Chapter 19, Section 1 of J. B. Bury's The Student's Roman Empire, Part 2. The Student's Roman Empire, Part 2 by John Buniel Bury, Chapter 19, The Principe of Galba in the Year of the Four Emperors, Section 1. Galba and Piso It has been already explained that with the death of a Princeps, the Princepet seizes until a successor is duly elected. This constitutional principle was exhibited in an unusually clear light at the death of Nero. For the interval, the Inter-Principate, so to speak, lasted seven days, and the circumstances were unprecedented. Hitherto the state had been practically, though not theoretically, the inheritance, as it were, of one family. But Nero had neither begotten nor adopted a son, and at his death there was no one belonging to the Julian or Claudian family to claim the allegiance of the Praetorian Guards and the suffrages of the Senate. Consequently, there arose many pretenders to the Princepet, and there may have been even some thoughts of restoring the Republic, though this was hardly seriously contemplated. It was a moment at least when people talked much of the Senate and the Roman people, but the actual decision lay in the hands of the armies. But the armies were not at one, and the result was a series of civil wars, in the course of which four emperors rapidly succeeded one another within the space of less than a year. The Praetorian soldiers had declared for Galba, and to him most eyes in Rome and probably in Italy looked. Having equipped himself for a contest of whose issue he had dispaired, Galba was waiting at Clunia in Tereconensis, supported by the councils of Otto, Titus Vinius, and Cornelius Lockel. His freedmen, Iselus, who was acting in his interests at Rome, arrived with the news of Nero's death seven days after the event, and Galba assumed the title of Caesar. The creation of an emperor in the provinces was a new departure, and it served to give men a glimpse into the real conditions on which the empire depended. A secret of the empire was revealed, according to a famous saying of Tacitus, that a princeps could be made elsewhere then at Rome. The progress of the new princeps to Rome was slow and stained with bloodshed. He was recognized by the senate, who sent a deputation which met him at Narbo Marches, but rival candidates for the supreme powers sprang up on all sides, some formidable, others insignificant. The pretenders who arose in Spain and Gaul were easily disposed of, but more formidable were the pretensions of Fantea's capitol, the Legadas of lower Germany, and of Claudius Messer, the governor of Africa. Messer professedly aimed at restoring the republic, and issued coins with the inscription Propaitore in the republican style. He was killed by the imperial procurator at Galba's instigation. Capitol was slain by some of his officers who supported Galba, but without Galba's orders. The army of upper Germany regarded with hostility the emperor who had been elevated in Spain, and still desired to elevate their own general, Virginia's Rufus, but he persisted in his refusal. Galba, however, fearing his popularity with the army, summoned him to his presence, and forced him to accompany him to Rome. Meanwhile, the pretorian prefect, Nymphidius Sabinas, made an attempt to seize the empire for himself. He supported his claim by pretending to be an illegitimate son of the emperor Gaius. But he miscalculated his influence with the pretorians, who swore fidelity to Galba, and he was cut to pieces. The chief supporter of Nymphidius was the council designate, Syngonius Varro, and he was put to death by Galba's order. The slaughter of Petronius Terpelianus was also commended, without any form of trial, because Nero had appointed him commander of his forces. When Galba approached Rome in October, he was met at the Milvian Bridge by marine soldiers who had been enrolled by Nero. Galba seems to have regarded them as enemies, and ordered his soldiers to charge them and enter the city over their bodies. Thus, the path of the new emperor was tamed with blood. Servius Sulpisius Galba was a man of family and wealth. The senate had reason to see in his elevation the prospect of a return to constitutional government. There is evidence to show that he wished to model his policy on that of Augustus, but he was not strong enough to hold his own. His talents were of very mediocre quality, and he has been described as rather free from vices than distinguished by virtues. He cared little for fame, nor was he grasping, though he was parsimonious to a fault. He was much under the influence of his friends and freedmen, and in difficulties depended on the advice of others more than on himself. His apparent wisdom was often mere indolence, but he was not equal to the greatness which was perhaps thrust upon him. All, says Tacitus, would have agreed that he was fitted for empire if he had not been an emperor. His short principle is marked by a succession of blunders. In the first place, his policy in goal had been unwise. He identified his own cause with the abortive revolt of Vindex, and while he rewarded those cities which had joined in that movement, he punished Laudanum, the Traverii, the Lingonis, and other communities which had remained faithful to Nero. This policy alienated the Germanic legions. In Rome, the severity of Galba and especially his treatment of the marine soldiers produced a bad impression, and his strict ideas of discipline were not popular. He alienated the Praetorian guards by refusing to give them the donative which Nymphidius had promised in his name. Nero had left an empty treasury, and the financial measures which Galba resorted to were very ill-advised. On the one hand, he remitted attacks of two-and-a-half percent of which the nature is unknown, but on the other, he made an attempt to force those who had profited by Nero's liberality to disgorge their booty. He appointed a commission to exact from those who had received presents from Nero nine-tenths of the amount. But as most of these persons had spent their fortunes as lightly as they had gained them, the commission had very little result for its labors. Then, Galba commended that applications should be made to those who had received any money from the favorites of Nero, an absurd measure which led to endless lawsuits. And besides being unprofitable, this policy was injurious, for it created many enemies to the emperor. Moreover, the parsimony of Galba verged on Nenus, and was unfavorably contrasted with the open-handedness of his predecessor. It was rendered all the more glaring by the rapacity of the three men on whose councils he leaned, Vinius, Lako, and Aicellus. He had appointed Lako, Praetorian Prefect, and he had raised his freedmen Aicellus to a question rank. Vinius was designated as his colleague in the consulship for the year 69. These three exerted such an influence over Galba that they were called his three pedagogues. Another circumstance which increased the dissatisfaction with Galba was that he spirited a linus for whose slaughter Rome was clamoring. The freedmen, who had been the intimate advisors of Nero, were put to death. But Vinius, who was betrothed to the daughter of Tijelinus, a widow with a large fortune, exerted his influence to save him. Soon after the first of January 69 AD, this quieting news of a mutiny in the army of Upper Germany reached Rome. Galba had replaced Virginius by Hordeonius Flocus, an old general who was incapable of maintaining discipline. Galba was in a difficulty. He had no forces which he could trust to oppose this movement. The Praetorians were lukewarm. The Spanish legion, the Seventh Galbiana, had been sent to Pannonia, and he had dismissed the German bodyguard of his predecessor. There were some divisions of Germanic and Illyric legions temporarily stationed at Rome, but they were small and uncertain. Galba was decided by his advisors to adopt a consort in the empire. This course might satisfy the wishes of the German army, who clamored for a new imperator. Two names were proposed as candidates for association in the Principate. Vinius supported the claims of Otto, but Locco, who always opposed Vinius and Icelus, recommended Pyssolisinianus. The consultations of this Comedia of the Imperium ended in the choice of Pysso. He was of ancient lineage and high character, but he was unpopular, and under the circumstances his choice was a mistake. He was adopted under the name Servius Sulpisius Galba Caesar on January the 10th, but the measure did not in the least tend to conciliate the soldiery. When the old emperor announced his choice to the Praetorians in a storm of rain and thunder, and appealed to the example of Augustus, who had in a like way associated with himself Agrippa and Tiberius, the soldiers maintained a silent silence. Only the officers and the front ranks uttered the acclamations which made Pysso an imperator. On this occasion Galba might have retrieved his first mistake of not giving a donative, but on this point he was obstinate. In the Senate Pysso's election was received with approbation. But while this measure of Galba failed in its intended effect, it stirred up against him an active enemy in the person of Marcus Sulpius Otto, who had supported Galba from the first, and was indignant that Pysso was preferred to himself. He had been embittered by the long years of exile in Lusitania to which Nero had condemned him. He was wary of restraint. He was deeply involved in debt, and was ready to risk his life unsparingly for the chants of sovereignty. Moreover, he was afraid of the jealousy of Pysso, and his ambitious plans were fostered by soothsayers and astrologers to whose influence he was subject. The enterprise too seemed hopeful owing to the general dissatisfaction with the government of Galba. Those who were beginning to regret the golden days of Nero might hope for the revival under the rule of the luxurious Otto. The guards were easily corrupted by two of their number who had embraced the cause of Otto. Two manipulars, says Tacitus, undertook to transfer the empire of the Roman people, and they did transfer it. The decisive moment came on the morning of the 15th of January. Galba was sacrificed before the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine, and the omens were inauspicious or tending, the Euryspic said, a foe in his own household. Otto was standing by when a freedman announced to him according to a preconcerted signal that his engineer awaited him. The conspirator immediately descended through the house of Tiberius on the northwest side of the Palatine and made his way to the golden milestone in the Forum. Here he was met by 23 soldiers who hailed him as Emperor, placed him in a litter, and hurried him to the camp. Galba, meanwhile, was still impertuning the gods of an empire no longer his when the news of Otto's entry into the camp reached him. After much irresolution it was decided that Piso should proceed Galba to the camp and attempt to quell the mutiny. Then a false report came that Otto had been slain and the Emperor no longer hesitated. Accompanied by a cohort and a large multitude of the populace who had declared themselves on his side, he set out for the camp.  Fellow soldier, said Galba, who ordered you. But there, in the meantime, Otto had been saluted in Perotter by the Praetorians and the regiment of Marine soldiers had also joined him. Otto armed the troops and led them from the camp into the city to suppress the opposition of the populace and the senators. Galba and Piso had halted in the Forum, uncertain whether to advance or to return to the palace. When the cohort which surrounded Galba perceived the advance of Otto's forces, the standard bearer dashed the Imago to the ground, thus showing that the soldiers sympathized with Otto. The people fled from the Forum, the litter in which Galba was born was overturned near the Pool of Cersias and the Emperor was hewn in pieces. The murder of Vinius followed, and Piso, who had sought refuge in the Temple of Vesta, was dragged out and slain. The Senate did not delay to recognize the Imperator whom the Praetorians had chosen. The title of Augustus was immediately conferred and the tribunation power decreed. End of Chapter 19, Section 1. Chapter 19, Section 2 of J. B. Bury's The Student's Roman Empire, Part 2. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. The Student's Roman Empire, Part 2 by J. B. Bury, Chapter 19, The Principe of Galba and the Year of the Four Emperors, Section 2. Otto and Vitalius. But arrival to Otto was already in the field. While these things were enacted at Rome, events of great moment were taking place in Germany. After the murder of Antaeus Capito, the Legatus of lower Germany, Galba had selected Allus Vitalius to take his place. This Vitalius was the son of Lucius Vitalius, who had commanded in the east under Tiberius and been censored with Claudius. Allus had gained the favor of Nero, had been proconsul in Legatus in Africa, but was little fitted for the post for which Galba had chosen him. He was insignificant and good-natured, sensual and indolent. He had no ambition, but circumstances led him to the supreme power. The legions of both lower and upper Germany were discontented with the rule of Galba. They were jealous because he had been created by the Spanish legion, and they did not see why they too should not make an emperor. The recall of Virginius had especially exasperated the troops of the upper province, and on the callons of January, the 4th and the 22nd legions at Mogantiacum had refused to take the oath of allegiance to Galba, and had placed themselves as Galba himself had done when he threw off the yoke of Nero at the disposal of the Senate and the Roman people. The governor, Gordionius, did not venture to interfere, but it was in the lower province that a candidate for the empire was found. On the same night, the news from Mogantiacum reached Italius as he was supping at Colonia. He immediately sent messengers to the legions of his own province in their various quarters. 1st Germanica was stationed at Bona, 5th Aulauda and 15th Primigenia at Vettura, and 16th Gallica at Novesium. On the next day Fabius Valens, the goddess of legion I, arrived from Bona with some horse soldiers and saluted Italius as emperor. On the following day, January the 3rd, the upper army, which had not found a candidate of its own, abandoned the empty and high-sounding names of the Senate and the Roman people and acknowledged Italius. The ardor of the troops was emulated by the provincials of Colonia, the Traveri and the Lingonis, whose city is now represented by Langra. Valerius Asiaticus, the legatus of Belgica, and blesses the governor of Galia Lugdonensis, along with legion I Italica, which properly belonged to Upper Germany, but was then stationed at Lugdonum, declared themselves for the new emperor. Vettelius himself was perhaps the least enthusiastic of all. He took little active part in the preparations for overthrowing Galba, and entrusted the conduct of his cause to his officers, especially to all of Cessina Alienas in the upper province and Gaius Fabius Valens in the lower. Cessina was a young, strong, able, ambitious, and popular legatus. It was decided to advance upon Italy and Rome, and the armament was divided into three parts. Cessina, at the head of 36,000 men, was to cross the Penine Alps. Valens, with 40,000, was to march through Gaul and penetrate by the Codian Pass, and both were to join their forces at Cremona. Vettelius, with the main body of the army, was to come slowly after. His presence was not required, for the troops were so excited that they needed no stimulus. The cause of Vettelius found great sympathy in those parts of Gaul which had declared against Vindex, and had been punished by Galba. The progress of Valens was marked by rapacity and military license. All the cities through which he passed were required to furnish a contribution to the expedition, and special severity was shown to places like Augustodonum and Vienna, which had found favor with Galba. Cessina's march lay through the highlands of the Helvetii, who resented the license of the soldiers. The natives were fierce, and the course of the army was marked by slaughter. The Helvetii were at length, driven into their town Aventicum, and yielded only to the menace of a siege. But before the army of Vettelius reached Italy, the murder of Galba, an accession of Otto, had altered the position of affairs. Otto prepared to meet the armies of his rival, but he first made overtures to Vettelius, offering him a quiet and luxurious retreat, if he retired from the field. If the decision had lain with Vettelius himself, this offer would probably have been accepted, but it really lay with the army, and the army had no intention of retreating. The question could only be decided by arms. Most of the western provinces declared for Vettelius the three Gauls, Narbonenses, Retia and Britain. Otto was recognized in Spain and Illyricum, but Spain soon deserted him, and then the west was entirely on the side of his rival. Thus Otto had the Praetorians and the Four Legions of Pannonia, Dalmatia and Misia to oppose to the forces of Vettelius. Besides this, he obtained the recognition of the eastern provinces of Egypt and Africa, though he could look for no active support from those quarters. It is highly probable that he would have come off victorious in the conflict which followed if he had acted with promptitude and entrusted the supreme military command to one competent general. He was no soldier himself, but he had at his disposal several able officers, such as Suetonius Polines, Maria Celsus, Vestrisius Spirina. Instead of trusting them, he listened to the councils of Licinius Procolus, the Praetorian Prefect, who was inexperienced in warfare, and instead of hastening to occupy the passes of the Alps before the enemy reached the frontiers of Italy, he delayed in Rome. The position of Otto was a difficult one for a man who like him had little talent for ruling men. He was embarrassed by the veiled hostility of the senators who regretted Galba, a man after their own heart, and while they were obliged to accept Otto, would have been pleased at his fall. Otto endeavored to conciliate them and strictly observe their privileges, but in vain. And the difficulty was aggravated by the hostility of the Praetorians to the senators. On one occasion, a party of nobles, whom Otto was entertaining, were almost murdered by the soldiers who suspected them of a conspiracy against the emperor. The remarkable circumstance that no copper coinage was issued by the Senate under Otto may be partly explained by the fact that he was not made Pontifax Maximus until March 9th. The Senate may have delayed until he received the full number of the imperial titles. The enthusiasm of the populace who greeted Otto as Nero and looked for a revival of Nero's liberal policy did not tend to conciliate the senators. Otto even adopted the name Nero officially, but gave it up again in deference to the feelings of the Senate. He sacrificed to Gelinas whom Galba had spared to the public hatred. The Praetorian soldiers were also a difficulty. They were conscious that Otto owed his position to them and depended on their support as his best arm in the coming struggle. It was therefore impossible to oppose them or maintain strict discipline. He had placed himself in a false position at the beginning by allowing them to choose their own prefects. In the two months which elapsed between the accession of Otto and his departure from the city, there are few acts of general policy to record. Occupied with preparations for the war, he had little time for government. In Spain, the colonies of Hispales and Emerita were strengthened. The province of Batica was increased in extent by the addition of some districts in the land beyond the Strait. Africa and Cappadocia received various privileges. An invasion of Misia by the Rosolani, a Sarmatian tribe, was repelled and the victorious officers were rewarded by Otto with high distinctions. In these measures, we can see the aim of Otto to strengthen his political position. The civil war began in March. The Republic had not been rent by domestic struggles. Italy had not been exposed to the disasters of warfare since the terrible years which followed the Great Caesar's death. Men remembered Philippi, Mutna and Perugia and looked with horror to a repetition of such scenes. And the prospect was all the worse as neither of the chiefs, for whom so much blood was to be shed, was worth fighting for. As candidates for the government of the Republic, both the dissolute Otto and the gluttonous Vitalius were contemptible. They were instruments, it seemed, chosen by fate for the ruin of the state. But while Vitalius was torped, Otto at least was active. When the time for action came, he threw off luxury, marched on foot, rough and unkempt at the head of his troops, quite unlike himself. He set out from the city on the 14th of March, leaving his brother Titianus in charge at Rome, and forcing a number of senators whom he feared to leave behind to accompany him. The object of the Vitalians was to gain possession of Rome. Until their chief was recognized there by the people in the Senate, it was felt that he was only a pretender. The object of Otto was to prevent his enemy from crossing the paddus, the second defense of Italy, for the Alps, its first defense, had already been passed by Cicina. For this purpose, Onius Gallus and Vestricius Spirina had been sent on in advance with a force consistent of five Praetorian courts, and the remainder of the Legio Classica, numbered first, which had escaped the sword of Galba, besides a corpse of 2,000 gladiators. They expected to be reinforced by 8,000 men, sent forward from the four legions of Pannonia and Dalmatia, which were themselves following at leisure. Otto followed with the rest of the Praetorians, and a large number of Marines. By his fleet, he commended the west coast of Italy, and was assured of the adhesion of Corsica and Sardinia. A division of troops was sent to seize the district of the Maritime Alps and attack the province of Narbonenses. The procurator of the Maritime District attempted resistance, and the irritated soldiers vented their wrath on the town of Albintimilla. The cities of Narbonenses, especially Forum Giulia, sent for aid to Valens, who was advancing to join Cicina. In the battles which ensued, the Vitalian party was worsened, but the Uthonians retreated to Albigonum, Albenga, an inland city of Liguria. The beginnings of the war in this quarter were prosperous for Otto. When Cicina entered Cisalpine Gaul, he had won the adhesion of a squadron of cavalry, which was stationed in that region, and known as the Arla Siliana. Along with it, the municipal towns of Mediolanum, Iperedia, Novaria and Vercelli embraced the cause of Italy, and the invaders held most of the land between the Pardus and the Alps. The communication between Rome and Illyricum, however, was uninterrupted. One of those quarts of the Pannonian army, which had been sent on in advance, was captured by the Vitalians at Cremona, and some other divisions of the Uthonians were disconfident near to Cinnum. But the first serious engagement took place at Placentia, which was defended by Vastricius Perina. Cicina himself had crossed the river to capture it, but the assault, in the course of which a large amphitheater outside the town was consumed by fire, was unsuccessful. Cicina was forced to retire to his camp near Cremona. Meanwhile, Anias Gallus was hastening to relieve Placentia, but on hearing that the enemy had been repelled, he took up a position at Betriacum, a place lying between Cremona and Mantua, and distant about two days' march from Verona. About the same time, the Atonian corpse of gladiators, under Marcia's master, crossed over to the north bank of Dupades, near Cremona, and defeated a body of Italian auxiliaries. It was thought that this success should have been followed up. The commanders, Gallus, Atonians and Celsus, were severely criticized by their own party, and their fidelity to Otto was questioned. In consequence of these suspicions, the Emperor was led to summon his brother Titianus from Rome, and make him Commander-in-Chief. But before he arrived, the Atonians achieved another success, which might have decided a war in their favor, but for the ill judgment or treachery of Suetonius Polines. This general, and Marcia Celsus, had joined forces with Gallus at Betriacum. Cicina disgusted with his failure at Placentia, and anxious to gain a victory before the arrival of his colleague Valens, determined to bring on an action, and with this intent placed an ambush of picked auxiliaries in woods overhanging the pastumian way, at a place called Locus Castorum, from a temple of Castrian Pollux. Some cavalry were detached to events along the road, and lured the enemy to the spot. But the Atonian generals got intelligence of their stratagem, and skillfully arranged a counter stratagem. Gallus had been hurt by a fall from his horse. Accordingly, Celsus and Polines divided the command, Polines taking the infantry, and Celsus the cavalry. They drew up their army on this wise. Three praetorian corps were placed in columns on the road itself, and formed the center of the array. On the left were posted the advanced body, two thousand strong, of the thirteenth legion from Pannonia, with five auxiliary corps and five hundred cavalry. On the right stood the first classica, with two auxiliary corps, and likewise five hundred cavalry. A body of a thousand picked horsemen was placed in reserve. When the Vitalians, according to their plan, pretended to retreat in order to draw their opponents into the ambush-cade, Celsus kept his men from advancing too far, and when the ambush troops, sure of success, rushed out, he gradually retreated, and drew them on into the snare which had been prepared for them. When Celsus and his cavalry, hotly pursued by the enemy, reached the three praetorian corps stationed on the Via Postumia, the legionary soldiers, who were right and left of the Via, advanced and closed up in front, so as to oppose a continuous line to the pursuers. At the same time, the auxiliary corps on both sides were pushed forward, so as to take the Vitalians in the flanks. Finally, the reserve body of cavalry was dispatched to ride round and come on them in the rear, so that they were completely enclosed in the well-contribed snare. But Suetonius, for whatever reason, did not act with sufficient promptitude. He wasted time in preliminaries, and did not give the signal to the infantry to attack, until many of the Vitalians had time to seek refuge in the vineyards adjacent to the road, where it was impossible to use the pila freely. But when the infantry of Suetonius at length attacked, they carried all before them. Celsus brought up his corps one by one, and each by itself was too weak to withstand the assault of the Autonians. Celsus and his whole army, it was said, might have been annihilated, if Suetonius had not sounded a retreat, and hindered his troops from attempting to carry the enemy's camp at Cremona. Some suspected him of treachery. Valens had already arrived at Tysinem, and soon after this defeat pushed on to join forces with Tysinna at Cremona. Meanwhile, Otto came himself to Betriachem, and held a council of war. Suetonius, Gallus, and Marius Celsus were of opinion that a general engagement should not be risked until the arrival of the Illyric legions, which, in discipline and valor, were a match for the troops of the Rhine. But Otto could not endure to wait longer for the decision of his fate, and Titianus and Procolus, who perhaps thought more of his wishes than his interests, voted for immediate action. Otto then retired to Bricelum, Breselo, and the army, which was now commanded nominally by Titianus, but really by Procolus, advanced westward from Betriachem, and encamped four miles near Cremona. The ultimate strategical object seems to have been to reach the confluence of the Padas and the Adua, two hours west of Cremona, so as to sever the communication between that city and Tysinem. Yet it is hardly credible that even Titianus would have conceived anything so rash as a flank march past the enemy stationed at Cremona. The messages of Otto, who was growing more and more impatient, induced his brother, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the more experienced generals, to advance further in the direction of the enemy. Meanwhile, the Vitalians had been occupied in building a bridge across the Padas near the mouth of the Adua. Marcius Mosser, with his gladiators, had endeavored to prevent them, and a struggle had taken place for the possession of an island in midstream in which the gladiators were worsened by Batavian troops. They blamed Mosser for this disconfigure, and he was with difficulty rescued from their vengeance. Flavius Sabinas was appointed in his deed with a general command over the Otonian forces south of the river. On the 15th of April, Cicina, who had been hurrying on the building of the bridge, returned to Cremona to find that the Otonian forces had arrived within four miles of the place that a body of their cavalry had attacked the camp and that Valens had given the signal to march forth to fight. The battle which ensued, generally called the Battle of Betriacum, though more correctly the Battle of Cremona, is far less interesting from a military point of view than that of Locus Castorum, although, as things turned out, it decided the war. A report was spread that the Vitalians had abandoned their cause, and the Otonians grounded their arms and hailed them as friends, but they were soon undeceived. The fighting took place on the high road and in the groves and vineyards on either side. The contending parties were equally matched, and on Oto's side the Legio classica displayed conspicuous bravery. But there was no general action. The battle consisted of a series of desultory conflicts. The result was undecided until Oto's generals fled, and at the same moment reinforcements arrived for the Vitalians in the shape of the Batavian cords which had recently routed the gladiators. Their flank attack was decisive. The defeated army fled along the high road to their camp, and next morning capitulated. Oto awaited the result at Britselum, guarded by some divisions of the Praetorians. The defeat at Cremona was not in itself necessarily decisive of the war. He had still every chance of retrieving his fortunes with the help of the approaching legions from Illyricum. But he was wary of the uncertainty, and when the news of defeat came, he made up his mind to die. He did not think of his obligations to the troops which fought for him. Perhaps he felt unable to trust his generals. In the evening he called for two daggers, of which he chose the Sharper, and placed it beneath his pillow. Having slapped for some hours, he drew forth the weapon at Daybreak and fell upon it. His dying groan was heard, and when his slaves rushed in, they found their master dead, on April the 17th. If in the effeminacy of his life he was supposed to resemble Nero, the resolution which he displayed in his death contrasted with Nero's ignoble end. His body was immediately placed on a pyre, and some of the Praetorians slew themselves on the spot. The ashes were buried under a humble monument. The Praetorians at Brixellum then offered the Empire to Virginia's Rufus, who was in attendance on Otto, and he declined their offer as he had before refused that of the legions of Germany. No course remained but submission to the Italians. The victorious armies plundered and desolated the Italian cities, which had already been exhausted by the soldiers of Otto, and Valens and Cicina did not attempt to hinder the rapine. In Rome, the news of Otto's death was received with joy. The Senate met and decreed to Vitalius all the imperial titles by a single act on April the 19th. Just as Otto had been regarded as the successor of Nero, Vitalius was considered the successor of Galba. The images of Galba were born, crowned with flowers, to the spot in the forum where he had fallen. Everything was done to conciliate the Germanic legions to whose approach Rome looked forward with dread. End of Chapter 19, Section 2 Chapter 19, Section 3 of J.B. Bury's The Student's Roman Empire, Part 2 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. The Student's Roman Empire, Part 2 by J.B. Bury, Chapter 19 The Principate of Galba in the Year of the Four Emperors, Section 3 Vitalius and Vespasian Vitalius himself, meanwhile, had been moving with characteristic torpor through goal. He had with him about 60,000 men, including the strength of the Germanic armies in some divisions which had been sent from Britain. The tidings of victory reached him at the same time as the announcement that the Mauritanian provinces had declared for him. The Seas albinus had been appointed procurator of Caesareances by Nero and the Tingeitain province had been added to his sway by Galba. On Galba's death he embraced the cause of Otto and threatened Spain. But Clavius Rufus, the Legatus of Terecanensis, on whom it devolved to provide for the military protection of Batica, succeeded in slaying albinus and his chief supporters. It was said that albinus had some thought of reviving for himself the royal title which had expired with King Juba. The Imperator descended the river Arar in a barge and at Lucdanum was met by his victorious generals, Valens and Cicina. Here he conferred his own title of Germanicus upon his infant son. The vengeance of Vitalius chiefly fell upon subordinate officers, especially those of the Illyrian legions which were sent back to their stations. His rival's brother Titianus, Suetonius, Procolus and Marius Celsus were all spared. Vitalius perhaps did not forget that his own wife and children had been spared by Otto. The 14th legion which had been removed from Britain by Nero was now sent back there. The Legioclassica was dispatched to Spain. The Praetorian Guard was disbanded and the New Guard formed from the Germanic soldiers who demanded this promotion in return for their services. Thus the principle that the Praetorians should consist only of Italian levies was transgressed. The New Guard consisted of 16 courts of 1000 men each instead of 9 as before. The four urban courts were also organized anew. Rome was overrun by soldiers. Besides the New Guards there were four legions, four divisions of other legions, 34 courts of auxilia and 12 squadsions of cavalry, all of which had entered Rome with the victor and treated it as a captured city. The administration of Vitalius was better than might have been expected from the license of his subordinates. He filled the offices of his household with knights, not with freedmen. He respected the independence of the senate and attended its meetings. When he was opposed in the Curia he observed that it was not strange that two senators should differ, that he himself had sometimes dissented from Thrasaea. He forbade processes for Maestas and confirmed the privileges which had been granted by his predecessors. He also made laws against the practice of Roman knights degrading themselves by fighting in the arena and banished astrologers from Italy. Whereas Golba and Otto had adopted the Cognomen Caesar as part of their imperial style, Vitalius refused to affiliate himself thus to the Julian dynasty. He had postponed the assumption of the title Augustus, but it was pressed on him when he arrived in Rome. On the other hand he permitted a perpetual consulship to be decreed to him. In regard to his attitude to the senate it is important to remark that he dated his accession, these in Pedi, not from the day on which the army had saluted him in Parada, but from the decree of the senate after Otto's death. But the real power lay with Valens and Cicina. They encouraged the emperor in the core sensuality to which he was naturally addicted while they enriched themselves and made all the state appointments. The cost of increasing the number of pretorians and the extravagant expenditure of the glibness-principus on the pleasures of the table led soon to a deficit to meet which the coinage was depreciated. While western Europe was rent with civil wars and emperors rose and fell in rapid succession, the legions of the east looked on with surprise and indifference. Galba and Otto were acknowledged in Syria and Judea, even Vitalius was accepted for a moment. But when it was fully grasped that Vitalius had been elevated by the Germanic army, a dormant spirit of jealousy began to awake in the legions of the east, just as the Germanic legions themselves had been excited at the elevation of Galba in Spain. If a princeps could be made out of Italy, why should he not be made in the east as well as in the north? If the army of the Rhine created an emperor, if the army of the Danube supported another, why should not the army of the Euphrates have their candidate too? This feeling spread among both officers and men in the east determined to assert itself in the commission of the empire. The only question was, who should be the candidate? The most natural person to select was Gaius Licinius Musianus, the legatus of Syria, a man of noble birth, and experienced and able diplomatist, popular with the soldiers. But he refused, perhaps because he had no children, and thought it vain to attempt to found a permanent monarchy except as a dynasty. Then all eyes turned to Titus Flavius Vespasianus, the legatus of Judea. He was not a man of high descent like Musianus. He was born of obscure family at Falocrine near Riate, the town of Aurore. We have already met him doing good service in the conquest of Britain as the commander of a legion. He had afterwards held the consulship on 51 A.D., but the fall of Narcissus, his patron, interrupted his career, and it was not till after the death of Agrippina that he again took part in public life as the proconsul of Africa in 63 A.D., which he administered with integrity. He followed in Eurostrain to Greece, and was appointed by that monarch, governor of Judea in 66 A.D., to suppress a formidable rebellion which had broken out there. He was slowly and surely carrying this task to a successful issue when the news of Nero's death came, upon which he withdrew his troops from the field of action and seized hostilities. This act does not imply any ulterior motives on the part of Vespasian. His office was delegated to him by Nero, and his authority expired with the death of the Imperator who delegated it, so that he had no legal position to act until his powers were delegated to him anew by another Imperator. On July 1st Vespasian was proclaimed Imperator at Alexandria by Titus Julius Alexander, the Augustal Prefect of Egypt, and from this day Vespasian dated the beginning of his reign. A few days later the Judean legions followed with enthusiasm at Caesarea, and Musianus, who zealously assumed the role of a kingmaker, secured the adhesion of both soldiers and citizens at Antioch. A probably forged letter of Otto was produced, calling upon the east to avenge his death, and Musianus inflamed the soldiers by stating that Vitalius intended to recall them from their luxurious quarters in Syria and replace them by the legions of Gaul and Germany. The choice of the armies was supported by the Vassal Kings, Sohemis of Sofini, Antiochus of Comagena, and Agrippa II, Lord of Batania, Trachonites and other districts. Negotiations were made with the King of Parthia to ensure the safety of the eastern provinces during the absence of the legions in the west, and he even offered to place at Vespasian's disposal a force of mounted cavalry, and his offer was refused. A council of war was held at the colony of Baritus, where Musianus and Vespasian concerted measures for the campaign against Vitalius. It was decided that Musianus should lead the expedition to the west, and that Vespasian himself should occupy Egypt, whose possession was very important in a war against Italy, as Rome depended for her corn supply chiefly on Egypt. Titus, the son of Vespasian, took his father's place in Judea. Musianus marched westward through Cappadocia and Phrygia. The number of his troops was not large, only about 20,000 or 25,000 men, but he relied upon the accession of the armies of the Illyric provinces, which burned to avenge the death of Otto. The unanimity of the Eastern and Illyric armies was expressed on coins issued at this period with the word Consensus Exerchitum. In Misia, three legions were stationed, the Third Galica, the Eighth Augusta, and the Seventh Quodiana. Of these, the Third had been originally in Syria and was transferred to Misia by Nero. Musianus relied on its adhesion, and it did not fail him. The other two followed its example. The two legions in Pannonia, the Thirteenth Gemina and the Seventh Galbiana, eagerly embraced the cause of Vespasian. They were smarting under the defeat which their contingents had experienced at Betriachem, and the treatment which they received from Vitalius. The Thirteenth had been employed by Cicina and Valens in the construction of amphitheaters at Bannonia and Cremona, and had then been sent back to their winter station at Petovio. Antonius Primus, a native of Toulosa and Legatus of the Spanish legion of Galba, threw himself ardently into the cause. The legion in Domacia, the Eleventh Quodiana, followed the example of the others, but with less zeal. Emissaries of Vespasian won the adhesion of the Fourteenth Legion, which was returning to Britain. The march of Musianus was slow, like that of Valens through goal. He collected money as he went, on the principle that money is the sinews of civil war. He was fully aware of the difficulty of the enterprise. He had a high idea of the valor of the Germanic legions, and his wish was, if possible, to avoid bloodshed and reduce Italy by a blockade. The stoppage of corn supplies from Egypt might, it was expected, produce a revolution in Rome. But the Illyric legions, under the influence of Antonius Primus, took matters into their own hands, and did not wait for the arrival of the Eastern forces. At a council of war held at Petovio, Primus urged the expediency of surprising Italy while it was still unprepared, and his councils were adopted, in spite of the letters from Musianus and the opposition of the governor of Pannonia, Tempius Flavianus. The latter was suspected by the soldiers of sympathy with Vitalius, and had little influence. A message was sent to Eponius Saturnianus, governor of Misia, to hurry on with his army. The Zazages, who dwelled between the Danube and the Thys, were engaged to undertake the defense of the Danube during the absence of the legions, and two Swavian kings, Psydo and Italicus, joined the expedition against Italy. The procurator of Ricia was faithful to Vitalius, and in order to prevent him from intervening, troops were sent to the river Innes, in which divided Ricia from Noricum. Primus advanced in front of the main body, with some detachments of horse and foot. He occupied Aquilia and the passes of the Julian Alps, but instead of waiting on the confines of Italy as Musianus desired, he proceeded to Opertergium, Oderto and Altainum, in which places he was gladly welcomed. Potavium declared for his cause, and likewise attestee east, where he heard that some Vitalian troops were stationed at Forum Elianae, which is perhaps the modern Menagol on the adage. He surprised them, and thus the beginning of the war declared in favor of the Flavians, as the party of Flavius Vespasianus was called. On the news of this small success, the two Panonic legions marched rapidly to Potavium, and it was decided to make Verona the basis of further operations. Vesetia, Vicenza, was taken on the march to Verona, which city they prepared to besiege. The third and the eighth legions soon arrived from Misia. Outside Verona, the governor of Pannonia, Flavianus, and the governor of Misia, Aponius, were sat upon by the soldiers who suspected them of treachery to the cause and escaped with difficulty. Their flight left the conduct of the campaign entirely in the hands of Primus. Meanwhile, Vitalius was ill-prepared to oppose the forces which had approached to rest the empire from his hands. The breaking up of the old legions for the sake of the reorganization of the Pretorians had been, under the circumstances, a fatal mistake. They were weakened, not only by the decrease of numbers, but by the relaxation of discipline in their Italian quarters, and there was no bond between the veterans and the new recruits who were raised to fill up the maniples. Vitalius formed a new legion from the marines of the fleet of Missanum. He expected reinforcements from the provinces, but the governors of Germany, Britain, and Spain made excuses for delay. Africa alone, where Vitalius had formerly won popularity as per consul, showed some alacrity. When the news of the approach of the enemy came, Cicina was sent on to defend the north of Italy. Valens was detained at Rome by illness. The army which Cicina led against the Illyric legions wore a very different appearance from that which it presented when it descended from the Alps to play the part which the Illyric legions were now about to play against it. The Germanic troops had lost their vigor and their enthusiasm. They were innervated by the climate, their arms were in bad order, their horses lazy. The vigor of Cicina himself had suffered from the pleasures of success, and perhaps he meditated treachery before he left the city under the influence of Flavius Sabainus, the prefect of the city, Vespasian's elder brother. The plan of Cicina was to make the river a thesis, the line of defense. Cavalry were sent in advance to occupy Cremona, which played an important part in this as in the former war. The 5th Felaude and the 22nd Primigenia, with the divisions of four other legions, followed. Last of all, the 21st Rapex and the 1st Italica, with the divisions of the Britannic legions, which had been sent to support Vitalius against Otto, marched to the north. The two last-name legions were sent to Cremona, the other forces to Hastilia, a village still existing as Ostilia on the lower course of the Padas. Cicina himself turned aside to Ravenna in order to concert with Lysilius Bassus, the commander of the fleet, a treacherous desertion of Vitalius. Bassus was discontented because he had not been appointed Praetorian prefect. It was soon known that the fleet had gone over to the enemy. This was the first blow to the cause of Vitalius. Cicina's army had encamped between Hastilia and the marshes of the River Tartarus, which flows into the Adriatic between the Padas and the Aethesis. It was a good position. The camp was covered by the river on the rear and flanked by the marsh. If Cicina had been in earnest, he should have been able to crush the two panonic legions before the mission troops arrived. But he delayed action on various pretexts, allowed the five Flavian legions to assemble at Verona, and finally tried to persuade his soldiers to desert to Vespasian. But his attempts were vain. The troops restored the images of Vitalius, which he and a few officers whom he beguiled had thrown down, and bound Cicina himself. They elected as their leaders Fabius Fabolis, the goddess of the fifth legion, and Cassius Longus, prefect of the camp. Then they moved back to Hastilia and proceeded to join the other legions at Cremona. When Primus learned what had happened, he determined that it was the favorable moment for action. The plans of the Vitalians had been thrown out by the desertion of Cicina. They had no leader of authority until Fabius Valens should arrive from Rome. Primus hastened to anticipate his arrival, and led his army in two days from Verona to Betriacum, in order to intercept the legions coming from Hastilia. In camping at Betriacum, he advanced himself with some cavalry and cords of auxiliary foot towards Cremona, and falling in with some Vitalian troops defeated them. The two legions stationed at Cremona, Italica and Rappax, then came up, and were beaten back by the Flavian legionaries who had been summoned from Betriacum. In this conflict, Primus left nothing undone that devolved upon a good general and a brave soldier. As the evening was falling, the whole body of the Flavian army came up, and the soldiers were eager to hurry on to Cremona and take it by assault. The efforts of Primus himself who tried to expel the folly of such an attempt would hardly have been sufficient to restrain them, but the news arrived that the six legions of Hastilia had reached Cremona. They had crossed to the right bank of the paddas and marched to Cremona by Parma, and although they had accomplished thirty miles that day, they were so excited by the news of the defeat that they hastened to attack the Flavians the same night. Thus, in the same place where the struggle had been decided between Otto and Vitalius, was also to be decided the struggle between Vitalius and Vespasian. Primus made his dispositions for the battle as follows. He placed the thirteenth legion in the center on the Via Postumia. Next it, on the left, in the open plain, was stationed the seventh Galbiana, and beyond it the seventh Claudiana. On the other side, replaced in corresponding positions the eighth and the third, of which the latter was protected by dense underwood. The Praetorians whom Vitalius had disbanded had joined Vespasian and they stood near the third. The flanks and rear were fringed with cavalry. The Swavian auxiliaries were in front. About nine o'clock in the evening, the Vitalian legions approached and drew up in disorder. Where though they were with the long march, with hunger and cold, they pressed the Flavians hard and the fierce and doubtful battle lasted the whole night through. The seventh Galbiana was especially hard-pressed, but it was sustained by Primus who sent the Praetorians to assist it. The Ballistae and engines of the Vitalians, which they planted on the causeway, wrought great mischief among the Flavian ranks, till two brave soldiers lost their lives in cutting the cords which impelled the missiles. Fortune began to declare for the Flavians when the moon rose in their rear at an advanced hour of the night and rendered the aim of the enemy more difficult. Primus rallied his flag in troops. The third, which had been originally stationed in Syria, saluted the rising sun and from this incident a report was spread that Musienas had arrived with the Eastern army. The Flavians, believing themselves reinforced, fought with confidence and their foes, completely routed, fled to Cremona. Primus led on his victorious troops, excited with the prospect of plunder against Cremona. In the war with Otto the German soldiers had made their camp round the walls of the city and surrounded the camp with a rampart. The Flavians stormed the camp with much labor and then the town capitulated. The soldiers, who hated the place, which had been twice the headquarters of the Vitalians and burned with the desire of plundering the wealthy colony, did not respect the capitulation. Primus had retired to refresh himself with a bath and when he complained that the water was not warm enough the attendant said it will soon be hotter. The word was seized by some who heard it and interpreted as a permission to burn the city. Forty thousand armed men with crowds of camp followers burst into the place and the inhabitants experienced all the horrors of military license. The miserable Cremona burned for four days and no edifice was left in it at the temple of Moffitis, the deity of the marshes. If Valens had hurried northward he might have reached Cremona in time to change the course of history but his movements were slow. He sent three praetorian cords which had followed him to Arminum when himself to Etruria and having heard of the result of the battle of Cremona took ship for goal intending to rouse the northern provinces to retrieve the cause of itelias. But Valerius Polinas, the procurator of Narbonensis who had embraced his friends Vespasian's cause succeeded in capturing Valens. Then the legions of the western provinces, Spain, gold and Britain declared four Vespasian. Meanwhile Umbria was occupied by the Flavians and the cords at Arminum were blockaded by land and sea. Italy was divided by the Apennines between Vespasian and Vitalius. The contest was not yet over for the praetorian guards, the pick of the Germanic army had taken no part hitherto in the war and were still to be dealt with and Vitalius had still a strong natural defense in the Apennines. Primus, leading most of his army at Verona, led a force consisting of auxiliary cords and chosen legionaries along with the eleventh legion from Dalmatia to Fanum Fortune. At this place, the present Fanum, which lies between Ancona and Arminum, the Flaminian road reaches the Adriatic sea. Here Primus waited expecting that the troops of Vitalius would desert the emperor. In the meantime Vitalius had been burying his cares in central gratifications. At first he could hardly believe the tidings from Cremona, but when he was at length wakened out of his sleep he sent fourteen cords to defend the Apennine passes at Mevania, Mevania near Fulginium on the Flaminian road. To these forces was added a new marine legion which he formed from the fleet of Missanum. The remaining cords were kept to defend the city under the command of his brother, Lucius Vitalius. The emperor himself visited the camp at Mevania, but on the news that the Missanum fleet had declared for the enemy he returned to Rome. The next blow was a defection of Campania. The Semnites, Martians and Pelinians followed. Vitalius divided his forces. Some were stationed at Narnia to oppose the advance of the Flavians. Others were sent to check the movement in Campania. Primus crossed the Apennines with great difficulty owing to the heavy snow, and stationed himself at Carsole, north of Narnia, where he was presently joined by his legions. The Vitalian cords had little spirit to fight, but when the head of Fabius Valens, whom they believed to be in Germany collecting a new army, was exhibited to them, they no longer hesitated and submitted to the victor who treated them with clemency in December. Primus then offered terms to Vitalius. If he submitted, he and his children should have a safe retreat in Campania. Missianus wrote to the same effect, and Vitalius readily agreed to the proposal. Such a torpor had seized upon his spirit that he would himself have forgotten that he was princeps if the rest had not remembered it. The transference of the empire took place in the temple of Apollo. Vitalius came forth from the palace, gladdened black with his family around him, and proceeding to the forum offered his dagger to the consul Cecilius, who refused to accept it. He then turned towards the temple of Concord to deposit there the insignia of empire, but a number of the Praetorian soldiers prevented him and compelled him to return to the palace on December 17th. These adherents would not permit him to carry out the agreement. Senators and knights, the urban soldiery, and the courts of the watch Vigilis had gathered to the house of the spacing's brother, Flavius Sabianus, who had acted as a mediator. They urged Sabianus to occupy the palace in his brother's interest. But as they conveyed him thither, on December 18th, they were attacked by the Vitalians at a place called the Pool of Fundanius. Sabianus and a few others fled to the Capitoline Hill and shut themselves up in the temple of Jupiter. The Vitalians guarded the approaches, but during a violent storm of rain, Sabianus communicated with his friends and received into the place of refuge both his own children and his nephew the Mission, the son of Vespasian. The next morning the Vitalians assaulted the capital. From the forum they rushed up the Clevis, but the Flavians, issuing on the roof of the portico, which reached from the temple of Saturn to the capital, hurled down stones and tiles. The assailants then set fire to the portico and would have passed through the burnt door into the court of the temple, if Sabianus had not torn down the statues and monuments which filled the place and thus constructed a barrier. Foiled here, the Vitalians attempted other ways of ascent. One of these rose from the shoulder of the hill. Another was closed to the Tarpean Rock and known as the Hundred Stairs. By the former, especially, they forced their way along the tops of houses and with the help of fire. At length the conflagration broke out on the summit of the hill and the temple of Jupiter was consumed. The Mission escaped and hid himself in a porter's hut, but Sabianus was seized and carried to the palace, where, in spite of the attempts of Vitalius to save him, he was slain and his trunk dragged. He was dragged to the Germanian stairs outside the carcer on December 19. Immediately after this, Serialius, who had been sent on by Primus, arrived with 1,000 horsemen and tried to force his way into Rome. But the Vitalians were prepared and drove him back. Primus was himself closed at hand and had reached Saxa Rubra when he learned the destruction of the capital and the repulse of Serialius. The slaughter of Sabianus rendered further negotiations impossible and the deputation of the Vestals beseeching for a conference was rejected. The Flavians attacked Rome in three divisions. One party approached the Colline gate, another marched through fields along the bank of the Tiber, and a third band between these advanced along the Flominian way. The Vitalians, who had armed the rabble and the slaves, went forth to meet them, but were driven back with slaughter. Conquerors and conquerors entered the city together and the battle was renewed in the streets. Then the Praetorian camp was stormed. It is sad that 50,000 men were slain in the capture of Rome. Vitalius tried to make his escape to join his brother, Lysius, who held Taracina, but he was discovered, dragged from his hiding place, and amid the mockery of the soldiers was hailed to the Germanian stairs, and slain with insults. December 20th or 21st. His last words were perhaps the only he had ever uttered worth recording. Yet I was your emperor. Thus perished the first emperor who had been set up by the Germanic legions. His brother, Lysius Vitalius, who had occupied Taracina, soon afterwards surrendered and was put to death. For a second time in the same year Rome was occupied by a victorious army and citizens were exposed to the license of soldiers greedy for plunder whom their leader Primus did not keep in check. The mission, the second son of Vespasian, was installed in the palace and received the name of Caesar, but the power was in the hands of Primus, a soldier whom Vespasian had no intention of placing in such a position. But he did not enjoy the pleasures of power long. Missianus presently arrived and his entry into the city was felt as a relief. He acted as a semi-official representative of Vespasian until Vespasian came himself. He sternly suppressed the license of the soldiers, dismissed the lyric legions from Rome, and taught Primus his place. He put to death Glirianus, the son of Pysso, whom Galba had made his colleague, and Asiaticus, a freedman of Italius. The senate hastened to make the victorious emperor a legitimate emperor by the usual decrees, conferring on him the proconsular power, the title Augustus, and other prerogatives. The tribunitian power, however, does not seem to have been conferred upon him until a considerably later time. The emperor and his elder son Titus were designated consuls for the year 70. The pretership and consular power were decreed to the mission. The triumphal ornaments were voted to Missianus for his defense of Misia against Adassian invasion, which had taken place as he passed through that province. Antonius Primus and Arius Varus, who was made Praetorian prefect, received the lesser distinctions of the consular and praetorian insignia, respectively. Thus the remarkable year of the four emperors came to an end. The events between the death of Nero and the victory of Vespasian throw instructive light on the conditions of the empire. The following points deserve notice. 1. The most striking motive which determined the course of the civil wars was the exclusive and jealous Esprit de Cor, which was growing up among the different armies. The Germanic army was hostile to Galba because he was proclaimed by the Spanish legion, and the Eastern and Illyric armies were jealous of the Germanic troops because they proclaimed Vitalius. 2. Galba, however, cannot be considered so strictly a candidate set up by the soldiers as Vitalius and Vespasian. He posed as a senatorial candidate and was not forced upon the Senate in the same way as the emperors who came from Germany and Syria. 3. Each successive emperor professed to represent the cause of him whom his rival had overthrown. Vespasian came to avenge Oto, and Oto came to avenge Nero, and Vitalius, though when first proclaimed he was the rival of Galba, afterwards posed as his successor. 4. Although the legions irrigated the right of creating emperors, they recognized that their candidates were only pretenders until they possessed Rome and were acknowledged by the Senate. 5. The dilemma in which the empire was placed in regard to the question of dynastic succession is clearly shown. While the hereditary principle was followed, weak or bad rulers like Gaius and Nero were an inevitable result. On the other hand, when there was no candidate with an hereditary claim to the principle, the state was exposed to the dangers of civil war, such as followed on the death of Nero. 6. Dynastic succession, however, was considered the least evil. The fact that he had no children deterred Missianus from accepting the empire and perhaps the same motive influenced Virginius. Both Oto and Vitalius destined their children as their successors, and Vespasian founded a new dynasty. Galba, who had no children, resorted to the principle of adoption following the example of Augustus. Each of the emperors, with the exception of Vitalius, attached himself in a certain manner to the house of the Giuliae and Claudiae by adopting the name Caesar, and even Vitalius assumed it in his last crisis. For more information or to volunteer, please visit therevolks.org, recording by Morgan Scorpion. The Students' Roman Empire Part II by John Bagnell Bure, Chapter 20, Rebellions in Germany and Judea, 69-70 AD, Section 1. First Stage of the Revolt of Sevilleus While the legions were contending for the right of electing a princeps, and Italy was devastated with civil war, the empire was threatened in two opposite quarters, in the southeast and in the southwest, with serious danger from rebellious provincials. And to meet these dangers was the first task that devolved upon Vespasian. We shall see presently how the insurrection in Judea was suppressed. There he had merely to finish a work which was already half accomplished. We must follow the curious and terrible rebellion which, breaking out among auxiliary troops of the Germanic army, extended to the free Germans beyond the Rhine, and led to the foundation of a transitory Gallic empire. In the province of Lower Germany, the Batavians, who occupied the delta of the Rhine, the district enclosed between the Valhalles, Wall, and the Rhine proper, held a peculiar position. Their fidelity to the empire had been conspicuous. They had taken no part in that movement of their countrymen which led to the defeat of Verus. They paid no tribute, but on the other hand they were required to supply a very large contingent of recruits to the army. They did not grumble at the burden of this conscription. They were brave and daring soldiers, skillful in riding and swimming. Eight Batavian cohorts, associated with the fourteenth legion in Upper Germany, had been sent with that legion to take part in the conquest of Britain, where they had distinguished themselves conspicuously by their valour. Both the legion and its auxiliaries were recalled by Nero to aid in the eastern expedition which he planned at the end of his reign, but the revolt of Vindex, which had just then broken out in Gaul, led to a discord between the legionaries and the cohorts. While the legions hastened to Italy to defend their master, the eight thousand Batavians refused to follow. This was probably due to the fact that two Batavian officers, Julius Civilis and Claudius Paulus, had been accused falsely of treason, and while Paulus was put to death by Fontaeus Carpito, governor of Lower Germany, Civilis had been sent to Nero and thrown into prison. After Nero's fall, Gulba released Civilis, and ordered the Batavian cohorts to return to Britain. But when they had reached the city of the Legones, the insurrection of the Germanic army in favour of Battelius took place, and after long hesitation the Batavians embraced his cause. They did him good service in the battle of Dettriarchum, where they measured swords with their former comrades of the fourteenth, which was fighting for Otho. After the victory, the Batavians were commanded to accompany the fourteenth to Britain, but the legion and the cohorts came to blows at Augusta Torin Orin, Torin, and separated the legionaries proceeding to Britain and the Batavians to Morguntiarchum. The latter was soon summoned back by Battelius when he was threatened by Vespasian, but Antonius Primus sent a messenger to hinder their complying with this summons, and immediately afterwards a revolt broke out in Germany, which prevented the troops in the north from taking part in the conflict in Italy. The organiser of this revolt was Julius Sevilus. He was looked up to by his Batavian countrymen on account of his high descent, and he was a man of more brains, says Tacitus, than barbarians are usually endowed with. He had only one eye, and he liked to compare himself to Hannibal and Sertorius, who were disfigured in a like way. The idea of the revolt is said to have been suggested by Primus, who thought in that way to keep the Germanic legions at a distance. The plan served his immediate purpose, but the revolt assumed far larger proportions than he could have anticipated. The unfairness of the Roman levies was a sufficient grievance. If Sevilus began by playing for Vespasian, he ended by playing for himself. It is impossible to say whether he had matured the deeper game of a rebellion against Rome from the very beginning. He first housed the inhabitants of his native country to rebel. Calling the chiefs of the Batavians to a nocturnal banquet in a sacred grove, he revealed the scheme of his revolt. The Canina Fates, the northern neighbours of the Batavians, were snatched, gained over, and then the Friesians, and messengers were sent to Morgantiacum to secure the adhesion of the eight Batavian cohorts. Somewhere near the mouth of the Rhine was a winter camp of two Roman cohorts. It was seized and destroyed. This was the first act of the revolt. The other garrisons in the territory were soon dislodged from the Castella, and a cohort of Tongarian acceleraries went over to the rebels, and part of the Rhine fleet, numbering twenty-four ships, fell into their hands. These successes supplied the insurgents with arms and ships, and Sevilus invoked both Germany and Gaul to join him in supporting the cause of Vespasian. At this time, both lower and upper Germany were under the single command of Hordeonus flakus, an old and utterly incompetent man, decrepit with Gout, who was inclined secretly to Vespasian's cause, and was suspected by his soldiers of treachery to Vitellius. The remnant of the legions which had accompanied Vitellius and his generals to Italy may have been partly supplemented by new recruits, but in no case can they have consisted of more than about half the usual number. In lower Germany, the fifth and fifteenth were stationed at Castella Vettora under the legatus munius lupercus, the sixteenth under Numisius Rufus at Novaecium, Nus, between Vettora and Colonia, the first under Heranius Gallus in the southern extremity of the province at Bonner. The boundary between the two Germanys was at the river Abrinca, south of Rigomagus, Remigin. Thus Conferentes, Corblance, belonged to the upper province. In it, two legions, fourth Macedonica, and twelfth, lay at Mogontiacum. It is possible that part of the twenty-first was also left in Garrison at Vindonissa, Windisch, but it took no part in the earlier events of the rebellion. By the command of Flaccus, the two legions of Vettora marched against the rebels, who were now receiving promises of help from the German tribes beyond the Rhine. Both legions together hardly amounted to five thousand men, but munius lupercus obtained reinforcements from the Eubians and cavalry from the Traveri. He had also a squadron of Batavians, who feigned fidelity in order to desert him in the action. The battle was fought north of Vettora, and was decided by the desertion of the Batavian horse, who suddenly turned upon the Romans. The Eubians and Traveri fled, and while the Germans pursued them, the legions were treated to Vettora. Meanwhile, the messengers of Sibyllis had moved the eight Batavian cohorts at Mogontiacum to rebel. They made large demands from Flaccus, and when he had made considerable concessions, they insisted on further demands which they knew could not and would not be granted. Then they left the camp and set out to lower Germany to join Sibyllis. The general, instead of ordering his legions to cut the mutineers to pieces, allowed them to depart, but presently, changing his mind, sent a letter to Hrenius Gallus at Bonner, bidding him prevent the Batavians from passing and promising to follow with his own army in the rear. Then, changing his mind once more, he wrote again to Gallus, ordering him to allow them to jam. This shuffling conduct of Flaccus gives good ground for suspecting him of treachery. The Batavians reached Bonner by the road on the left bank of the Rhine, and sent a message to Gallus, demanding that they should be allowed to pass in peace. The legatus was almost disposed to comply, but his soldiers compelled him to try the fortune of a battle. The first legion was completely defeated and driven back to the camp. The victors, taking no further advantage of their success, continued their northward march, and turning aside to avoid Colonna Agrippinensis, joined the army of the insurgents. Cyrillus was now in command of a regular army, and German tribes from beyond the Rhine, such as the Brugterri and the Tancterri, had flocked to his standard. He made an attempt to induce the two legions which had retreated to Vettora after the defeat, to embrace the cause of Vespasian, but they were obdurate in their loyalty to Vitellius. He resolved to blockade the camp, and ranged his troops on both banks of the Rhine. Vettora was not a strong position, either by nature or by art. On the west side there was a level approach to the Praetorian Gate. Augustus had regarded it as a winter station from which the legions should go forth to attack the Germans, not as a place in which they might have to defend themselves against German assailants. Lupercus and Rufus had to repair the fortifications, which had suffered from the effects of a long peace. The attempts of the Germans to storm the place were unsuccessful, and they were obliged to blockade it. Flaccus, in the meantime, had sent messengers throughout Gaul to obtain auxiliaries, and, on learning the danger of Vettora, dispatched Dilius Vocula, the legatus of the 22nd, with chosen legionaries, to march to its relief with the utmost speed. Flaccus himself followed by ship. The troops, when they heard of the successors of Sevilleus, murmured loudly that Flaccus was playing them false, and in order to appease them, Flaccus read aloud a letter. A letter which had arrived from Perspasian, and sent the bearer in chains to Vettelius. When he reached Bonner, he was assailed by the reproaches of the first legion, who attributed their defeat by the Batavian cohorts to his false promises, but he reassured them of his good faith in some measure by reading copies of the letters which he had sent to Gaul, Britain and Spain for assistance. Auxiliary troops from Gaul were already arriving, and the army advanced by Colonia to Novesium, where they picked up the 16th legion and proceeded to Gelduba, Gelb, a little lower down the river. Here the leaders, Vocula and Gallus, to whom the conduct of the warfare was entrusted, made a camp and practiced the soldiers in the operations of war. Apparently the demoralization of the troops was such that the officers did not feel prepared to risk an action at Vettela, until the discipline was confirmed. The temper of the soldiers is shown by an incident at Gelduba. A corn ship had run into the shallows of the river, and Germans on the right bank were trying to capture it. Gallus sent a cohort to prevent them, but the Romans were defeated. The soldiers accused their officer of treachery, dragged him out of his tent, beat him, and kept him bound until the arrival of Vocula, who was absent on an excursion against the Kugone, a tribe which dwelled north of the Ubee. Vocula executed the ringleaders. Cibillus did not confine his operations to Vettela. He sent troops beyond the river Mosa to stir up the Minapi, Morini, and other tribes of north-eastern Gaul. Another band ravaged the lands of the Traveri and the Ubee. The Ubee were made the mark of special hatred, because under their new name of Agrippinenses, they seemed to have renounced their German origin, and their cohorts were defeated at Marccordurum, Doron. A third band threatened Morguntiacum. Such was the state of affairs at the end of October, 69 AD, when the news of the great defeat of Vettelius at Cremona arrived. The Gallic auxiliaries immediately declared for Vespasian. At Novesium and Gelduba the legions took the military oath to the new emperor, but without enthusiasm. It was now necessary for Cibillus to declare himself, and show whether the sole object of his revolt was the elevation of Vespasian. His mask could no longer deceive anyone. It was clear that the deliverance of the Germans of northern Gaul from the Roman yoke was the aim of the war. He sent a force, including the eight veteran Batavian cohorts, against the army at Gelduba. In their rapid march from Vettela, they seized Asgiburgium, Asburg, and swooped down upon the Roman camp so suddenly that Rockula had no time to spread out his line. He placed the legions in the centre, and the auxiliaries surrounded them in irregular order. The battle almost proved a defeat for the Romans. The cavalry advanced, but turned and fled before the firm array of the Germans, and brought confusion into the ranks of the cohorts, who were then easily cut down by the foe. The auxiliary Nervii deserted, and the legions were being discomforted when the tide of battle was turned by an unexpected reinforcement. Cohorts of the Vascones of the Pyrenees, supposed to be the forefathers of the Basques, enrolled by Gala when he was governor of Taracol Nensis, happened to arrive at this moment, and attacked the enemy in the rear. The Germans, believing that forces had arrived from Novasium or Morgantiacum, were disconcerted and utterly routed. After this victory, Rockula at length advanced to the relief of Vettora, which was suffering severely from want of supplies, and succeeded in entering the place after a hard fight with the Basseges. The beasts of Burden and the camp followers were sent to Novasium, to bring provisions by land as the enemy commanded the river. The first supply was conveyed safely, but on the second occasion Civillus attacked the cohorts which escorted the train of wagons, and compelled them to retreat to Gelduba. Rockula, having added to his own army a thousand chosen men of the legions of Vettora, marched to Gelduba, and, as the cohorts refused to return to Vettora, proceeded to Novasium, the headquarters of Flaccus. Here a mutiny broke out. A donative for the soldiers had arrived from Vitelius, and Flaccus distributed it in the name of Vespasian. The soldiers, excited by the carousers which followed, revived their anger against Flaccus, dragged him out of his tent, and slew him. Rockula would have experienced the same fate had he not escaped from the camp in disguise. The army proclaimed Vitelius Emperor, although he was already dead. These events seemed to have taken place in the last days of December, but the legions of Upper Germany soon dissociated their cause from that of the others. Along with Legion 1, they placed themselves under the command of Vokula, renewed their legions to Vespasian, and marched up the Rhine to deliver Moguntiakum, which was threatened by the Chatri, the Usipi and the Matiaki. But on their arrival the enemy was already departing. Vokula remained during the rest of the winter at Moguntiakum. Sevilus renewed the blockade of Vettua, and occupied the camp of Gelduba, which the Romans had abandoned. End of Chapter 20, Section 1 Chapter 20, Section 2 of J. B. Bioris, The Student's Roman Empire. Part 2 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Morgan Scorpion. The Student's Roman Empire. Part 2 by John Bagnell Biori. Chapter 20 Rebellions in Germany and Judea. Section 2 Second Stage of the Revolt. The Imperium Galliarm. On the news of the death of Patellius, the Mask of Sevilus was finally thrown off, and he acknowledged that he was fighting against the Roman people. The destruction of the capital by fire produced a profound impression upon the superstitious minds of the Gauls, who believed that it betokened the approaching end of the Roman Empire. The remnant of the druids interpreted it as a sign of heavenly wrath, and prophesied that the nations north of the Alps were soon to become the lords of the world. A conspiracy had been organised by Julius Clasicus, a distinguished nobleman of the Traveri, and prefect of a squadron of cavalry which had fought under valence against Othor. He renewed the design of forming a Gallic Kingdom which had been tried in vain by Sacrovir, and perhaps contemplated more recently by Vindex.  The conspirators met in Cologne and maintained secret communications with Sevilus. Their first object was to get rid of Vocula, and they accomplished it by a similar deceit to that which Arminius practised on Verus. They induced Vocula to leave Magantiarchum and descend the Rhine to leave Vettora, which was hard pressed. On the march from Novesum to Vettora, the troops of Clasicus and Tuta rode forward on the pretext of Reconoitering and entrenched themselves at a distance. Vocula was unable to persuade them to return, and could not enforce obedience. He was compelled to fall back on Novesium, the Gauls' encount at a distance of two miles. Vettora could not hold out much longer, and when it fell, the whole army of the Germans would be free to attack Novesium. Under these circumstances the legions determined to desert the cause of Rome and declare for the Imperium Galearum, which was being proclaimed by Clasicus. Vocula appealed in vain to their better feelings, and when he found they were determined to join the standards of Clasicus and Sevilus, he decided that nothing was left for himself but to die. Before he had time to make arrangements for a voluntary death, he was slain by an emissary of Clasicus, a legionary soldier who had deserted. The other legati, Gauls and Numisius, were thrown in chains. Then Clasicus, assuming the insignia of a Roman emperor, entered the camp of Novesium. Bold though he was, he found no words to express or defend his assumption of such a dignity. He merely read out the oath of allegiance. The Roman soldiers swore fidelity to the empire of the Gauls. The dream of Sacravir and Vindex was at last accomplished, if only for a moment. Clasicus and Tudor divided between them the work of reducing the two Rhine provinces under the new empire which was thus inaugurated. Tudor undertook to secure the adhesion of the 4th and 22nd legions at Mogunti Arkham. The officers were slain and the soldiers took the same oath as their comrades at Novesium. Clasicus himself proceeded to Vettola where the wretched garrison reduced to the last extremities of hunger were supporting life on the herbs that grew among the stones. They sent envoys to the Batavian chief asking to be permitted to leave the place alive and their prayers were granted when they took the oath of loyalty to the new empire. But five miles from Vettola they were treacherously attacked by the escort of Germans whom Sevilus had ordered to accompany them and many were slain. Vettola was dismantled and burned and in like manner all the other winter stations of the legions including Bona and Novesium were destroyed except Vigunti Arkham and Vindonissa. The latter place was at such a distance that it was quite unaffected by the rebellion. The 16th legion and the auxiliaries which had surrendered at Novesium and the first legion from Bona were commanded to repair to Augusta Trevororum which Clasicus and Deuter doubtless intended to make the capital of the new empire within a given time. On their march dither they had to endure the mocking of the inhabitants through whose country they passed and one squadron of cavalry, the Aela Picantina, unable to endure the shame of the position, left the procession and went to Morgunti Arkham. On their way they fell in with the murderer of Vokula and dealt with him as he deserved. Muneus Lupercas, who had commanded the garrison of Vettola during the long blockade, was sent among other gifts to Vellada, a German prophetess who played a part in this rebellion and exercised great influence over her countrymen. This maiden belonged to the tribe of the Bruckteri and lived remote from the abodes of others in a solitary tower on the river Lupia. She had predicted the success of the Germans and the destruction of the legions, and the accomplishment of her prophecy confirmed her power. She was soon called upon to exert it for the purpose of hindering her countrymen from abusing their victory. The Ubee had been faithful to Rome throughout the rebellion, but when the legions yielded nothing was left for them but to yield too. The question was then agitated by the Germans whether they should destroy Colonia or leave it standing. Jealousy of the privileged position of the Ubee and desire of Plunder prompted the Transvenean tribes to cancel its instruction, but Sevilleus judged that clemency would be the better policy. The Tecteri set an embassy to the colony and demanded that the inhabitants should pull down their walls, slay all the Romans within their borders, and resume their German habits and institutions. But the Agrippinensis escaped from the fulfilment of these requisitions by appealing to the authority of Sevilleus and the prophetess Veleda. The Sonnuki, who lived west of the Ubee on the Mosul, were then reduced, and the Nervii, Tungui and Vaitassii, who still maintained the cause of Rome under the leadership of Claudius Labio, a Batavian but a rival of Sevilleus, submitted. The new Gallic Empire had no firm foundation and was not destined to prosper. It had strung up by means of the Batavian rebellion, but Sevilleus and the Batavians, although they made common cause with Classicus in pulling down the Roman power, stood aloof from the Imperium Galliarum. The Germans had no intention of throwing off Roman for the sake of Celtic rule, but besides, the Gauls themselves were for the most part by no means favourable to the prophet of the Traveri and the Lingones. Julius Sabinus cast down the bronze tables on which the treaties between Rome and the Lingones were inscribed, assumed the name of Caesar, and marched at the head of a disorderly band of his countrymen against the Sequani. But the Sequani were faithful to Rome and beat back the spurious Caesar, who deserted in the middle of the battle, and by burning down the house to which he fled caused it to be supposed that he had killed himself. But he really remained hidden in a subterranean retreat for no less than five years, kept alive by his wife Eponina. He was finally discovered and put to death along with his wife by Vespasian's orders. The declaration of the Sequani against the Gallic rebels was soon confirmed by the verdict of a common council, summoned by the Remi, who took upon themselves the initiative in this crisis. It was put to the states of Gaul whether they preferred liberty or peace. The Traveri were represented by Julius Valentinus, but the arguments of Julius Ospex, a noble of the Remi, carried the day and a letter of the Traveri was composed in the name of the Gauls, calling upon them to desist from war. The strongest motive of the Gallic states in adhering to Rome was perhaps mutual jealousy. The question presented itself. Supposing the empire of the Gauls to be established, what city will be the center? The other states would certainly never have submitted to be ruled from the city of the Traveri or the city of the Lingones. It does not appear that the idea of a federal union, like that of the Achaean League, occurred to any of the Gallic patriots. In the meantime, Musianus and the governments of Vespasian were making preparations to suppress the rebels of the north, both Germans and Gauls. Quintus Petilius Serialis was appointed to the command in Loha, Agnus Gallus, the general of Otho, in Upper Germany. Two of the victorious legions, the Eighth of Mauricia and the Eleventh of Dalmatia, along with one of the battalion legions, the Twenty-First, whose station was at Bindonissa, were chosen for the expedition and marched northward by the Penine, Cotian and Grian Alps. Moreover, the Fourteenth were summoned from Britain and the Sixth victorious and Tenth gaminar from Spain. But the rebels did not realize, or at least took no steps to meet, the danger which was approaching. Sevilleus was engaged in pursuing his enemy, Claudius Labeo, in the walls of Belgica. Clasicus was enjoying his position as head of an empire. Tudor talked about occupying the Alpine passes, but omitted to do so. He had indeed increased the forces of the Traveri by the accession of the Vangiones and other small tribes, and some of the legionaries of Morgantiacum joined his army. Sevilleus Felix, the officer who had been set by the leaders of the Spasian to watch Rhaetia, was the first to arrive on the scene of action with his auxiliary cohorts. One cohort which he sent on in advance was routed by the forces of Tudor, but on the approach of the rest and of the Twenty-First legion, which had reached Bindonissa, the legionaries deserted, and the allies of the Traveri followed the example. Tudor, with his Traverans, retreated to Bingium and took up a position on the left bank of the Nava, Naho, having broken down on the bridge, but the cohorts of Sexthilius crossed by a thord and routed the Traveri. The legions who had been compelled to post themselves at Augusta Trevororum on the news of this defeat took an oath of allegiance to Vespasian and marched to the town of the Mediomatriki, called in older days Divudorum, in later days Metis, now Metis. The leaders Tudor and Valentinas rose the Traveri again to arms and put to death the legati Heranius and Numisius, whom they had kept prisoners. Petilius Surialis now arrived at Mogunti Arkham. His contempt for the enemy and his rejection of a Gallic Levy inspired his troops with confidence and confirmed the Gauls in their obedience. He united the remnant of the legions of Mogunti Arkham with his own army and marched in three days at the rate of nine hours a day to Rigordulum, real, about ten miles from Augusta Trevororum, lower down the Mozella, protected on one side by the river, on the other by steep hills. This place had been occupied by a large band of Traveri under Valentinas, who had entrenched himself behind ditches and stone barricades. The troops of Surialis broadly stormed the position and Valentinas himself was captured. They then entered Augusta Trevororum, the soldiers burning to destroy the home of Clasicus and Tuta, a city they said, far more guilty than Cremona, which had paid so heavily for its part in the Vitellian War. But the August city, which was destined hereafter to become a capital of a Belgic province and even a seat of Roman emperors, was spared by the decision of Surialis. When Surialis and Clasicus learned that the Romans held Augusta Trevororum, they tried to tempt the ambition of Surialis by offering him the Imperium Galliarum. Surialis did not deign to reply to the letter which he sent to Rome and the rebels prepared for decisive battle. Surialis counselled delay until they should receive reinforcements from the Transvenean tribes, but Tuta urged that if they delayed the Roman forces would be increased by the legions which had been summoned from Spain and Britain. The advice of Tuta was followed and the forces of the insurgents unexpectedly attacked the Roman camp. Augusta Trevororum lies on the right bank of the Mosella, the Roman camp was pitched on the left bank to protect the town against the foe coming from the north. On the night of the attack Surialis himself happened to be sleeping in the city and he was awakened by the news that his troops were fighting and getting the worst of it. The enemy had made a way through the camp, routed the cavalry and occupied the bridge which connected the town with the left bank. The boldness and presence of mind of the general retrieved the fortune of the legions. Placing himself at the head of those whom the foe had driven before them into the town, he recovered the bridge and, reaching the camp, rallied his men. Everything was in favour of the enemy and the victory which the Romans secured seemed almost miraculous. The Agrippinensis gladly returned to their allegiance to Rome. They slew the Germans in their city and destroyed a cohort of Chalky and Frisians which were stationed at Tolbiacum, Zulpec, by making them intoxicated and then setting on fire the house in which they slumbered. The rebels in Belgica were suppressed by the 14th legion which arrived from Britain. On the other hand the Britannic fleet was defeated by the Caninifatis who were more skillful in managing ships but this success did not hinder the suppression of the rebellion. The next defeat of Surialis took place at Vetera where, having gathered together his forces after the defeat at Augusta Trevororum he had taken up a strong position. The army of Surialis, doubled in number by the arrival of the legions from Spain and Britain proceeded to Vetera but the combat was delayed by the nature of the ground. The fields, always marshy, had been flooded by the art of Sevilleus who had built a mole into the Rhine from the right bank and so caused the river to overflow. Thus the Romans could not approach the camp and when they attempted to fight in the deep marsh the Batavians, skillful in swimming, had the advantage. On the following days Surialis drew out his line of battle. The cohorts and cavalry were placed in front the legions in the centre and a chosen band in the rear in case of emergencies. Surialis arranged his forces in deep columns. The Kugerni and Batavians were on the right the transrenanes on the left and nearer the river. The Germans began the battle by missiles but could not provoke the Romans to enter the marsh. When the missiles were spent they drew nearer and with long lances pierced the front ranks of the soldiers who were slipping and tottering on the margin of the morass and could not, with their shorter weapons, reach the assailants. Then a column of the Brook Terry who was stationed on the right bank of the river swam across from the mole already mentioned and fell upon the right wing of the Romans. The cohorts seemed to have had the worst of it all along the line but the legions, when it came to their turn, stood their ground. The battle was decided by the interposition of a Batavian deserter under whose guidance two squadrons of cavalry went round by the extremity of the marsh where there were solid ground and the Kugerni were keeping careless watch and attacked the enemy in the rear. The legions at the same time pressed on more vigorously in front and the Germans fled to the river. The approach of night and the nature of the ground prevented up a suit. After this defeat, Sevilleus could no longer hold his position on the Rhine. He made no attempt to defend the town of the Batavians which is perhaps the modern cleaves but retreated into the island. He destroyed the dam of the Rhine, begun by Drusus and finished in the reign of Nero, 55 AD which was intended to divert the waters of the left arm of the river into the right or eastern channel. When it was broken down the waters plunged into the left channel called the Bahalis and the right channel or the Rhine proper was rendered shallow. The result of this act of Sevilleus was that the island of the Batavians was made, as it were, part of Germany a trans-rename land instead of being as before a part of Gaul. The remnant of the Empire of the Gauls Tuta, Clasicus and more than a hundred Travere and Senators also found refuge in the home of Sevilleus which was now beyond the Rhine. Sevilleus led his forces down the river and occupied various posts. The tenth was stationed at Arunachum the village of Rindern near Cleves the second at Batavodurum near Nimwuggen while cohorts and ally of the auxiliaries were sent to Guinness and Vada places close to each other on the Bahalis. Sevilleus himself probably made the town of the Batavians his headquarters. Sevilleus divided his forces into several parts to attack these posts of the Romans. The assault on Vada he undertook himself Guinness was assigned to Clasicus while Tuta and Verix and Nephew of Sevilleus marched against Arunachum and Batavodurum the assault on Arunachum resulted in the slaughter of the prefect of the camp and some officers and soldiers at Batavodurum where the Romans were building a bridge across the river in the middle of the city of Sevilleus Julius Briganticus and other Nephew of Sevilleus but his bitter foe and a faithful adherent of the Romans was slain and the Germans reinforced by Tuta and Verix were winning the day when the arrival of Serialis with a band of cavalry decided the battle in favour of the Romans the enemy were driven into the river Sevilleus and Verix escaped by swimming and Tuta and Clasicus were rescued by boats in the coming time the conduct of the campaign by Serialis had been marked by great want of caution and great good luck he did not mature his plans and yet they generally succeeded fortune favoured him when he ought to have failed but his carelessness about details of discipline proved almost fatal to him a few days after the victory of Varda new camps were being constructed at Novasium and Bonner as winter was approaching Serialis sailed up the Rhine to inspect them an escort of foot accompanied him marching along the banks and, as he was returning the transrenane Germans Tancteri and Rookteri Doubtless who were on the watch observed that the soldiers did not keep together and were careless about their night encampments choosing a dark night they entered the camp cut the ropes of some of the tents and massacred the soldiers who were unable to extricate themselves including the Praetorian ship of the commander which was towed up the lupus and presented as a gift to Beleda the cause of this disaster was that the watch had fallen asleep having been ordered not to sound the Burkina or trumpet lest they should disturb Serialis who was engaged in a love adventure somewhere in the neighbourhood Sybilis soon abandoned the defence of the Bahalis and retreated beyond the true Rhine into the country of the Frisians and crossed the Bahalis and laid waste to the Batavian island sparing however the private possessions of Sybilis in order to excite the suspicions of his countrymen just as Archidamus had spared the property of Pericles in the Peloponnesian war and Hannibal that of Fabius Maximus but the Batavians were ready to return to their allegiance the transrenanes were ready to make peace and Sybilis seeing the inclinations of his followers resolved to save his own life he sought an interview with Serialis a bridge across the river Nabalis perhaps the Isle or the Vect was severed in the centre and the two leaders conversed from the broken extremities and made their terms no record remains as to the ultimate fate of Sybilis or of his Gallic allies Classicus and Tuta the Batavians resumed the same position which they had held before they paid no tribute but were largely employed as auxiliaries the submission of the transrenane Germans who took part in the war is shown by the fact that the prophetess Beleda was conveyed as a captive to Rome we may take it for granted that Nukianus who along with the emperor's son Domitian footnote this circumstance gave the poet Sylius an opportunity of addressing the emperor Domitian as Yampura Yampura Oricomo Preformidate Batavo Oricomo refers to the revolt of Sybilis when he speaks of the Dometicque Batavi Custode's Aquilas had come to Lugdunum in order to be near the scene of operations had a decisive voice in making the final negotiations the revolt of Sybilis could never have taken place but for the strange position in which the Roman Empire was placed after the death of Nero it was a direct consequence of the action of the Germanic legions in which the civil wars in Italy belonged it exhibits the mistrust of officers and relaxation of discipline which generally prevailed if the legions asserted at Biotriacum their part in the empire the auxiliary troops asserted themselves in the movement of Sybilis it was primarily a rebellion of the auxiliaries but it involved in its train aggressions of the free Germans beyond the Rhine and the attempt to set up a Gallic Empire Sybilis has been called a successor of Arminius and Arminius, like him had been an officer in the Roman army but it must be remembered that the Chiruscans were only tributaries and did not, like the Batavians supply the army with recruits the Batavian War was properly a revolt within the army itself though it accidentally assumed larger proportions Sybilis has also been called a successor of Bindex but this is due to a misconception Sybilis indeed used the name of Bespasium as Bindex used the name of Galba but the idea which, according to all appearance Bindex cherished of making a Gallic Kingdom was renewed, not by Sybilis but by Clasicus, Deuter and Cibynus the Batavians and the Gauls had a common interest in their hostility to Rome and so far they cooperated but Sybilis had nothing to do with the Imperium Galliarum it is remarkable however that the states which took the leading part in establishing the Gallic Kingdom at which Bindex had aimed were the Traveri and Lingones the very people who had refused to join his enterprise and had sided with Virginia's Rupus against him on the other hand the Sequani who had supported the cause of the Aquitanians declined to move when the same cause was represented by Traverans and Lingons the events of the rebellion show clearly that the Gauls in general apart from a few disaffected tribes had come to see that their true interests were best served by remaining faithful to Rome they saw that to win freedom by the help of Germans beyond the Rhine would only bring upon them a new Ario Vistas it should also be remarked that the part played by the free Germans was a small one the revolt only affected those tribes which dwelled close to the Roman Lermaes and did not call forth any movement in central Germany moreover the motive which attracted the Procteri and the Tanteri to the Batavian standard was rather the hope of immediate plunder than the expectation of any lasting success against the Roman power when the revolt was quelled Vespasian adopted the wise policy of letting bygones be bygones it was of course impossible to ignore the conduct of the Germanic Legionnaires who had failed so signally in meeting the responsibility which had fallen to their share who had taken the oath of allegiance of Trier the four legions of the lower province 1st, 5th, 15th and 16th and one legion of the upper 4th Macedonia were broken up the 22nd legion of Vokula was pardoned but Vespasian had learned a lesson from the rebellion and he made a very important change in the organisation of the auxilia the cohorts and ally no longer consisted of men of the same nation Vavians and Traverans for example were scattered among all the auxiliary regiments indifferently moreover the command of the auxiliaries was no longer entrusted to natives like Arminius and Sevilus but to men of Italian origin and these troops were not employed in the neighbourhood of their homes the result was that a rebellion like that of Sevilus did not occur again end of chapter 20 section 2