to welcome you to today's event which is going to be a conversation with Speaker Shweman of Myanmar. Honorable Speaker, welcome to Washington. I wish we could have arranged a better day for you. We had a few days ago a spectacular spring day but unfortunately today is a bit overcast but I hear you're going to be here over the weekend so maybe tomorrow will be better weather. I would also like to recognize in the audience the right honoree Ula Mient U who is the chairman of the International Relations Committee of the Lower House of Parliament in Myanmar, the Honorable U Wintan who is the secretary of the Economic and Trade Development Committee of the Lower House, Honorable Dr. Wynne Mient, member of the Economic and Trade Development Committee, Honorable U Tien Tin Ton, sorry, member of the Peasants Workers and Youth Affairs Committee so we have in addition to the Speaker five members of Parliament from the from the Lower House. Now this morning's event is actually the first in a series of events that we at Carnegie plan to hold over the coming months but that will focus on Myanmar's upcoming elections and the many factors that will shape the run-up to the elections, its final outcome and perhaps even the post-election consequences and this series is being done jointly by the Asia Society Policy Institute and the Southeast Asia Studies Department of the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University. We're also grateful to the Japan External Trade Organization or JETRO for very kindly supporting this entire series and I would also like to extend a personal thanks to Priscilla Klapp who has been so helpful in making this event possible so thank you Priscilla. Finally, I should also note that we have a website on Myanmar now at the Carnegie Endowment, a special web page in the Carnegie Endowment website where we will be posting articles and background pieces which are going to be relevant to the Myanmar elections. The elections themselves are likely to be announced in early August and will probably be held in early November or late October and it's probably going to be the most important election in the history of the country as they will mark a crucial milestone in its transition from military rule towards democracy. In fact, Myanmar is in the throes of three transitions from military rule to democracy, from a state-controlled inward-oriented economy to a market-oriented outward-looking economy and from conflict to peace. So one should be mindful of the fact that the upcoming elections are just one element albeit a crucial one in a complex mosaic of moving parts. No one should underestimate the challenge confronting Myanmar. At the same time, we are all hoping that Myanmar navigates its way successfully through this thicket of challenges and a key player in that complex mosaic is Thuraj Swayman, the Speaker of the Lower House. Considered at one time to be the third most powerful man in the State Peace and Development Council which ruled Myanmar up till 2011. He was elected to parliament in 2010 as a member of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party or the USTP and he became Speaker of the Lower House and immediately began to raise the Lower House's authority and activism relative to the Upper House and the Executive which not only propelled him to the forefront of the political scene in Myanmar but also laid an important foundation for what we hope will become a stable democratic system. So I propose to have a conversation with Thuraj Swayman initially for about 45 minutes or so and then we'll open it up to the audience for questions and answers. So may I request Honorable Speaker for you to come to this and we will begin the conversation please. And he will be joined by Coco Shane, the Interpreter. Well welcome again Mr. Speaker. It's wonderful to have you here and as you can see there's a huge crowd in this room all eager to hear what you have to say and a lot of them I'm sure have on their minds a burning question so I want to get it out of the way which is that if you are nominated for President will you run for the presidency of Myanmar? Relating to your questions I would like to answer first of all that the Union Solidarity and Development Party will begin this the process to choose the candidate. Of course if the USTP parties nominated me as a presidential candidates I will help you to accept and then another process is to be approved by the parliaments so that if I get the chance to nominate as the president I would be happy to receive their nomination. So Speaker who would you think would be the other contenders for the presidency? I'm thinking that all of the parties and organizations will nominate by themselves for the presidential candidates that is what I'm thinking of. Well there's one point of clarification that I'd like and that is that recently the constitutional tribunal in Myanmar decided that the lower house elections will be based on a first pass the post system but there has also been a bill that's been passed which says that for the upper house there will be proportional representation in the coming elections but this has yet to be reviewed by the constitutional tribunal. How will the upper house elections be based on a proportional representation system in your view? We are considering a lower house for the PR system to be established but the constitutional tribunal has decided it is not conformity with the constitution but at the same time in the upper house the parliament of the ethnicity they are still ongoing with the process to discuss about which process should be chosen for the elections to the up house. When can we expect a decision on this issue because it'll have an important bearing on the elections? I think that this is my opinion to pass the decisions of the constitutional tribunal about the issue is very much difficult to consider with. I think it will take time. Now one of the big concerns that people have especially outside observers but I'm sure also people within Myanmar is of course the burning question of whether the election will be free and fair so what mechanisms are being put in place that will ensure not just a free and fair election but also a peaceful election. Of course 2015 general election is very much crucial for our own history. The election could be held successfully then only be able to establish the multi-party a democracy and the market-oriented economy into a good shape. That is why it is very much important to hold the general election as announced at the early part of November to be free and fair. To hold the general elections to be free and fair together with the transparency I think that the role of the union election commercial is very much important. Similarly the current government together with the parliament as well as the people and the states are playing their own important role. At the same time the parties and civil societies and the general publics are playing a very good important role. Of course the union election has already announced to hold the general elections at the early part of November 2015. Of course the union parliaments very much welcome the announcement of the union election commissions and take a record. The union or election commission also announced that they are going to invite the international observer at the time of general elections. When we are doing this into a successful one I think that the systematic voting should be observed together with the participation of the members of the parliament. They also need to follow according to the laws rules and procedure of the elections. Similarly the general public should not lose their rights to vote. For that to happen they need to check themselves to have to use their rights. In fact the voter lists have already been put up in the various constituencies for people to check and scrutinize the lists to make sure that their names are there. Is that correct? Of course we have announced since April in various constituencies of the voter lists so that they could be able to check whether they were in the list or not. Of course if their names are on the list they have their full rights to complain. Now let's come to the elections themselves. Your relationship with Doh Ong San Suu Kyi is considered to be excellent. It's reported to be excellent. Is there any possibility at all that the U.S. DP and the NLD the National League for Democracy could join forces in a coalition government following the elections? The National League of Democracy and Doh Ong San Suu Kyi has been working with three parties to support the U.S. DP and the NLD. The U.S. DP and the NLD have been working with three parties to support the U.S. DP and the National League for Democracy and Democracy. Of course, the leaders of the NLE, and myself are very good friends to each other. At the same time, we could be the very good competitor to each other. Very good.  As you are raising the questions of whether there is a possibility to form the coalition government after the elections, of course I wish to answer you very well for the interests of the country and the people. I am ready to cooperate with Doang San Suu Kyi today, tomorrow and in future.  Similarly, any parties or any individuals who are taking care of very much about the interests of the country and the people. Of course I am ready to cooperate with them. So one of the concerns that are at the back of everyone's mind is that what if the election results are not to the liking of the military. What if, as happened in the 1990 elections when the NLD won a majority that the elections were annulled and Do Suu at that time was put under house arrest, could that possibly happen again and what could possibly prevent it from happening again? To elaborate that the fear from the public not to happen, but for the sake of the parliaments we will honor the result of the 2015 and we are going to recognize the outcomes and also we have to approve the outcome. We have to respect the public's feelings. Of course we have to approve their choice. Then only we will represent the people. As you know the democracy is to follow by the people's choice. So if the result is according to the public wishes then we have to follow their opinion and their choice. But the reality is for example that in the constitution article 436 of the constitution has it that you have 25% of parliamentary seats reserved for the military. So the military is going to be a very important factor in the coming elections and in the sense that they will have a very important say in who will be the next president. What would you do to bring the military on your side or what do candidates need to do to get the military to feel comfortable with the presidential candidacy? That issue is according to the prescriptions of the 2008 constitution. Whatever is the reason for the prescriptions for us, for myself and for the party we try to compete to win the elections. Of course we rely very much on the result which our party has won in the election. Then only we will move forward. So in your view is there any likelihood that the constitution could be amended before this election or is that something that will have to be left for later given the fact that time is simply running out now? So the constitution is going to be a very important factor in the coming elections. We have great aspirations to change the constitution before the elections. At the outset, the Union Parliament has to begin the process to change the constitution. In Chapter 12 of the Constitution, the amendment of the constitution, they mentioned about how to change the constitution and the rules and procedure to follow in those chapters. When we are talking about the amendment of the constitution, I think there are things which can be done easily, but some are also in a tough one. In terms of changing of the amendment, some of the amendments could be made in the parliaments, some of the articles for example like article 436A, it should be approved by the parliaments first, then the national reverendant has to be held for the approval of the general public. That is why I explain to you about how difficult our taxes are in the parliaments to amend the constitution. At one point, you were talking about a proposed change of the constitution that would lead to a referendum in May, but that is unlikely to happen. And then you have the rainy season, which makes it very difficult to hold a referendum, which ultimately means that even on the best scenario, there is unlikely to be a referendum until after the elections. Is that a correct proposition? Yes, it is. Of course, it is true that we try to amend the constitution during the times of the first union parliaments 12 sessions. It is the time for the regular session of the 12 sessions. We are in the recess in conjunction with the Myanmar New Year time. When we are in the 12 sessions to implement, to convene, we are going to consider about the amendment of the constitution process. After the process of the amendment of the constitution, if article 436b is included for the amendment, we are going to consider in the parliament, but related to article 436e, we may need to hold the national referendum. We have our aspirations to amend the constitution before the elections in case it may be during the time of the 2015 general elections. Thank you. I also want to ask you a little bit. You've now had reforms for about four to five years now in Myanmar. When you look back at your time when you were a very senior official in the State Peace and Development Council prior to 2011, what do you think you would have done differently then? Because in a sense that is the legacy which now Myanmar has to deal with. So with the benefit of hindsight, what would you have done differently then and what lessons can you draw from that period which should inform policies going forward? I think that in the future, we will be able to deal with the changes in the constitution in the next few years. So I think that we can do something about that. So with the respect of the SPC, we can do some things and we will be able to do something about that. Thank you very much. I think that it is very much suitable at the same time. It's a very great question of all for today's. Thank you. As you mentioned vividly that before 2011 I took the the position of the senior officer at the SPTC. At that time I could tell you personally that the leadership of that time they have their capability. At the same time they love their country to develop. This is my personal own perspective. We try very hard, coincidentally, we could say that we do our best day and night to develop the country. In 2010 I think some of the good results achieved at that time. To be exact I think we could say that we can approve the 2008 constitution. And then we could hold the general elections in 2010. Based on the results of the elections in 2010 we could be able to establish the multi-party democracy together with the market oriented economy. Up till now we can have the chance to improve politically, economically and socially to improve the status of our country. I don't want to give you the name of the country. I don't want to give you the name of the other countries. But I could say that ours is the only country which can transfer the power to the people based on the military rules to the democracy one. We are able to give the environment to establish the parliament and the executive together. Whether it is 100% or not, we are able to give the environment to establish the parliament and the executive together with the judicial branch in the country. Of course we need to try more to move forward that democratic practice way for the country. We may say that the political reform is relatively good but in terms of socio-economic developments it is far behind our expectations. When I am talking about the politics I think it's for some instance we can achieve. Of course there is no country which cannot achieve the improvement of economic and social. They may not see that they are successful democracies. To be exact for our country and the people in terms of economic and social I don't think we reach to a good status. I think there are various reasons for that. We try to find out the difficulty and efficiencies to improve. The question which you have raised I will answer you now. The military government and leadership they have their abilities to improve our country and they took their time to improve very much and they have their aims to improve but in reality we are lacking behind the others. Due to the reason that they are not being elected by the people no matter how best is their good work and how to govern this country I don't think Myanmar is isolated. I think that to develop our country into a good one I think they have to be governed by the democratically elected government which is elected by the people then only we can improve the situation. I want to change our attention a little bit to another big problem that Myanmar faces if you haven't touched on and that is the nationwide ceasefire agreement which was signed on March 30. There is still fighting going on in Kokang and there is some report of clashes with the Arakhan National Army and so forth. So I guess there are three or four questions about the ethnic issue which I would like you to address if you could. The first is do you foresee the union of Myanmar eventually having some sort of federal structure and how do you foresee the formation or composition of the armed forces that will somehow incorporate or reflect the ethnic mix of Myanmar's people which are sort of the two big issues that confront the peace dialogue with the ethnic groups? Of course it is true that Myanmar's people have to be governed by the people and not by the people. They have to be governed by the people and not by the people. They have to be governed by the people. Of course it is true that our citizens they really wish to get peace. The first and foremost to do the business of the peace is to make a D.C.S. fire agreement for two parties. We had a great expectation to establish this. I think that to attain the successful implementation of the peace process both sides need to have the sincerity frank opinion and also to respect each other. Moreover they may need to have a fair demand for each other. Based on those issues to attain the peace I think we can have such kind of peace in future. To attain peace we cannot talk only. Talks together with the activities and the working relationship is very much important. I will answer you about the question which you raised about how we think about the ethnic and how they are going to perform in the army. In the parliament what we are doing is the legislation. When we are doing the legislative issues we put emphasis towards the national unity, peace and national reconciliation. National unity, national reconciliation and peace. Without the national unity and national reconciliation we could not attain peace. The question about the representation of the ethnic groups and the armed forces. I think that every ethnic group and every citizen has their right to perform in the armed forces. To enter into the armed forces this is the own volition of volunteership. We have our laws for the national service. We may need to do it for the ratification. We have our laws for the national service. We may need to do it for the ratification. I think those facts reflect very well about the rights for the ethnic groups to perform in the army. They can represent if they wish to do so. I see the emergence of a path forward for resolving the ethnic issue. I am a little bit more despondent about the resolution of the tensions between the Muslim minority and the Buddhist majority in Rakhine state. How do you think that problem can be resolved for the long term so that there is also communal peace, not just ethnic peace but peace between communities in states? I think that there is a lot of tension between the Muslim minority and the Buddhist minority in Rakhine state. I think that there is a lot of tension between the Muslim minority and the Buddhist minority in Rakhine state. It is true that this is not between the religious group but only between the mobs. The issues which arise in Rakhine state not only began only yesterday but since 100 years back. Those issues are very delicate and also difficult. No matter how tough ahead is this situation, I think if we hold the patience, tolerance and understanding to each other could be solved that problem at all. In the constitution it has clearly mentioned about the freedom of religions. If I may express you that we formed the committees of fundamental rights of citizens, democracy and human rights committees in the parliament. So that committee considering taking care of those issues which I have just mentioned which are the patience, tolerance and confidence to take care of those issues by that committee. Thank you very much. We are running out of time because I want to make sure that we open the floor to all of your questions. Just one last question before we open it up. You came to the United States via China. You met with President Xi Jinping and you had a pretty long meeting with him. China is one of the largest investors in Myanmar. It has the largest stock of investment in Myanmar. And a lot of its previous investments have been clouded with some concerns about both social and environmental standards. So what did you talk about and what concerns did you raise with the President with respect to China's involvement in Myanmar? In the past few years, I have been working with the U.S. and the U.S. government. The U.S. and the U.S. have been working with the U.S. and the U.S. and the U.S. have been working with the U.S. and the U.S. because they wanted to continue developing Myanmar. And like I said before, I think going forward now is really important. You guys told us that there are a lot of international BJs around. But over time, we're trying to promote the international BJs. These recent adult We talk mainly on two issues. The first thing which we talk about is the China Welcome. China Welcome and Support, the way which Myanmar is practicing in terms of democracy, multi-party democracy and market-oriented economy. So they are supporting the way which we are practicing our system in our own style. Of course, Myanmar and China are the good neighborly countries. Of course, we are very much friendly as well. Of course, both countries are practicing the five principles of peaceful coexistence. Moreover, we are following the 21 principles of pandown declarations since the beginning and also practicing right away now. To continue our relationship into this way, I think we have to transfer that prices not only in this generation but also the generations to come. So we agree on this important issue when I was in China. Of course, China makes some investments in Myanmar, but at the time there were no U.S. investments. At the time, if we have to do that way, I think transparency is the essence. So that the public concern on that investment could be moved away. I think at the same time U.S., United States should increase their business-to-business cooperation, technical assistance, and so on. They have to compete with China. In fact, the speaker has just come from a session with the U.S. ASEAN Business Council where these issues were discussed in great detail, which is why I didn't want to go over the same ground on the economy. Let's now open it up for questions from the floor. Do wait till I recognize you. Make sure that you wait for a microphone to come. Give me your name as well as your institution affiliation. And ask as brief a question as possible given the number of hands that are being raised. Let's start with the lady there. Thank you. I'm Christina Fink from George Washington University. So you said that there has been progress on political reform but not so much on the economy yet. And currently, there are important economic players in the U.S. D.P., in the military, and in the ethnic armed groups. If you were elected president, how would you manage those competing interests? I think you are from the younger generations. I think your age is like my daughter. But your question is very big and I try my best to answer your questions. As I mentioned before, I had the principle to serve for the interests of the state and its citizens. So if we could cooperate and coordinate among the ethnic groups and the ethnic nationalities, I think that we can improve more on economic, social administration, and the other issues. Yes, lady here, please Kelly. Kelly Curry from Project 2049 Institute. Given that the Huta, which you lead, was elected in a, the 90% of it was elected in an election that was widely condemned as a sham. And the government that resulted from that election also has been, you know, is of questionable legitimacy. And that the UEC is, as currently constituted, is made up of former generals and represents only one party, the ruling party. Is it really even useful to start with the elections using the words free and fair as a possibility given the deep structural problems in the whole environment around the elections? Or should we be using maybe a different framework to judge these elections? Hello, my name is Kelly from Project 2049 Institute. Today I have the power to judge any party as a sham if they are not, if they are not, if they are not, if they are not. And that's why the government is making this a legitimate way to judge them. In fact, I'm from a small village called Gomashima. I'm from the village of Bujoji and I'm from Ushong. I was born in Kuzileri. I lived in Kuzabiu, and I'm from Kuzabiu, but I'm from the village of Ushong. When I was born in Ushong, I lived in Friya and Fepe. I was born in Friya and Fepe. I think you are putting forward the rightly questions to us. There are reasons to believe your questions. I think that the role which played by the chairman of the UEC together with their members could be solved when the international observer are coming into observe the way which the election is ongoing. I think that if you wish to come and observe the election by yourself, I think you will see the outcome. Yes, indeed, you should. The gentleman at the back right here in the aisle, yes? Hello, my name is Nick Boros with TD International. It's interesting to note the contrasting political trajectories of Thailand and Myanmar. I would just love to hear your comments on how you see that relationship evolving and how the elections will affect that. Thank you. I think our relations between Thailand and Myanmar is not much different as before. I think they are doing their best with their own way to improve their political system. At the same time, Myanmar is also doing our own way to improve our political structure. There's a lady up front. Yes, please. Hi, thank you. My name is Andrea Gittleman. I'm with the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum. We're releasing a report today about our concerns about violence against Rohingya and future group targeted violence. I was hoping you could speak about what you see as a government's role in protecting Rohingya and other minorities from violence. I'm from the U.S. museum. I'm working in the U.S. to protect Rohingya and other minorities from violence. The question which you raised and mentioned about the ethnic group, which is Rohingya, I think we don't have such names of Rohingyas in our country, but we call them as Bengali. Of course, we are doing our best for Bengalis to stay in accordance with the law. When we are implementing and following those laws in a certain period of time, they may become eligible to become a citizen. When they become the citizens, of course, they have to have their rights. For that matter, I think all the administrative and the government have their duty to respect their rights. In our country, every citizen has their own rights for their freedom of religion. At the back, please. Right at the back, the gentleman. There we are. Thank you. Good morning. My name is David Galbraith. I'm from the US State Department. Thank you very much for coming today and sharing your views with us. You mentioned earlier that if you were chosen to be the USDP's candidate for president, you would gladly accept that role. And my question is related to that. How does the USDP go about choosing its candidates both for the parliamentary elections and then when the time comes to choose presidential candidate? How will it do that? And in so doing contribute to the democratic and transparent sort of Myanmar that you've noted that you aspire to achieve. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. And make the reform inside the party after 2012. So we try our best to practice the rules of democracy within the party. In 2012, we hold for the first time in the history of USDP to hold the party congress. In that party congress, we have approved and adopted the party constitution. We made certain principles to choose president as well as to represent at the other organization inside the party. We are going to follow that rules within the USDP party. After the party process, if the candidates are going into the parliaments, we are going to follow the rules and principle regulations of the parliaments. According to the rules and regulations of the parliaments, the president has to be chosen as well at the same time the government and the judiciary to be followed suit. So we are going to follow according to the rules and regulations of the parliaments. When the time comes, we are going to open up and give our transparency at our utmost. There was a lady here in the aisle. Hello, my name is Christina Sheets. I'm with the public international law and policy group. Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I'm interested to hear from you more about how the parliament is engaging with civil society, in light of its importance with regard to transparency, which you've speak so much about, and especially also in light of the ongoing negotiations with regard to the national education bill. Thank you. The last question, I couldn't hear you. With regard to the national education bill, issues with respect to education. I'm going to give you a presentation of the parliament's committee on civil society, in light of the importance of the national education bill. Please tell us about the other issues you've asked. I'll give you a presentation of the parliament's committee on civil society. Of course, we try to engage frequently within the parliament and the civil societies. When the draft laws were introduced, we put into place in the newspaper and the other media outlet. So, we try to engage frequently within the parliament and the civil societies. Of course, if the civil societies or the intelligentsia or individuals who are interested to discuss about those draft bills, they can come and discuss in the parliament. Of course, when we are discussing about some of the draft bills, international non-governmental organizations, international civil societies, together with UNDP and UNI, we try to engage frequently within the parliament. Of course, when we are discussing about some of the draft bills, international non-governmental organizations, international civil societies, together with UNDP and other international communities also come and discuss with us. Regarding the national education law, I think the international organizations and the other observers came and discussed with us. If you have keen interest about some of the law, you are very much welcome to discuss with us. Thank you. The gentleman here, please, and I'll come to the side in a second. Thank you. This is Kumar from Amnesty International. I enjoyed your presentation until a couple of minutes ago when you mentioned that you don't call a group of people, but they want them to be called. I'm referring to Rohingya. You gave them a name. You chose to give them a name. You didn't respect their right. So if you can't even respect the right for them to call themselves, but they, the question arises, how are you going to treat them as people? So that's my first question. My second one related to that is, you said we. You said your government, what's the process you made? Is it a parliamentary resolution bill to name them as Bengalis? It's like I can't call you any names. That doesn't mean that's the right name you want to be called. So can you just say why you chose to call them Bengalis? And what's the process you went about? Even you didn't get their permission. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. In our parliament, there are some MPs, members of the parliaments who are representing for the Bengali ethnic groups. They are from the Moundo, Boudi Town and Jati Town townships. Of course, they are trying their best to attain the rights of the local people in their respective constituencies. That is why I think there is a significant meaning to form the committee relating to the fundamental rights of citizens, democracy and human rights. I think those are the principles which every country has to honour. When we form the select committee, the special committee, I think the fundamental rights of citizens, democracy and human rights committee is the utmost important one. Thank you very much. Okay. We've got time for one more question, but I'm going to make it two as an exception. One for you, sir, and one for you. Can you make it as short as possible, wait for the mic to come? Please, in English, for everybody to understand. Okay. Thank you very much. My name is Nyei Min. My profession is just an engineer. I have the construction company in Virginia. As an engineer, we like to see our people, how do they grow? As you mentioned in the state that last five years that economically and then social development has not been achieved. Once you get elected as the president, how are you going to implement the one that five years that we lost for the next five years that you're going to live? Thank you. And the last question, we'll have two right now. You can answer both. Yes, please. Thank you. My name is James Michael. I'm an independent consultant. Thank you, Mr. Speaker, for participating in this broad-ranging discussion this morning. In September, the world leaders will meet in New York to agree on a new sustainable development agenda for the coming 15 years at least. And Myanmar, of course, is a country that has substantial, important natural resources. So this development agenda will address political questions and economic questions and social development issues, but also the sustainability of the environment. And I wonder to what extent the environment is an issue in the elections and in your thoughts about the future governance of your country. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. To be succinct to answer your questions, I think that I had gained a lot of experience and lessons learned during those four or five year period of time. Of course, I learned how to, what are the necessity, what are the sectors for the reforms, and what are the issues which are not conformed with the same and doing. So at the same time I found out that we may need to enact the laws, rules and regulations and procedure to follow suit. So I saw those issues by experience. So I tried my best to accommodate. Moreover, when I served in the SPDC from 1997 to 2010, I got the chance to take over or look after the bulk economic and social issues. I hope that it could answer your questions which raised by Unyemen. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. I truly believe to maintain the environment. Of course, we are establishing a committee to maintain the environment in the parliament. That committee is looking after the issues of mining, energy and other areas to maintain the environment. So we are also had the opportunity to enact the laws relating to the environment. At the same time, we are establishing the, we try to build up the relationship about the EITI with the international community. The reason for that is to systematically maintain the environment of Myanmar to use these 15 to 20 years. I think if we can maintain our environment well, we can also maintain our natural resources and we can give the good situation to the coming generation. Thank you very much. I am really grateful for your presence here for the interests of our country and for our delegation. I do appreciate your presence here. I think that when you are raising the questions, I think you want to know more about me. At the same time, you may want to know about our commitment. I wish to reiterate once again, you can have your good interest towards us. At the same time, please teach us the lesson which we may need to learn more. Thank you very much to everybody. Thank you very much, Mr. Speaker. I have one request to the audience. Thank you very much for your interaction, by the way, terrific questions. But please do leave this room because they have to reorganize it for another event in literally 20 minutes. I'd be most grateful if you could do that. But please once again, join me in thanking the speaker and our interpreter, who co-present.