although in 1890 the Mormon Church officially renounced polygamy. Fundamentalist Mormons, such as those in the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (FLDS), on the other hand, still hold tightly to the historic Mormon beliefs and practices and allow polygamy in their sect (Ashley, 2014).
Residency and Lines of Descent
When considering their lineage, most people in Europe look to both their father’s and mother’s sides. Both paternal and maternal ancestors are considered part of one’s family. This pattern of tracing kinship is called bilateral descent. Note that kinship, or one’s traceable ancestry, can be based on blood, marriage, or adoption. 60% of societies follow a bilateral descent pattern. Unilateral descent (the tracing of kinship through one parent only) is practiced in the other 40% of the world’s societies, with a high concentration found in pastoral cultures (O’Neal, 2006).
There are three types of unilateral descent: patrilineal, which follows the father’s line only; matrilineal, which follows the mother’s side only; and ambilineal, which follows either the father’s only or the mother’s side only, depending on the situation. In patrilineal societies, such as those in rural China and India, only males carry on the family surname. This gives males the prestige of permanent family membership while females are seen as only temporary members. North American society assumes some aspects of patrilineal decent. For instance, most children assume their father’s last name even if the mother retains her birth name.
In matrilineal societies, inheritance and family ties are traced to women. Matrilineal descent is common in many Indigenous societies, such as the Tsimshian Nation. In these societies, children are seen as belonging to the women and, therefore, one’s kinship is traced to one’s mother, grandmother, great grandmother, and so on (Mails, 1996). In ambilineal societies, which are most common in Southeast Asian countries, parents may choose to associate their children with the kinship of either the mother or the father. This choice may be based on the desire to follow stronger or more prestigious kinship lines or on cultural customs, such as men following their father’s side and women following their mother’s side (Lambert, 2009).
Tracing one’s line of descent to one parent rather than the other can be relevant to the issue of residence. In many cultures, newly married couples move in with, or near to, family members. In a patrilocal residence system it is customary for the wife to live with (or near) her husband’s blood relatives (or family of orientation). Patrilocal systems can be traced back thousands of years. In a DNA analysis of 4,600-year-old bones found in Germany, scientists found indicators of patrilocal living arrangements (Lacan et. al., 2008). Patrilocal residence is thought to be disadvantageous to women because it makes them outsiders in the home and community; it also keeps them disconnected from their own blood relatives. In China, where patrilocal and patrilineal customs are common, the written symbols for maternal grandmother (外婆) are separately translated to mean “outsider” and “women” (Cohen, 2011).
Similarly, in matrilocal residence systems, where it is customary for the husband to live with his wife’s blood relatives (or her family of orientation), the husband can feel disconnected and can be labelled as an outsider. The Minangkabau people, a matrilocal society living in the highlands of West Sumatra in Indonesia, believe that home is the place of women and they give men little power in issues relating to the home or family (Joseph and Najmabadi, 2003). Most societies that use patrilocal and patrilineal systems are patriarchal, but very few societies that use matrilocal and matrilineal systems are matriarchal, as family life is often considered an important part of the culture for women, regardless of their power relative to men.
Theoretical Perspectives on Marriage and Family
Sociologists study families on both the macro- and micro-level to determine how families function. Sociologists may use a variety of theoretical perspectives to explain events that occur within and outside of the family. In this Introduction to Sociology, we have been focusing on three perspectives: structural functionalism, conflict theory, and symbolic interactionism.
Structural Functionalism
When considering the role of family in society, functionalists uphold the notion that families are an important social institution and that they play a key role in stabilizing society. They also note that family members take on status roles in a marriage or family. The family — and its members — perform certain functions that facilitate the prosperity and development of society.
Anthropologist George Murdock defined the family narrowly as “a social group characterized by common residence, economic cooperation, and reproduction,” which “includes adults of both sexes, at least two of whom maintain a socially approved sexual relationship, and one or more children” (Murdock, 1949). Murdock conducted a survey of 250 societies and determined that there are four universal residual functions of the family: sexual, reproductive, educational, and economic (Lee, 1982). In each society, although the structure of the family varies, the family performs these four functions.
According to Murdock, the family (which for him includes the state of marriage) regulates sexual relations between individuals. He does not deny the existence or impact of premarital or extramarital sex, but states that the family offers a socially legitimate sexual outlet for adults (Lee, 1982).  The function of the family is to establish the stated norms around sexual gratification.
 Each society needs to replace the older people with new generations of young people. Again, the institution of the family provides a socially legitimate and regulated form in which children are produced and given recognized status in society. Societies which practice celibacy, like the religious community of the Shakers — an offshoot of the Quakers who believed in the second appearance of Jesus Christ — were dysfunctional in this regard as they were unable to maintain sufficient population to remain viable. By the 1920s there were only 12 Shaker communities left in the United States.
Once children are produced, the family plays a vital role in training them for adult life. As the primary agent of socialization, the family teaches young children the ways of thinking and behaving that follow social and cultural norms, values, beliefs, and attitudes. Parents teach their children manners and civility. A well-mannered child (presumably) reflects a well-mannered parent. In most societies, the family unit is responsible for establishing the emotional security and sense of personal self-worth of its members, which begins in childhood. When families fail to do this they are seen as dysfunctional.
Parents also teach children gender roles. Gender roles are an important part of the economic function of a family. The functionalist Talcott Parsons (1943) emphasized that in each family, there is a division of labour that consists of instrumental and expressive roles. Men tend to assume the instrumental roles in the family, which typically involve work outside of the family that provides financial support and establishes family status. Women tend to assume the expressive roles, which typically involve work inside of the family, which provides emotional support and physical care for children (Crano and Aronoff, 1978). According to functionalists, the differentiation of the roles on the basis of sex ensures that families are well-balanced and coordinated.
When family members move outside of these roles, the family is thrown out of balance and must recalibrate in order to function properly. For example, if the father assumes an expressive role, such as providing daytime care for the children, the mother must take on an instrumental role such as gaining paid employment outside of the home in order for the family to maintain balance and function. Stay-at-home dads are becoming more common today but their non-traditional role can still produce ambiguity in their claim to status in the community.
Parsons (1943) also argued that in modern North American society, the differentiation between these roles created tension or strain on individuals as they tried to adapt to the conflicting norms or requirements (roles) between the American occupational and kinship systems. There was an “asymmetrical relation of the marriage pair to the occupational structure” in which the norms of equality between spouses in the family system were undermined by the inequality of status in the occupational system between paid employment outside the home and unpaid domestic work inside the home. Parsons argued that the result of this division was strain in relation to the patterning of sex roles. While men became narrow instrumental specialists, incapable of a full expressive life, women turned to expressive tasks to create a functional equivalent to demonstrate their skills and fundamental equality to their husbands.
The fourth function of the family Murdock identified is economic. The family is understood as a primary economic unit where the economic well-being of family members is provided. In premodern family forms, the extended family itself is the basis of the economy. As a unit it produces the basic needs of its members including food, shelter, health care, and comfort in general. In modern society, some of these economic functions, like production and health care, are taken over by other social institutions, but the family remains the principle unit of consumption. Family members coordinate their incomes to provide economically for the rest of the family.
Conflict Theory
Conflict theorists are quick to point out that North American families have been defined as private entities, the consequence of which (historically) has been to see family matters as issues concerning only those within the family. Serious issues including domestic violence and child abuse, inequality between the sexes, the right to dispose of family property equally, and so on, have been historically treated as being outside of state, legal, or police jurisdiction. The feminist slogan of the 1960s and 1970s — “the personal is the political” — indicates how feminism began to draw attention to the broad social or public implications of matters long considered private or inconsequential. As women’s roles had long been relegated to the private sphere, issues of power that affected their lives most directly were largely invisible. Speaking about the lives of middle-class women in mid-century North America, Betty Friedan described this problem as “the problem with no name.”
The problem lay buried, unspoken, for many years in the minds of American women. It was a strange stirring, a sense of dissatisfaction, a yearning that women suffered in the middle of the 20th century in the United States. Each suburban wife struggled with it alone. As she made the beds, shopped for groceries, matched slipcover material, ate peanut butter sandwiches with her children, chauffeured Cub Scouts and Brownies, lay beside her husband at night — she was afraid to ask even of herself the silent question — “Is this all?” (1963, p. 15).
One focus of conflict theory sociology therefore is to highlight the political-economic context of the inequalities of power in family life. The family is often not a haven but rather an arena where the effects of societal power struggles are felt. This exercise of power often entails the differentiation and performance of family status roles. Why are women expected to perform the “expressive” roles in the family while the men perform “instrumental” roles, and what are the implications of this division of labour? Conflict theorists therefore study conflicts as simple as the enforcement of rules from parent to child, or more serious issues such as domestic violence (spousal and child), sexual assault, marital rape, and incest, as products of power structures in broader society. Blood and Wolfe’s classic (1960) study of marital power found that the person with the most access to value resources held the most power. As money is one of the most valuable resources, men who worked in paid labour outside of the home held more power than women who worked inside the home. Disputes over the division of household labour tend also to be a common source of marital discord. Household labour offers no wages and, therefore, no power. Studies indicate that when men do more housework, women experience more satisfaction in their marriages, reducing the incidence of conflict (Coltrane, 2000).
The political and economic context is also key to understanding changes in the structure of the family over the 20th and 21st centuries. The debate between functionalist and conflict sociologists on the rise of non-nuclear family forms is a case in point. Since the 1950s, the functionalist approach to the family has emphasized the importance of the nuclear family — a married man and woman in a socially approved sexual relationship with at least one child — as the basic unit of an orderly and functional society. Although less than half of families conform to this model, in functionalist approaches, it often operates as a model of the normal family, with the implication that non-normal family forms lead to a variety of society-wide dysfunctions. On the other hand, conflict theory perspectives emphasize that the diversity of family forms does not indicate the “decline of the family” (i.e., of the ideal of the nuclear family) so much as the diverse response of the family form to the tensions of gender inequality and historical changes in the economy and society. The nuclear family should be thought of less as a normative model for how families should be, and more as an historical anomaly.
Symbolic Interactionism
Interactionists view the world in terms of symbols and the meanings assigned to them (LaRossa and Reitzes, 1993). The family itself is a symbol. To some, it is a father, mother, and children; to others, it is any union that involves respect and compassion. Interactionists stress that family is not an objective, concrete reality. Like other social phenomena, it is a social construct that is subject to the ebb and flow of social norms and ever-changing meanings.
Consider the meaning of other elements of family: “parent” was a symbol of a biological and emotional connection to a child. With more parent-child relationships developing through adoption, remarriage, or change in guardianship, the word “parent” today is less likely to be associated with a biological connection than with whoever is socially recognized as having the responsibility for a child’s upbringing. Similarly, the terms “mother” and “father” are no longer rigidly associated with the meanings of caregiver and breadwinner. These meanings are more free-flowing through changing family roles.
Interactionists also recognize how the family status roles of each member are socially constructed, which plays an important part in how people perceive and interpret social behaviour. Interactionists view the family as a group of role players or “actors” that come together to act out their parts in an effort to construct a family. These roles are up for interpretation. In the late 19th and early 20th century, a “good father,” for example, was one who worked hard to provide financial security for his children. Today, a “good father” is one who takes the time outside of work to promote his children’s emotional well-being, social skills, and intellectual growth.
Symbolic interactionism therefore draws our attention to how the norms that define what a “normal” family is, and how it should operate, come into existence. The rules and expectations that coordinate the behaviour of family members are products of social processes and joint agreement, even if the agreements are tacit or implicit. In this perspective, norms and social conventions are not regarded as permanently fixed by functional requirements or unequal power relationships. Rather, new norms and social conventions continually emerge from ongoing social interactions to make family structures intelligible in new situations, and to enable them to operate and sustain themselves.
Conclusion
In this chapter we explored the age old topic of love and marriage. Sociology is far from alone in thinking about this topic, and may not be the best conversation starter for those looking for love (I recommend the works of Leonard Cohen), but how we form families and kinship relationships remains significant for how we organize our societies the world over. As I write this conclusion, England is preparing to crown a new king, and thousands of people are asking how closely related they might be to the new sovereign? It turns out that DNA wise many of us the world over may well be related to royalty, but we aren’t likely to be given a crown anytime soon. Kinship and family is as much about how we exclude others as how we include them, something royalty the world over understands very well.
Study Questions
- What are some of the functions does the family provide for society?
- What is the difference between family of procreation and family of orientation?
- Think about the meaning of family within your own cultural context. How is descent figured? What does this mean for property relations within your society?
- Is romantic love important for you when thinking about marriage? What are some of things that influence you in this perception?
References
Altman, I., & J. Ginat. (1996). Polygamous families in contemporary society. Cambridge University Press.
Ashley, S. (2014). “Sincere but Naive”: Methodological Queries Concerning the British Columbia Polygamy Reference Trial. Canadian Review of Sociology 51, 4, 325-342.
Blood, R., & D. Wolfe. (1960). Husbands and wives: The dynamics of married living. The Free Press.
Cohen, P. (2011). Chinese: Maternal grandmothers, outside women. http://familyinequality.wordpress.com/2011/11/16/chinese-maternal-grandmothers-outside-women/
Coltrane, S. (2000). Research on household labor: Modeling and measuring the social embeddedness of routine family work. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 62, 1209–1233.
Crano, W., & J. Aronoff. (1978). A cross-cultural study of expressive and instrumental role complementarity in the family. American Sociological Review, 43(4), 463–471.
Deri, J. (2015). Love’s refraction: Jealousy and compersion in queer women’s relationships. University of Toronto Press.
Fisher, H. (1992). The anatomy of love: A natural history of mating, marriage, and why we stray. Random House.
Griver, S. (2008, April 24). One wife isn’t enough … So they take two or three. The Jewish Chronicle Online. http://www.thejc.com/lifestyle/lifestyle-features/one-wife-isn’t-enough-so-they-take-two-or-three.
Jayson, S. (2010, October 14). Report: Cohabiting has little effect on marriage success. USA Today. http://www.usatoday.com/news/health/2010-03-02-cohabiting02_N.htm.
Joseph, S., & A. Najmabadi. (2003). Kinship and state: Southeast Asia, East Asia, Australia and the Pacific. In Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures: Family, Law, and Politics (pp. 351–355). Brill Academic Publishers.
Kalmijn, M. (1998). Intermarriage and homogamy: Causes, patterns, trends. Annual Review of Sociology, 24, 395-421.
Lacan, M., C. Keyser, F. Ricaut, & B. Ludes. (2008). Ancient DNA reveals male diffusion through the Neolithic Mediterranean route. Proceedings of the National Association of Sciences. http://www.pnas.org/content/105/47/18226.
Lambert, B. (1966). Ambilineal descent groups in the Northern Gilbert Islands. American Anthropologist, 68, 3, 641–664.
LaRossa, R., & D. Reitzes. (1993). Symbolic interactionism and family studies. Sourcebook of Family Theories and Methods: A Contextual Approach. Plenum Press.
Lee, G. (1982). Family structure and interaction: A Comparative Analysis. University of Minnesota Press.
Mails, T. (1996). The Cherokee People: The story of the Cherokees from earliest origins to contemporary times. Marlowe & Co.
Murdock, G. P. (1967). Ethnographic atlas: A summary. University of Pittsburgh Press.
Minister of Justice. July 11. Retrieved September 23, 2014, from http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/PDF/C-46.pdf
O’Neal, D. (2006). Nature of kinship. http://anthro.palomar.edu/kinship/kinship_2.htm.
Parsons, T. (1943). The kinship system of the contemporary United States. American Anthropologist, 45, 1, 22-38.
Postmedia News. (2010, October 5). Poll: How Canadians see the family. Canada.com. http://www.canada.com/life/Poll+Canadians+family/3604119/story.html.
Wynacht, A. (2021). Insurgent love: Abolition and domestic homicide. Fernwood Publishing.
A person’s traceable ancestry (by blood, marriage, and/or adoption).
Socially recognized groups of individuals who may be joined by blood, marriage, or adoption, and who form an emotional connection and an economic unit of society.
The family into which one is born.
A family that is formed through marriage.
A type of unilateral descent that follows the father's side only.
A type of unilateral descent that follows the mother’s side only.
When a couple shares a residence but is not married.
Social relationships are based on giving and returning valued goods or services. Individuals seek to maximize their rewards in their interactions with others.
The practice of engaging in multiple romantic relationships, with the consent of all the people involved.
When someone is married to only one person at a time.
The state of being committed or married to more than one person at a time.
A form of marriage in which one man is married to more than one woman at one time.
A form of marriage in which one woman is married to more than one man at one time.
The act of entering into marriage while still married to another person.
A person’s traceable ancestry (by blood, marriage, and/or adoption).
The tracing of kinship through both parents’ ancestral lines.
The tracing of kinship through one parent only.
A type of unilateral descent that follows either the father’s or the mother’s side exclusively.
A system in which it is customary for a wife to live with (or near) her husband’s family.
A system in which it is customary for a husband to live with his wife’s family.
A household that includes at least one parent and child as well as other relatives like grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins.
A cohabiting man and woman who maintain a socially approved sexual relationship and have at least one child.


1.6 Drafting
Nancy Ami; Natalie Boldt; Sara Humphreys; and Erin Kelly
Drafting is an important step in the writing process. You might start by drafting, then think, then draft or you might do the opposite or some other process. There is no one right way to engage the writing process—the main point is to have one. The following gives some suggestions for how and when to draft and where to start. Of course, everyone’s process will be different—so there’s no need to feel limited by what’s listed here.
Where to Begin
By this point, you’ll have done the necessary preparatory work: be that simply thinking carefully about your assignment prompt or reading sources and making notes. Whether you’re writing a response paper or a research essay, most writing assignments will require you to make an argument or claim of some kind.
Let’s think about the example from earlier: you’ve read an article on restorative justice programs for first-time offenders and are being asked to respond. In this case, you’re being asked to describe your reaction to the article and support your reactions with reasons and evidence from the text. In a more formal assignment like a research paper, your instructor will expect you to summarize your argument in one to two sentences. These few sentences are referred to as a “thesis statement.” (For more on thesis statements, check out this webpage on “Thesis Statements” from the Writing Center at UNC[1] or read about and/or watch a video on “Creating a Thesis Statement” from The Learning Portal.[2])
Though, as we’ve said above, there are many ways in which to draft your paper, few people begin without a working thesis—in other words, a rough idea of the argument they plan to make. I say “working” because it’s not uncommon for our ideas to shift as we write. As award-winning teacher and rhetorician Wayne C. Booth tells us, one of the reasons we write is to understand: “When you arrange and rearrange the results of your research in new ways, you discover new implications, connections, and complications.”[3] In other words, we (and Booth) would like you to ask questions of your writing (e.g., “Does this belong here? Does this make sense? What if I moved this over here?”). We’ll talk more about revision later in the book.
Outlining and Writing Your Assignment
Many writers will draft an outline or “map” of their paper. This outline might be basic or it might be incredibly detailed. A basic outline may, for example, include a working thesis and rough sketch of what you plan to cover in each paragraph. A detailed outline may include topic or transitional sentences, excerpts from or summaries of the evidence you plan to use, and word counts for each paragraph. The type of outline you come up with will depend on several factors, including the length of the assignment and your own writing process.
Once you have drafted your outline, it’s time to commit fingers to keyboard and content to page. You may wish to write the introductory paragraph first, but you don’t have to. Many experienced writers leave writing the introduction until after they have written the body of the paper (or report or response or whatever the writing assignment might be). This experience is similar to introducing a guest speaker. To introduce a speaker you don’t really know, you need some background before you can make the introduction. In a similar way, you can better introduce your paper after you are acquainted with the content. Perhaps try writing the introduction to your paper last. Give it a try!
Now you need to think strategically about your writing. How are you going to produce a clearly organized, cohesive draft? Your drafting may normally involve stopping and starting, writing and backspacing as you agonize over your word choices, wonder about your comma use, or worry about your citations. (“I know I found that somewhere; where is my source?”) Stopping and starting can be frustrating. When drafting, don’t worry about perfecting your text:
- Highlight words you want to change; bold commas you are unsure about.
- Use comments in your word processor to add notes, ask questions, and write reminders.
- Keep writing without pausing.
- Use a pomodoro technique[4] to help you write continuously for a period of time.
Drafting without stopping enables you to flesh out your paper. You will see your ideas emerge, and soon full pages are complete. While the writing itself may not be polished, you are making progress, knowing that you can revise and polish the draft later.
What does it mean to revise and edit a draft? Revision can refer to making improvements in content and organization, while editing may refer to making changes with sentences and grammar. A short discussion of revising and editing and their differences is available on the OWL website at Purdue.[5]
When revising, focus on the assignment task, the overall organization, and the content development. It’s a good idea to review your instructor’s marking rubric or guidelines. If you are not familiar with the word “rubric,” then we can help: rubrics are guidelines instructors use to help them allocate marks fairly. Begin by carefully reading the rubric; then, return to your assignment and check that you have achieved the task. Here’s a handy set of questions to ask when you are revising your writing assignment (Remember! Keep your reader in mind!):
- Have you explained your key points?
- Have you provided examples/data to support your point of view?
- Have you cited sources?
- Have you added concluding sentences that wrap up the discussion and hint at the next point you’re discussing?
Now you might be ready to add your introduction and conclusion (or maybe you are the type of writer whose process involves writing the conclusion first? Remember, there are many writing processes, not just one). We have a suggestion for you: you might want to write them together. If this seems odd, hear us out. If you are starting with historical context on your topic, end your essay with a conclusion that offers a prediction. If you are starting with a quotation relating to your topic, return to the quotation in your conclusion: Does it still ring true? Please see this resource for helpful tips on writing the introduction and conclusion.[6]
 Your reader experiences a sense of closure or completion when the end links back to the beginning. For additional tips on introductions and conclusions, see a helpful resource from Ashford University.[7]
- “Thesis Statements,” The Writing Center, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, https://writingcenter.unc.edu/tips-and-tools/brainstorming/. ↵
- “Creating a Thesis Statement,” The Learning Portal, College Libraries Ontario, https://tlp-lpa.ca/writing/essay-getting-started. (*Note that this information can be found under the heading “Thesis Statement” and there is an .rtf transcription of the video available on the webpage). ↵
- Wayne C. Booth et al., The Craft of Research, 3rd ed. (University of Chicago Press, 2016), 11. ↵
- Wikipedia, s.v. “Pomodoro Method,” 2020, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pomodoro_Technique. ↵
- “Steps for Revising Your Paper,” Online Writing Lab, Purdue University, https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/general_writing/the_writing_process/proofreading/steps_for_revising.html. ↵
- Leora Freedman and Jarry Plotnick, “Introductions and Conclusions,” Writing Advice, University of Toronto, https://advice.writing.utoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/intros-and-conclusions.pdf. ↵
- “Introductions and Conclusions,” Writing Center, University of Arizona, https://writingcenter.uagc.edu/introductions-conclusions. ↵


Chapter 18. Social Movements and Social Change
18.3 Social Change
William Little and Ron McGivern
The dynamics of collective behaviour and social movements are just two of the forces driving social change, which is the change in society created through social movements as well as external factors like environmental shifts or technological innovations. Essentially, any disruptive shift in the status quo, be it intentional or random, human-caused or natural, can lead to social change.
In other chapters of the textbook, various causes of social change have been discussed. Karl Marx explained social change as a product of struggles and inequalities over the control and distribution of resources in societies. Emile Durkheim described the increasing specialization and differentiation of social institutions as a product of the increased “moral density” of populations (i.e.,increased contact and interaction among people) and corresponding competition for scarce resources. Max Weber emphasized the introduction of rationalization and technology as processes of organizational efficiency that had profound effects on all areas of life. Other chapters will discuss the effect of population dynamics and ecological processes on social change.
This chapter ends by focusing on the impact of technological innovation on social change.
What is Technology?
It is easy to look at the latest sleek tiny Apple product and think that technology is only recently a part of our world. But from the steam engine to the most cutting-edge robotic surgery tools, technology describes the application of science to address the problems of daily life. Students might look back at the enormous and clunky computers of the 1970s that had about as much storage as an iPod Shuffle and roll their eyes in disbelief. But chances are 30 years from now today’s skinny laptops and sleek Bluetooth speakers will look just as archaic.
Technology is therefore not merely a product of the modern era. For example, fire, stone tools and aquaculture were important forms of technology developed during the Stone Age. Archaeological evidence shows early humans innovating on their stone tools from the earliest sharpened stones to Levallois stone knives to geometric microliths (Clark, 1969). Just as the availability of digital technology shapes how people live today, the creation of stone tools changed how premodern humans lived, adapted to changes in the environment and climate, and how well they ate.
From the first calculator, invented in 2400 BCE in Babylon in the form of an abacus, to the predecessor of the modern computer, created in 1882 by Charles Babbage, technological innovations often follow lines of development which make advancements on previous iterations. These define technological lineages that have profound effects on human society.
For example, White (1962) describes the adoption of the stirrup in early medieval Europe from China as an event that revolutionized warfare and created the conditions for the emergence of the feudal system (see Chapter 4. Society and Modern Life). During the period of the Roman Empire and expansion to Northern Europe, wars had been fought mainly on foot. The stirrup allowed warfare to be conducted effectively on horseback, enabling tactical mobility and speed, and creating a lineage of rapid attack military technology from the cavalry of the middle ages to the motorized tank troupes of the 20th and 21st century.
This development had a profound impact on the formation of feudal society. White notes that, as effective as the mounted fighter with stirrups was as an instrument of war, these fighters were also extremely expensive, both in terms of the armour and large horses required, as well as the amount of training needed to master the skills of mounted warfare. To maintain a mounted army, the aristocracy was obliged to distribute land in compensation. The technological innovation of the stirrup thus contributed to the development of the feudal property system whereby vassals or knights were granted manors and estates by the aristocracy in return for their military service.
Marshall McLuhan (1964) defined technologies as extensions of the body. They amplify or accelerate functions originally performed by the human organism unaided, ultimately taking over and transforming these functions. The wheel is an extension of the foot, amplifying its capacity for transport; clothing is an extension of the skin, amplifying its capacity to regulate body heat and protect from abrasions; the electronic media are extensions of the human nervous system, amplifying its sensorium and capacity to feel to the entire world. For McLuhan, a human being in the electronic age is quite literally “an organism that now wears its brain outside its skull and its nerves outside its hide” (Mcluhan, 1964).
As a result, McLuhan argued that the users of technology are “perpetually modified by it” (McLuhan, 1964). Humans shape tools and technology, which thereafter shape humans and human social life. As McLuhan put it,
This is merely to say that the personal and social consequences of any medium—that is, of any extension of ourselves—result from the new scale that is introduced into our affairs by each extension of ourselves, or by any new technology (McLuhan, 1964).
Today all aspects of life are influenced by technology. In agriculture, the introduction of machines that can till, thresh, plant, and harvest greatly reduced the need for manual labour, which in turn meant there were fewer rural jobs, which led to the urbanization of society, as well as lowered birthrates because there was less need for large families to work the farms. In the criminal justice system, the ability to ascertain innocence through DNA testing has saved the lives of people on death row but has also opened the prospect of a new biological criminology in which prospective criminals could be identified by genetic predispositions or neural brain scans and confined in advance of committing any crime. The examples are endless: technology plays a role in absolutely every aspect of social life.
Categorizing Technology
There is no one way of dividing technology into categories. Whereas once it might have been simple to classify innovations such as machine-based or drug-based or the like, the interconnected strands of technological development mean that advancement in one area might be replicated in dozens of others. For simplicity’s sake, one can look at how the U.S. Patent Office, which receives patent applications for nearly all major innovations worldwide, addresses patents. This regulatory body patents three types of innovation. Utility patents are the first type. These are granted for the invention or discovery of any new and useful process, product, or machine, or for a significant improvement to existing technologies. The second type of patent is a design patent. Commonly conferred in architecture and industrial design, this means someone has invented a new and original design for a manufactured product. Plant patents, the final type, recognize the discovery of new plant types that can be asexually reproduced. While genetically modified food is the hot-button issue within this category, farmers have long been creating new hybrids and patenting them. A more modern example might be food giant Monsanto, which patents corn with built-in pesticide (U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, 2011).
Such evolving patents have created new forms of social organization and disorganization. Efforts by Monsanto to protect its patents have led to serious concerns about who owns the food production system, and who can afford to participate globally in this new agrarian world. This issue was brought to a head in a landmark Canadian court case between Monsanto and Saskatchewan farmer Percy Schmeiser. Schmeiser found Monsanto’s genetically modified “Roundup Ready” canola growing on his farm. He saved the seed and grew his own crop, but Monsanto tried to charge him licensing fees because of their patent. Dubbed a true tale of David versus Goliath, both sides are claiming victory (Mercola, 2011; Monsanto, N.d.). What is important to note is that through the courts, Monsanto established its right to the ownership of its genetically modified seeds even after multiple plantings. Each generation of seeds harvested still belonged to Monsanto. For millions of farmers globally, such a new market model for seeds represents huge costs and dependence on a new and evolving corporate seed supply system.
Anderson and Tushman (1990) suggest an evolutionary model of technological change, in which a breakthrough in one form of technology leads to a number of variations. Once those are assessed, a prototype emerges, and then a period of slight adjustments to the technology, interrupted by a breakthrough. For example, floppy disks were improved and upgraded, then replaced by zip disks, which were in turn improved to the limits of the technology and were then replaced by flash drives. This is essentially a generational model for categorizing technology, in which first-generation technology is a relatively unsophisticated jumping-off point leading to an improved second generation, and so on.
Technology and Social Change
Modernization describes the processes that increase the amount of specialization and differentiation of structure in societies resulting in the move from an undeveloped society to developed, technologically driven society (Irwin, 1975). By this definition, the level of modernity within a society is judged by the sophistication of its technology, particularly as it relates to infrastructure, industry, and the like.
Some would say that improving technology has made lives easier. Imagine what the day would be like without the internet, the automobile, or electricity. In The World Is Flat, Thomas Friedman (2005) argues that technology is a driving force behind globalization, while the other forces of social change (social institutions, population, environment) play comparatively minor roles. He suggests that sociologists can view globalization as occurring in three distinct periods. First, globalization was driven by military expansion, powered by horsepower and windpower. The countries best able to take advantage of these power sources expanded the most, exerting control over the politics of the globe from the late 15th century to around the year 1800. The second shorter period, from approximately 1800 CE to 2000 CE, consisted of a globalizing economy. Industrial technologies like steam and rail power were the guiding forces of social change and globalization in this period. Finally, Friedman describes the post-millennial era. In this period of globalization, change is driven by digital technology, particularly the internet (Friedman, 2005). In Hot, Flat, and Crowded 2.0 (2009), Friedman also discusses the possibility of a green transition as a distinct era of globalization lead by the introduction of renewable resource technologies in an effort slow climate change.
But also consider that technology can create change in three other forces social scientists link to social change: population, environment, institutional structures. Advances in medical technology allow otherwise infertile women to bear children, indirectly leading to an increase in population. Advances in agricultural technology have allowed food corporations to genetically alter and patent food products, changing the environment in innumerable ways. From the way teachers educate children in the classroom to the way farmers grow the food people eat, technology has impacted all aspects of modern life.
Of course there are drawbacks. The increasing gap between the technological haves and have-nots — sometimes called the digital divide — occurs both locally and globally. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) defines the digital divide as “the gap between individuals, households, businesses and geographic areas at different socio-economic levels with regard to both their opportunities to access information and communication technology (ICTs) and to their use of the Internet for a wide variety of activities.” (OECD, 2001). There are two forms of digital technology stratification. The first is differential class-based access to technology in the form of the digital divide. This digital divide has led to the second form, a knowledge gap, which is, as it sounds, an ongoing and increasing gap in information for those who have less access to technology. For example, students in well-funded schools receive more exposure to technology than students in poorly funded schools. Those students with more exposure gain more proficiency, which makes them far more marketable in an increasingly technology-based job market and leaves our society divided into those with technological knowledge and those without. Even as we improve access, we have failed to address an increasingly evident gap in e-readiness—the ability to sort through, interpret, and process knowledge (Sciadas, 2003).
Further, there are added security risks: the loss of privacy, the risk of total system failure (like the Y2K panic at the turn of the millennium), and the added vulnerability created by technological dependence. Think about the technology that goes into keeping nuclear power plants running safely and securely. What happens if an earthquake or other disaster, as in the case of Japan’s Fukushima plant, causes the technology to malfunction, not to mention the possibility of a systematic cyber or military attack on a society’s relatively vulnerable technological infrastructure?
Making Connections: Big Picture
Planned Obsolescence: Technology That’s Built to Crash
Chances are that ones mobile phone company, as well as the makers of ones various digital devices, are all counting on these products to fail. Not too quickly, of course, or consumers would not stand for it — but frequently enough that consumers might find that when the built-in battery on their iPod dies, it costs far more to fix it than to replace it with a newer model. Or they find that the phone company emails them to tell them that they are eligible for a free new phone because theirs is a whopping two years old. Appliance repair people say that while they might be fixing some machines that are 20 years old, they generally are not fixing the ones that are seven years old; newer models are built to be thrown out. This is called planned obsolescence, and it is the business practice of planning for a product to be obsolete or unusable from the time it is created (The Economist, 2009).
To some extent, this is a natural extension of new and emerging technologies. After all, who is going to cling to an enormous and slow desktop computer from 2000 when a few hundred dollars can buy one that is significantly faster and better? But the practice is not always so benign. The classic example of planned obsolescence is the nylon stocking. Women’s stockings — once an everyday staple of women’s lives — get “runs” or “ladders” after a few wearings. This requires the stockings to be discarded and new ones purchased. Not surprisingly, the garment industry did not invest heavily in finding a rip-proof fabric; it was in their best interest that their product be regularly replaced.
Those who use Microsoft Windows might feel that they, like the women who purchase endless pairs of stockings, are victims of planned obsolescence. Every time Windows releases a new operating system, there are typically not many changes that consumers feel they must have. However, the software programs are upwardly compatible only. This means that while the new versions can read older files, the old version cannot read the newer ones. Even the ancillary technologies based on operating systems are only compatible upward. In 2014, the Windows XP operating system, off the market for over five years, stopped being supported by Microsoft when in reality is had not been supported by newer printers, scanners, and software add-ons for many years.
Ultimately, whether one is getting rid of their old product because they are being offered a shiny new free one (like the latest smartphone model), or because it costs more to fix than to replace (like an iPod), or because not doing so leaves one out of the loop (like the Windows system), the result is the same. It might just make one nostalgic for the old Sony Walkman and VCR.
But obsolescence gets even more complex. Currently, there is a debate about the true cost of energy consumption for products. This cost would include what is called the embodied energy costs of a product. Embodied energy is the calculation of all the energy costs required for the resource extraction, manufacturing, transportation, marketing, and disposal of a product. One contested claim is that the energy cost of a single cell phone is about 25% of the cost of a new car. People love their personal technology but it comes with a cost. Think about the incredible social organization undertaken from the idea of manufacturing a cell phone through to its disposal after about two years of use (Kedrosky, 2011).
Technological Globalization
Technological globalization is impacted in large part by technological diffusion, the spread of technology across borders. In the last two decades, there has been rapid improvement in the spread of technology to peripheral and semi-peripheral nations, and a 2008 World Bank report discusses both the benefits and ongoing challenges of this diffusion. In general, the report found that technological progress and economic growth rates were linked, and that the rise in technological progress has helped improve the situations of many living in absolute poverty (World Bank, 2008). The report recognizes that rural and low-tech products such as corn can benefit from new technological innovations, and that, conversely, technologies like mobile banking can aid those whose rural existence consists of low-tech market vending. In addition, technological advances in areas like mobile phones can lead to competition, lowered prices, and concurrent improvements in related areas such as mobile banking and information sharing.
However, the same patterns of social inequality that create a digital divide in the West also create digital divides in peripheral and semi-peripheral nations. While the growth of technology use among countries has increased dramatically over the past several decades, the spread of technology within countries is significantly slower among peripheral and semi-peripheral nations. In these countries, far fewer people have the training and skills to take advantage of new technology, let alone access it. Technological access tends to be clustered around urban areas, leaving out vast swaths of peripheral-nation citizens. While the diffusion of information technologies has the potential to resolve many global social problems, it is often the population most in need that is most affected by the digital divide. For example, technology to purify water could save many lives, but the villages in peripheral nations most in need of water purification do not have access to the technology, the funds to purchase it, or the technological comfort level to introduce it as a solution.
Making Connections: Big Picture
The Dystopian Techno-Future: From A Brave New World to Cyberpunk
Canadians have long been interested in science fiction and space travel. Many readers in the 1950s were eager to see the invention of jet packs and flying cars, just as many today imagine warp drives, artificial enhancements and non-toxic sources of energy. But part of this futuristic fiction trend is much darker and less optimistic.
In 1932, when Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World was published, there was a cultural trend toward seeing the future as golden and full of opportunity. In his novel set in 2540, there is a more frightening future. He imagines a totally administered world of well adjusted citizens built upon the principles of Henry Ford’s automobile assembly line: mass production, homogeneity, predictability, and consumption of disposable consumer goods. Citizens are grown in artificial wombs, indoctrinated through sleep learning and assigned into castes based on intelligence and labour.
Since then, there has been an ongoing stream of dystopian novels, or books set in the future after some kind of apocalypse has occurred and totalitarian and restrictive societies have taken over. Margaret Atwood’s Handmaid’s Tale (1985) and The Testaments (2019) describe the dystopian Republic of Gilead where religious fundamentalists have seized power in the United States and stripped women of their ability to own money and control their own bodies. Suzanne Collins’s Hunger Games trilogy for young adults describes Panem, a transformed version of North America with 12 districts ruled by a cruel and dictatorial capitol. Connotations of gladiator games and video games come together in this world, where children from each district are thrown into a created world where they must fight to the death for the amusement of the audience. In the cyberpunk genre of near future dystopias, writers like Philip K. Dick (Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep?, 1968; the basis of the Ridley Scott film Blade Runner, 1982), William Gibson (Neuromancer, 1984) and Bruce Sterling (Schismatrix, 1985) describe worlds where digital, robotic and genetic technologies are widely distributed, but large segments of the human population have become surplus and redundant. Governments and democracy have disappeared, or become irrelevant, and been replaced by sinister artificial intelligences, unaccountable corporations and crime syndicates.
In these visions of the future the technological wonders never cease. From meals that appear at the touch of a button to mutated government-built creatures that track and kill, the future world of dystopian science fiction is a mix of modernization fantasy and nightmare. So what is it about technological innovation and contemporary society that makes looking forward so fearsome?
Science fiction extrapolates from contemporary trends and imagines what types of society will be built around them in the future. One common element in these pessimistic visions of future society combines the idea that the byproducts of technological change are dangerous and unpredictable with a lack of confidence in democratic institutions to cope with crisis. The social fabric of society and the capacity for people to collectively care for one another is presented as fragile and ephemeral. This is a commentary on well founded concerns about society’s capacity to respond to the massive scale of social change. As Wendy Brown (2019) puts it, “As the social vanishes from our ideas, speech, and experience, it vanishes from our visions of the future, both utopian and dystopian.  To the degree that the social fabric of contemporary society is eroded, the ability to imagine a democratic future is compromised.
When thinking about technological innovation and social change, it is interesting to look at this world of fiction for sources of insight into where and how society is moving. When people today think of the future, do they view it as a wonderful place, full of technological marvels and opportunity? Or as a horrifying dictatorship of total surveillance, subjugating the individual to the rule of unaccountable and distant authorities? Do people today view technological innovation as something to look forward to or something to avoid? How does science fiction influence these views?
Media Attributions
- Figure 18.17 Knight’s spur by Frielp, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
- Figure 18.18 McLuhan. De: “El medio es el masaje” by Leandra Plaza Santa, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
- Figure 18.19 Washing Machine by Troy Kelly, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
- Figure 18.20 Electronic waste by Curtis Palmer, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under CC BY 2.0 licence.
- Figure 18.21 The Handmaid’s Tale by Victoria Pickering, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.


Chapter 12. Indigenous Tourism
12.1 Indigenous People in Canada
In previous chapters, you’ve learned that Indigenous tourism is an increasingly central part of BC’s tourism economy. In Canada, tourism operations that are majority owned and operated by First Nations, Métis, and Inuit people comprise this segment of the industry (Butler and Hinch, 2007; ITAC, 2020). This chapter explores the global context for Indigenous tourism development, the history of the sector, and important facts about Indigenous tourism in BC, Canada and Internationally.
Today’s travellers are attracted to many global destinations because of the opportunity to interact with, and learn from, other cultures. Visitors to Australia can meet an Aboriginal guide who will help them feel a spiritual connection through a memorable outback experience. In New Zealand (Aotearoa in the Maori language), tourists are often welcomed into a ceremonial community marae, a communal or sacred centre that serves a religious and social purpose in Polynesian societies (New Zealand Maori Tourism Society, 2012).
In the mountainous region of northern Vietnam, traditionally dressed ethnic minority villagers are now opening their homes to international trekkers, thus generating new income for the community. In the United States, visitors to the ancient desert wonders of Monument Valley can enhance their experience in a Navaho-run hotel, enjoying Indigenous cuisine while learning about the cultures of the Native American groups that have lived there for centuries.
Spotlight On: International guidelines
In 2016, global tour operator G Adventures, Planeterra Foundation, and the International Institute of Tourism Studies at the George Washington University collaborated to develop a set of practical, international guidelines, “that can be used by any travel company wishing to offer experiences with Indigenous communities.” Read more about responsible travel with Indigenous people on the G Adventures website.
Explore these guidelines as part of reflecting on your own travel experiences and choices, and better integrating this into tourism product development and delivery: Indigenous People and the Travel Industry: Global Good Practice Guidelines [PDF].
Those readers familiar with the first edition of this textbook may have realized the chapter title change from “Aboriginal Tourism” to “Indigenous Tourism.” This adjustment mirrors the official change in Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s newly elected Liberal Government — a decision that reverses the change made by the Conservative Government in 2011 which at the time abolished the use of Indigenous to Aboriginal (from the former Liberal Government). The more recent 2015 change was reported as being sanctioned by the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), as well as Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) Chair Justice Murray Sinclair (Lum, 2015). The shift in terminology from “Aboriginal Tourism” to “Indigenous Tourism” has also recently occurred in many leading tourism organizations and education institutions within Canada.
For the purposes of this revision there are times when the terms “Aboriginal” and “Indigenous” are used interchangeably, particularity when referring to valuable industry resources created prior to the more recent practice. The changes to the terminology used to identify and refer to Indigenous peoples globally, and in Canada is fraught with challenges, and many of these difficulties are embedded in the oppressive structures or systems associated with colonialism, past and present.
Within the international context, it is worth noting that “Aboriginal” is still commonly used to refer to the Indigenous people of mainland Australia — though its use there is also critiqued for the way it simplifies Australian Indigenous history (Common Ground, 2020). Similar to Indian and Eskimo, the tangled use of Aboriginal is embedded in the power relationships with colonial governments and history. These perspectives point to the geographic and culturally based discrepancies, which affirm the exceptional diversity within and between Indigenous groups.
Take a Closer Look: Understanding the use of “Indigenous” in Canada
For additional background and a national media perspective on the use of “Indigenous” in Canada, view this short video: From “redskin” to Indigenous: Unreserved takes a look at what Indigenous Peoples have been called and what they call themselves (CBC, 2016).
According to the United Nations (UN), there are 370 million Indigenous people globally, representing 5 per cent of the world’s population, and living across 90 countries.The UN defines Indigenous peoples as “inheritors and practitioners of unique cultures and ways of relating to people and the environment”, who have “retained social, cultural, economic and political characteristics that are distinct from those of the dominant societies in which they live” (npn). Notwithstanding the uniqueness of Indigenous peoples around the globe, they are considered to be among the most disadvantaged and vulnerable groups in the world, and therefore share common challenges related to the protection of their rights as distinct peoples (UN, 2020). The nature of oppression experienced by Indigenous peoples around the globe has been documented, notably by the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues and their commissioned research and awareness-building campaign, the State of the World’s Indigenous people (SOWIP) (SOWIP, 2010, 2019).
In 2016 there were 1,673,785 Indigenous people in Canada, this number accounts for 4.9% of the total population, which is up from 3.8% in 2006, and 2.8% in 1996 (Statistics Canada, 2016). Indigenous peoples have lived across present-day Canada for thousands of years and have numerous languages, cultures, and spiritual beliefs. In 2020, there are more than 630 First Nation communities in Canada, which represent more than 50 Nations and 50 Indigenous languages (Statistics Canada, 2016).
What’s in a Name?
There are three groups of Indigenous peoples recognized in the Canadian Constitution Act: Inuit, Métis, and First Nations. Indian (or Native Indian) is still an important legal term in Canada given the on-going, if highly contested and emotionally charged, relevance of the 1876 Indian Act (Gray, 2011).
Recognized as an assimilation tool used by the Dominion of Canada under the British North America Act, the Indian Act gave the federal government jurisdiction over Indigenous lands and was entwined with significant negative impacts on Indigenous cultural and spiritual expression tied to that land that persist to present day (Joseph, 2018).
The Indian Act also held important identity granting consequences, both legally and culturally. As a result many Indigenous people associate “Indian” with government regulation and colonialism, and its use has gone out of favour; this practice is unlike usage in the United States where North American Indian (or Native American) is still common (Wilson & Henderson, 2014).
Inuit have lived in the Arctic region of Canada for countless years. Many Inuit continue to rely on the resources of the land, ice, and sea to maintain traditional connections to the land. The old ways of life were seriously compromised, however, when Inuit began to participate with European settlers in the fur trade. The Government of Canada accelerated this change by requiring many Inuit communities to move away from their traditional hunting and gathering ways of life on the land and into permanent, centralized settlements (Wilson & Henderson, 2014). Today, in spite of social and economic hardships created by this change, many Inuit communities focus on protecting their traditional way of life and language.
Not so long ago, it was common for non-Inuit people in Canada to use the term Eskimo (“eaters of raw meat”) to refer to Inuit people; however, the use of “Eskimo” within the Canadian context is now widely considered insulting and should be avoided (Wilson & Henderson, 2014). That said, this is not the case in Alaska, where the use of “Eskimo” is still common practice (University of Alaska at Fairbanks [UAF], 2020).
Spotlight On: Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami
Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (ITK) is the national Inuit organization in Canada. It represents four regions: Nunatsiavut (Labrador), Nunavik (northern Quebec), Nunavut, and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in the Northwest Territories. It is an advocacy organization that represents the interests of Inuit in environmental, social, political, and economic affairs, including economic and tourism development. For more information, visit the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami website.
Métis comes from the words to mix. In the 1600s and 1700s, many French and Scottish men migrated to Canada for the fur trade. Some of them had children with First Nations women and formed new communities, and their descendants became the first to be called Métis. The distinct Métis culture is known for its fine bead-work, fiddling, and jigging. Canadian and international tourists can learn from and enjoy participating in a large number of Métis festivals in most provinces across the country. Today, the infinity symbol on the Métis flag symbolizes the joining of two cultures that will live forever.
Spotlight On: Louis Riel Institute
The Louis Riel Institute in Winnipeg is dedicated to the preservation and celebration of Métis culture and supporting Métis in achieving their educational, career, and life goals. Its website features photographs and descriptions of Métis art and handicrafts as well as information about community programs. For more information, visit the Louis Riel Institute website.
Take a Closer Look: Métis Nation Gateway
This portal site features information about the Métis Nation, including healing, economic development, environment, electoral reform, veterans’ issues, and more. The portal on economic development leads to information on community development, including a Métis Tourism Policy Paper [PDF]. To explore these resources, visit Métis Nation Gateway website.
First Nations people are Indigenous peoples who do not identify as Inuit or Métis. They have lived across present-day Canada for thousands of years and have numerous languages, cultures, and spiritual beliefs. For centuries, they managed their lands and resources with their own governments, laws, and traditions, but with the formation of the country of Canada, their way of life was changed forever. The government forced a system of governance on First Nations so that they could no longer use their system of government.
Colonial settlement has left a legacy of land displacement, economic deprivation, and negative health consequences that First Nations communities within Canada are actively striving to overcome (Wilson & Henderson, 2014). However, many First Nations communities are working hard to reclaim their traditions, and in many places there is an increasing pride in the resurgence of Indigenous culture.
The entanglement of self-identification preferences used by Indigenous people to name themselves points to an increasingly politically fuelled and culturally empowered Indigenous identity landscape. There is a parallel tension and range of terminology used when referring to people who are not Indigenous to a place. In Canada, these terms include “non-Indigenous” and “Settlers” (Battell Lowman & Barker, 2015). Language and terminology are particularly interesting and important to be aware of and reflect on in the context of tourism studies and activities. There is significant diversity in terms are used across Canada, including within regions and communities.
There is an increasing appreciation that intercultural exchanges can help strengthen cultures at risk and biological diversity, if managed thoughtfully. For example, the growing niche of Arctic cruise tourism has brought both opportunities and challenges to the isolated small communities of Canada’s rugged Arctic coast. In recognition, the World Wildlife Fund produced a Code of Conduct for Tour Operators in the Arctic, and for Arctic Tourists. In part, it reads:
Respect Local Cultures:
- Learn about the culture and customs of the areas you will visit before you go.
- Respect the rights of Arctic residents. You are most likely to be accepted and welcomed if you travel with an open mind, learn about local culture and traditions, and respect local customs and etiquette.
- If you are not travelling with a tour, let the community you will visit know that you are coming.
- Supplies are sometimes scarce in the Arctic, so be prepared to bring your own.
- Ask permission before you photograph people or enter their property or living spaces.
(WWF International Arctic Programme, n.d., p. 2)
Wilson & Henderson’s (2014) First Peoples: A Guide for Newcomers [PDF] serves as an excellent introductory resource for tourism professionals who want to know more about the complex socio-political issues surrounding Indigenous peoples in Canadian history and present in society today.
Take a Closer Look: Foundations Guide
This Pulling Together: Foundations Guide is also an excellent resource for understanding more of the background and context about Indigenous people within Canada, and changes underway. This was created as “part of an open professional learning series developed for staff across post-secondary institutions in British Columbia to support Indigenization of institutions and professional practice…[and is intended as] a beginning step for those looking to broaden their knowledge about Indigenous peoples across Canada and British Columbia” (Wilson, 2018).
To review this guide for yourself, access Pulling Together: Foundations Guide.
Tourism can promote community and economic development; while preserving Indigenous culture and protecting ecological integrity. However, it is vital for tourism practitioners, scholars, students and policy makers to carefully consider how tourism is involved in the complexities related to colonialism, Indigenous human rights and reconciliation within Canada.
Before leaving this section, let’s review a few of the key Indigenous groups in Canada.
Tourism businesses that are majority owned and operated by First Nations, Métis, and Inuit.
A communal or sacred centre that serves a religious and social purpose in Polynesian societies.
Groups specially protected in international or national legislation as having a set of specific rights based on their historical ties to a particular territory, and their cultural or historical distinctiveness from other populations. Indigenous peoples are recognized in the Canadian Constitution Act as comprising three groups: First Nations, Métis, and Inuit.
A legal term in Canada. It has been used to describe Indigenous people, but is now considered inappropriate.
A term used to describe First people in the United States, still used today.
One of the three recognized groups of Canada's Indigenous peoples (along with First Nation and Métis), from the Arctic region of Canada.
A term once used by non-Inuit people to describe Inuit people; no longer considered appropriate.
One of the three recognized groups of Canada's Indigenous peoples (along with First Nation and Inuit), meaning "to mix."
One of the three recognized groups of Canada's Indigenous peoples (along with Inuit and Métis).


68 Muscle Fiber Contraction and Relaxation
Learning Objectives
Type your learning objectives here.
- Describe the components involved in a muscle contraction
- Explain how muscles contract and relax
- Describe the sliding filament model of muscle contraction
The sequence of events that result in the contraction of an individual muscle fiber begins with a signal—the neurotransmitter, ACh—from the motor neuron innervating that fiber. The local membrane of the fiber will depolarize as positively charged sodium ions (Na+) enter, triggering an action potential that spreads to the rest of the membrane which will depolarize, including the T-tubules. This triggers the release of calcium ions (Ca++) from storage in the sarcoplasmic reticulum (SR). The Ca++ then initiates contraction, which is sustained by ATP. As long as Ca++ ions remain in the sarcoplasm to bind to troponin, which keeps the actin-binding sites “unshielded,” and as long as ATP is available to drive the cross-bridge cycling and the pulling of actin strands by myosin, the muscle fiber will continue to shorten to an anatomical limit.
Muscle contraction usually stops when signaling from the motor neuron ends, which repolarizes the sarcolemma and T-tubules, and closes the voltage-gated calcium channels in the SR. Ca++ ions are then pumped back into the SR, which causes the tropomyosin to reshield (or re-cover) the binding sites on the actin strands. A muscle also can stop contracting when it runs out of ATP and becomes fatigued.
The molecular events of muscle fiber shortening occur within the fiber’s sarcomeres. The contraction of a striated muscle fiber occurs as the sarcomeres, linearly arranged within myofibrils, shorten as myosin heads pull on the actin filaments.
The region where thick and thin filaments overlap has a dense appearance, as there is little space between the filaments. This zone where thin and thick filaments overlap is very important to muscle contraction, as it is the site where filament movement starts. Thin filaments, anchored at their ends by the Z-discs, do not extend completely into the central region that only contains thick filaments, anchored at their bases at a spot called the M-line. A myofibril is composed of many sarcomeres running along its length; thus, myofibrils and muscle cells contract as the sarcomeres contract.


Miscellaneous Poems
The Cattle Country
Up the dusk-enfolded prairie,
Foot-falls, soft and sly,
Velvet cushioned, wild and wary,
Then—the coyote’s cry.
Rush of hoofs, and roar and rattle,
Beasts of blood and breed,
Twenty thousand frightened cattle,
Then—the wild stampede.
Pliant lasso circling wider
In the frenzied flight—
Loping horse and cursing rider,
Plunging through the night.
Rim of dawn the darkness losing
Trail of blackened soil;
Perfume of the sage brush oozing
On the air like oil.
Foothills to the Rockies lifting
Brown, and blue, and green,
Warm Alberta sunlight drifting
Over leagues between.
That’s the country of the ranges,
Plain and prairie land,
And the God who never changes
Holds it in His hand.