All right. Good afternoon, cyber traders. Welcome on back this Wednesday, January 17th. Still trying to recollect my weekdays here Monday through Friday with all these Mondays off, obviously, beginning from even Christmas, New Year's, Martin Luther King. Obviously, once again, as we've been saying, even with Washington's birthday coming up mid-feb. But great to see all of our students and members like inside our live trading room, Ola to Alicia. And great to see everyone else otherwise. Michael, Roger, and all of us here just joining us. Or if you're just joining us on social media, Facebook Live, LinkedIn, Twitter, YouTube, etc., at CybertradingU. Always look to spread the good word right there. Just make sure that you're following and subscribe right to our YouTube channel, namely there at CybertradingU. But actually coming up, I thought we would have had this posted earlier just heading into this meeting or even much prior.  Coming up, we're going to post the link here as soon as we get it once again. Fausto is doing a big presentation at NASDAQ headquarters. It's part of their trade talks webinar series with Jill Malandrino. Not to be confused with traders talks here at CTU, but of course they have their own mini webinar series that they host each and every week, each and every day, I think actually. But Fausto is going there today. He's part of it coming up. And we'll look to have that link posted for Grant, Kathleen, Phil, Michael, Alicia, all of our members inside our live trading room. Again, as soon as we get it.  Basically making like a Christmas tree pattern right now, just kind of pulling back down. After making this rounded top, you can call it lower highs off of four and change. This was a dangerous trade all throughout the day. And honestly, we pretty much talked about this from head to toe, even dating back to yesterday. We weren't using the stock as our case study, but it goes to show how stock personality typically ends up being retained at some point throughout the day. Meaning that early in pre-market, this was just a chop fest. It was messy. It wasn't really making that higher high. And perhaps when you thought it could, it came right back down, flattened out. Didn't break lower. So it teased you, but it never really made that higher high there. And that's just where, hey, maybe after the market opens and prime time trading, and this could look to make a nice move and started to things were good there. And then it just fell apart at like 945 in the morning. It was pretty frustrating. So that was a bit of a red flag, because normally when that happens, it's like, all right, well, now it's going to break lower lows and we're totally going to throw it out. Well, this stock did not break lower lows. It continued in this chop all throughout the day. It even broke higher as we saw just a moment ago, but here's the issue on this trade. It's not just to say, oh, the stock chart looks messy and it looks like it was very frustrating. But A, we've seen this happen across the last year back in, you know, perhaps late July. This is back at the end of September. This is here, pop and drop days. This is not a swing trade. This is specifically a day trade. But it is also to say, though, here, looking at the float, BFRG float, 1.8 million shares nearly. So that's so tiny. And especially even in the first minutes of the market opening up here, it was trading 26 million shares at that point. Now it's trading 56 million shares. You know, it's kind of like breathing through a straw. You know, at some point, more sooner rather than later, you're probably going to get exhausted. So here, I'm even shocked that it ended up popping up to four. I was not a fan of this, in fact, there.  But it wouldn't shock me if this BFRG trade actually suffers a similar fate to the fund stock that we had back yesterday, where they ended up announcing the common stock direct stock offering news, right, two completely separate different companies. But for all these cheap low float stocks that make these big pops, it really isn't surprising, even the next day or even same day, to see it suddenly tank off of bad news of that. You know, any time there's common stock direct stock offering news, it dilutes the stock price, right. So with saying that here, I was a little nervous of that happening. And I stayed away on this last run, even now, and I guess it's trying to inch back up once more. But I'll tell you, I'm not a fan. We've done well on this stock as a day trade. That's why I'm even saying here like, this is really not moving the way that we've seen this stock move in the past. It's moved better for us even than this. So, you know, you got to be picky and choosy at times. I'm not going to really put this on our main watch list just yet. One issue with all of this is that whenever there's one low flow, low volume stock that pumps like this, there's typically a couple others that try and lower us also. So LQR up 42% number two on the gainers list there. You know, hey, just I have it on my book map screen to the right of me. So you don't see that here, but that's what led me to turn to this one next. It actually was just starting to pop prior to this meeting beginning. And, you know, this one at least has a decent spread, kind of thin orders out there when you're looking at the bid and the ask here on the matrix. Pretty similar, though. I feel like this is an even lower float stock. If we were to just go back to this here pretty quick, LQR, LQR. Okay, not lower, but not far off. You know, just over three million shares, this stock, the float. It's not always my biggest criteria when I'm scanning for stocks out there. Obviously, you don't want to have something that's like utterly microscopic with float. But just even this, it's trading two to three times over its float, the stock properly. Well, actually, that could be a lie, let's say.  Just, I'm not really a fan of this either. If it pops during this meeting, I'll come back to it or reconsider, but you're probably going to hear me say that a lot here throughout this meeting. You know, really, as soon as I opened up my platform this morning and saw the lack of activity on the gainers list, you had a feel that we didn't end up being in for a long day here. And I don't mean long as in long buying.  Maybe we can get a good bounce coming up, but you had to have patience today. So, we spoke about really the top of the gainers list, actually, because kind of above and below it, you got these like cheapy stocks here that we normally don't trade. You got RVSN, another low float stock. I just said that's a Kathleen in our trading room. It was pretty much at the time this peak year. That was kind of the whole conversation that we just had before. Now, SHOT, I was surprised with this SHOT, speaking of float. I thought this was really right around that same vicinity, like oh, a million shares, five million shares. I mean, this is still pretty low, but it's like 37 million share float for the stock SHOT. You know, it's trading six million shares today. So, it's not really too exhausted in that sense. And it trades about 7.7 million shares on average. So, it's really not trading, I mean, more than it's average even, let alone, you know, just it's not exhausted, I feel. It's pulling back a little bit here.  Hopefully, we build up a lot better from this point, but now it's dropping off another few more pennies off. This is the break here. I was going to say, let's hope to see this at least hold from this little dip point. So, you know, if we're going to begin to break lower now, damn, that might even make me remove it. All right. I'll keep it there for the time being, but I could probably pull this here coming up. I really want to see some better trades that are at least showing good momentum, good volume there. PRQR, looking good until it didn't look good. Yas, wow, we took our eyes off this trade for a little while, didn't we? I mean, even dating back to like mid of last year, right? Look at that. Looks like it's like been through the spin cycle there, up and down, left and right. I think it's been all over the place. We took our eyes off for a little while, so it's pretty surprising to see it at 87 cents now. Let's see what else we got here, at least on the gainer side. DWAC popped up earlier today. I was a fan of the chart, fan of the move based off the news at least there from yesterday. Absolutely hated the order book. So, you know, that's where I kind of stayed away for the most part on DWAC here throughout the day today. If it fills in, it's going to be a really fun stock over time. Just that's the issue. That's all in the order book. AUVI, same deal, just spaced out orders there for such a cheap trade. There's really no need to follow a stock like that. All right, now we're kind of cutting it close to 5%. We don't really have anything that we're too confident on right now. Instacart from earlier or whatever they call it nowadays, Naples Bear. I don't know if that's the parent company for Instacart. I think we all know Instacart at least, but you know, led to a little move earlier this morning, but now at this point just died off. All right, Chuck calling out the S-O-X-L stock. And you know, I got AMD on my book map. Chuck knows that at least himself. And wow, yeah, this is exploded. So really strong move on AMD. I was going to get like this at the end, at the very end of this meeting. I was going to come to this better sooner than later there, Chuck. So good calling our chat board from one of our gold students here, Chuck. And you know, hey, if not AMD, then maybe you could just trade S-O-X-L, making a pretty strong bounce here. Listen, it's not up or down that 5% that we strive for, but can't deny it's making a hell of a move right now. The video is really not going that much. I don't know if this is news that's specific to maybe AMD there, Chuck, because this is making a lot better of a pop in terms of its recent movement. Let's really quickly check. All right, so at 2.30 it looks like JP Morgan ended up doing some sort of form out there on AMD. There's something tagged with AMD and JP Morgan that came out at 2.30. So if there's anyone that could update me on that at least, there's some giant form. I'm not going to sift through it, but you know, that's the only thing I got at least, but pretty good timing. And you know what? If it is specific to AMD, it's not up 5%, obviously, but it's plus on the day now. You know what? I'll add both there, Chuck, S-O-X-L for like the whole sector, and then AMD. I mean, you got to make with what we got, right? Make do with what we got, meaning that like we don't really have too much on the gainers list that we could really go through. So we were going to get to our sideless stocks there, but that was like a nice little all you from Chuck there on the S-O-X-L and kind of diverting my attention to AMD, and they both go hand in hand. So at least we got that. All right, let's hop over to the loser side here. Holy smokes. What happened to Roma? What happened to Roma? Jeez. All right. So this ended up dropping off. I mean, relatively new IPOs we learned from last week, and for as much as it popped up early in pre-market, it's just that, hey, I wasn't really expecting this to go from plus 8%, 14% on the morning to, you know, down 66, 67% now. That's nuts. So yeah, this is toast. You know, hey, checking in, how about this one? How about the, what was it, the e-lab? That was the stock that we had at the all-time high just yesterday. Ha! How about this one now? Reminded me of it, right? In pre-market yesterday morning, we had the stock breaking all-time highs. I told you, this would be breaking lower heading into this morning, and it did too. So, you know, this one's down pretty much there as well, 19%. Listen, we can't really short any of these trades except, except, diamond in the rough here, needle in the his stack, save. Now, this trade right now I am in. So I got my stop set on this one. If it pops up another couple pennies, I'll take the loss. But you know, I was looking for this to try and break a little bit lower heading into the afternoon. It started off okay, but now at this point, it's stuck in its tracks. So if you're looking at this trade, just because I'm in it now, this point doesn't mean that it's still a good trade. If the market bounces all together, I'm sure this won't look to drop off as strongly at the minimum, meaning like it might just pop up there and we see some short covering once again. So that is where my stop is set tightly knit here on the stock. But given the news that recently came out yesterday, and the fact obviously like I was looking for this drop off earlier, I'm going to at least put this on our list, Spirit Airlines, at least put this on our list. Obviously from my trade stick, I hope this tanks here coming up. But, you know, if it hits 603, I'm out. So keep that in mind. But you know, if this ends up breaking lower, all time lows at 580. So, you know, pretty close to all time lows. All right, what else we got here is we kind of just scroll down the rest of the loser side here, all low volume, even if it is easy to borrow low volume or it's pretty cheap. This thing here doesn't look too bad. APLD, it's another AI company actually, you know, it's pretty funny. We got BFRG on the gainers list. At this point, this trade's done, though. And then we got, what was it that last one there, the APLD, both AI stocks that we've traded in the past, and they've moved together actually at the same time before, obviously not today. But yeah, APLD, nice drop off even from yesterday, actually big gap. Actually, we didn't really even call that one out as much, I don't believe. So let me check the news. What happened here from yesterday, the 16th earnings. Okay, earnings. This one is simply, okay, nothing really too fancy. Worst than expected, quarter two financial results and said it expects its revenue and basically guidance to be lower over next year. So yeah, I mean, there we go. I mean, nice little drop off from yesterday, good short, looks like we missed it, but even more, you know, movement today even it seems so. I don't mind slipping this on our list with the save from our losers list for right now, potential shorts that we could work with. IOVA kind of fits the mold, but the chart looking a little lackluster.  The issue is this, you got a huge iceberg order out there on the bid, mainly through the EDGX, it won't show up on NASDAQ right there. You could just see that part right from my level two there. EDGX, about 117,000 shares, you really, all of that volume is right from that order book or exchange. That could just be one person actually entirely. So you know what, for that reason, I'm going to actually add that to our list, pretty compelling, pretty interesting. If you're not interested in shorting stocks, then just look at that as a potential just case study to work with. What happens when a 117,000 share iceberg potentially gets filled? How could you be more reactant the next time? So when we put it a stock on our watch list, I mean, hey, we want to trade it. But if it's something that you're not going to trade, it's something that you could watch and study from, not just kind of twiddle your thumb, like that's it. Just use it as a really good learning lesson. That's it. So, all right. Hey folks, again, if there's anything else up, down, left, right, just more than 5% type it in the chat board here right now, or forever, hold your piece. No, I'm kidding in that. Well, at least for now, right? We'll be back at three o'clock, maybe 315. We'll re-scan at that point. We'd love to hear from you if you're Chuck or Grant Kathleen Lada, any of our students inside our chat room, chat board. But LQR is sneaking up a little bit more as I've been talking. Now up to three, whole number level. So you know what, there's still a great chance where this can completely shoot back down. But I don't want to wish that into existence. Hey, I'm a lover, not a fighter. Just want to throw caution out there to you folks. But, yeah, I mean, for the meantime, I'll add this to our list now at the stage. Ah, there we go. All right. Pays to be a member inside our live trading room. Hey, just if you're Grant, any of our members right now, just click that link that Rich just posted.   Click that link right there, actually. Just you'll be able to watch Fausto live on a roundtable on Nasdaq Trade Talks with Jill Malandrino. Just hey, if you're on social media, join us inside our room, not just for that link. But to get the full brunt, the full commentary right here coming up after three o'clock, I'll be back on the mic. We'll see what's out there. Oh, Chuck, that's right. Good call. Yeah, Chuck Boyle as a swing trade. Yeah, definitely. I mean, just good, good eye. It's up, you know, four and a half near 5%, but we were calling it out before, right? So good reminder there. Boyle. And, you know, hey, it's more of a swing. It's got a little bit of a thin order book now. You know, it's a cheaper ETF. It was more liquid, but, you know, the more expensive anything gets, it's going to thin out. So, you know, it's more of a swing trade opportunity, I feel. All right. So, going once, going twice, going three times. That was fast, I know. But we've got to wrap up here quick, folks. I'm going to be back on the mic in T-minus 11 minutes and we'll go from there. But I think that's pretty much just about it. I mean, I'm checking out my Benzinga Pro to the right of me right now, right here. You don't really see much popping up new here that we haven't called out just yet. Yeah, it's pretty much it. Boyle, that's all. All right. So, you know, hey, I like what we got now. We didn't really start off too hot with this list, but we worked together as a team. We built it up pretty nicely, right? So, between the SOXL and AMD, they're not up or down 5%, but moving pretty nicely, at least for the time being. And we're going to follow those at first. Otherwise, we got a couple good shorts. APLD. We got the save trade potentially there still. You know, we're calling out Boyle as a swing trade. We got a little variety for everyone here this afternoon. All right. I'm going to catch my breath. I'm going to refill up on the border. I'll be back in just about 10, 11 minutes, folks, just for three o'clock and we'll go from there. But again, for all of us on social media, Facebook Live, LinkedIn, Twitter, et cetera, just join us on social media here at CybertreatingU. And then otherwise, furthermore, inside our live trading room, just scan that QR code on the top left of the stream, get you live access to our moderators, educators, myself included, of course, the man himself, Fausto Puclisi, but you know, just all of our students and the main chat that we have there each and every day. But I look forward to seeing you there. But otherwise, I'll be back on the mic very shortly for all of us.


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Hello and welcome to another coordinating call of dim 25 movement for Europe featuring progressive ideas. You won't hear anywhere else. Feels like ages since we've actually done a live stream that's because we moved to a fort nightly schedule so if you were there last week waiting for us that would explain why we weren't there. Today we're going to launch directly into a debate on why aren't progressives better at winning public opinion. We were having a discussion just before we started live streaming and we struggled to name progressive governments in Europe. We're not doing very well as progressives these days. Let's look at why. So let's kick it off if Anna. Thanks. And I'll try to give my point of view. Because friends and colleagues were telling me that it's the first time since the nineties. They hear so many news about Serbia as the country has started to being portrayed as a COVID vaccine heaven comparisons are even made with the smallpox epidemic from 1972. And this with the vaccination response with the vaccine produced in Yugoslavia free for all. The availability of vaccines from Russia China USA and the U does indeed resemble the good old times when Yugoslavia was far part of the non aligned movement. And when it was quite common to have students from Mali or Libya studying in Yugoslavia capitals. It only resembles the non aligned times because today the government is feeding the xenophobia and the vaccines are bought with loans, while the government is pushing their own positive PR. The truth is that despite three decades of deterioration of the health system in Serbia the well organized vaccination is a result of the leftovers of the Yugoslav public health system, which isn't privatized yet. The Institute where the smallpox vaccine was produced then despite of its current poor condition will be able to produce the Sputnik vaccine. This time the question is, is it going to be for all, or for those who pay more or for those who are willing to take the Russian vaccine. Why am I saying all this. I was born in a socialist federal republic of Yugoslavia where social equality unity and brotherhood were a way of living. Those were the principles on which generations until the 80s were raised. After the dark era of Slobodan Milosevic, leader of the socialist party of Serbia, after the revolution which supposed to establish democracy after dictatorship, and to open the country after a decade of sections and embargo, then embrace the neoliberal model denouncing everything that even remotely resembled the past ideology. Five years ago when I joined the end and entered the world of the left, I found out that my beliefs in peace, social justice, equality, freedom, and so on carry a label, which in my country is heavily associated with the legacy of Slobodan Milosevic, where the leftist small groups are divided among themselves using the narrative of partisans from the Second World War. In Serbia for the past 20 years, everything from the spectrum of terms used by the left was heavily scrutinized. Communists were blamed for the war and the misery, while the new parties with democracy instead of communism in their names, started to sale the public property and destruction of socialist legacy. For the countries of the Eastern Bloc, which were behind the Iron Curtain, left socialism or communism are triggering memories of repression and poverty, while the countries which moved from feudalism to capitalism never experienced what the state-owned public property is. Instead there is no such thing as a free lunch is a mantra. Therefore, I believe that a much more tolerant approach to those who are not part of the leftist tribe is needed as well as the redefinition, reinvention of terminology to make the narrative contemporary and comprehensive. Finally, when I looked up what my new identity considers, I discovered that my education and background in art and culture won't be sufficient to understand and to adapt to the many shades of left. Here's what Wikipedia says. The term left has later applied to a number of movements, especially republicanism in France during the 18th century, followed by socialism, including anarchism, communism, the labor movement, Marxism, social democracy and syndicalism in 19th and 20th centuries. Since then, the term left wing has been applied to a broad range of movements, including the civil rights movement, feminist movement, LGBT rights movement, anti-war movement and environmental movement, as well as a wide range of political parties. If the left or the progressives really aim to go beyond the philosophical overthinking of the ideological differences with a little real movement towards the future, making a unified front and making its relationship with the subgroups less complicated and divisive would probably help with winning the argument. Thank you. I, too, would rather steer away from the problematic notion of the left and talk about progressives, because I think even if you do talk about progressives, which I take to be a broader category, but one that we should be very interested in being and in mobilising, even if you do talk about progressives, I do believe that they have a particular set of hurdles when it comes to democratic elections today, and I want to concentrate on one of those. Most of these hurdles fall down to convincing others that they can get things done. And one neglected aspect of this is that elections have an essential electoral metaphor, which is of backing a winner, the electoral gamble. Generations of impotent populaces have treated their vote as one where their one throw of the dice every five years is all they've got. And fear of backing a loser is a real force to be reckoned with for progressives. Because for progressives, the only way they can circumvent this involves a really complicated two step. One step. First, we have to articulate people's discontent at the diabolical state of things. This is somewhat easier, I think, in this pandemic era. Two step. Then we have to instill hope with little tangible evidence, because we can see that progressives have not been in power in many places recently for any decent length of time that we can cite in Europe. Nevertheless, instill hope that this can be transformed, and that we can do it. All too easily, the right breeze in, calling us doom and gloomsters, and head us off at the pass before we ever get to step two. So it involves considerable tax to get around this. And I have to say that tax completely failed progressives in the 2019 general election, which was so disastrous in the UK and which brought in Boris Johnson with the majority of 80. All he had to do was to adopt a slogan called, we at least are going to get Brexit done. This despite the fact that nobody knew what it was or what it was going to look like or feel like. And secondly, he could accuse us of being doom and gloomsters when we were worried about at least a no deal Brexit, but also about much more general other things. So I think that is the challenge. And I think one of the things it's worth thinking about it is to what extent the COVID era has changed this situation. Thanks for his memory stretch go. Yeah, I'd like to start by a quote by the great Brazilian trade unionist, she commended us who was killed just one week after his 44th birthday, who famously said that ecology without class struggle is like gardening. I would say that today using technology without class struggle is just like surfing by feeding the machine with more data. And if the green new deal today needs to take into account the class struggle, so does a new tech new deal. Because what we have seen with COVID-19 is not just a revelation in the sense of the original Greek meaning of apocalypse, this kind of unwilling of the real reality and the class struggle. But COVID-19 also served as a sort of accelerator of everything what is bad in society, also the good things. But what we could have seen is precisely this kind of acceleration of the further digitalization of all our lives, social bonds, learning, dating, loving, even organizing because most of the left or the greens or the progressives today. These days for a year already organized mainly through technology, which on the one hand helps but on the other hand, users precisely the means of the system which brought us in the first place here. So I think what we have to do now in order to win opinion, to put it to answer to this question that might impose that the very start is to see how his opinion being formed today, and opinion today is mainly being formed through technology. It's not anymore the classical story of media, it is more the story of social media and new apps and so on. So I think what we have to do today is not just seize the means of production, but to seize the means of production and to understand what exactly is happening in the technology. So just a short anecdote before I finish, in 1932, Günther Anders, one of the greatest German Austrian philosophers underestimated maybe more famous that he was the husband of Hannah Arendt at that time after Heidegger. In 1932, Günther Anders and Hannah Arendt had seminars about Hitler's mind comp and everyone including the Frankfurt school and so on was laughing at them. Why are you taking this book seriously? And Günther Anders even said that it would be easier to organize a seminar about Hegel at that time. So I think what we have to do today first is to take very seriously those who are portrayed as crazy, including social media events like Capitol Hill performances and so on, read it, but then also seize the technology which we have. So besides the real organizing in our communities, what we need today is really to seize the technology which we have and to understand the contradictions of technology. Thanks very much. Right, so as you all know, there are elections, regional elections coming up in Madrid in the month's time right. And one of the things that I've noticed and I've been noticing for a while is that progressive slash the left, we've been caught up in a very strange place. And if you look at you hear what the right is saying to galvanize their voters is their their call to arms is communism or freedom. Right. So we keep on being labeled into this old fashion, you know, ideas, whatnot. But at the same time, when you speak to progressives on the street. They say, Well, the socialists, you know, the left, you know, their establishment. So the pool of voters that we know that you're trying to entice to come over that the ones that are secured are seeing you as not radical enough, or being just part of this establishment. And at the same time, the increasingly more radical right is pointing at your law of communism, your against freedom and all these things. So I think that the answer might be being more clear and more radical and explicit about the message. I think that's where maybe one of the answers are in this in this manner. So there is a comment from the chat from Dark Brotherhood progressives often antagonize those who disagree with them and hinder discussion with people that they don't agree with Judith. Sorry, no, not Judith David had a stack and then Judith David. And I really appreciate that comment because it really I think points to a big problem that we're facing in the progressive circles nowadays and I mean, for lack of a better term because also I'm not exactly happy with that word. I just want to make a little comment on if you know if we're if by the left because that was, let's say progressives left. If by that we mean the so called socialist parties that have been effectively selling their soul to the market that I'm afraid we have our answer to why we're not good or better at winning opinion and I think as I said a couple of weeks ago. I don't think there is a left really in Europe and the progressive circle itself is very very minute if you ask me, especially when you consider the need for you know transnational internationalist movement like the m25 that is creating a kind of shared universality and so on and what the left does appear to be doing at the moment or what's, you know, what what remains of the left or what's left of the left is there's being involved in cultural wars you know playing this kind of identity politics game which is, in my view, one of the causes of its own destruction and I grew up in the UK as you all know, and I got used to this fabrication of lies by the Tory rags you know the sound of the mail and so on with headlines whose only purpose was to turn people against one another really, you know the Brits against migrants and so on and the same papers have been for years trying to distract us from the real source of our alienation and exploitation at the hands of the few. And so in a sense they've been, you know, trying to instill in us one could say a fear of the other but another, which is not guilty of the crimes of the powerful. But by pitting us one against one another they've essentially contributed to a narrative of fear of the migrant of fear of the refugee and so on and so forth when, you know, we all know that these people are not responsible for the huge crimes that we are witnessing nowadays you know the huge tax evasion that we're, you know, we're witness every single day in our lives. And also this has happened, you know, not by chance but by design and I think like I said this type of culture wars are destroying the left where good people are being driven to really just you know blame one another for for the predicament that we find ourselves in even when that predicament was not caused by them themselves. And so I think that what this kind of narrative is doing is treating everybody treating us as idiots as people who are unable to see the big picture which is by and large not true.  What we have to do as DM and so on is to bring these struggles together because that has to be the only way, at least the only way that I know of getting the left or progressives whatever we want to call it to a point where we can actually win power. We shouldn't be so shy about that. You know we need a shared universality and true internationalism as I mentioned and if we keep focusing on identity and cultural distinctions as opposed to the things that actually bring us together will be forever stuck in a loop out of which we will not be able to get. And that's I think what those in power actually want us to be blaming the next door neighbor instead of the banks you know the private equity firms and the big corporations which are hiding behind their corporate social responsibility programs, basically greenwashing let's call it what it is, while under the dark of night, they spend their time effectively pushing through their policy agendas to you commissioners at the level of the you and national policymakers at the level of our countries in order to influence, and often even let's be clear, legislation, not to mention the cases where private interests are essentially drafting the legislation itself. You know, all of this, just to come to a close, or most of it at least is happening right in front of our eyes almost as if it has become socially acceptable. As if we're living with a big elephant in the room that nobody wants to talk about the fact that there is no democracy in Europe. That's something that we have to keep talking about it says Chomsky I said before right that under capitalism we can have democracy by definition. Capitalism is a system, I'm quoting in which the central institutions of society are in principle under autocratic control in the end you know it all boils down to one thing that progressives need to care more about winning really I think and it's true that we always need to be aware of the authoritarian in us this is something that we keep telling ourselves and it's good that we do that, but we cannot let go and when we, if we cannot let go is what I'm trying to say and free ourselves from that mental barrier. We will never be able to properly win you know we need, we need to start caring more about winning instead of just participating. And yes, we have to be consistent and we have to be coherent but there has to be a way for us to win whilst maintaining some level of purity at the same time you know that does not entail us having to sell our soul to the devil. We need to keep trying but let's be honest just do one last point. We also need money, because we're a movement of more than 130,000 members with a monthly budget of around 30,000 euros you know like we're trying to create a kind of, let's say democratic revolution in Europe but we need the money and we need the assistance and support to make that happen. And so, you know if you're watching this and you know a part of our movement or would be willing to help us by contributing please do so, you can do so on our website. So, yeah, that's what I wanted to say. We are we have to find a way to win right so you David to drop the culture war and more funding loose things left should be more radical. Judith, what do you think. We have two struggles, one is that from what I've read in a survey recently I'm not sure if this applies only to Germany or more of Europe I would say it's probably more that the representation of the poor in parliament or not just the poor but anyone even working class is has has gone down historically in the past 50 years and also the voting share. So, the working class and poor people are less likely to vote each year. And that is a problem which I would time not so much to identity politics but basically an issue of trust. The social democratic parties, especially are to blame in losing people's trust that the parties can change anything can keep their promises and actually improve the situation for the majority of people. Those who do not want to vote for a xenophobic party are basically just abstaining from voting. And I think that these are the people that we must try to win back, we can only do so by making clear that we are different. If you look around, how many parties are there really around Europe where you could say with certainty that they're going to be different they're not going to sell out their voters, they're not going to sell out. I think Syriza was an inspiration for a lot of people at the time. They sold out too. Janis can still count as an inspiration in that sense we're very lucky to have him. But how many other politicians can you really point to that you would recommend to a working class or a poor person and say vote for this person, they're not going to sell you out. That is I think is a basic problem of politics nowadays and the other problem is that when you look at the other segment of likely left voters, the ones who are a bit, a bit further ahead in society who do not have to worry about making ends meet every month, but not super rich, let's say, they basically have a feeling that they cannot pay more they cannot afford to. And somehow, at least in Germany, the basic assumption is that if you want leftist politics is going to raise your taxes is going to cost you more. And I think with this segment, we have to work much more to let them know that there is plenty of money flushing around I mean, my understanding of all these blockchain based innovations that we're seeing just the other day I heard about the blockchain where you can bet on the value of someone's reputation. I mean all or the NFTs or all these things I think they're basically money that doesn't have a place to go. It's all these people who are trying to make to make to invest in something, and they have no idea even companies are no longer worth investing in. So, I think that we have to explain this better and explain to people how we can take this money and make sure it gets invested in things that we actually need in the improvement of people's lives. And of course, in a working climate change and future pandemics. That's my two pronged approach. Yes. Well, in my opinion, two factors are important here. What is the lack of why the left is not doing better in building opinion. One of the factors is the lack of bond between left intellectual academics and the hardworking class. The second is what unites them. The preservation of status and its protection for the future. These are value conservative attitudes that also involve the environment in which they live and work. Because the unknown, the new could threaten these values and throw things out of balance. That is why both sides prefer to keep to themselves. It must be a goal for the left to break through this barrier and gain access to and be heard by the hardworking people. The lack of commitment, however, is less rooted in the cause. For instance, in the demand for fairer redistribution for general prosperity for environmental protection measures. But more in the fact that the left traditionally prefers to quarrel with itself. It only makes a marginal effort to convince the working people. When it does, the language is not right. Language, therefore, must become a unifying element. Well, before the less intellectual non academics are willing to listen to what the left has to say, they have to understand what they say. We should not think in terms of the written and spoken language only. Since I have been thinking consciously, and that goes back to the 60s. I've always experienced art as a unifying element of a revolt of protest. Be the protest songs of the rock music of the 60s and 70s and after or painting sculptures and the like. You know, they make you think about things that make you realize things, but also films contributed to my absorbing political news and thus creating solidarity. Well, it was a young person. Now, we at the M35 are moving in this direction. I know that because I'm really, you know, trying to support this, what we are doing. We have to use as many channels as we can. For example, with the new green deal for Europe. And I hope that the path will become broader and broader and more and more people will be able to join us and march with us. It won't be easy, though. To use the words of the historian Adam tools. The only thing that is certain about the green new deal is that those who couple climates with Polish climate policy with broad demands for social transformation, create powerful enemies. Then what is needed is a strong political movement in cooperation with a mobilized labor and climate movement that combined forces. And what first create majorities and then watch over the implementation of the program. These are dimensions that are beyond the current horizon of left politics in Europe. And that is precisely the point, you know, we, we have to get used to thinking in terms as big as the challenges we face and have a plan that is as radical as it's implemented as it is implementable. Thank you. And also pointing out communications failures of the left on a related note that we have a comment in the YouTube chat the left struggles with public opinion because the real left doesn't control the mainstream media and large propaganda networks. Interesting. Who are we calling on next rosemary. Yes, I wanted to comment on what I think is a There's a sort of danger on two sides here. One is the cause for a clear and a radical posture and a revolutionary vision and to be able to say it all and get it out there seems to me to be part of And the left and I'm talking about left now does have with its obsession with truth. This is an interest in the scientific nature of Marxism for example, but more generally with rationality as the thing that is going to win our battles for us. And the fact is that if you tell people exactly what they ought to think, they very rarely follow the backwards and if their arms and legs in the air and say, Oh thank you I never thought of that. I'm not going to change my life entirely. On the other hand, you will have the show until moves of this world on the left, who respond to this by saying, Oh golly, look how good the far right are at capturing hearts and minds among working people. We must look at a left nationalism. We must look at a left strong man. We must understand the irrationality of these things. And so you move into a kind of irrationality area, which I think is very dangerous indeed. And for me, what's completely missing here and this touches on this question of communication is our understanding of ideology of how ideology works of the fact that class struggle never takes place except through and in ideology. And if you want to persuade other people, and that's what our job is and by the way I would say, we want to persuade the people who back the xenophobes, as well as the people who frightened stiff of that, of that route. We want to persuade an awful lot of people, but then you have to think about how ideology works, and it works very well in the arts, because they are ideological pieces. They have successful ideological interventions. That is when art works. One thing that's working is just making an intervention on the way that people are interpolated into society through their sense of the meaning of life makes an impact on that. And yes, I think we have to work much harder at what it means to be to make successful ideological interventions in different ways to all sorts of different constituency. Claudia. Yeah, thank you. In my view, there's another problem, because society has become so individualized, but there is no longer possible to continue with excited existing party system. It's a consequence of progressiveness that people no longer feel they belong to one single group. It's not a bad thing, in my opinion. People are much more diverse than they used to be, and to quote an hour and again, we have to learn to argue again, we have to deal with issues across party lines and find a common consensus. The current party system, especially with a few large parties can no longer reflect this. The electoral college alone prevents this. I think there is no way around more citizens participation. The only question is how we implemented the 25 people scattering, for example, are one way to do this and we should continue doing this to not split people by their opinions, but find ways to combine and be more implementive and divorcing people from each other. Thank you, Claudia. Ianis. Thanks, Mattman. Hello, Eric. Welcome back from the Greek Navy. Look, we must begin by acknowledging how difficult it is to organize a rebellion against the system, whichever system that is, whether it's slavery, feudalism, the Catholic Church, the Greek Orthodox Church, doesn't matter. Rebellions are notoriously hard to organize because by definition, when you're going against an oligarchy, a monarchy, you've got many with not the same interests, not the same views, against one or against a unitary force. The unitary force exists. It's a force. It's there. It's got all the instruments of war against the many. The many will only gain a degree of power if they unite, and it is so difficult to unite because of what game theorists refer to as the free rider problem. You know, Jean-Jacques Rousseau even put it in different terms, you know, the stag hunt game for those who remember what Rousseau said, that, you know, he depicts this tribe where they're trying to catch a stag, but the only way of catching the stag is by encircling the stag and moving in. And the weakest link of that chain is sufficient for the stag to escape, and then they all starve. So because they fear that they would not coordinate, it's not a prisoner's dilemma. It's not that nobody wants to destroy the solidarity, but the fear that the solidarity is not going to eventuate means that each one of them tries to catch a rabbit, and then nobody catches the stag. So let's begin by being kind to progressives and to forces that must unite in a rebellion against an armed clad system. Okay? So that's the foundation. Then moving on, I think a fundamental error of the left, which has cost us a century of lost struggles, has been the abandonment of freedom and the surrender of freedom and liberty to the liberals and to the libertarians. Part of that was the catastrophic embracement of the concepts of equality and justice, which I think are toxic, ridiculous, and undermine the movement. Because equality means nothing. Equality of what? Don't tell me about opportunity. Opportunity to do what? To be a capitalist, to be Jeff Bezos? I'll recall, I will remind you that Karl Marx could not stand the word fairness or the word justice. He wrote powerfully against them as bourgeois concepts, and he was completely right. When he was in London in one of the first international movements, the movements of the first international, he went to great lengths to fight against the slogan of the first stage unions, a fair day's wage for a fair day's work. His point was, there can be no such thing as a fair wage. The moment you have a wage labor system, you cannot have fairness. We forgot about that. We went into the laborist direction, the trade unionist direction, about fair wages and about a nice accommodation between capital and labor. So we've gone, even the communists left, the split of the second and the third international, we went from class hatred, which is ridiculous. You cannot attract people on the basis of the idea of hatred to class accommodation, to surrender to the capitalist. So that was a split in the 20th century between those who went for class hatred and authoritarian Stalinist control and the others who believed in the mixed economy and accommodation with capital, as if capital can never be tamed and civilized. So, you know, we have some profound errors in our past as progressives as the left against the background of a very difficult task. I could go on and on and on and I'm not going to do that because I want to say one more thing before ending with the question that should be pertinent at the moment. So what do we do? The comment I want to make before coming to my conclusion concerns the way we approach people. You know, we of the left, progressives, we have a tendency to talk to people out there who are suffering, who are having a hard time, who are hopeless. We have a tendency to talk to them as victims. Now, they may think of themselves as victims, but they will not allow you and me to talk to them as if they are victims. You know, they are not defined by defeat even if they are defeated. They do not want your pity, my pity, the movement's pity, and they're not going to be organizing because we tell them that they are losers. You know, they have interests, they have aspirations, they have passions, and also they are hugely, hugely divided in terms of their motivation. We have to take this into consideration. You know, comrades, this is not a world in which the majority who are being exploited and who are proletarianized and who are the precarious and so on, right? They want what we think the left wanted them to want, you know, eight hours of work, a good wage, no exploitation. No, you realize today that there are tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands of young people around the world who would give their right arm to work for Goldman Sachs for free as interns, to work 18 hours a day to crush their souls for no money. Why? So that they can one day hope to join the other side, the side of the evil. Now, we have to speak to them as well. We cannot dismiss them. You know, we have to speak to the boy or the girl in Mumbai as we speak, who has one dream, to go to Silicon Valley, you know, set up a tech company, float it to the stock exchange, get billions and retire at the age of 30. Now, you know, this is what these people are aspiring, the people that we should be appealing to. Now, if we go to them with stories of equality and justice and eight-hour, you know, working limits and, you know, they don't want to hear about us. So we end up with this laborist agenda. Okay, what do we do? I think what we are doing, except most successfully, what we need to do in order to overcome the errors of the past, which I alluded to, is first, we've got to understand that, which we do understand as the MDM25, that we can no longer build progressive policies on the basis of nation-state parties. Transnationality, number one. Not just within Europe, but internationally. Not internationalism anymore, transnationalism. Number one, we understand that. Number two, that we have to be, we have to do that, which the left has not done in the past. We have to offer a genuine blueprint, a vision of what we do in six months and 12 months and five years and 10 years. If you don't offer this to people, they will not follow us anymore. They will not simply do it on the basis of laborist resistance. We are doing that as well, with a Green New Deal and so on. But where we are failing quite abysmally is to combine local action of, as Rosemary keeps saying, doing things together with movements, with municipalities, with trade unions, with interns, with anyone who feels that they have something in common with us, even if it is in the digital space, combine local action with a global campaign, a pan-European campaign, an international campaign. And finally, we have to be harsher on professional politicians like the European Left Party, who are a scourge in Europe, because they are far more interested in the end, in distributing little jobs between them than organizing a transnational progressive movement. And they do this in the name of the Left. We will embrace them because we must never hate anyone. We must move beyond the standard tendency of the Left towards hate it. But at the same time, we should not look at something like the European Left Party as a potential ally. It's not an ally. Individuals in there are allies. But these organizations, these bureaucratic organizations are the death of progressive politics. Thank you, Janis. A comment from the chat. We have to create more small victories on the ground and build a progressive track record before we can worry about inventing public branding for progressives. Eric. Thanks, Mechan. Hi, everybody. It's really lovely to see you all. It's such a joy to be back with a little view. For those of you watching, as Janis said, and as you can probably tell from my painfully fashionable haircut, I'm serving in the armed forces. And what that has meant for me, apart from all the amazing things I've learned about how to hurt people, is I've been exposed and I've been introduced to and I've spent time with people completely outside my social circle. And that's something that would never have happened in my life if I had not been conscripted into the army. And on top of that, I had the great misfortune, or some would say fortune, I guess, because of high educational and inexperience it was, to get COVID, which meant that I was stuck in a very small space with a very few number, a small number of people for a couple of weeks with nothing else to do other than the ancient tradition of talking to each other, conversation and telling stories, to pass the time. And with people completely outside of my comfort zone. To give you an example, the person sleeping on the bed over mine, his father was the head of Golden Dawn for Southern Athens. And this is a guy that, before I found this out about him, I spent many an evening laughing and to be honest, even after I found that about him, I still spend quite a few evenings laughing with him and passing the time with him and sharing human moments together. A number of other people with similar backgrounds, who in normal life I would never even share a table with. I lived with and slept in the same room with and the rest of it for a month. And beyond everything else, the one thing that I've understood about working class people and us in the left, is that we don't register on working class, on the working class radar. We are irrelevant. The kind of things that we decide to talk about as left. This strategy of everything is important, because it's important to somebody. This isn't just, it's not just that it makes us irrelevant. It alienates us and it undermines us in the eyes of people who think they might be wrong, but they feel that they're in a fight for their survival. So every time we take the microphone and we speak about something that they consider to be not a priority at all, not even closer priority. First of all, that tells them that we're completely out of touch, we have no idea what we're talking about and we're utterly irrelevant to their lives and to what they're going through. And what it also does is that it stigmatizes us, it makes us come across as intellectual, academic, as snobs. And it makes it impossible for them to trust us, even if we're saying things that feel like they might be true. And if we say things that feel like they would improve their lives, it's not good enough for there to be good arguments and for what we say to make sense, people need to trust us as the people who will make that happen. That's a major issue in our communication. It's very difficult when I was talking to somebody whose house had been broken into three times by Roma people, he's from a very rough part of Athens. His sister has been sexually assaulted by two boys of the Roma community. Now, I don't agree with his views on Roma people. In fact, if I shared them here you'd all agree I think that they'd be abhorrent. However, when you speak to people who, unlike you might have real life experience of the topics you're discussing not just a theoretical approach. It's difficult to come across as credible. And it's difficult, and this is a problem in general I think that we face as the left, that we come across as the textbook, the textbook politicians, we come across as their theoretical academic politicians. And another side of the political spectrum that doesn't do that is the far right they come across as the people who share, you know, the conclusions of these life experiences and they come across as even if they even if the ideas don't feel credible at least they make people feel hard. And I think that's, this is an issue that we're facing I think Yanis went definitely in the right direction about what it is that we need to start doing as the left, but in order to say to bridge this divide. But first and foremost we need to accept that there is a divide right now between the left and the working class and that divide isn't just one that is missing because of communication. It's one that is missing for a variety of reasons and we need to have a serious conversation. First of all amongst ourselves about what that means about what the left has become and about our relationship to the working class and about whether or not we are the party of the working class. And if we're not, what does that mean about our relationship with the working class. Hopefully I'll be joining many more of these calls and I've spoken a lot long time already. I don't have time to talk about what I think we should do, but hopefully I will do so in in future. Thank you Eric valuable fresh insights, literally from the frontline. Very important. Hi. Good evening. What I'm telling the same thing thinks as Eric. The problem is that the left doesn't represent the 99%. It represents the coordinates coordination class in Michael Albert's terms. And it represents the power of those who know better. What we sell is a very good ideas from very clever people and very important people. And the 99%. I hate the term working class because it means there is a working class. There is a coordination class we are part of. And this is not the matter. The matter is being, if you want a revolution, you must be part of the revolution. You must be one of the many and not the one that tells the clever and important stuff to the many. You must practice what you are saying and you must mean what you are saying by your acts. So by campaigning with others on things that are in their interest, in their concrete interest. It's very true what Eric said. It's people fighting for their survival. And we must feel the same urgency. We all are fighting for our survival. And we must translate our clever words in terms of survival. In terms of what we need to survive the collapse of capitalism and the rising of managerial feudalism. It's me, right? Well, since we're coming to an end, I guess, first of all, let me say that I'm really glad to see Eric back, which is a proof that the army sometimes can bring something good. And also, actually, Frederick Jameson, whom I know Yanis also appreciates a lot, mainly because of his writing on science fiction, had a book, which is called the American Utopia, in which sense, actually the army should be used as a public institution, as an educational institution, which can help in case of climate change, in case of wildfires, in case of the collapse of civilization. Well, we're very far away from that, but I'm very glad that Eric is actually using the time in the Navy in this way as tough it can be from time to time. I'd love just to reflect a bit on what was said before and to agree on those who said that language is very important. Not just language in the sense of getting rid of all the academic discourse, which just academics or professional activists understand, but in the sense of inventing maybe even a poetic language in the sense what you often said that language is not just spoken language, written language, language can be memes if you want, not just films or short images, but also new sorts of technology being used for transmitting language, so we have to use that. Speaking about language, many times the term progressive was name, and I must disappoint you or surprise you, but I also dislike the term progressive, because what immediately comes to my mind is of course Walter Benjamin, who criticized the very term of progress, saying that progress is a single catastrophe, saying that progress is a storm which is blowing from paradise. Of course today we need to be tactical in the sense of using terms which can serve as an umbrella for getting the greens, the left, and so on under one struggle, but I think at the same time we also have to embrace the contradictions themselves. For instance, the very term besides progressive as well, and what's the problem with progress, the problem with progress is that it's usually connected to capitalist progress, to more development, more extraction, more expansion. And you know, to shut up, I think what we have to do and I can see it from this discussion is not just to understand the contradictions, for instance understanding the contradiction of the Green New Deal, if you want, in the sense that green capitalism, which is now misusing or co-opting green politics is not the one which will get us out of this crisis, but it will just make it deeper, but we should also, besides understanding the contradictions, embrace contradictions. And here we can learn a lot from different movements, for instance, the Zapatista, who are coming to Europe in two months for the first time, and I hope you'll speak about this in the next sessions, who gave us this big lesson that we have to embrace the differences. And only through embracing the differences and the contradictions, maybe we can move a step forward. Thank you. Hello. Good evening, and I think Eric has described what is happening in Turkey concerning the leftist movements. It really is the same, it is really the same as he was telling about the working class, because the working class in Turkey is at the moment in great struggle, in deep, it is the most poor part of the communities in Turkey, in almost every city, there are oppositions, and there are manifestos coming from, mostly coming from the working class. You know, Turkey's left movement is already 100 years old, 1908 it started during the Ottoman age with young Turks, and since that time, the several parties established did not have a significant electoral success during all these years. I have witnessed, since 1960s, many leftist parties, many leftist leaders, and I am sorry to say that the cemeteries are full of martyrs, martyrs of leftist persons in Turkey. It's a long, long list. At the moment there is always political campaigns outside the parliamentarian situation, and many NGOs are advocating, advocating human rights, gender rights, etc., are using modernist leftist strategies, rather than postmodernist or progressive leftist ideas and practices. Even Gezi, which was a kind of utopic movement for Turkey's political state of affairs, did not create a progressive programmed leftist ideology, it was rather populistic and naive. I would like to remind you that there is one production in the world, and especially in Turkey, and that is contemporary art productions. Because at the moment, you know that there is no freedom of expression, freedom of journalism, etc., but contemporary art works are really, if you look in depth to the contemporary art works produced in Turkey, all over Middle East and even in Europe, are having the ideologies of progressive left. So I would recommend to collaborate with these groups of contemporary art and culture artists, experts and all the institutions and of course NGOs. There are many art and culture NGOs with progressive left ideas and practices. Thank you. Thank you, Burrell, and I didn't see any more stacks, so I think we will wrap up. We've been debating and discussing for one hour now. We've heard how the left should be more radical, particularly against professional politicians. We should have better ideas, better communication that connects better with people, more funding. We've heard about the sheer scale of the task that left faces today and the problems of the intellectualization of the left, the culture wars. And if you'd allow me some thoughts, just to wrap up, because there's something that hasn't been mentioned, and I think it's a problem for me that the left has, I think, a management problem also as well. And I'm not necessarily talking about DM 25. I mean, I've been an activist and organizer for about 10 years now. I think that we talked about winning earlier. And sometimes I feel that the left has lost sight of what winning actually means of what impact is. For me, impact is not about finishing a position paper or having a successful event or getting someone canceled. It's about changing people's lives. And that if we think of impact in that way, it has a very clarifying effect on how we organize our work and how we plan and how we execute that plan. And connected to this is what Eric said, which I think is really important, which is the idea that everything is important that with the left often gets stuck on the outrage of the day, rather than picking one issue and focusing on it clearly for one, two weeks or whatever, but just for a dedicated period of time in order to make progress on it it's constantly juggling different priorities. And I think that means it spreads itself very thinly and it's hard to have an impact that way. So we can go on and on about this there's much more to say and I think we should definitely pick up this discussion and this debate, another day. So, we're going to now go into the boring internal part of our meeting thank you very much, you guys out there for listening. And we'll see you back here in two weeks. Same place.