Book One, Chapter Eight of Bradford's History of the Plymouth Settlement, 1608-1650. Having thus put to sea they had not gone far when Mr. Reynolds, the captain of the smaller ship, complained that he found her so leaky that he dared not go further till she was mended. So the captain of the bigger ship, Mr. Jones, being consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dartmouth and have her mended, which accordingly was done at great expense and loss of time and a fair wind. She was here thoroughly searched from stem to stern, some leaks were found and mended, and it was then believed that she might proceed without danger. So with good hope they put to sea again, thinking they would go comfortably on, not looking for any more hindrances of this kind. But after they had gone one hundred leagues beyond land's end holding together all the while, the captain of the small ship again complained that she was so leaky that he must bear up or sink at sea, for they could scarcely keep her afloat by pumping. So they consulted again, and both ships resolved to bear up again and put into Plymouth, which accordingly was done. No special leak could be found, but it was judged to be the general weakness of the ship, and that she would not prove equal to the voyage, upon which it was resolved to dismiss her and part of the company and proceed with the other ship, which, though it caused great discouragement, was put into execution. So after they had taken out such provisions as the other ship could well stow, and decided what persons to send back, they made another sad parting, the one ship going back to London, and the other proceeding on her voyage. Those that went back were mostly such as were willing to do so, either from discontent or fear of the ill success of the voyage, seeing they had met with so many crosses and the year was so far spent. Others, owing to their weakness and having many young children, were thought least useful and most unfit to bear the brunt of this arduous adventure, to which work of God and the judgment of their brethren they were contented to submit. And thus, like Gideon's army, this small number was divided, as if the Lord thought these few too many for the great work he had to do. It was afterwards found that the leakiness of the ship was partly caused by being over-masted and too much pressed with sail, for after she was sold and put into trim she made many voyages to the profit of her owners, but it was partly due to the cunning and deceit of the captain and his crew, who had been hired to stay a whole year at the settlement, and now, fearing want of victuals, they plotted this stratagem to free themselves, as was afterwards confessed by some of them, yet in order to encourage the captain the majority of those who had come from Leiden had been put aboard this ship to content him, but so strong was self-love that he forgot all duty and former kindnesses, and dealt thus falsely with them, though he pretended otherwise. Next those who returned was Mr. Cushman and his family, whose heart and courage had failed them before. He was assistant to Mr. Martin, who was governor in the bigger ship. I insert here a passionate letter he wrote to a friend in London from Dartmouth, whilst the ship lay there mending, which, besides the expression of his own fears, shows how the providence of God was working for their good beyond man's expectations, and other things concerning their condition in these straits, and though it discloses some infirmities in him, as who under temptation is free, he afterwards continued to be a special instrument for their good, and performed the offices of a loving friend and faithful brother to them, and was a partaker of much comfort with them. Robert Cushman at Dartmouth to Edward Southworth at Hennidge House, Dukes Place, London. Loving friend, my most kind remembrances to you and your wife with loving E.M., etc., whom in this world I never look to see again, for beside the imminent dangers of this voyage, which are no less than deadly, an infirmity has seized me which will not in all likelihood leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it is, as it were, a bundle of lead crushing my heart more and more these fourteen days, so that though I perform the actions of a living man I am but as dead, but the will of God be done.  Our voyage hither has been as full of crosses as ourselves have been of crookedness. We put in here to trim her, and I think if we had stayed at sea but three or four hours more she would have sunk, and though she was twice trimmed at Southampton she is still as open and leaky as a sieve. We lay at Southampton seven days in fair weather waiting for her, and now we lie here waiting for her in as fair a wind as can blow, and so have done these four days and are likely to lie four more, and by that time the wind may have turned as it did at Southampton. Our victuals will be half eaten up, I think, before we leave the coast of England, and if our voyage last long we shall not have a month's victuals when we arrive. Nearly seven hundred pounds has been spent in Southampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin says he neither can nor will give any account of it, and if he is called upon for accounts he cries out that we are ungrateful for his pains and care, and that we are suspicious of him.  It would break your hearts to hear the mourning of our poor people. They complain to me, and alas I can do nothing for them. If I speak to him he flies in my face as mutinous, and says no complaints shall be heard or received but by himself, and they are forward, waspish and discontented people.   As for Mr. Weston, unless graces with him he will hate us ten times more than ever he loved us for not confirming the conditions. Now that they have met some reverses they begin to see the truth and say Mr. Robinson was at fault to tell them never to consent to those conditions or put me in office. But he and they will rue it too late. Four or five of the chief of them from Leiden came resolved never to go on those conditions. Mr. Martin said he never received any money on those conditions and that he was not beholden to the merchants for a pen. That they were blood-suckers and I know not what. Little man, he indeed never made any conditions with the merchants nor ever spoke with them. But did all that money fly to Southampton or was it his own? Who would go and lay out money so rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it or on what conditions? Secondly I told him of the alterations long ago and he was content, but now he domineers and says I betrayed them into the hands of slave-drivers. He is not beholden to them, he can fit out two ships himself for a voyage, when he has only fifty pounds worth of shares in the venture, and if he gave in his accounts he would not have a penny left as I am persuaded. Friend, if ever we establish a colony God works a miracle, especially considering how scanty our provisions will be and most of all how disunited we are among ourselves and devoid of good leaders. Violence will break all, whereas the meek and humble spirit of Moses and of Nehemiah, who reedified the walls of Jerusalem and the State of Israel, is not the sound of Rehoboams bragging daily among us here, have not the philosophers and all wise men observed that even in settled commonwealths violent governors bring either themselves or people both to ruin, how much more in the building of commonwealths when the mortar is scarcely hardened which is to bind the walls.  I see not how in reason we can escape the gasping of hunger starved persons, but God can do much and his will be done. It is better for me to die now than to bear it, poor William King and I strive who shall first be meat for the fishes, but we look for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh no more, but looking unto the joy that is before us, we will endure all these things and account them light in comparison of the joy we hope for. Remember me and all love to our friends, as if I named them, whose prayers I desire earnestly, and wish again to see, but not till I can look them in the face with more comfort. The Lord give us that true comfort which none can take from us. I desired to send a brief account of our condition to some friend. I doubt not, but you will know when to speak a word in season. What I have written is true, and much more which I have foreborn to mention. I write it as upon my life and my last confession in England. What you deem well to mention at once you may speak of, and what is best to conceal, conceal. Excuse my weak manner, for my head is weak and my body is feeble. The Lord make me strong in him, and keep both you and yours. Your loving friend, Robert Cushman, Dartmouth, August 17, 1620. These being his fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be much stronger when he arrived at Plymouth. CHAPTER IX These troubles being over, and all being together in the one ship, they put to sea again on September 6 with a prosperous wind, which continued for several days and was some encouragement to them, though, as usual, many were afflicted with sea sickness. I must not omit to mention here a special example of God's providence. There was an insolent and very profane young man, one of the sailors, which made him the more overbearing, who was always harassing the poor people in their sickness, and cursing them daily with grievous execrations, and did not hesitate to tell them that he hoped to help throw half of them overboard before they came to their journey's end. If he were gently reproved by any one, he would curse and swear most bitterly, but it pleased God before they came half seas over to smite the young man with a grievous disease, of which he died in a desperate manner, and so was himself the first to be thrown overboard. Thus his curses fell upon his own head, which astonished all his mates, for they saw it was the just hand of God upon him. After they had enjoyed fair winds and weather for some time, they encountered cross winds and many fierce storms by which the ship was much shaken and her upper works made very leaky. One of the main beams amid ships was bent and cracked, which made them afraid that she might not be able to complete the voyage. So some of the chief of the voyagers, seeing that the sailors doubted the efficiency of the ship, entered into serious consultation with the captain and officers to weigh the danger betimes and rather to return than to cast themselves into desperate and inevitable peril. Indeed there was great difference of opinion amongst the crew themselves. They wished to do whatever could be done for the sake of their wages, being now half way over. On the other hand they were loath to risk their lives too desperately. But at length all options, the captains and others included, agreed that the ship was sound under the water line, and as for the buckling of the main beam, there was a great iron screw the passengers brought out of Holland, by which the beam could be raised into its place, and the carpenter affirmed that with a post put under it, set firm in the lower deck and otherwise fastened, he could make it hold. As for the decks and upper works, they said they would caulk them as well as they could, and though with the working of the ship they would not long keep stanch, yet there would otherwise be no great danger if they did not overpress her with sail. So they committed themselves to the will of God and resolved to proceed. In several of these storms the wind was so strong and the seas so high that they could not carry a knot of sail, but were forced to hull for many days. Once as they thus lay at hull in a terrible storm, a strong young man, called John Howland, coming on deck was thrown into the sea, but it pleased God that he caught hold of the top sail halyards which hung overboard and ran out at length, but he kept his hold, though he was several fathoms underwater, till he was hauled up by the rope, and then with a boat-hook helped into the ship and saved, and though he was somewhat ill from it he lived many years and became a profitable member both of the church and commonwealth. In all the voyage only one of the passengers died, and that was William Button, a youth servant to Samuel Fuller, when they were nearing the coast, but to be brief after long beating at sea, on November eleventh they fell in with a part of the land called Cape Cod, at which they were not a little joyful. After some deliberation among themselves and with the captain, they tacked about and resolved to stand for the southward, the wind and weather being fair, to find some place near Hudson's river for their habitation, but after they had kept that course about half a day they met with dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and as they conceived themselves in great danger, the wind falling, they resolved to bear up again for the Cape, and thought themselves happy to get out of danger before night overtook them, as by God's providence they did. Next day they got into the bay where they rode in safety. A word or two, by the way, of this Cape, it was first thus named by Captain Gosnold and his people in 1602, because they caught much of that fish there, and afterwards was called Cape James by Captain Smith, but it retains the former name among semen. The point where they first met with those dangerous shoals they called Point Care, or Tucker's Terror, but the French and Dutch to this day call it Malabar. Having found a good haven and being brought safely in sight of land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of Heaven, who had brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them from all the perils and miseries of it, to set their feet upon the firm and stable earth, their proper element, and no marvel that they were thus joyful, when the wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on the coast of his own Italy, that he affirmed he had rather taken twenty years to make his way by land than to go by sea to any place in however short a time, so tedious and dreadful it was to him. But here I cannot but make a pause, and stand half amazed at this poor people's present condition, and so I think will the reader too, when he considers it well. Having thus passed the vast ocean, and that sea of troubles before while they were making their preparations, they now had no friends to welcome them, nor inns to entertain and refresh their weather-beaten bodies, nor houses, much less towns to repair to. It is recorded in Scripture, Acts 28, as a mercy to the apostle and his shipwrecked crew, that the barbarians showed them no small kindness in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they met with them, as will appear, were readier to fill their sides full of arrows than otherwise. As for the season it was winter, and those who have experienced the winters of the country know them to be sharp and severe, and subject to fierce storms, when it is dangerous to travel to known places much more to search an unknown coast. Besides what could they see but a desolate wilderness full of wild beasts and wild men, and what multitude there might be of them they knew not. Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Piska to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to feed their hopes, for which waysoever they turned their eyes save upward to the heavens, they could gain little solace from any outward objects.  If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they had passed, and was now a gulf separating them from all civilized parts of the world. If it be said that they had their ship to turn to, it is true, but what did they hear daily from the captain and crew, that they should quickly look out for a place with their shalop, where they would be not far off? For the season was such that the captain would not approach nearer to the shore till a harbor had been discovered which he could enter safely, and that the food was being consumed at pace, but he must and would keep sufficient for the return voyage. It was even muttered by some of the crew that if they did not find a place in time, they would turn them and their goods ashore and leave them. Let it be remembered, too, what small hope of further assistance from England they had left behind them, to support their courage in this sad condition, and the trials they were under, for how the case stood between the settlers and the merchants at their departure has already been described. It is true indeed that the affection and love of their brethren at Leiden towards them was cordial and unbroken, but they had little power to help them or themselves. What then could now sustain them but the spirit of God and his grace, ought not the children of their fathers rightly to say, Our fathers were Englishmen who came over the great ocean, and were ready to perish in this wilderness, but they cried unto the Lord, and he heard their voice, and looked on their adversity. Let them therefore praise the Lord, because he is good, and his mercies endure for ever. Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord, show how he hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When they wandered forth into the desert wilderness, out of the way, and found no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord his loving kindness, and his wonderful works before the sons of men. They thus arrived at Cape Cod on the 11th of November, and necessity called on them to look out for a place of habitation. Having brought a large shallop with them from England, stowed in quarters in the ship, they now got her out, and set their carpenters to work to trim her up, but being much bruised and battered in the foul weather they saw she would be long mending. So a few of them volunteered to go by land and explore the neighbouring parts whilst the shallop was put in order, particularly since, as they entered the bay, there seemed to be an opening some two or three leagues off, which the captain thought was a river. It was conceived there might be some danger in the attempt, but seeing them resolute, sixteen of them, well armed, were permitted to go, under charge of Captain Standish. They set forth on the 15th of November, being landed by the ship's boat, and when they had marched about the space of a mile by the seaside, they espied five or six persons with a dog coming towards them. They were savages, but they fled back into the woods, followed by the English, who wished to see if they could speak with them, and to discover if there were more lying in ambush. But the Indians, seeing themselves followed, left the woods and ran along the sands as hard as they could, so our men could not come up with them, but followed the track of their feet several miles. Night coming on, they made their rendezvous, and set sentinels, and rested in quiet. Next morning they again pursued the Indians' tracks, till they came to a great creek, where they had left the sands and turned into the woods. But they continued to follow them by guests, hoping to find their dwellings, but soon they lost both the Indians and themselves, and fell into such thickets that their clothes and armor were injured severely, but they suffered most from want of water. At length they found some, and refreshed themselves with the first New England water they had drunk, and in their great thirst they found it as pleasant as wine or beer had been before. Afterwards they directed their course towards the other shore, for they knew it was only a neck of land they had to cross over. At length they got to the seaside, and marched to this supposed river, and by the way found a pond of fresh water, and shortly after a quantity of cleared ground where the Indians had formerly planted corn, and they found some of their graves. Proceeding further they saw stubble where corn had been grown the same year, and also found a place where a house had lately been, with some planks and a great kettle and heaps of sand newly banked, under which they found several large baskets filled with corn, some in the ear of various colors, which was a very goodly sight they having never seen any like it before. This was near the supposed river that they had come to seek. When they reached it they found that it opened into two arms, with a high cliff of sand at the entrance, but more likely to be creeks of salt water than fresh, they thought. There was good harbourage for their shallop, so they left it to be further explored when she was ready. The time allowed them having expired, they returned to the ship lest the others should be anxious about their safety. They took part of the corn and buried the rest, and so like the men from Eskall carried with them of the fruits of the land, and showed their brethren at which the rest were very glad and greatly encouraged. After this, the shallop being ready, they set out again for the better reconnoitering of the place. The captain of the ship desired to go himself, so there were some thirty men. However, they found it to be no harbour for ships, but only for boats. They also found two of the Indians' houses covered with mats, and some of their implements in them, but the people had run away and could not be seen. They also found more corn, and beans of various colors. These they brought away, intending to give them full satisfaction when they should meet with any of them, as about six months afterwards they did. And it is to be noted as a special providence of God, and a great mercy to this poor people, that they thus got seed to plant corn the next year, or they might have starved, for they had none, nor any likelihood of getting any, till too late for the planting season. Nor is it likely that they would have got it if this first voyage had not been made, for the ground was soon all covered with snow and frozen hard. But the Lord is never wanting unto His in their great need, let His holy name have all the praise. The month of November being spent in these affairs, and foul weather coming on, on the 6th of December they sent out their shallop again with ten of their principal men and some sailors upon further discovery, intending to circumnavigate the deep bay of Cape Cod. The weather was very cold, and it froze so hard that the spray of the sea froze on their coats like glass. Early that night they got to the lower end of the bay, and as they drew near the shore they saw ten or twelve Indians very busy about something. They landed about a league or two from them, though they had much adieu to put ashore anywhere it was so full of flats. It was late when they landed, so they made themselves a barricade of logs and boughs as well as they could in the time, and set a sentinel and betook them to rest, and saw the smoke of the fire the savages made that night. When morning came they divided their party, some to coast along the shore in the boat, and the rest to march through the woods to see the land, and, if possible, to find a fit place for their settlement. They came to the place where they had seen the Indians the night before, and found that they had been cutting up a great fish like a grampus, covered with almost two inches of fat like a hog. The shallop found two more of the same kind of fish dead on the sands, a usual thing after storms there, because of the great flats of sand. They ranged up and down all that day, but found no people nor any place they liked. When the sun got low they hastened out of the woods to meet their shallop, making signs to it to come into a creek hard by, which it did at high water. They were very glad to meet, for they had not seen each other since the morning. They made a barricade as they did every night, with logs, stakes, and thick pine-bows, the height of a man, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter them from the cold wind, making their fire in the middle and lying around it, and partly to defend them from any sudden assaults of the savages if they should try to surround them. So being very weary they betook them to rest. But about midnight they heard a hideous cry, and their sentinel called arm, arm! So they besturred themselves and stood to their arms, and shot a couple of muskets, and then the noise ceased. They concluded it was a pack of wolves or some such wild beasts, for one of the sailors told them he had often heard such noises in Newfoundland. So they rested till about five o'clock in the morning. After prayer they prepared for breakfast, and at being day dawning it was thought best to be carrying things down to the boat. Some said it was not best to carry the guns down, others said they would be the reddier, for they had wrapped them up in their coats to keep them from the dew. But some three or four would not carry their guns down to the boat till they went themselves. However, as the water was not high enough, the others laid theirs down on the bank of the creek, and came up to breakfast. But soon, all of a sudden, they heard a great and strange cry, which they knew to be the same as they had heard in the night, though with various notes. One of the company who was outside came running in and cried, men, Indians, Indians, and at that their arrows came flying amongst them. The men ran down to the creek with all speed to recover their guns, which by the providence of God they succeeded in doing. In the meantime two of those who were still armed discharged their muskets at the Indians, and two more stood ready at the entrance of the rendezvous, but were commanded not to shoot till they could take full aim at them, and the other two loaded again at full speed, there being only four guns there to defend the barricade when it was first assaulted. The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially when they saw the men run out of the rendezvous towards the shallop to recover their guns, the Indians wheeling about them. But some of the men, armed with coats of mail and with cutlasses in their hands, soon got their guns and let fly among them, which quickly stopped their violence. There was one big Indian, and no less valiant, who stood behind a tree within half a musket shot, and let his arrows fly at them. He was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided. He stood three musket shots till one of them made the bark and splinters of the tree fly about his ears, at which he gave an extraordinary shriek and away all of them went. The men left some of the party to guard the shallop, and followed the Indians about a quarter of a mile, shouting once or twice, and shooting off two or three guns, and then returned. They did this so that the natives might not think they were afraid of them. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies and give them deliverance, and by his special providence so to dispose that not one of them was hit, though the arrows came close to them on every side, and some of their coats which were hung up in the barricade were shot through and through. Afterwards they gave God solemn thanks and praise for their deliverance, and gathered up a bundle of the arrows, and later sent them to England by the captain of the ship. They called the place the first encounter. Then they left, and coasted all along but discovered no likely place for a harbor. So they made all speed to a spot which their pilot, a Mr. Coppin, who had been in the country before, assured them was a good harbor, which he had been in, and which they might fetch before night. Of this they were glad, for the weather began to be foul. After some hours sailing it began to snow and rain, and about the middle of the afternoon the wind increased, and the sea became very rough. They broke their rudder, and it was as much as two men could do to steer her with a couple of oars. But the pilot made them be of good cheer, and said he saw the harbor, but the storm increasing and night drawing on, they carried all the sail they could to get in while they could see. Then their mast broke in three pieces, and the sail fell overboard in a very heavy sea, so that they were in danger of being wrecked. But by God's mercy they recovered themselves, and having the tide with them struck in towards the harbor. But when they came to the pilot found he had mistaken the place, and said the Lord be merciful to them, for he had never seen the place before, and he and the mate were about to run her ashore in a cove full of breakers before the wind. But one of the seamen, who steered, bade the rowers if they were men, about with her, or they would all be cast away, which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheer and row lustily, for there was a fair sound before them, and he did not doubt but they would find a place where they could come to safety. Though it was very dark and rained hard, they ultimately got under the lee of a small island, and remained there safely all night. But they did not know it was an island till morning. They were divided in their mind, some wished to stay in the boat, for fear there would be more Indians, others were so weak and cold they could not endure it, but got ashore and with much ado made a fire, everything being wet, and then the rest were glad enough to join them, for after midnight the wind shifted to the north-west, and it froze hard. But though this had been a night of much hardship and danger, God gave them a morning of comfort and refreshment, as he usually doth to his children, for the next day was a fair sun-shining day, and they found they were on an island secure from the Indians, where they could dry their stuff, fix their arms, and rest themselves and give God thanks for his mercies in their manifold deliverances. This being the last day of the week they prepared to keep the Sabbath there. On Monday they sounded the harbour and found it fit for shipping, and marching inland they found several cornfields and little running brooks, a place as they supposed fit for a settlement, at least it was the best they could find, and considering the season of the year and their present necessity they were thankful for it. So they returned with this news to the rest of their people aboard the ship, which cheered them greatly. On the fifteenth day of December they wade anchor to go to the place they had discovered, and came within two leagues of it, but had to bear up again. On the sixteenth day the wind came fair, and they arrived safe in the harbour. Afterwards they took a better view of the place, and resolved where to pitch their dwellings, and on the twenty-fifth day they began to erect the first house for common use, to receive them and their goods. CHAPTER I. The rest of this work, if God give me life and opportunity, I shall, for brevity's sake, handle in the form of annals, noting only the principal doings chronologically. First I will turn back a little, and begin with a compact or deed drawn up by them before they went ashore to settle, constituting the first foundation of their government. This was occasioned partly by the discontented and mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had let fall, that when they got ashore they would use their liberty, that none had power to command them, the patent procured being for Virginia and not for New England, which belonged to another company, with which the Virginia company had nothing to do, and further it was believed by the leading men among the settlers that such a deed, drawn up by themselves, considering their present condition, should be as effective as any patent, and in some respects more so. The form of the deed was as follows. In the name of God, amen, we whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, etc., having undertaken for the glory of God and advancement of the Christian faith, and honor of our King and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, due by these presence solemnly and mutually in the presence of God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and the furtherance of the ends aforesaid, and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame, such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general use of the colony, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnessware of, we have here underscribed our names at Cape Cod, 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our sovereign Lord, King James of England, France and Ireland, the 18th, and of Scotland, the 54th, AD 1620. They then chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver, a godly man and highly approved among them, as their governor for that year. After they had provided a place for their goods and common stores, which they were long and unlating, owing to want of boats, the severity of the winter weather and sickness, had begun some small cottages for dwellings, as time would admit they met and consulted of law and order, both for civil and military government, as seemed suited to their conditions, adding to them from time to time as urgent need demanded. In these arduous and difficult beginnings, discontent and murmuring arose amongst some, and mutinous speech and bearing in others, but they were soon quelled and overcome by the wisdom, patience, and just and equal administration of things by the governor and the better part, who held faithfully together in the main. But soon a most lamentable blow fell upon them. In two or three months' time half of their company died, partly owing to the severity of the winter, especially during January and February, and the want of houses and other comforts, partly to scurvy and other diseases which their long voyage and their incomodious quarters had brought upon them. Of all the hundred odd persons, scarcely fifty remained, and sometimes two or three persons died in a day. In the time of worst distress there were but six or seven sound persons, who, to their great commendation be it spoken, spared no pains night or day, but with great toil and at the risk of their own health, fetched wood, made fires, prepared food for the sick, made their beds, washed their infected clothes, dressed and undressed them, in a word did all the homely and necessary services for them, which dainty and queasy stomachs cannot endure to hear mentioned. And all this they did willingly and cheerfully, without the least grudging, showing their love to the friends and brethren, a rare example and worthy to be remembered. Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster, their reverend elder, and Miles Standish, their captain and military commander, to whom myself and many others were much beholden in our low and sick condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these men, that in this general calamity they were not at all infected with sickness. And what I have said of these few, I should say of many others who died in this general visitation, and others yet living, that while they had health or strength, they forsook none that had need of them. I doubt not that their recompense is with the Lord. But I must not pass by another remarkable and unforgettable occurrence. When this calamity fell among the passengers who were to be left here to settle, they were hurried ashore and made to drink water, so that the sailors might have the more beer, and when one sufferer in his sickness desired but a small can of beer, it was answered that if he were their own father, he should have none. Then the disease began to seize the sailors also, so that almost half of the crew died before they went away, and many of their officers and strongest men, among them the Bosun, Gunner, three quartermasters, the Cook and others. At this the captain was somewhat struck, and sent to the sick ashore, and told the governor that he could send for beer for those that had need of it, even should he have to drink water on the homeward voyage. But amongst the sailors there was quite a different bearing in their misery. Those who before, in the time of their health and welfare, had been boon companions in drinking and jollity, began now to desert one another, saying they would not risk their lives for the sick among them, lest they should be infected by coming to help them in their cabins. If they died let them die. But the passengers who were still aboard showed them what pity they could, which made some of their hearts relent, such as the Bosun, who was an overbearing young man, and before would often curse and scoff at the passengers. But when he grew weak they had compassion on him and helped him. Then he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, for he had abused them in word and deed.  Another lay cursing his wife, saying if it had not been for her he had never come on this unlucky voyage, and Anon cursed his fellows, saying he had done this or that for some of them, he had spent so much and so much amongst them, and they were now weary of him, and did not help him in his need. Another made over to one of his mates all he had, when he should die, if he would but help him in his weakness. So his companion went and got a little spice and prepared some food once or twice, and when he did not die as soon as he expected, he went among his comrades and swore the rogue would cheat him of his inheritance. He would see him choke before he prepared him any more food, and so the poor fellow died before mourning. All this while the Indians came skulking about those who were ashore and would sometimes show themselves aloof, at a distance, but when any approached them they would run away. Once they stole away the men's tools where they had been at work and were gone to dinner. About the 16th of March a certain Indian came boldly among them and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand but were astonished at it. At length they understood by speaking with him that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern country where some English ships came to fish, and with some of these English he was acquainted and could name several of them. From them he had got his knowledge of the language. He became useful to them in acquainting them with many things concerning the state of the country in the east parts where he lived, as also of the people there, their names and number, their situation and distance from this place and who was chief among them. His name was Samoset. He told them also of another Indian whose name was Squanto, a native of this part, who had been in England and could speak English better than himself, after some time of entertainment being dismissed with gifts. In a little while he returned with five more, and they brought back all the tools that had been stolen and made way for the coming of their great sachem, called Massasoit, who about four or five days after, came with the chief of his friends and other attendants, and with Squanto. With him, after friendly entertainment and some gifts, they made a peace which has now continued for twenty-four years. These were the terms. One, that neither he nor any of his should injure or harm any of their people. Two, that if any of his did harm to any of theirs he should send the offender that they might punish him. Three, that if anything were taken away from any of theirs he should cause it to be restored and they should do the like to his. Four, if any made unjust war against him they would aid him. If any made war against them he should aid them. Five, he should send to his neighbouring confederates to certify them of this that they might not wrong them but might be likewise comprised of the conditions of peace. Six, that when their men came to them they should leave their bows and arrows behind them. After this he returned to his place, called Soams, some forty miles off, but Squanto stayed with them and was their interpreter, and became a special instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He showed them how to plant their corn, where to take fish and other commodities, and guided them to unknown places and never left them till he died. He was a native of these parts, and had been one of the few survivors of the plague here abouts. He was carried away with others by one hunt, a captain of a ship, who intended to sell them for slaves in Spain, but he got away for England, and was received by a merchant in London, and employed in Newfoundland and other parts, and lastly brought into these parts by a captain Durmer, a gentleman employed by Sir Ferdinand Gorgeous and others, for discovery and other projects in these parts. Of Captain Durmer I will say something, because it is mentioned, in a book published AD 1622 by the President and Council of New England, that he made peace between the savages of these parts and the English, of which this plantation, as it is there intimated, had the benefit. But what kind of peace it was appears by what befell him and his men. Captain Durmer had been here the same year that the people of the Mayflower arrived, as appears in an account written by him, and given to me by a friend, bearing date June 30th, 1620, and as they came in the November following there was but four months' difference. In this account to his honoured friend he makes the following references to this very place. I will first begin, says he, with the place from which Squanto, or Disquantum, was taken away, which in Captain Smith's map is called Plymouth, and I would that Plymouth had the same commodities. I could wish that the first plantation might be situated here, if there came to the number of fifty persons or upward, otherwise at Charlton, because there the savages are less to be feared. The Pocanochets, who lived to the west of Plymouth, bear an inveterate hatred to the English, and are of greater strength than all the savages from there to Penobscot. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an Englishman, who having invited many of them on board slaughtered them with small shot, when, as the Indians say, they offered no injury on their part. Whether they were English or no, it may be doubted, but they believed they were, for the French have so assured them. For this reason Squanto cannot deny but they would have killed me when I was at Namasket, had he not interceded hard for me. The soil of the borders of this great bay may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seen in Virginia. The land is of various sorts. Patuxet is a stubborn but strong soil. Nosset and Satucket are for the most part a blackish and deep mold, much like that where the best tobacco in Virginia grows. In the great bay itself is a quantity of cod and bass or mullet. But above all he commenced the Pocanochets country for the richest soil, and much open ground fit for English grain, etc. Massachusetts, about nine leagues from Plymouth and situated between both, is full of islands and peninsulas, for the most part very fertile. He was taken prisoner by the Indians at Manimoic, a place not far off, now well known.  But he freed himself by seizing some of them whom he kept bound till they gave him a canoe-load of corn, of which see the church, Lib 9, Folio 1778. But this was A.D. 1619. After the writing of the foregoing narrative, Dürmer went with Squanto to the island of Kapowak, which lies south of this place on the way to Virginia. There he went ashore amongst the Indians to trade, as he used to do, but was betrayed and assaulted by them, and all his men were killed except one who kept the boat. He himself got aboard very sorely wounded, they would have cut off his head as he climbed into his boat, had not the man rescued him. They got away and made shift to reach Virginia where he died. This shows how far the natives were from peace, and under what dangerous conditions this plantation was begun, but for the powerful hand of the Lord which protected them. This was partly the reason why they kept aloof, and were so long before they came to the English. Another reason, as afterwards they themselves stated, was that about three years before a French ship was wrecked at Cape Cod, but the men got ashore and saved their lives and a large part of their provisions. When the Indians heard of it, they surrounded them and never left watching and dogging them till they got the advantage and killed them, all but three or four, whom they kept, and sent from one sachem to another, making sport with them and using them worse than slaves. Of these Captain Dürmer released two, so the Indians thought that this ship had now come to revenge these outrages. It was also later disclosed that before they came to the English to make friends, they got all the powwows of the country together for three days to curse and execrate them in a horrid and devilish manner with conjurations, holding their assembly in a dark and dismal swamp. But to return, the spring now approaching, it pleased God the mortality began to cease among them, and the sick recovered a pace which put new life into them all, though they had borne their sad afflictions with as much patience and contentedness as I think any people could do. But it was the Lord who upheld them, and had beforehand prepared them, many having long borne the yoke, yea, even from their youth. Many other minor matters I will omit, several of them having been published already in a journal written by one of the company, and some other narratives and descriptions of journeys already published, to which I refer those who wish to acquaint themselves more closely, having now come to the twenty-fifth of March I will begin the year sixteen twenty-one. End of Book Two, Chapter One Book Two, Chapter Two, of Bradford's history of the Plymouth Settlement, sixteen-o-eight to sixteen-fifty, this Librivox recording is in the public domain. Bradford's history of the Plymouth Settlement, sixteen-o-eight to sixteen-fifty, by William Bradford, rendered into modern English by Harold Padgett. Book Two, Chapter Two They now decided to send back the ship which had brought them over, and which had remained till about this time or the beginning of April. The reason on their part why she had stayed so long was the necessity and danger they were under. It was well towards the end of December before she could land anything, or they were in a condition to receive anything ashore. And after that on the fourteenth of January the house they had built for a general rendezvous accidentally caught fire, and some of them had to go aboard the ship for shelter. Then the sickness began to fall among them sorely, and the weather was so bad that they could not hasten their preparations. Again the governor and the chief members, seeing so many falls sick and die daily, thought it unwise to send the ship away, considering their condition and the danger they were in from the Indians till they could procure some shelter, and therefore thought it better to incur further expense for themselves and their friends than to risk everything. And though before the captain and sailors had hurried the passengers ashore so that they could be gone, now many of the crew being dead, and some of the ableist of them, and of the rest many lay sick and weak, the captain did not dare to put to sea till he saw them begin to recover, and the heart of winter over. The settlers, as many as were able, then began to plant their corn, in which service Squanto stood them in good stead, showing them how to plant it and cultivate it. He also told them that unless they got fish to manure this exhausted old soil it would come to nothing, and he showed them that in the middle of April plenty of fish would come up the brook by which they had begun to build, and taught them how to catch it and where to get other necessary provisions, all of which they found true by experience. They sowed some English seed such as wheat and peas, but it came to no good, either because of the badness of the seed or the lateness of the season or some other defect. This April, while they were busy sowing their seed, their Governor, Mr. John Carver, one hot day, came out of the field very sick. He complained greatly of his head and lay down, and within a few hours his senses failed. He never spoke again, and died a few days after. His death was much lamented and depressed them deeply, with good cause. He was buried in the best manner possible, with some volleys of shot by all that bore arms, and his wife, a weak woman, died five or six weeks after him. Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Governor in his stead, and having not yet recovered from his illness, in which he had been near the point of death, Isaac Allerton was appointed assistant to him. These two, by renewed election each year, continued several years together. This I hear note once for all. On May 12th the first marriage here took place, which, according to the laudable custom of the Low Countries in which they had lived, it was thought proper for the magistrate to perform, as a civil institution upon which many questions about inheritance depend, and other things requiring their cognizance, as well as being consonant with the scriptures, Ruth 4, and nowhere mentioned in the Gospels as a part of the minister's duty. Having now made some progress with their affairs at home, it was thought advisable to send a deputation to their new friend Massasoit, and to bestow upon him some gratuity to bind him faster to them, also at the same time to view the country, and see in what manner he lived, what strength he had about him, and what was the way to his place if at any time they should have need. So on July 2 they sent Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. Hopkins with the aforesaid squanto for their guide. They gave Massasoit a suit of clothes, and a horseman's coat, with some other small things which were kindly accepted, though they found but short commons, and came home both weary and hungry. The Indians in those times did not have nearly so much corn as they have had since the English supplied them with hose, and set them an example by their industry in preparing new ground therewith. Massasoit's place was found to be forty miles off and the soil good, but his people had died in great numbers during the recent plague throughout these parts, about three years before the coming of the English. Thousands of them died, until the living were not able to bury the dead, and their skulls and bones were found in many places lying still above ground, where their houses and dwelling places had been, a very sad spectacle. But they brought word that the Narragansets lived just on the other side of the Great Bay, and were a strong, populous tribe living close together, and had not been attacked by this wasting plague. About the latter end of this month one John Billington lost himself in the woods, and wandered up and down for about five days, living on berries and what he could find. At length he came across an Indian plantation, twenty miles to the south, called Manamet. They conveyed him further off to Nosset, among the Indians who had set upon the landing-party when they were coasting, and whilst their ship lay at the Cape, as before noted. But the Governor caused him to be inquired for among the Indians, and at length Massasoit sent word where he was, and the Governor sent a shallop for him, and had him delivered. The Indians there also came and made their peace, and full satisfaction was given by the settlers, to those whose corn they had found and taken when they were at Cape Cod. Thus their peace and acquaintance was pretty well established with the natives about them. Another Indian, called Habamuk, came to live with them, a fine, strong man, of some account amongst the Indians for his valor and qualities. He remained very faithful to the English till he died. He and Squanto, having gone upon business among the Indians, a satcham called Corbitant, allied to Massasoit, but never a good friend to the English to this day, met with them at an Indian town called Namasakat, fourteen miles west of this, and whether out of envy of them or malice to the English began to quarrel with them, and threatened to stab Habamuk. But he, being a strong man, cleared himself of him, and came running away, all sweating, and told the Governor what had befallen him, and that he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them both, for no other reason than that they were friends to the English and serviceable to them. The Governor taken counsel, it was decided not to pass it over, for if they allowed their friends and messengers to be harmed, none would associate with them or give them intelligence or do them service afterwards, and next thing the Indians would fall upon them, too. So it was resolved to send the captain and fourteen men, well armed, and to go and fall upon them in the night, and if they found that Squanto was killed to cut off Corbitant's head, but not to hurt any but those who had a hand in it. Habamuk was asked if he would go and be their guide, and bring them there before day. He said he would, and could show them the house where Corbitant lived and which he was. They set forth on the fourteenth of August and surrounded the house, and the captain, giving orders to let none escape, entered to search for him. But he had gone away that day, so they missed him, but learned that Squanto was alive, and that Corbitant had only threatened to kill him, and made as if to stab him, but did not. So they withheld their punishment, and did no more harm, and the people came trembling and brought them the best provisions they had when they had been acquainted by Habamuk with their purpose. Three Indians, badly wounded, broke out of the house, and tried to pass through the guard. These they brought back with them, and had their wounds dressed and cured, and then sent them home. After this they had many greetings from various satchems and much firmer peace. Even the Indians of the island of Kapowak sent to declare friendship, and Corbitant himself used the mediation of Massasoit to make his peace, but was shy to come near them for a long time after. After this, on the eighteenth September, they sent out their shallop with ten men and Squanto as guide and interpreter to the Massachusetts, to explore the bay and trade with the natives, which they accomplished and were kindly received. The Indians were much afraid of the Tarantines, a tribe to the eastward, who used to come at harvest time and take away their corn, and often kill some of them. They returned in safety, and brought home a good quantity of beaver, and reported on the place wishing they could have settled there. But it seemed that the Lord, who assigns to all men the bounds of their habitations, had appointed it for another use, and thus they found the Lord to be with them in all their ways, and to bless their outgoings and incomings, for which let his holy name have the praise for ever to all posterity. They began now to gather in the small harvest they had, and to prepare their houses for the winter, being well recovered in health and strength, and plentifully provisioned, for while some had been thus employed in affairs away from home, others were occupied in fishing for cod, bass, and other fish, of which they caught a good quantity every family having their portion. All the summer there was no want, and now as winter approached wild fowl began to arrive, of which there were plenty when they came here first, though afterwards they became more scarce. As well as wild fowl they got abundance of wild turkeys besides venison, etc. Each person had about a peck of meal a week, or now, since harvest, Indian corn in that proportion, and afterwards many wrote at length about their plenty to their friends in England, not feigned but true reports. In November, about twelve months after their arrival, there came a small ship unexpectedly, bringing Mr. Cushman, so much spoken of before, and with him thirty-five persons to remain and live in the plantation, at which they rejoiced not a little, and the new arrivals when they came ashore and found all well, and saw plenty of victuals in every house were no less glad. Most of them were healthy young men, many of them wild enough, who had little considered what they were undertaking, till they reached the harbour of Cape Cod, and there saw nothing but a naked and barren place. Then they began to wonder what would become of them, should the people be dead or cut off by the Indians. So, hearing what some of the sailors were saying, they began to plot to seize the sails, lest the ship should go and leave them there. But the captain, hearing of it, gave them good words, and told them that if any misfortune should have befallen the people here, he thought he had food enough to take them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bit, they should have their share which satisfied them. So they were all landed, but they brought not so much as biscuit cake or any other victuals with them, nor any bedding, except some poor things they had in their cabins, nor pot nor pan to cook any food in, nor many clothes, for many of them had sold their coats and cloaks at Plymouth on their way out. But some birching-lane suits were sent over in the ship out of which they were supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition of strength, but could have wished that many of them had been of better class, and all of them better furnished with provisions, but that could not now be helped. In this ship Mr. Weston sent a long letter to Mr. Carver, the late governor, now deceased, full of complaints and expostulations about the former troubles at Southampton, and keeping the ship so long in the country, and returning her without lading, et cetera, most of which for brevity I omit, the rest is as follows. Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth. I never dared acquaint the adventurers with the alterations in the conditions first agreed on between us, which I have since been very glad of, for I am well assured that had they known as much as I do, they would not have ventured a half penny of what was necessary for this ship. That you sent no lading back with the ship is strange and very properly resented. I know your weakness was the cause of it, and I believe more weakness of judgment than weakness of hands. A quarter of the time you spent in discoursing, arguing, and consulting would have done much more, but that is past. If you mean, bona fide, to perform the conditions agreed upon, do us the favor to copy them out fair, and subscribe them with the names of your principal members, and likewise give us a count, as particularly as you can, how our money was laid out, then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction while I am now forced to put them off with good words, and consider that the life of this business depends on the lading of this ship. If you do so satisfactorily, so that I may recoup the great sums I disbursed for the former voyage, and must do for this one, I promise you I will never forsake this enterprise, though all the other adventurers should do so. We have procured you a charter the best we could, which is better than the former, and with less limitations. As for anything else that is worth writing, Mr. Cushman can inform you. I pray right instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you, and so praying God to bless you with all graces necessary both for this life and that to come, I rest your very loving friend, Thomas Weston, London, July 6, 1621. This ship, called the Fortune, was speedily dispatched, laden with good clapboard, as full as she could stow, and two hogs' heads of beaver and otter skins, which they had traded in exchange for a few trifling commodities brought with them at first, being otherwise altogether unprovided for trading, nor was there a man among them who had ever seen a beaver skin till they came out, and were instructed by Squanto. The freight was estimated to be worth nearly five hundred pounds. Mr. Cushman returned with this ship, as Mr. Weston and the rest had commissioned him for their better information. And neither he nor the settlers doubted that they would receive speedy supplies, considering that, owing to Mr. Cushman's persuasion, and to letters which they received from the Congregation at Leiden, urging them to do so, they agreed to the aforesaid conditions and signed them. But it proved otherwise, for Mr. Weston, who had made that large promise in his letter, that if all the rest should drop out he would never quit the business, but would stick to them if they signed the conditions and sent some lading on the ship, and of this Mr. Cushman was equally confident, confirming it by Mr. Weston's own words, and serious protestations to himself before he left, all this, I say, proved but wind, for he was the first and only man that forsook them, and that before he had so much as heard of the return of the ship, or knew what had been done. So vain is confidence in man, but of this more in its place. A letter in answer to that written by Mr. Weston to Mr. Carver was sent from the Governor, of which so much as is pertinent to the thing in hand I will insert here. Governor Bradford at New Plymouth to Mr. Weston in England. Sir, your long letter written to Mr. Carver, and dated July 6, 1621, I received on November 10, wherein, after the apology made for yourself, you lay many imputations upon him and us all. Touching him he is now departed this life, and is at rest in the Lord from all these troubles and encumbrances with which we yet strive. He needs not my apology, for his care and pains were so great for the common good, both ours and yours, that, as it is thought, he thereby oppressed himself and shortened his days, of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complain. At great expense in this adventure I confess you have been, and many losses may sustain, but the loss of his and many other industrious men's lives cannot be valued at any price. Of the one there may be hope of recovery, but the other no recompense can make good. However, I will not confine myself to general statements, but will deal with your particular charges. You greatly blame us for keeping the ship so long in the country, and then sending her away empty. She lay five weeks at Cape Cod, whilst with many a weary step, after a long journey and the endurance of many a hard brunt, we sought out in the depth of winter a place of habitation. Then we set about, as well as we could, to provide shelter for ourselves and our goods, upon which task many of our arms and legs can tell us to this day that we were not negligent. But it pleased God to visit us then with death daily, and with a disease so disastrous that the living were scarcely able to bury the dead, and the healthy not in any measure to tend the sick. And now to be so greatly blamed for not freighting the ship touches us near and discourages us much. But you say you know we shall plead weakness, and do you think we had not cause? Yes, you tell us you believe it, but that it was more weakness of judgment than of hands. Our weakness herein is great, we confess. Therefore we will bear this rebuke patiently with the rest, till God send us wiser men. But those who told you we spent so much time in discoursing and consulting, etc., their hearts can tell their tongues they lie. They care not so that they solve their own sores, how they wound others. Indeed it is our calamity that we are beyond expectation, yoked with some ill-disposed people who, while they do no good themselves, corrupt and abuse others. The rest of the letter stated that they had subscribed to the conditions according to his desire, and sent him the previous accounts very exactly, also how the ship was laden and in what condition their affairs stood, that the arrival of the new people would bring famine upon them unavoidably if they did not receive supplies in time, as Mr. Cushman could more fully inform him and the rest of the adventurers. Also that, seeing he was not satisfied in all his demands, he hoped offenses would be forgotten and he would remember his promise, etc. After the departure of this ship, which did not stay above fourteen days, the Governor and his assistant having disposed the new arrivals among several families as best they could, took an exact account of all their provisions in store, and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and found that it would not hold out above six months that half allowance, and hardly that. They could not well give less this winter, till fish came in again, so they were presently put on half allowance, one as well as another. It became irksome, but they bore it patiently, hoping to receive fresh supplies. Even after this ship's departure, the great Narragansett tribe, in a braving manner, sent a messenger to them with a bundle of arrows tied about with a great snakeskin, which their interpreters told them was a threatening challenge, upon which the Governor, with the advice of the others, sent them around answer that if they would rather have war than peace they might begin when they would. They had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, nor would they find them unprepared. They sent the snakeskin back by another messenger with bullets in it, but they would not receive it and returned it again. These things I need merely mention, because they are fully dealt with in print by Mr. Winslow, at the request of some friends. The reason was probably their own ambition, thinking, since the death of so many of the Indians, to domineer and lord it over the rest, and that the English would be a bar in their way, Massasoit having taken shelter already under their wings. But this made the settlers more careful to look to themselves. They agreed to enclose their dwellings in a good strong stockade and make flankers in convenient places, with gates to shut. These they locked every night, and a watch was kept, and when need required there were also outposts in the daytime. The colonists, at the Captain's and Governor's advice, were divided into four squadrons, and every one had his quarter appointed, to which to repair at any sudden alarm, and in case of fire, a company with muskets was appointed as a guard to prevent Indian treachery, whilst the others quenched it. This was accomplished very cheerfully, and the town was enclosed by the beginning of March, every family having a pretty garden plot. Herewith I shall end this year, except to recall one more incident rather amusing than serious. On Christmas Day the Governor called the people out to work as usual, but most of the new company excused themselves, and said it went against their consciences to work on that day. So the Governor told them, if they made it a matter of conscience, he would spare them till they were better informed. So he went with the rest and left them, but on returning from work at noon he found them at play in the street, some pitching the bar, some at stool-ball, and such like sports. So he went to them and took away their games, and told them that it was against his conscience that they should play and others work. If they made the keeping of the day a matter of devotion, let them remain in their houses, but there should be no gaming and reveling in the streets. Since then nothing has been attempted in that way, at least openly. CHAPTER III They had arranged with the Massachusetts to go again and trade with them in the spring, and began to prepare for the voyage about the latter end of March. But Habomok, their Indian, told them that from some rumors he had heard, he feared they had joined the Narragansets and might betray them if they were not careful. He also intimated some suspicion of Squanto from what he had observed of some private whisperings between him and other Indians. But they resolved to proceed, and sent out their shallop with ten of their chief men about the beginning of April, both Squanto and Habomok with them, considering the jealousy between them. But they had not been gone long from the settlement before an Indian belonging to Squanto's family came running in, apparently in great fear, and told them that many of the Narragansets with Corbitant, and he thought also Massasoit, were coming to attack them, and he got a way to tell them, not without danger. And being examined by the governor, he made as if the enemy were at hand, and kept looking back as if they were at his heels, at which the governor ordered the settlers to take arms and stand on their guard, and believing the boat would be still within hearing since it was calm, he caused a warning-piece or two to be shot off, which they heard and returned. But no Indians appeared, and though watch was kept all night nothing was seen. Habomok was confident of Massasoit's good faith and thought it was all false. But the governor had him send his wife privately to see what she could observe, on pretense of other purposes, but nothing was found and all was quiet, so they proceeded on their voyage to the Massachusetts and had good trade, and returned in safety blessed be God. But by what had passed they began to see that Squanto sought his own ends and played his own game, by frightening the Indians and getting gifts from them for himself, making them believe he could stir up war against them if he would, and make peace for whom he would. He even made them believe the English kept the plague buried in the ground, and could send it among them whenever they wished, which terrified the Indians and made them more dependent on him than on Massasoit. This made him envied, and was likely to have cost him his life, for after discovering this Massasoit sought it both privately and openly. This caused Squanto to stick close to the English, and he never dared leave them till he died. The colony also made good use of the emulation between Habamoc and him, which made them behave more squarely, the governor seeming to countenance the one and the captain the other, by which they procured better intelligence and made them both more zealous in their service. Now their provisions were practically all exhausted, and they looked anxiously for supplies, but none came. About the latter end of May, however, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they thought was some Frenchman, but it proved to be a shalop which came from a ship which Mr. Weston and another man had sent out fishing at a place called Damaris Cove, forty leagues to the eastward of them, where that year many ships had come to fish. This boat brought seven passengers and some letters, but no provisions and no hope of any. Part of this letter I will give. Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth. The fortune in which Mr. Cushman went, who I hope is with you, before we daily expect the ship back again, left England at the beginning of July with thirty-five persons, though not over well provided with necessaries owing to the parsimony of the adventurers. I have begged them to send you a supply of men and provisions before she returns. They all answer they will do great things when they hear good news, nothing before, so faithful, constant and careful of your good or your old and honest friends, that if they hear not from you they are not likely to send you supplies. I will now explain the sending of this ship, hoping if you give me credit you will have a more favourable opinion of the project than some here, whereof pickering is one. Mr. Beauchamp and I have bought this little ship, and have fitted her out partly it may be to benefit the plantation, and partly to recoup ourselves for former losses, though we are censured. This is the reason we have sent this ship and these passengers on our own account, and we desire you to entertain them and supply them with such necessaries as you can spare. And among other things, pray lend or sell them some seed-corn, or if you have some of the salt remaining from last year, let them have it for their present use, and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when our salt-pan is at work, which we want to have set up in one of the little islands in your bay. We intend, if God please, and the others will not join us, to send within a month another ship, which, having discharged her passengers, will go to Virginia, and perhaps we shall send a small ship to remain with you on the coast, which should be a great help to the plantation. In order that we may accomplish our endeavors, which will be also for your good, pray give them entertainment in your houses while they are with you, so that they may lose no time, but may at once proceed to fell trees and cleave them, so that lading may be ready, and the ship be not delayed. Some of the adventurers have sent you here with some directions for your furtherance in the common enterprise, like those whom St. James speaks of that bid their brother eat and warm himself, but give him nothing. So they bid you make salt and uphold the plantation, but send you no means wherewith to do it. By the next ship we intend to send more people on our own account, and to take a patent, lest your people should be as inhuman as are some of the adventurers, and should not permit us to dwell with them, which would be such extreme barbarism that I will not let myself think you have any such pickerings among you. Yet to satisfy our passengers I must perforce do it, and for some other reasons which I need not write. I find the rest so backward and your friends at Leiden so cold that I fear you must stand on your own legs, and trust as they say to God and yourselves. Subscribe, your loving friend, Thomas Weston. Still other things I pass over, being tedious and impertinent. All this was but cold comfort with which to fill their hungry bellies and a slender performance of his recent promise, and as little did it either fill or warm them as those the Apostle James speaks of to which he refers. There came by the same ship other letters, but of later date one from Mr. Weston and another from some of the other adventurers as follows. Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth. Mr. Carver, since my last, in order that we might more readily help the company, at a meeting of some of the principal adventurers a proposition was made and agreed to by all present, except pickering, that each man should further adventure the third part of what he had formerly done. Some others followed pickering's example and would adventure no more. Therefore the greater part of the adventurers being willing to support the enterprise, seeing no reason why those who were willing should carry on the business of those who were unwilling and whose backwardness discouraged those who would go forward and hindered other new adventurers from joining, we, having well considered the matter, have resolved according to the article in our agreement that by general consent the adventurers and settlers for just cause may break off their joint stock, to break it off, and beg you to ratify and confirm the same on your parts. This being done we shall the more willingly proceed to provide you with necessary supplies, but in any case you must agree to the articles and send them back under your hands and seals by the first ship. So I end your loving friend Thomas Weston, January 17th, 1621. Another letter was written by part of the company of the adventurers to the same purpose and subscribed with nine of their names, of which Mr. Weston's and Mr. Beauchamp's were too. This inconstancy and shuffling seemed strange, and it appeared there was some mystery in the matter. So the governor concealed these letters from the public and only imparted them to some trusted friends for advice, who agreed with him that to inform them would tend to disband and scatter them in their present necessity, and if Mr. Weston and others like minded should come over with shipping, provisioned as his letters suggested, most of the advantage would fall to him, to the prejudice of themselves and their friends and the rest of the adventurers, from whom as yet they had heard nothing. Indeed it was doubted whether he had not sent over the people in the former ship with this idea. However they took compassion on the seven whom this ship, fishing to the eastward, had kept till planting time was over, so that it was too late for them to set their corn, and who brought no food, for they turned them ashore without any. Nor had the salt pan come, so they could not accomplish any of the things which Mr. Weston had mentioned, and might have starved if the plantation had not suckered them. Their wants were supplied exactly as the rest of the settlers. The ship went down to Virginia, where they sold both ship and fish, of the proceeds of which Mr. Weston received a very slender share, it is understood. After this came another of his ships, bringing letters dated the 10th April, from Mr. Weston as follows. Mr. Weston in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. Mr. Bradford, these letters, etc. The fortune has arrived, whose good news concerning you I am very glad to hear, and though she was robbed on the way by the French, yet I hope your loss will not be great, for the prospect of so great a return much encourages the adventurers, so that I hope some matter of importance will be done by them. As for myself, I have sold my adventure and debts to them, so I am quit of you and you of me for that matter. And now, though I have no position as an adventurer amongst you, I will advise you a little for your good if you like to avail yourselves of it. I know as well as any the disposition of your adventurers, whom the hope of gain has drawn on to what they have done, but I fear that hope will not draw them much further. Besides, most of them are against sending your friends at Leiden, in whose interests this business was first begun, and some of the most religious, for instance a Mr. Green takes exception to them, so that my advice is, you may follow it if you please, that you forthwith break off your joint stock, which you have the right to do both in law and conscience, since the majority of the adventurers have sanctioned it in a former letter. The resources you have there, which I hope will be to some purpose by means of this spring's trade, may, with the help of some friends here, meet the expense of transporting the Leiden contingent, and when they are with you I do not question, but by God's help you will be able to subsist of yourselves. But I leave you to your own discretion. I requested several of the adventurers, Mr. Pierce, Mr. Green, and others, if they had anything to send you, such as food or letters, to send them by these ships, and wondering that they sent not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what letters they had, and after some hesitation one of them told me he had one, which was delivered him with great show of secrecy, and for its greater security he was told to buy a pair of new shoes, and sew it between the souls for fear of its being intercepted. I, taking the letter, wondering what mystery might be in it, broke it open and found this treacherous letter subscribed by the hands of Mr. Pickering and Mr. Green. Had it come to your hands without comment it might have injured if not ruined us all, for assuredly if you had followed their instructions and had treated us as unkindly as they advise you to do, distrusting us as enemies, etc., it might have set us together by the ears to our destruction. For I believe that in such a case, knowing the nature of past business between us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been violent and heady against you. I meant to have settled the people I before and now send you, with or near you, for mutual security and defense and help on all occasions. But I find the adventurers so jealous and suspicious that I have altered my resolution, and have given orders to my brother and those with him to do as he and they shall find fit. Your loving friend, Thomas Weston, April 10th, 1621. Part of Mr. Pickering's and Mr. Green's letter to the settlers at New Plymouth. To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc., my dear love remembered to you all, etc. The company has bought out Mr. Weston and are very glad they are freed of a man who thought himself superior to the rest, and not expressing so much fear of God as was meat. I need say no more a few words to the wise. Mr. Weston will not permit letters to be sent in his ships, nor anything for your good or ours, since it would be contrary to his interests. His brother Andrew, whom he sends as principal in one of these ships, is a violent, heady young man, and set against you there and the company here. He and Mr. Weston plot their own ends, which tend to your and our undoing in respect of our estates there. We are informed by credible testimony that his purpose is to come out to your colony, pretending he comes for and from the adventurers, and will try to get whatever you have in readiness aboard his ships, as if they came from the company, and all will then be so much profit to himself. Further they intend to inform themselves what special places or sources of profit you have discovered, so that they may suppress and deprive you. The Lord, who is the watchman of Israel and sleepeth not, preserve you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorry that there is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man, so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the advancement of the glorious gospel of our Lord Jesus, amen, farewell. Your loving friends, Edward Pickering, William Green. I pray conceal both the writing and delivery of this letter, but make the best use of it. We hope to fit out a ship ourselves within this month. The following are of the chief points of Mr. Weston's comments on the foregoing letter. Mr. Bradford, this is the letter I wrote you of, which to answer in every particular were needless and tedious, my own conscience and all our people can, and I think will, testify that my end in sending the ship's sparrow was your good. Now I will not deny that there are many of our people rude fellows, as these men term them, yet I presume they will be governed by such as I set over them, and I hope not only to be able to reclaim them from their profaneness, but by degrees draw them to God. I am so far from sending you rude fellows to deprive you either by fraud or violence of what is yours, that I have ordered the captain of the sparrow to leave you with two thousand of bread and a good quantity of fish. But I will leave it to you to consider what evil this letter might have done had it come to your hands and taken the effect its writers desired. Now if you be of the same mind as these men, deal plainly with us and we will seek our residence elsewhere. If you are as friendly as we have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of friends and we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drink, nor lodging, without in some way or other paying you for it. I shall leave in the country a little ship if God send her safe thither, with sailors and fishermen, to stay there to coast and trade with the savages and the old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpful to you as you will be to us. I think I shall see you next spring, so I commend you to the protection of God, whoever keep you. Your loving friend, Thomas Weston. Thus all their hopes in regard to Mr. Weston were laid in the dust, and all his promised help turned into empty advice, which they saw it was neither lawful nor profitable for them to follow, and they were thus not only left destitute of help in their extreme want, having neither food nor anything to trade with, but others were preparing to glean up what the country might have afforded for their relief. As for the harsh censures and suspicions intimated in the former and following letters, they desired to judge them as charitably and wisely as they could, weighing them in the balance of love and reason, and though they came in part from godly and loving friends, they recognized that much might arise from over-deep jealousy and fear, or from provocation, though they saw clearly that Mr. Weston pursued his own ends and was embittered in spirit. After the receipt of the former letters the governor received one from Mr. Cushman, who went home in the ship and was always intimate with Mr. Weston, as former passages prove. It had seemed strange that nothing was heard from him all this while, but it seems it was the difficulty of sending, for this letter was directed as if from a wife in England to her husband who was here, and was brought by him to the governor. It was as follows. Robert Cushman in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth Beloved Sir, I heartily salute you, trusting you are well, and with many thanks for your love. By God's providence we got home safely on the seventeenth February, being robbed by the French on the way and taken by them into France, where we were kept fifteen days and lost all that we had that was worth taking. But thanks be to God we escaped with our lives and our ship. It does not seem to have discouraged any here. I purposed by God's grace to see you shortly. I hope in June next or before. In the meantime consider well the following. Mr. Weston has quite broken off from our company, through some disagreement that arose between him and some of the other adventurers, and has sold all his adventures, and has now sent three small ships for his particular colony. Of the biggest of these, which is one hundred tons, Mr. Reynolds is captain. Mr. Weston intends to come himself with the others. Why, I know not. The people they take are no men for us, so I beg you not to entertain them nor to exchange men with them, except perhaps some of your worst. He has taken out a patent for himself. If they offer to buy anything of you, let it be such as you can spare and let them give full value for it. If they borrow anything of you, let them leave a good pawn. It is probable he will settle southward of the Cape, for William Trevor has lavishly told what he knew, or imagined, of Kapowak, Monogun, and the Narragansets. I fear these people will hardly deal as well with the savages as they should. I advise you therefore to signify to Squanto that they are a distinct body from us, and we have nothing to do with them, that we must not be blamed for their faults, much less can we warrant their fidelity. We are about to recover our losses in France. Our friends at Leiden are well, and as many as can will come this time. I hope all will turn out for the best, so I pray you not to be discouraged, but to meet these difficulties cheerfully and with courage, in that place wherein God has set you until the day of refreshing come, and the Lord God of sea and land bring us comfortably together again, if it may stand with his glory. Yours, Robert Cushman. On the other side of the leaf in the same letter came these few lines from Mr. John Pierce, in whose name the patent here was taken, and of whom more will follow in its place. John Pierce, in England, to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. Worthy sir, I desire you to take into consideration what is written on the other side, and in no way to let your own colony be contaminated, whose strength is but weakness, and may therefore be more enfeebled. As for the letters of association, by the next ship we send I hope you will receive satisfaction. In the meantime, whom you admit I will approve. As for Mr. Weston's company, I think them so inferior for the most part that they do not seem fit for honest men's company. I hope they may prove otherwise. It is not my purpose to write at length, but cease in these few lines, and so rest, your loving friend, John Pierce. All this they considered carefully, but they decided to give the men friendly entertainment, partly out of regard for Mr. Weston himself, considering what he had done for them, and partly out of compassion for the people who had come into a wilderness as they themselves had before, and were presently to be put ashore altogether ignorant of what to do. The ship was then to carry other passengers to Virginia. So as they had received Mr. Weston's former company of seven men, and victualed them as their own hitherto, they received these, about sixty strong men, and gave them housing for themselves and their goods, and many of them who were sick had the best the place could afford them. They stayed most of the summer till the ship came back again from Virginia, then by the direction of those set over them they moved to Massachusetts Bay, where Mr. Weston had obtained a patent for some land on the strength of reports which he had got in some of the letters previously sent home.  But of the provisions of this contingent the new Plymouth colony accepted none, though they were in great want, nor anything else in return for any courtesy rendered by them, nor did they desire it, for they were an unruly company, without proper government, and would inevitably soon fall into want if Mr. Weston did not come out to them, so to prevent all chance of subsequent trouble they would accept nothing from them. In these straits deserted by those from whom they had hoped for supplies, and famine beginning to pinch them severely, the Lord, who never fails his, provided assistance beyond all expectation. A boat which came from the eastward brought them a letter from a stranger whose name they had never heard before, the captain of a fishing-ship. This letter was as follows. Captain John Huddleston to the colony at New Plymouth. To all good friends at New Plymouth, these, etc. Friends, countrymen, and neighbors, I salute you and wish you all health and happiness in the Lord. I make bold to trouble you with these lines, because unless I were inhuman I could do no less. Bad news spreads itself too far, but still I may inform you that I and many good friends in the South Colony of Virginia have sustained such a loss as the lives of four hundred persons would not suffice to make good. Therefore I hope, although not knowing you, that the old rule which I learnt at school may be sufficient, that is, happy is he whom other men's ills doth make to beware. And now again and again wishing all those that willingly would serve the Lord all health and happiness in the world, and everlasting peace in the world to come, I rest, yours, John Huddleston. By this boat the Governor returned a grateful answer, and also sent a boat of their own with Mr. Winslow to procure what he could from the ships. He was kindly received by the captain, who not only spared what provisions he could but wrote to others to do the same. By this means he got a good quantity and returned in safety. Thus the plantation had a double benefit. First they were refreshed at the time by the food obtained, secondly they knew the way to those parts to their advantage thereafter. What this small boat brought divided among so many came to but little. Still by God's blessing it sustained them until harvest. It amounted to a quarter of a pound of bread a day for each person, and the Governor had it given out daily, otherwise had it been in their own custody they would have eaten it up and then starved. In this way with what else they could get they made fair shift till their corn was ripe. This summer they built a fort with good timber, a handsome building and a good defense made with a flat roof and battlement, on which their ordinance was mounted, and where they kept constant watch, especially in time of danger. It served them also as a meeting-house and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a big undertaking for them at this period of weakness and want, but the dangerous times necessitated it, and the continual rumors about the Indians here, especially the Narragansets, and also the news of the great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing to complete it. Now the welcome time of harvest approached in which all had their hungry bellies filled, but it amounted to but little compared with a full year's supply, partly because they were not yet used to the culture of Indian corn, they had no other, partly owing to their many other employments, but chiefly their weakness for want of food prevented them from cultivating it as they should have done. Again much was stolen even after it became eatable, and much more afterwards, and though many were well whipped when they were caught stealing a few ears of corn, hunger drove others to it, whom conscience did not restrain. It was quite clear that famine would prevail again next year if not prevented, or if their supplies to which they dare not trust should fail. Markets there were none to go to except the Indians, and even then they had no trading commodities. Behold now another providence of God, a ship comes into the harbor in charge of a Captain Jones, fitted out by some merchants to discover all the harbors between here and Virginia and the shoals of Cape Cod, and to trade along the coast where they could. This ship had supplies of English beads which were then good trade and some knives, though the Captain would sell none except at high prices and in large quantities, but they were so glad of the chance that they were willing to buy at any rate, even at a premium of one hundred percent, if not more, and even then to sell coat beaver at three shillings per pound, which a few years after fetched twenty shillings. By this means they were able again to trade for beaver and other things, and intended to buy what corn they could. But I will here take the liberty of making a little digression. There was aboard this ship a gentleman, by name Mr. John Pory, who had been secretary in Virginia, and was now going home as a passenger. After his departure he wrote a letter to the Governor, in the post-script of which were these lines. To yourself and Mr. Brewster I must acknowledge myself much indebted, and would have you feel that his books are well bestowed on one who esteems them such jewels. My haste would not suffer me to remember, much less to ask for, Mr. Ainsworth's elaborate work upon the five books of Moses. Both his and Mr. Robinson's highly commend the authors, as conversant with the scriptures above all others. And who knows what good it may please God to work by them through my unworthy hands, who finds such high content in them. God have you all in his keeping, your unfaigned and firm friend John Pory, August 28, 1622. This I insert here in honor of the author's memory, which this gentleman thus ingeniously acknowledges, and he upon his return did the plantation much credit amongst men of no mean rank, but to return. Shortly after harvest Mr. Weston's people, who were now settled in Massachusetts, and had, by disorder as it seems, made havoc of their provisions, began now to realize that want would press them. Finding that the people here had bought trading commodities and intended to trade for corn, they wrote to the governor and asked that they might join them in trading, employing their small ship for the purpose, and further requested them either to lend or to sell them some of their trading commodities in return, and they would undertake to make payment when Mr. Weston, or their supplies, should come. The governor agreed to do so upon equal terms, meaning to go round the Cape southwards with the ship, where corn might be got. Captain Standish was appointed to go with them, and Squanto as a guide and interpreter about the latter end of September. But the winds drove them in, and putting out again, Captain Standish fell ill with fever, so the governor went himself. But they could not get round the shoals of Cape Cod, for flats and breakers, and Squanto could not direct them better. The captain of the boat dare not venture any further, so they put into Manimoic Bay and got what they could there. Here Squanto fell ill of Indian fever, bleeding much at the nose, which the Indians take for a symptom of death, and within a few days he died. He begged the governor to pray for him that he might go to the Englishman's God in heaven, and bequeath several of his things to some of his English friends as remembrances. His death was a great loss. On this voyage they got in one place or another about twenty-six or twenty-eight hogseds of corn and beans, which was more than the Indians could well spare hereabouts, for they sewed but little till they got English hose. So they had to return, disappointed that they could not get round the Cape and were not better laden. Afterwards the governor took a few men and went to inland places to get what he could, to be fetched home in the spring, which was some help. In February a messenger came from John Sanders, who was left in charge of Mr. Weston's men at the Bay of Massachusetts, bringing a letter telling of the great want they had fallen into. He wished to borrow a hog's head of corn from the Indians, but they would lend him none. He asked whether he might not take it from them by force to supply his men till he returned from the east where he was going. The governor and the rest dissuaded him strongly, for it might exasperate the Indians and endanger their safety and all might smart for it. Already it had been rumored how they had wronged the Indians by stealing their corn, etc., and that they were much incensed against them. But so depraved were some of Mr. Weston's people that they went and told the Indians that the governor intended to come and take their corn by force. This and other things made them enter into a conspiracy against the English, of which more in the next chapter. Herewith I end this year. Book 2, Chapter 3.


Behind me you can see just some of the incredible majesty that they live with every day up here in Lacquell Ames. This community which will be home to all kinds of new economic growth over the next few years is getting ready in a beautiful new school, some new housing coming, roads being paved, they're getting ready for economic growth in a province that's number one in job creation in Canada. We want to support jobs, economic growth, but we won't do it at the expense of this beautiful environment you see around me. This is the one of the most beautiful places in the world and we want to keep it that way.