CHAPTER IX CAREIR SEED IN INGLAND His active career seemed to have closed at last. He had no taste for party politics. He was not anxious to fill any position of civil or military trust, even if it had been pressed upon him. And he had said farewell to America for good, and all when he had left New York.  His young wife was well contented with her lot. His manly boys promised to become worthy followers of the noble profession of arms, and the overseeing of his little estate occupied his time very pleasantly indeed. Like most healthy Englishmen he was devoted to horses, and, unlike some others, he was very successful with his thoroughbreds. He had first bought a place near Maidenhead, beside the Thames, which is nowhere lovelier than in that sylvan neighborhood. Then he bought the present family seat of Greywell Hill near the little village of Odomham in Hampshire. As an ex-governor and commander-in-chief, a county magnate, a personage of great importance to the empire, and the one victorious British general in the unhappy American war, he had more than earned a peerage. But it was not until 1786, on the eve of his sixty-second birthday, and at a time when his services were urgently required again, that he received it. Needless to say, this peerage had nothing whatever to do with his acceptance of another self-sacrificing duty. It was not given till several months after he had promised to return to Canada, and he would certainly have refused it if it had been held out to him as an inducement to go there. He became barren Dorchester, and was granted the not very extravagant addition to his income of a thousand pounds a year, payable during four lives, his own, his wives, and those of his two eldest sons. His elevation to the House of Lords met with the most unanimous approval of his fellow peers. In marked contrast to the open hostility they had shown towards his old enemy, Lord George Germain, when that vile wrecker had been kicked upstairs among them. The Carleton motto, Crest and Supporters, are all most appropriate. The Crest is a strong right arm with the hand clenched firmly on a narrow. The motto is, Quandum his vissimus armus. We use to conquer with these arms. But the Supporters are two beavers, typifying Canada, while their respective collars, one Unable and the other a military coronet, show how her British life was won and saved and has been kept. Carleton was a man of great reserve and self-control, but his kindly nature must have responded to the cordial welcome which he received on his return to Quebec in October 1786. It was not without reason that the people of Canada rejoiced to have him back as their leader. All that the Indians imagined the great white father to be towards them he was in reality towards both red man and white. Stern, when the occasion forced him to be stern, just in all his dealings between man and man, dignified and courteous in all his ways, a soldier through every inch of his stalwart six feet he was a ruler with whom no one ever dreamt of taking liberties. But neither did any deserving one in trouble ever hesitate to lay the most confidential case before him in the full assurance that his head and heart were at the service of all committed to his care. And no other governor, before his time or since, ever inspired his followers with such a firm belief that all would turn out for the best so long as he was in command. This power of inspiring confidence was now badly needed. Everything in Canada was still provisional. Owing to the war the Quebec Act of 1774 had never been thoroughly enforced. Even when the war was over the loyalists arrived and completely changed the circumstances which the Act had been designed to meet. The next constitution, the Canada Act of 1791, was of a very different character. During the seventeen years between these two constitutions all that could be done was to make the best of a very confusing state of flux. Not that the Quebec Act was a dead letter, far from it, but simply that it could not go beyond restoring the privileges of the French Canadian priests and seniors within the area then effectively occupied by the French Canadian race. Carleton, as we have seen, had faced its problem for the first four years. Haldemond had carried on the government under its provisions for the following six. Hamilton and Hope, successive lieutenant governors, had bridged the two years between Haldemond's retirement and Carleton's second appointment. Now Carleton was to pick up the threads and make what he could of the tangled skein for the next five years. Haldemond had not been popular with either of the two chief parties into which the leading French Canadians were divided. The seniors had nothing like the same regard for a Swiss soldier of fortune that they had for aristocratic British commanders like Murray and Carleton. The clergy also preferred these Anglicans to such a strong Swiss Protestant. The habitants and agitators, who were far less favorable to the new regime, had passionately resented Haldemond's firmness at times of crisis. But despite all this French-Canadian animus, he was not such an absolute martinet as some writers would have us think. The war with France and with the American Revolutionists required strong government in Canada, while the influx of loyalists had introduced an entirely new set of most perplexing circumstances. On the whole, Haldemond had done very well in spite of many personal and public drawbacks, and it was through no special fault of his, nor yet of hope's, that the threads which Carleton picked up formed such a perversely tangled skein. The troubles that now dog the great conciliators every step were of all kinds—racial, religious, social, political, military, diplomatic, legal. The confusion resulting from the intermixture of French and English civil laws had become a great deal more confounded since he had left Canada eight years before. The old proportions of races and religions to each other had changed most disturbingly. The loyalists were of quite a different social class from the English-speaking immigrants of earlier days. They wanted a parliament, public schools, and many other things new to the country, and they were the sort of people who had a right to have them. The problem of defence was always a vexed one with the inadequate military forces at hand and the insuperable difficulties concerning the militia. The British still held the Western forts pending the settlement of the frontier and the execution of the Treaty of Peace in full. This naturally annoyed the American government and gave Carleton endless trouble. But more serious still was the ceaseless Western march of the American backwoodsmen who were everywhere in conflict with the Indians. The Indians, in their turn, were confused between the British and Americans under the new conditions. They and their ever-receding rights and territories had not been mentioned in the Treaty. But seeing that they would be better off under British than under American rule, they were inclined to take sides accordingly. There were now no openly hostile sides to take. But for all that, the British posts in the hinterland looked like weak little islands which might be suddenly engulfed in the Sea of Indian Troubles raging round them. Then at the other end of the British line there were the three maritime provinces to watch over. New Brunswick had been divided off from Nova Scotia in Prince Edward Island, had been taken from the direct supervision of the home authorities, and placed under the command of the new governor at Quebec. Thus Carleton had to deal directly with everything that happened from the far west to Gaspe, while dealing indirectly with the three maritime provinces and all the troubles that proved too much for their own lieutenant governors. There was no chance of concentrating on one thing at a time. Nothing would wait. The governor had to watch the writhing tangle as a whole during every minute he devoted to any one kinked and knotted thread. Fortunately there were some good men in office on both sides of the Atlantic. Lords Sidney and Grenville, the two cabinet ministers with whom Carleton had the most to do, were both sensible and sympathetic. Years afterwards, Grenville, the favourite cousin of Pitt, became the colleague of Fox at the head of the celebrated ministry of all the talents. Bishop was an acceptable lieutenant governor, and his successor, Sir Ulrid Clark, was better still. Francois Bayille, the co-ajutor Roman Catholic Bishop of Quebec, who had gone to England as French tutor to Carleton's children, was a most enlightened cleric. So too was Charles Inglise, the Anglican Bishop of Nova Scotia, appointed in 1787. He was the first Canadian bishop of the Anglican Communion, and his diocese comprised the whole of British North America. William Smith, the new Chief Justice, was as different from Carleton's last Chief Justice Livias as angels are from devils. Smith had been an excellent Chief Justice of his native New York in the old colonial days, and like Inglise was a very ardent loyalist. He respected all reasonable French-Canadian peculiarities, but he favoured the British constitutional way of broadening down from precedent to precedent, rather than the French way of referring to a supposedly infallible written regulation. We shall soon meet him as a far-seeing statesman, but he well deserves an honoured place in Canadian history for his legal services alone. To him, more than to any other man, is due the nicely balanced adjustments which eventually harmonise the French and English codes into a body of laws adapted to the extraordinary circumstances of the province of Quebec. Besides the Committee on Laws, Carleton had nominated three other active committees of his council, one on police, another on education, and a third on trade and commerce. The police committee was of the usual kind and dealt with usual problems in the usual way, but the Education Committee brought out all the vexed questions of French and English, Protestant and Roman Catholic, Progressive and Reactionary. Strangely enough, the sharpest personal controversy was that between Hubert, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Quebec, and his co-adjuder by ye. Hubert enumerated all the institutions already engaged in educational work and suggested that rest and be thankful was the only proper attitude for the committee to assume. But by ye very neatly pointed out that his respected superior's real opinions could not be those attributed to him over his own signature, because they were at variance with the facts. Hubert had said that the cures were spreading education with most commendable zeal, had repudiated the base insinuation that only three or four people in each parish could read and write, and had wound up by thinking that while there was so much land to clear, the farmers would do better to keep their sons at home than send them to a university, where they would be under professors so unprejudiced as to have no definite views on religion. By ye argued that the bishop could not mean what these words seem to imply, as the logical conclusion would be to wait till Canada was cleared right up to the polar circle. In the end the committee made three very sanguine recommendations, a free common school in every parish, a secondary school in every town or district, and an absolutely non-sectarian central university. This educational ladder was never set up. There was nothing to support either end of it. The financial side was one difficulty. The Jesuits' estates were intended to be made over into educational endowments under government control. But Amherst's claim that they had been granted to him in 1760 was not settled for forty years, and by that time all chance of carrying out the committee's intentions was seen to be hopeless. Amherst was another burning question and one of much more immediate concern. In 1791 the united populations of all the provinces amounted to only a quarter of a million, of whom at least one half were French Canadians. Quebec and Montreal had barely ten thousand citizens apiece. But the commercial classes, mostly English speaking, had greatly increased in numbers, ability, and social standing. The camp following gangs of twenty years before had now either disappeared or sunk down to their appropriate level. So petitions from the British merchants required and received much more consideration than formerly. The loyalists had not yet had time to start a business. All their energies were needed in hewing out their future homes. But two parts of the American Republic, Vermont and Kentucky, were very anxious to do business with the British at any reasonable price. Some of their citizens were even ready for a change of allegiance if the terms were only good enough. Vermont wanted a free trade outlet to the St. Lawrence by way of the Richelieu. The rapids between St. John's and Chambley lay in British territory. But Vermont was ready to join in building a canal and would even become British to make sure the old green mountain boys had changed their tune. Ethan Allen himself had buried the hatchet and, like his brother, become Carlton's friendly correspondent. He frankly explained that what the Vermonters really wanted was property, not liberty, and added that they would stand no coercion from the American government. About the same time Kentucky was bent on getting an equally free trade outlet to the Gulf of Mexico by way of the Mississippi. The fact that France, Spain, the British Empire, and the United States might all be involved in war over it did not trouble the conspirators in the least. The central authority of the new republic was still weak. The individual states were still ready to fly asunder. Federal taxation was greatly feared. Something that savored a federal interference with state rights was passionately resented. The general spirit of the Westerners was that of the exploiting pioneer in a virgin wilderness, a law unto itself alone. There were various plans for opening the coveted Mississippi. One was to join Spain. Another was to seize New Orleans, turn out the French, and bring in the British. Then, to make the plot complete, the French minister to the United States was asking permission to make a tour through Canada at the very time when Carlton was sending home reams of documents bearing on the impending troubles. The letters exchanged on this subject are perfect models of politeness, but Carlton's answer was an emphatic no. Foreign complications were thickening fast. The French Revolution had already begun, though its effect was not yet felt in Canada. The American government was anxiously watching its refractory state, while an anti-British political party was making headway in the south. As if this was not enough to engage whatever attention Carlton had to spare from the internal affairs of Canada, he suddenly heard that the Spaniards had been seizing British vessels trading to a British post on Vancouver Island. This Newtka affair, which nearly brought on a war with Spain in 1790, was settled in London and Madrid, but the threat of war added to Carlton's anxieties. Meanwhile, the governor was busily employed with an immigration system. It was desirable that the English-speaking immigrants should settle on the land with the least possible friction between them and the French-Canadians. The French-Canadians differed among themselves, but no such differences brought them any closer to their new neighbours on questions of land settlement. The French had granted lands in seniories. The British would hear nothing but of free and common suckage. French farms were measured by the arpand and were staked out in long and narrow oblongs. British farms were measured by the acre and staked out on the square. Language, laws, religion, manners and customs, ways of life were also different. So there was hardly any intermixture of settlements. The French-Canadians remained where they were. Most of the new Anglo-Canadians settled on the Maritime provinces or moved west into what is now Ontario. A few settled in rural Quebec on lands outside the line of seniories. The eastern townships, that part of the province lying east of the Richelieu and nearest the American frontier, served many English, Irish and Scots, as well as a good many Americans who were attracted by cheap land. Ontario, or Upper Canada, received still more Americans who were to be a thorn in the side of the British during the War of 1812. But Carleton's work comprised much more than this. There were the Church of England, the Post Office, a refractory Lieutenant Governor down in Prince Edward Island, two royal visitors and many other distracting matters. The only Anglican sea thus far established was at Halifax, but the bishop there had authority over the whole country and the government intended to establish the Church of England in Canada and endow it. The Presbyterians also petitioned for the establishment of the Scottish Church. The fortunes or misfortunes of the clergy reserves belonged to another chapter of Canadian history. But the root of their good or evil was planted in the time of Carleton. The Postal Service was surrounded by enormous difficulties, the vast extent of wild country, the few towns, the long winters, the poverty of the people. The question of the winter port was even then a live one between St. John and Halifax. Each of these towns asserted its advantages and promised twelve trips a year and connection with Quebec overland by means of walking postmen till a bush road should be cut out from Quebec to the sea. In Prince Edward Island the old Lieutenant Governor, Walter Patterson, declined to make way for the new one, Edmund Fanning. In the end Patterson gave up the contest. But the incident, trivial as it now appears, shows what a Governor-General had to face in the early days when each province had queer little ways of its own. Patterson had no precise official reason, but he said he could not go home to answer charges he did not understand and leave an island which had been his very successful hobby for so many years. The people sided with him so vigorously that time had to be given them to cool down before the transfer could be peaceably affected.  So Carleton generally left his young consort to rule the Viceroyal Court at the Chateau Saint-Louis with a perfect blend of London and Versailles. Two princes of the blood, however, demanded more than the usual attention from the Governor. Prince William Henry, afterwards King William IV, was the first member of the royal family to set foot in the New World when he arrived in HMS Pegasus in 1787. He was the proverbial jolly jack-tar, extremely affable to everybody, and he quickly won golden opinions from all who met him, except perhaps from Lady Dorchester and Sundry would-be partners for his duty dances. Philippe Aubert de Gaspe and other privileged chroniclers record with slightly shocked delight how often he would break loose from Lady Dorchester's designing care, long before she thought it right for him to do so, and command his partners for their pretty faces instead of by precedents. At Sorrell the people were so carried away by their enthusiasm that they insisted on changing the name of their little town to William Henry. Happily this name never took root in public sentiment and the old one soon came back to stay. The second member of the royal family to come to Canada was Prince Edward, Duke of Kent, fourth son of George III, father of Queen Victoria, and grandfather of Prince Arthur, Duke of Connaught, who became the first royal Governor-General in 1911, exactly a hundred and twenty years later. The Duke of Kent would have gladly returned to Quebec as Governor-General, and the people would have gladly welcomed him. But he was not a favorite with the government at home, and so he never came. There was no doubt about his being a popular favorite in Quebec during the three years he spent there as a colonel of the Seventh Fusiliers. Nor has he been forgotten to the present day. Kent House is still the name of his quarters in the town, as well as of his country residence at Montmorency Falls seven miles away, while the only new opening ever made in the walls is called Kent Gate. The Duke made fast friends with several of the senior-year-old families, more especially with the De Salabaries, whose manor house at Bowport stood halfway between Montmorency and Quebec, and not far from Montcom's headquarters in 1759. The De Salabaries were a military family. All the sons went into the army, and one became the hero of Chateau-Gui and the War of 1812. But the Duke mixed freely with many other people than the local aristocracy. He was young, high-spirited, and loved adventure, as was proved by his subsequent gallantry at Martinique. He was also fond of driving round in Cognito, a habit which on at least one occasion obliged him to put his skill at boxing to good use. This was at Charlesburg, a village near Quebec, where he was watching the fun at the first election ever held. Perhaps from a meticulously constitutional point of view, the scene of a hotly contested election was not quite the place for princes of the blood. But however that might be, when the Duke saw two electors pummeling a third, who happened to be a friend of his, he dashed into the rescue and floored both of them with a neatly planted right and left. One of these men, who lived to see King Edward VII arrive in 1860 as Prince of Wales, always took the greatest pride in telling successive generations of voters how Queen Victoria's father had knocked him down. Like his brother before him, the Duke was very fond of dancing, and kept many a reluctant senior and many a tired-out chaperone up till all hours at the grand ball given in honour of his twenty-fourth birthday. Also like his brother he was inclined to reduce his duty dances to a minimum, much to Lady Dorchester's dismay. She had gone home with her husband for two years shortly after the Duke's arrival. But she had seen enough of him, and was to see enough again on her return to make her regret the good old times of more exacting ceremony. To her dying day, half a century later, she kept up a prodigious stateliness of manner. Before meals she expected the whole company to assemble and remain standing till she had made her royal progress through the room. She was a living anachronism for many years before her death, with her high-heeled, gold-button scarlet-coloured shoes, her Marie Antoinette Coffure raised high above her head and interlaced with ribbons, her elaborately gorgeous dress, her intricate array of ornaments, and her long, jet-black, official-looking cane. But she was no anachronism to herself, for she still lived in the light of other days, in the fondly remembered times when, as the vicerent of the Chateau Saint-Louis, she helped her consort to settle nice points of etiquette and maintain a dignity befitting his majesty's chosen representative. How did the seniors rank among themselves, and with the leading English-speaking people, who were to dance in the state minuet, should dancing cease when the bishops came in, and for how long? Was that curtsy dropped quite low enough to her vice regal self, and did that debutant offer her blushing chief in quite the proper way to Carleton when he graciously gave her the presentation kiss? How immeasurably far away it all seems now, that stately little court where the echoes of a dead-verse sigh lived on for seven years after the fall of the Bastille. And yet there is still one citizen of Quebec whose early partners were chaperoned by ladies who had danced the minuet with Lorde and Lady Dorchester. CHAPTER IX The two royal visits were not without their political significance, using the word political in its larger meaning. But the three years between them, that is, 1788, 89, and 90, formed the really pregnant time of constitutional development, when the Canada Act of 1791 was taking shape in the minds of its chief authors, Carleton and Smith in Canada, Grenville and Pitt in England. The loyalists and the English-speaking merchants of Quebec and Montreal took good care to make themselves heard at every stage of the proceedings. Most French Canadians would have preferred to be left without the suspected blessings of a Parliament. The clergy and seniors wished for a continuance of the Quebec Act, and the habitants wanted they knew not what, provided it would enable them to get more and give less. The English-speaking people, on the other hand, were all for a Parliament. But they differed widely as to what kind of Parliament would suit their purpose best. As a rule they acquiesced with a more or less bad grace in the necessity of admitting French Canadians on the same terms as themselves. If Canada, without the maritime provinces, should be taken as a whole, then the French Canadians would only be in moderate majority. If, however, two provinces, Upper Canada and Lower Canada, were to be erected, then the English-speaking minority in Lower Canada would be outvoted three or four to one. There was a third alternative, no less than the establishment of a regular dominion of British North America in 1790, a step which might have saved much trouble between that time in the confederation of 1867. William Smith was its strongest advocate, Carleton its most cautious and judicious supporter. The Chief Justice was in favour of federating Upper and Lower Canada with the maritime provinces and Newfoundland into a single dominion. Each of the six provinces would have its own Parliament under a Lieutenant Governor, while there would also be a Central Parliament under a Governor-General. Carleton forwarded the suggestion to the Home Government, but he nowhere committed himself to any very definite scheme. His own preference was for keeping the existing province of Quebec a little longer, then dividing it and afterwards drawing in the other provinces. The Chief Justice preferred to make a constitution. The Governor preferred to let it grow. The Home Government's preference could not be stated better than in Grenville's dispatch to Carleton of the 20th of October 1789. The general object is to assimilate the constitution to that of Great Britain as nearly as the difference arising from the manners of the people and from the present situation of the province will admit. Attention is due to the prejudices and habits of the French inhabitants, and every caution should be used to continue them the enjoyment of those civil and religious rights which were secured to them by the capitulation, or which have since been granted by the liberal and enlightened spirit of the British Government. Except for its rather too self-righteous conclusion, this confidential announcement really is an admirable statement of the liberal and enlightened views which prevailed at Westminster. The bill, postponed in 1790, was introduced by Pitt himself in the House of Commons on the 7th of March 1791. Sixteen days later, Adam Limburner, a representative merchant of Quebec, whom Carleton described as a quiet, decent man, not unfriendly to the administration, pleaded for hours before the Committee of the House of Commons against the division of the province. All the English-speaking minority in the prospective province of Lower Canada were afraid of being swamped by the French-Canadian vote, and so of being hampered in liberty and trade. The London merchants naturally backed Limburner. Fox opposed the bill as not being liberal enough. Burke flared up into the speech which led to his final breach with Fox. Pitt, the pilot who was to weather far greater storms in the years to come, eventually got the bill through both houses with substantial majorities. On the 14th of May it became law. Quebec and Ontario were parted for good, notwithstanding the legislative union of fifty years later. The Canada Act, or as it is better known, the Constitutional Act, cut off Upper Canada. Lower Canada was now the old Quebec reduced to its right size, endowed with clarified laws in a brand-new parliament, and made as acceptable as possible to the English-speaking minority without any injustice to the vastly greater French majority. Quebec, Three Rivers, Montreal, and Sorot got each two members in the new parliament, an allotment which ensured a certain representation of the British merchants. The franchise was the same in both provinces, in the country parts a forty-shilling freehold or its equivalent, and in the towns either a five-pound annual ownership value or twice that for a tenant. The Crown gave up all taxation except commercial duties, which were to be applied solely for the benefit of the provinces. Lands outside the seniores were to be in free and common suckage, while senioral tenure itself could be converted into freehold on petition. One-seventh of the Crown lands was reserved for the endowment of the Church of England. The Crown kept all rights of veto and appointment. The legislatures were small in membership. The upper houses could be either made hereditary, though the actual tenure was never more than for life during good behaviour. Carleton favoured the hereditary principle whenever it could be applied with advantage. But he knew the ups and downs of colonial fortunes too well to believe that Canada was ready for any such experiment. No one dreamt of having what is now known as responsible government, that is, an executive sitting in the legislature and responsible to the legislature for its acts, nor was the greatest of all parliamentary powers, the power of the purse, given outright. This however was owing to simple force of circumstances and not to any desire of abridging the liberties of the people. This fact is that at this time eighty percent of the total civil expenditure had to be paid by the home government. It is frequently ignored that the mother country paid most of Canada's bills till long after the War of 1812, that she paid nearly all the naval and military accounts for longer still, and that she is born far more than her own share of the common defence down to the present day. The new constitution came into force on the 26th of December 1791, and for the first time upper and lower Canada had the right to elect their own representatives. These of course were nothing new in British North America. Nova Scotia had an assembly in 1758, the year that Louisbourg was taken. Prince Edward Island had one in 1773. The year before the Quebec Act was passed. New Brunswick had one in 1786, the year Carleton began his second term. But assemblies still had all the charm of novelty in Canada proper. Perhaps it would be more appropriate to say that upper Canada experienced more charm than novelty, while lower Canada experienced more novelty than charm. The Anglo-Canadians in all five provinces were used to parliaments in America. Their ancestors had been used to them for centuries in England. So the little parliament of upper Canada at Newark passed as many bills in five weeks as that of lower Canada passed in seven months. The fact that there were fifty members in the Assembly at Quebec, while there were only half as many in both chambers at Newark, doubtless had something to do with it. But the fact that the Quebec Parliament was an innovation, while the one at Newark was a simple development, had very much more. There is no need to follow the course of legislation in any of the five provinces. As most of the civil and practically all the naval and military expenditure had to be met by the Imperial Treasury, and as Canada was five parts in no whole from her own parliamentary point of view, the legislation required for a grand total of two hundred and fifty thousand people could not be of the national kind. But at Quebec, the scene, the setting, and the unheard of innovation itself all give a special interest to every detail of the opening ceremony on the seventeenth of December, 1792. Carleton was in England, so the speech from the throne was read by the Lieutenant Governor, Major General Sir Alarwood Clark. Half of the upper house and two-thirds of the lower were French Canadians. A French Canadian member was nominated for the speakership and elected unanimously. Both races were, for the most part, represented by members whose official title of Honourable Gentlemen was not at all a misnomer. The French members of the Assembly were half distrustful both of it and of themselves. But they knew how to add grace and dignity to a very notable occasion. The old Bishop's Palace served as the houses of Parliament, and so continued for many years to come. It was a solid rather than a stately pile, but it stood on a commanding side at the head of Mountain Hill between the Grand Battery and the Château Saint-Louis. Everyone was in uniform, or what corresponded to court dress. Round the throne stood many officers in their red and gold, conspicuous among them the Duke of Kent. In front sat the Executive and Legislative Counselors corresponding to the modern Cabinet Ministers and Senators. Their role, as well as the Assemblies bore many names that recalled the glories of the Old Regime—Saint-Hare, Langui, de la Nadière, Boucherville, de Salaberry, de Lottinbière, and many more. The Council Chamber was crowded in every part long before the Governor arrived. The ladies introduced into the house were without hat, cloak, or bonnet. The doorkeeper of His Majesty's Council, having taken good care to see them leave the same in the Great Committee Room previous to their introduction. The ladies attached to His Excellency's suite were admitted within the railing or body of the house, and accommodated with the seats of the members as far as possible. Outwardly it was all very much the same in principle as the opening of any other British Parliament—the escort, guard, and band, the Royal Salute, the brilliant staff, the scarlet cloth of State, the few and quiet members of the upper house, the many of the lower, jostling each other to get a good place near Mr. Speaker at the bar, the radiant ladies, the crowded galleries corniced with inquiring faces and craned necks, the gentleman ushers and their quaint bows, the speech from the throne, and the occasional lifting of His Excellency's hat, the retiring and full State, and then the ebbing away of all the sightseers, their eddying currents of packed humanity in the halls and passages, the porch, the door, the emptying street. But inwardly what a world of difference! For here was the first British Parliament in which legislators of foreign birth and blood and language were shaping British laws as British subjects. In September 1793 Carlton returned from his two years' absence and was welcomed more warmly than ever. Quebec blazed with illuminations. The streets swarmed with eager crowds. The first session of the Parliament had been better than anyone had dared to hope for. There was a general tendency to give the new Constitution a fair trial, and all classes looked to Carlton to make the harmony that had been attained both permanent and universal. Dr. Jacob Mountain, first Anglican Bishop of Quebec, also arrived shortly afterwards and was warmly greeted by the Roman Catholic prelate, who embraced him, saying, It's time you came to shepherd your own flock. Mountain was a statesman and churchman in one. He had been chosen by the elder pit to be the youngster's tutor, and then chosen by the younger to be his private secretary. The fact that the Anglican Bishop of Quebec was then and for many years afterwards a sort of Canadian chaplain general to the imperial troops and that most of the leading officials and leading loyalists belonged to the Church of England made him a person of great importance. It was fortunate that, as in the case of Inglis down in Halifax, the choice could not have fallen on a better man, or on one who knew better how to win the esteem of communions other than his own. This same year 1793 died William Smith, full of honours. But the next year his excellent successor arrived in the person of William Osgood, the new Chief Justice, an eminent English lawyer who had served for two years as Chief Justice of Upper Canada, and whose name is commemorated in Osgood Hall, Toronto. He had come out on the distinct understanding that no fees were to be attached to his office, only a definite salary. This was a great triumph for Carlton, who certainly practiced what he preached. So far so good. But the third conspicuous new arrival, John Graves Simcoe, Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, who had come out the year before, was a great deal less to Carlton's liking. Simcoe was a good officer who threw himself heart and soul into the work of settling the new province. He won the affectionate regard of his people and is gratefully remembered by their posterity. But he was too exclusively of his own province in his civil and military outlook, and was disposed to ignore Carlton as his official chief. Moreover, he was appointed in spite of Carlton's strongly expressed preference for Sir John Johnson, who, to all appearances, was the very man for the post. Sir William Johnson, the first baronet, had been the great British leader of all the Indians and a person of much consequence throughout America. His son John inherited many of his good qualities, thoroughly understood the West and its problems, was a devoted loyalist all through the Revolution when he raised the King's royal regiment of New York and would have been second only to Carlton himself in the eyes of all Canadians, old and new. But the government thought his private interest too great for his public duty, an excellent general principle, though misapplied in this particular case. At any rate, Simcoe came instead, and the friction began at once. Simcoe's commission clearly made him subordinate to Carlton, yet Simcoe made appointments without consulting his superior and argued the point after he had been brought to book. He communicated directly with the home government over his superior's head and was not rebuked by the minister to whom he wrote, Henry Dundas, afterwards the first Viscount Melville. Dundas, indeed, was half inclined to snub Carlton. Simcoe desired to establish military posts wherever he thought they would best promote immediate settlement, a policy which would tend to sap both the government's resources and the self-reliance of the settlers. He also wished to fix the capital at London instead of York, now Toronto, and to make York instead of Kingston the naval base for Lake Ontario. Thus the friction continued. At length Carlton wrote to the Duke of Portland, Pitt's home secretary, saying, all command, civil and military, being thus disorganized and without remedy, your grace will, I hope, excuse my anxiety for the arrival of any successor who may have authority sufficient to restore order, lest these insubordinations should extend to mutiny among the troops and sedition among the people. That was in November 1795. The government, however, took no decisive action, and next year both Carlton and Simcoe left Canada forever. When this unfortunate quarrel began, 1793, Canada was in grave danger of being attacked by both the French and the American republics. The danger, however, had been greatly lessened by Jay's Treaty of 1794, and was to be still further lessened, 1796, by the transfer of the Western Post to the United States and by the presidential election which gave the federal party a new lease of power, though no longer under Washington. Had Carlton remained in Canada, these felicitous events would have offered him a unique opportunity of strengthening the friendly ties between the British and the Americans in a way which might have saved some trouble later on. But that was not to be. To understand the dangers which threatened Canada during the last three years of Carlton's rule, we must go back to February 1793, when Revolutionary France declared war on England and there began that Titanic struggle which only ended twenty-two years later on the field of Waterloo. The Americans were divided into two parties, one disposed to be friendly towards Great Britain, the other unfriendly. The names these parties then bore must not be confused with those born by their political offspring at the present day. The Federals, progenitors of the present Republicans, formed the friendly party under Washington, Hamilton, and Jay. The Republicans, progenitors of the present Democrats, formed the unfriendly party under Jefferson, Madison, and Randolph. The Federals were in power, the Republicans in opposition. When the Republicans got into power in 1801 under Jefferson, they pursued their anti-British policy till they finally brought on the war of 1812 under the presidency of Madison. The strength of the peace party lay in the north, that of the war party lay in the south. The peaceful Federals, now that independence had been gained, were in favor of meeting the amicable British government halfway. When Pitt came into power in 1783, he at once held out the olive branch. Now, ten years later, the more far-seeing statesmen on both sides were preparing to confirm the new friendship in the practical form of Jay's treaty, which put the United States into what is at present known as a most favored nation position with regard to British trade and commerce. Moreover, Washington and his northern Federals much preferred a British Canada to a French one, while Jefferson and the southern Republicans thought any stick was good enough to beat the British dog with. The Jeffersonians eagerly seized on the reports of a speech which Carlton made to Miamis, who lived just south of Detroit and used it to the utmost as a means of stirring up anti-British feeling. Carlton had said, you are witnesses that we have acted in the most peaceable manner and borne the language and conduct of the United States with patience, but I believe our patience is almost exhausted. Applied to the vexed questions of the Western posts, of the lawless ways of the exterminating American pioneers, and of the infinitely worse jobbing politicians behind them, this language was mildness itself. But in view of the high statesmanship of Washington and his government, it was injudicious. All the same, Dundas, more especially because he was a cabinet minister, was even more injudicious when he adopted a tone of reproof towards Carlton, whose great services, past and present, entitled him to unusual respecting confidence. The negotiations for Jay's treaty were then in progress in London, and Jefferson saw his chance of injuring both the American and British governments by magnifying Carlton's speech into an unwarrantable outrage. He also hoped that an Indian war would upset the treaty and bring on a British war as well. The prospect did look encouragingly black in the West, where the American general Wayne was ready-waiting south of Lake Erie, while the trade in scalps was unusually brisk. Forty dollars was the regular market price for an ordinary Indian scalp, but as much as a thousand was offered for Simon Gerties in the hope of getting that inconvenient British scalp put quickly out of the way. Nearer home, Jefferson and his band of demagogues had other arguments as well. The Federal North would suffer most by war, while the Republican South might use war as a means of repudiating all the debts she owed to Englishmen. This would have been a very different thing from the insolvency of the Continental Congress during the Revolution. It was a dire want, not financial infamy, that made the revolutionary paper money not worth a Continental. But it would have been sheer theft for the Jeffersonian South to have made its honest obligations rotten as a Pennsylvania bond. The wild French revolutionary rage that swept through the South now fanned the flame and made the sparks fly over into Canada. In April 1793, a fiery red Republican named Guinette landed at Charleston as French minister to the United States and made a triumphal progress to Philadelphia. Nobody bothered much about the fundamental differences between the French and American revolutions. France and England were going to war and that was enough.  When he began his campaign, the Republican South was at his feet. Planters and legislators donned caps of liberty and danced themselves so crazy over the rights of abstract man that they had no enthusiasm left for such concrete instances as loyalists, Englishmen, and their own plantation slaves. Then Guinette made his next step in the new diplomacy by fitting out French privateers in American harbors and seizing British vessels in American waters. This brought Washington down on him at once. Then he lost his head completely, abused everybody, including Jefferson, and retired from public life as an American citizen, being afraid to go home. Guinette's absurd career was short, but very meteoric while it lasted and full of anti-British mischief making. His agents were everywhere, and his successor, Adé, carried on the underground agitation with equal zeal and more astuteness. Vermont offered an excellent base of operations, finding that its British proclivities had not produced the Chambley canal for its trade with the St. Lawrence. It had become more violently anti-British than ever before, and even proposed taking Canada single-handed. This time its new policy remained at fever heat for over three years and only cooled down when a British man of war captured the incongruously named Olive Branch, in which Ira Allen was trying to run the blockade from Austin with 20,000 muskets and other arms, which he represented as being solely for the annual drill of the Vermont Militia. Thus Carleton had to watch the raging South, the dangerous West, and Bellicose Vermont altogether, besides taking whatever measures he could against the swarms of secret enemies within the gates. The American immigrants who wanted property, not liberty, were ready enough for a change of flag whenever it suited them. But they were few compared with the mass of French Canadians who were being stirred into disaffection. The seniors, the clergy, and the very few enlightened people of other classes, had no desire for being conquered by a regicide France or an obliterating American republic. But many of the habitants and of the uneducated in the towns lent a willing ear to those who promised them all kinds of liberty and property put together. The danger was all the greater because it was no longer one foreigner intriguing against another, as in 1775, but French against British and class against class. Some of the appeals were still ridiculous. The habitants found themselves credited with an unslakeable thirst for higher education. They were promised free maritime intercommunication between the Old World and the New, a wonderful extension of representative institutions, and much more to the same effect. Universal revolutionary brotherhood included. But when Frenchmen came promising fleets and armies, when these emissaries were backed by French Canadians who had left home for good reasons after the troubles of 1775, and when the habitants were positively assured by all these creditable witnesses that France and the United States were going to drive the British out of Canada and make a heaven on earth for all who would turn against Carlton, then there really was something that sensible men could believe. Everything for nothing, or next to nothing, only turn against the British and the rest would be easy. No more tithes to the cures, no more senior old duties, no more taxes to a government which put half the money in its own pocket, and sent the other half to the king, who spent it buying palaces and crowns. Nothing is too absurd for them to believe, wrote Carlton, who felt all the old troubles of 1775 coming back in a greatly aggravated form. He lost no time in vain regrets, however, but got a militia bill through Parliament, improved the defenses of Quebec, and issued a proclamation in joining all good subjects to find out, report, and seize every sedition monger they could lay their hands on. An attempt to embody two thousand militiamen by ballot was a dead failure. The few English-speaking militiamen required came forward with alacrity. The habitants hung back or broke in deriatous mobs. The ordinary habitant could hardly be blamed. He saw little difference between one kind of English-speaking people and another. So he naturally thought it best to be on the side of the prospective winners, especially when they persuaded him that he would get back everything taken from him by the infamous Quebec Act. There really was no way whatever of getting him to see the truth under these circumstances. The mere fact that his condition had improved so much under British rule made him all the readier to cry for the Franco-American moon. Things presently went from bad to worse. A glowing, bombastic address from the free French to their Canadian brothers, who, of course, were slaves, was even read out at more than one church door. Then the Quebec Assembly unanimously passed an alien act in May 1794 and suspected characters began to find that two could play at the game. This stringent act was not passed a day too soon. By its provisions the habeas corpus act could be suspended or suppressed and the strongest measures taken against sedition in every form. Monk, the Attorney General, reported that it is astonishing to find the same savagery exhibited here as in France. The habitants and lower class of townsfolk had beers well worked up to follow France and the United States by destroying a throne which was the seat of hypocrisy, imposter, despotism, greed, cruelty, and all the other deadly sins. The first step was to be the assassination of all obnoxious officials and leading British patriots the minute the promised invasion began to prove successful. No war came, and as we have seen already, Carlton's last year, 1796, was even more peaceful than his first. But even then the external dangers made the Governor-General's post a very trying one, especially when internal troubles were equally ripe. Thus, Carlton never enjoyed a single day without its anxious moments till, old and growing weary, though devoted as ever, he finally left Quebec on the 9th of July. This was the second occasion on which he had been forced to resign by unfair treatment at the hands of those who should have been his best support. It was infinitely worse the first time when he was stabbed in the back by that shameless political assassin Lord George Germain. But the second was also inexcusable, because there could be no doubt whatever as to which of the incompatibles should have left his post, the replaceable Simcoe or the irreplaceable Carlton. Yet as HMS Active rounded Point Levy and the great stronghold of Quebec faded from his view, Carlton had at least the satisfaction of knowing that he had been the principal saviour of one British Canada and the principal founder of another. CHAPTER 10 NUNK DIMITUS 1796-1808 Our tale is told. The Active was wrecked on the island of Anticoste, where the estuary of the St. Lawrence joins the gulf. No lives were lost, and the Carlton's reached Perse and Gaspe quite safely in a little coasting vessel. Then a ship came round from Halifax and sailed the family over to England at the end of September, just 30 years after Carlton had come out to Canada to take up a burden of overseas governance such as no other voice Roy in any part of the world encircling British Empire has ever born so long. He lived to become a wonderful link with the past. When he died at home in England, he was in the 67th year of his connection with the army and in the 85th year of his age. More than any other man of note he brought the days of Marlborough into touch with those of Wellington, though a century lay between. At the time he received his first commission, most of the senior officers were old Marlboroughans. At the time of his death, Nelson had already won Trafalgar, Napoleon had already been Emperor of the French for nearly three years, and Wellington had already begun the Great Peninsula campaigns. Carlton's own life thus constitutes the most remarkable link between two very different eras of imperial history. But he and his wife together constitute a still more remarkable link between two eras of Canadian history, which are still further apart. At first sight it seems almost impossible that he, who was the trusted friend of Wolf, and she, who learned deportment at Versailles in the reign of Louis Cairns, should together make up a living link between 1690, when Frontenac saved Quebec from the American colonials under Phipps, and 1867, when the new Dominion was proclaimed there. But it is true. Carlton, born in the first quarter of the 18th century, knew several old men who had served at the Battle of the Boyne, which was fought three months before Frontenac sent his defiance to Phipps from the mouth of my cannon. Carlton's wife, living far on into the second quarter of the 19th century, knew several rising young men who saw the Dominion of Canada well started on its great career. All Carlton's sons went into the army, and all died on active service. The fourth was killed in 1814 at Bergen-Aup-Zoom, carrying the same sword that Carlton himself had used there sixty-seven years before. A picture of the first siege of Bergen-Aup-Zoom hangs in the dining room of the family seat at Greywell Hill to remind successive generations of their martial ancestors. But no Carlton needs to be reminded of a man's first duty at the College of Arms. The present holder of the Dorchester Estates and title is a woman. But her son and heir went straight to the front with the cavalry of the First British Army Corps to take the field in Belgium during the Great World War of 1914. Carlton spent most of his last twelve years at Kempchot near Basingstoke, because he kept his stud there and horses were his chief delight. But he died at Stubbings, his place near Mavenhead beside the Silver Thames, on the 10th of November, 1808. Thus, after an unadventurous youth and early manhood, he spent his long maturity steering the ship of state through treblous seas abroad, then past life's evening in the quiet haven of his home. End of Chapter 10 End of A Chronicle of Carlton


When the pack broke up and runners were trying to chase down the pack, I could tell that they were trying to over-strive to help make them. And we're back everyone. We're back. Back on track. I hope you're doing well. Going right into the shooty-o today. Oh man, I don't know about you. But after a long run like I did today, sometimes like when it starts getting serious in training, it just let my stomach, it just needs some time to just simmer down now. So right now, we're going to make it through, but I just don't feel great. So anyway, I hope you're doing well. Here we go. Onward and upward. Talking about running form today. But first today's run 23 miles, 640 a mile. Oh, it feels good. It feels real good. And I posted this on Strava for the title of the run. I said fitness is back. Officially took eight weeks. And I mean that today's run, I finally felt like I was myself again. After taking two to three weeks off because of the runner's knee, plus taking some downtime around Christmas, my fitness was just down. And that's to be expected. And that is normal. And I actually like that in my annual training cycles to take downtime. But it's also nice when you start to return to your fitness. And I felt it today like 23 miles. That's the amount of volume I wanted to hit. And around, I want to basically at this point in the marathon training block, I want to begin to touch base with the wall. All right. And whatever that wall is in the marathon for a lot of people, it hits at 20 miles, 18 miles, 21 miles. For me, I want to make sure that basically at mile 23, I still feel in control of a lot of things, my breathing and my running form. So in this buildup for the Hamburg marathon, I'm going to focus on my long runs on getting comfortable with being uncomfortable, meaning pressing through that wall. And one last point before we dive in is that I did get an email maybe a couple of weeks ago, somebody who's feeling frustrated. And they're a brand new runner, brand new. They just started running for the first time in their life. And they're feeling frustrated after I think it was three or four months of running. They don't feel like their aerobic capacity or their, yeah, their aerobic development is coming along well. And I just, you know what I emailed back. I said, whoa, whoa, whoa. This is a two, three, four year proposition.  That's slow buildup. Okay. You've seen the graph go up and up and up in my volume every week. And it's taken eight weeks after 20 years of being a runner to where the point I can post on Strava and confidently say fitness is back, but it took eight weeks. So there you go. Okay. Let's dive in after the Olympic trials this past weekend in Atlanta, Georgia. I've been, it's been, it's actually been on my, on my mind for a long time, basically since the New York city marathon to take a look at my own running form. Okay. I've actually never really like hired a professional. I don't know who that would even be, but somebody who maybe has some more experience than I do. But I, but before we analyze my form, I just want to point out once again, just to drive home a key point here. Remember this gentleman from the 2019 Boulder Boulder. Excuse me. Sorry. Can I just get the, there we go. When I published that blog about nine months ago, a lot of people were commenting and noticing like, wait a minute, he's got a really unique form. Well, guess what? That same gentleman who ended up winning the Boulder Boulder was also in Atlanta. And so I bring up the example of his stride just to drive home the point. No matter how unique or maybe different your stride is, you can still make it fast and make it work for you. Sure. There might be a few things to tweak like today's blog. That's what we're going through. We're going to analyze my stride a little bit. And the goal of course is to hopefully race faster, but I just want to make that clear from the outset. Like I try not to let too much outside noise influence my natural stride that I've been using my entire life. Sure. After years and years of running and watching other strides, like there are a few things that I'd like to work on personally. But anyway, just wanted to drive that point home. Now, before we dive into my running form, a couple points, a tip of the day actually is to get to the bottom of your true running stride, running form. I would argue that it's hard to accomplish that on a treadmill, especially in a running shoe store when you're on fresh legs, okay? Or setting up a phone in a park and then running toward that phone and then going back and reviewing it. Sure. It could give you a little bit of an idea, but at the end of the day, this is why I'm making this point is you're consciously thinking about your running form and running stride when you're filming yourself or maybe at the running shoe store. Like you're thinking about what you're doing. Whereas I'm going to make the argument like the best way to get to the bottom of your stride is to have someone film you in the middle of a race or in the middle of a long run. When you're not thinking about it, you're starting to get a little tired but not too tired and you're just running and you're just doing what you normally naturally do. I know for me, when I'm on a treadmill or which is rare or when I'm setting up the camera even for the vlog in a park, sometimes I'll be on it like I think about the camera and I'm like okay, I'm going to run a little maybe a little more smooth right now whereas like today, 23 miles in the middle of the run, I was starting to get a little tired and I could feel my form just slipping a little bit and that is the moment when you want to pull out the camera. So anyway, just want to make that point like make sure if you're going to analyze your running form that if you're able to get a friend or a buddy or a family or a coach to film you when you don't even know it's happening, that would be the best moment like they're driving alongside you in a car and you just pull out the iPhone and kind of secretly film the runner for 30 seconds. That is the ideal moment. Okay, so here we go. Three maybe issues or concerns that I have when I look at my running form. One of them is Bennett on a long time problem that I'm working on right now and it's with, see if you actually, I'm going to play the clip right now. Can anyone pick it out as I'm running toward the camera? These are clips from the New York City Marathon. Can you see something that's just a little off? And I can, I've been watching my running form for a long time so I can pick it out pretty easily but I'll just let you know. Okay, it's my right arm. My right arm swings lower than my left arm. I have no idea why that happens but it happens and it's something that I'm working on right now. I don't know why it's, maybe it's the long time mountain running. My, I am a right arm dominant, maybe that has something to do with it but what I'm doing to help fix this issue instead of letting my arms swing so low which I think is also again a result of mountain running because you're just digging and it's just a different, like you're digging more in mountain running instead in marathon running. I want to be a little more compact, okay? Keeping those arms just a little closer to the body and basically what I'm out, I did it today on my long run is I actually have my fists and I don't, it's not squeezing them but I have my fists just kind of barely tap my pecs, okay? So just doot, doot, doot, doot. Just to make sure this arm is not drifting too far down and it's just coming up and going boop, boop, boop. Just a little, just getting up there. Again, just I, based on what I've researched and what I've read and what I've watched is just having a nice, nice, just like right close to the body not crazy arm swing and again this is for road racing in the marathon not crazy arm swing just nice and efficient kind of just nice right up by the body so I'm trying in my long runs and middle distance runs to just touch my pecs with my arms just a little bit just to remind myself keep those arms up, okay? Issue number two, here we go, the head wobble, okay? And I noticed it in this clip in New York City when I was starting to get tired around mile like 21-22 maybe 23 actually my head starts to wobble and this happens to a lot of runners but it's something to just keep in mind you don't want that head to be wobbling and so you can see my head wobbling in this clip where this this guy I never I actually don't remember this gentleman's name but he came up running behind me in New York City with a GoPro thank you you know who you are I wish I could shake your hand because you got a great clip and here it is my head is starting to just drift around just a little bit and again I'm starting to get tired this is an uphill section but there's no excuse I need to make sure I keep my heads nice and straight and I looking straightforward up the road so because when I once you start to wobble and your eyes start to drift around that's when I have found I start to slow down in races no good I don't want that and the last issue that I'm seeing in my running form is my hip strength I'm noticing that my hips start to drift back and my glutes start to drift back so they're not underneath me not underneath my torso but they start to go backward and I start to break down where I'm almost leaning almost too too far forward and I don't know there's a couple clips that maybe show that it's really hard to notice but again this gets back to hip flexor strength and this is why I'm going to the gym and working on these box jumps so much just to work on the hip flexor strength to help keep those hips and those glutes underneath my torso so I'm really supporting my my torso and my body when I'm getting tired late in the race once again so that's the last issue that's really jumping out at me is keeping those hips more forward when I'm getting tired now we cannot have this discussion about running faster and running form without talking about stride length and cadence or steps per minute okay actually on today's long run I think I hit like the average was 181 steps per minute that's pretty typical for me I'm pleased with that and so there's a little bit of a debate in the running world whether which one is more important stride length versus cadence and I'm gonna say that both are important but I would lean more in the direction of steps per minute or cadence is more important than your stride length um I do think actually in Atlanta I saw some runners I was analyzing their form it it looked like they were overstriding just a little bit and and I saw it especially later in the race when the pack broke up and runners were trying to chase down the pack I could tell that they were trying to overstride to help make up time and I lean more in the direction I think overstriding can actually uh long term I think it can actually really make your quads more tired so I lean more in the direction of quick steps cadence that's why I do the fast feet exercises in the gym and I'm more that's that's my that's my mantra and that's that's where the direction I lean into and one of the reasons I lean in that direction most likely is probably because I'm five foot six and so it's like my legs only have so much to give and so I try to focus like even if I just think that trying to lengthen your stride an inch or two yes that's good uh but at the end of the day like I'm not going to get too much more out of my legs um so anyway I focus more on quick feet and turnover and efficiency in that regards that running economy that you hear about so uh there you go okay that's my breakdown of my running form some things to work on for me in marathon training leading into my third marathon I'll be curious to read some comments if you are seeing something uh this is not the question of the day but if you are seeing something in my stride that I could be working on I'm all ears feel free to comment down below I'd appreciate it and yes excuse me I'm dying out here that question of the day whoo after listening to today's vlog is there a component of your running stride or running form that you would like to work on in 2020 or that you have been working on in the last let's say six months okay and let us know your results if you are improving in in a particular area okay I cannot wait I love this topic thanks for being here thanks for watching I gotta call it because I have some stomach issues and I'm gonna make it through but uh oh I love you all you're the best onward and upward keep fighting just keep fighting oh my goodness we will get better together we will get better together okay I love you all right in case you did not see the Atlanta vlog from the Olympic trials you could check it out right up here it's a doozy and you can analyze and see some running form in slow motion from the men and the women just some great amazing running strides all right there you go see beauty work hard and love each other see you tomorrow


Hi guys, and welcome to a new vlog. I can't believe my hair still like it's crazy I use my purple shampoo, and it didn't really like do a lot. It kind of looks the same. It's okay. Whatever I'm just still getting used to this hair. I've been working on my schoolwork This morning a little bit mother has been working on bills and stuff like normal and Later today. We are going to lunch with some family members So I don't know if I'm gonna vlog, but anyway, I just wanted to like could tell you guys so you know It can be a bad vlogger and just talk about it and not show we're going to Cheddar's if any of you guys have tried to Cheddar's Leave it in the comments down below like what's your favorite thing there? I love the chicken fingers and fries the fries are like really good Yeah, definitely like let me know if you like like that restaurant and stuff It's very like economical, and I really like the food. I still can't get over my hair Like look at it. I was just telling my mom like I feel like a lion It's like rawr. That was like really weird. This lighting is good though This lighting makes my hair look like better than it actually is I feel like okay, so we're done with lunch I didn't vlog just because I just didn't really feel like it I didn't vlog that much because it wasn't that appropriate and the only thing we did was like eat and catch up and Mother talked and they talked so I mean like it wasn't like a big deal But it was nice to catch up and see them. I'm still getting used to my hair. This is so weird We are in line at Starbucks which is so exciting because I love Starbucks. What are you gonna get sherry? Green tea Frappuccino and I am going to get my vanilla bean Frappuccino obviously. Okay, we got our Starbucks Oh my gosh, I haven't had Starbucks in like ages I used to always have Starbucks like every Thursday at school But I always get the vanilla bean Frappuccino with no whipped cream. It's amazing. I also like you guys know what I like The other drink I get the pumpkin spice latte sherry got the green tea These are just so good leave a comment down below telling me what your favorite Starbucks drink is because I Like to know right now. We are heading out again Because I'm gonna go to a forever 21 to try to find a dress that looks like the black dress because Valerie really likes that one And I'm gonna get maybe one or two of those dresses again. I did my hair My hair looks so much better Well, I can't because I'm driving but now I can okay great look down look down Okay, see no more skunk So we're in forever 21, but the dress like my black one is exactly the same color of the dress I just got so I think I'm gonna go with the green one I also found this really cute over-the-shoulder dress. Can you show it sherry? Which is really adorable. It's off the shoulder I think Aspen was selling one in her store, but it was like, I don't know kind of expensive This one's only 20 bucks. I've been wanting it off shoulder dress for so long. Okay, so here are the dresses I got I went with this black off-the-shoulder top because I thought it was really cute And I really wanted an off-the-top dress I've been looking for one for a very long time, but I've never like actually found one for like a good price and stuff So I think this is so cute. This hangs a little bit lower than I would like just because I'm so short Mother doesn't really like me in this one, but you know, what can you do? And then this is the same one as my black dress You can go watch my how to get a job fast video and you can see the black dress But it's the same version. It just has this pleural pattern But anyway, I thought these were a good find both were like about 20 bucks shout out to I can't pronounce your name But for liking in my Facebook page. I'm so sorry, but thank you so much If you haven't checked out my Facebook page, then go check it out and like it and I will give you a shout out And oh, yeah, by the way, um this girl name will not girl. She's a woman. I'm sorry Stephanie soft pink stardust. I seriously love her channel her channel audience is mostly adults But I seriously love her because she's like so real and I love her voice Like I know that sounds weird and creepy, but yeah, you should definitely check out soft pink stardust I'll link her channel on the screen because like I'm always watching her videos She does like planners and stuff. So um, yeah, I just kind of wanted to oh my screen I just kind of wanted to shout out those people because I've been meaning to talk about Stephanie But I just haven't and shout out to Michaela for liking at my Facebook page. Thank you guys so much. Hi guys Yeah, I know that this is just this looks even crazier than it did when my hair was black But I just wanted to come on here and say happy birthday to my mom Valerie. It's her birthday I don't know if she wants me to fully disclose like how old she is happy birthday Valerie I know that this vlog didn't revolve around your birthday even though it's your birthday That's because I'm explaining this for like the people who are watching this video. It's because I pre-film So all this footage you're seeing it did not happen actually on Wednesday It happened like days before but this is going up on her birthday. So happy birthday Valerie. I love you I'm running your card right now because I'm really good at procrastinating and Thank goodness for My macbook reminding me that it was your birthday. So uh, yeah It's just because I just don't really think about those things like sometimes they even forget about my birthday So this is kind of what I did for my mom. It's like an interactive thing. So I'm really hoping she likes it I didn't get her a card which that's kind of embarrassing, but I mean I like homemade things better So that's why yeah, this thing's not even staying on the notepad, but that's what I did So we'll see if she likes it. I actually made some changes So maybe in the next vlog you can see it what I kind of put together for her if she allows me to Film her opening up her gifts and stuff


Thank you very much. Well, see you. This is our own outfit. Can I put my little recorder on too? You sure can. And if you don't get it all, you can call on us. Yes. You have spent perhaps more time than any previous and ever present with our Queen. I was wondering what interested you most about her. Oh, well. There was no surprise, first of all. Nancy had, as you know, the presence of a great deal when she was there for the wedding. And then her gracious invitation to us at Windsor arrived together and all. There, so it wasn't any surprise that it was only just reinforced and strengthened as to what a truly fine, gracious lady she is. And I think so, unlike what most people would have of kind, separate, unruly, but he's a delightful person. If I may switch to a different subject. Your Orlando speech, in your Orlando speech, you talked about the confrontation on the United States and the Soviet Union as a confrontation of good and evil and darkness and light. And that gave the impression, at least, that there is really no logical conclusion except war and that reconciliation would be very difficult between the two parties. And I'm just wondering how you reconcile that outlook with your aims for peace. Well, Henry, I don't think that those who were there for the entire speech would take it that way. I think it is somehow lifting that out in the context of this line and this description as the focus of evil and so forth. Certainly, their entire beliefs, beginning with the disbelief in God, their entire beliefs are so contrary to what we accept as morality. Witness, acampuchee, Afghanistan and so forth. But no, what I was pointing out there, and I still believe as time-tested and proven is not the inevitability of war, but a recognition and a willingness to face up to what these differences are in our views and between us to be realistic about it. But let me just point out a couple of things. We've seen, under the guise of diplomacy and detente and so forth in the past, efforts to kind of sweep the differences under the rug and pretend they don't exist. I have stated very frankly what I believe the differences are. But at the same time, I have expressed my determination and my belief that peace is achievable. I'm very concerned with those people who somehow seem to think they just, without their realizing they're thinking that they're building in their mind that kind of war is inevitable. I can't subscribe to that at all, but look at the proof. The start negotiations. They have already come down to a lower figure for weapons than was supposed to be the Great Triumph in salt too. Several hundred they've agreed to less than the salt to a treaty. In the INF, they came immediately to the table, no objecting, no protesting to negotiate, and while their offer was not acceptable because of some other terms, from some 350-odd SS-20 missiles, they made a proposal and brought them down to 162. So I think that this just proves that maybe being willing frankly to recognize the differences between us and what our view is has proven that it's successful. Talking about missiles, the number of European leaders from Mrs. Thatcher to Charles LeCoe have been trying to persuade you to put forward a new initiative of an interim solution and we're still with the zero option as the ultimate goal but come forward with an interim solution. I gather that you are very seriously considering such a rule. Well, let me say that, Henry, this is a difficult thing to answer and I'm sure they know this also because we do stay in constant consultation and we aren't going to do anything without continuing consultation with them and I must say they have all expressed great appreciation for the fact that unlike some previous times when we acted unilaterally that we do recognize our responsibility as allies, the difficulty in answering is when you're at a negotiating table and often on I spend about 25 years in labor management relations at a negotiating table, you can't talk openly about your strategy or what you're going to do and I can only point to this fact that from the very beginning when I announced the total elimination, the zero option, I said at the same time we will negotiate in good faith any legitimate or reasonable proposal and that remains true today but to get into a discussion of where you're going or what you're going to do that just is bad negotiating strategy Yeah, but haven't these European leaders already more or less laid their cards on the table? Except that all of them are still openly supportive of our deployment of missiles, our own missiles there as was originally decided in 1979 so that's a little different than advocating a position and wanting an open agreement. If you ever did such a thing that then becomes the beginning point for negotiation. Our beginning point for negotiation was total elimination. Well, I understand that there are two views more or less two views in the administration one that feels that you should wait until the missiles are beginning to be put in place in Europe because then the Soviet Union will be under pressure to make concessions or that you should come forward with your own initiative take the lead and come forward with something that proposes equality but is something less than zero, zero option. Well, again, as I say, I don't think that there are any divisions in the sense of splits here and one faction against another faction on this obviously in discussing all ramifications there are going to be people with different ideas than others and a variety of viewpoints as to timing or numbers or things of that kind there is one thing which we're total agreement on and that is that the ultimate goal should continue to be the zero base the elimination of that whole class of weapons for the sake of the world, if nothing else we're also in agreement on the fact that there must be no change in our plan to begin deployment on schedule. But can you tell me in which direction you're leaving because the Dutch prime minister who saw you the other day made some after he had left you indicated that you are going to come forward with a new initiative. Well, what I said then and what I have just said here is we have announced our ultimate goal and we will, as I said from the very first we're ready to negotiate in good faith an unreasonable proposal Suggest on the way to the ultimate goal. I understand that you're beginning to come under pressure to now talking about US-Argentine relations to give the kind of certification that would be necessary for the United States to sell arms to the Argentine time again. I haven't had no proposal or no discussion has been held with me at all on any such subject. We're watching of course very closely and from the very first as we've always hoped we hope that there will be a peaceful resolution on that problem. What would you advise now in terms of the next step? Well, I think that would be a little presumptuous. I think this is a result of the action taken there. This is something to be determined between the United Kingdom and Argentina. But you're not planning to play the role of the mediator as you did during the war. On the extent that someone would ask our help if we could be helpful. We'd be pleased at any time that we might lend aid to bringing about peace. You've now had talks with King Hussein with the Foreign Minister of Israel and Lebanon. I wonder how do you foresee now the situation developing and you foresee that negotiations of your own plan will perhaps begin soon? Well, I'm very hopeful. I think that we have made some progress toward the first step that we believe is absolutely necessary getting into that and that is the withdrawal of all the foreign forces, the PLO, the Syrians and the Israelis from Lebanon and give the new government of Lebanon a chance to establish its own sovereignty and heal the wounds that have been opened there for so long and the faction wisdom and so forth. I think that is absolutely vital and we want to cooperate in any way we can to help bring that about. As I say with the Foreign Minister, Shamir has been here and then the Foreign Minister of Lebanon, Salem and the senior statesman and the older statesman there and so on, the former prime minister. And we continue, Phil Habib is going back now again, we continue to try and help them toward an elimination of the differences and the differences have grown less. So as I say, we're optimistic and then I believe that once that's accomplished that Hussein will offer himself as the negotiator to then continue the peace negotiations involving all the other Middle East problems. After the Lebanese situation has resolved and there are a lot of Middle Eastern experts who believe that unless you put certain pressures on Israel if there would be no moratorium on the building of settlements in the West Bank, how do you feel about that? Well, the West Bank there certainly is no illegality to the building that based on the Camp David agreement and the period of discussion was supposed to then take place with no one having a claim for or against doing such things. This of course would be where the negotiations then would begin to where the peace negotiations with presumably King Hussein involved in those negotiations. And I think, as I said before, what really has to be resolved is an arrangement involving on one side land, territory, and on the other the need for security. And this is what has to be worked out that one can finally, Israel, have a security that they don't have to remain an armed camp but the great expense that it has been to their economy. And this is going to take compromise with regard to territory on the other side and the resolution of the Palestinian problem which you've got many human beings there that you just can't pretend they don't exist. I mean, do you think that in spite of what Prime Minister Begin has said in public that, as you say, compromise is possible without you exerting sufficient pressure? That's where, that's the reason for the negotiations. And again, just as I was talking about our own negotiations with regard to arms, negotiations sometimes in labor management may describe it, they've been presented as one side asked for the moon and the other side offers green cheese and they then talk their way to appoint someplace between those two extremes and settle it. I know you're not talking about your future plans but if you decided to run for another term what would be your objectives that you feel you haven't been able to achieve in the first four years for the next? Oh, right. I think we have a long way to go in two major departments. One of them the restoration of our ability to be secure nationally, field of national defense and so forth and the other however is the economic situation. Now, so far we haven't begun to get all that we asked for in our plan but I think that now after all the criticism and all the sniping and all the sneering and what they call Reaganomics there is so much evidence that the plan even partially employed was successful that I'm beginning to wonder if they won't decide to look for another name rather than Reaganomics that it's going to be a successful plan and not a failure. But the economy and looking ahead for the balance of this decade to get back to a balanced budget and I would still like to see that then affirmed in the Constitution so that we can never again go down that road that we have in these last few decades that we could begin paying back on the national debt reducing that when you stop to think that the interest alone on our national debt is greater than the total cost of the United States government not too many years ago. We need to do that and to recognize that there is a certain level as to the percentage of gross national product that government takes for itself and takes from the people in taxes but if you go beyond that level you then do disrupt the economy and cause the kind of problems that we've had to eliminate total inflation that has been going through the longest sustained period of inflation in the history of mankind and this recession is worldwide and that is a great danger. This country can actually affect the economy worldwide and I think our conquering so far not completely conquered let us say our winning over inflation so far to take it down from double digits from 12.4 and sometimes reaching as high as 13 and 14 to where for the last six months it's only been running 1.4 percent but the job isn't going to be finished for a while as you look at the projections out through the years there is a lot yet to be done but we have embarked on a different course I can remember when the people on our side the Republicans and you realize I'm talking the party not personal over these years what needs to be done the Republican Party and the Democratic Party the debate they engaged in was kind of a rear guard action in the part of the Republicans against the ever increasing desire of government to spend to intervene in the marketplace to become even more powerful and thus eventually oppressive in the people much of what you've seen happen in your own country the debate today in government is not that debate anymore of the trying to hold back on that increase the debate is both sides agreeing to reduced spending and reduced government and the argument is only about how much to reduce it and I think that's quite a triumph I wondered because of the decline in the oil price that will be a little benefit the majority of countries in the world but it will be to the detriment of two or three countries like Mexico and Nigeria I wonder whether you've at all considered the possibility of taking the advantages that the majority of the countries have accrued to them could be used to sustain and help the countries that are suffering from the decline of the oil price well, we have been of help and we have been with our contributions to the international banks those funding agencies but also in direct help for example as I told our friends and allies in the summit meeting in Versailles discussion of the third world and our view is that you help them develop their own economies not constantly be mendicants with their hands out waiting for someone to give them something we every year buy more of the production of those countries than all the rest of the world put together and we think that this is a way to go we think also that if we are able to order the economic situation that some of those same countries have the highest rates of inflation in the world and thus even though it's going to be there's going to be a temporary readjustment of those reduced revenues but if on the other hand the whole world economic picture they see their own cost going down this will be served to make that adjustment for them and they too will wind up better off but no, we're not going to retreat from the help that we've been able to give and as we resolve some of our own problems we're able to help more Do you think there's the need for reviewing the possibility of an international monetary a new international monetary system? I can't say that I have a hard and fast view on that I think it is something for all of us to look at maybe that would be one of the subject of discussion in the Williamsburg Summit this spring But do you think that the world situation makes such a revival of some new system desirable? I can only say that I think we need to look at it I don't believe that that the monetary system has been the disruptive factor in bringing on this economic recession we've been in I think inflation is what led to the high interest rates the lender has to get back when the loan is repaid he has to have gotten back in interest all the depreciated value of the money that he loaned that is going to be repaid in inflation in money of lesser value than when he had loaned it and so go the interest rates I think right now they're higher than they need to be the real interest rates I think what we're seeing because of our own rate of inflation they should be much lower but I think what we're seeing is timidity they're not quite sure yet that we're going to stay the course and that this is going to continue they've been through in our own country seven recessions I guess this was eight since World War II and every one of them as they came out resulted in higher inflation and each time higher than the last so that we've been on an ever increasing scale that way I think that there is beginning to be this confidence that this time the recovery that we're bringing about is based on sound economic policies and not artificial stimulants when they're aware of that I think we'll see further reductions in the interest rates and as a result of that we'll see further prosperity You, after three and a half years in office you look at younger than perhaps that you enter and I was wondering what is the secret of your pacing yourself Well, one thing I recognize that it would be awfully easy I've always been an outdoorsman to use that expression I've always lived in California been able to get to a ranch ride a lot and so forth but it would be very easy here to sit at that desk and you go home in an elevator the end of the day go back to work in an elevator it's very difficult to get outside at all it would be very easy to let that become your lifestyle but fortunately we resisted and we had a little gymnasium upstairs there and I have a daily routine to work out at the end of every day and frankly I have to say physically I think I feel better than I did a couple of decades ago marvelous Do you feel, I mean as you described it a little now you feel a bit insulated here in the White House Not as much as people think You're insulating the sense that if you decide to leave the grounds you're a group quite a group you can't just go out and walk down the street and drop in at a drug store for a bottle of aspirin or something but on the other hand you have much more contact with people than anyone is kind of believed first of all you're surrounded not just by senior staff but by an awful lot of people who are working here in different capacities and you get to know and you know about their families and their problems and so forth but also the the effort that I make to get out when you go out on say a speaking engagement not the Orlando trip that you mentioned you have a contact with people I stay in touch with all the people that I know and having a ranch is another way because there's a whole circle of acquaintances and people and workmen and so forth How many telephone calls do you take a day? Well I'm available maybe I make more than I take and that is another thing the people that I've known back over the years and former schoolmates and so forth I stay in touch with both my correspondents and the other and then I've done something that I did when I was governor I realize I can't read all my mail several hundred thousand letters a month I instructed there and I've instructed here and a wonderful lady there in charge of that mail department does a good job of knowing the kind of mail that I want to see and not just the friendly letters the ones that have got a challenge letters from young people and constantly sends me a representative sampling and not only for me to read but usually the letters I answer myself so I don't feel out of touch Do you foresee a meeting with Mr. Andropov from this year or? Yes I can see that I think what I would resist is a kind of get acquainted meeting just to have a meeting because I think such a meeting raises people's expectations so high that then to just be able to say well we got acquainted and said hello and not have any result but we are in touch constantly we're not out of touch with the Soviet government and we are seeking areas where we can put together a meeting in which could be beneficial to both sides but you're not making any preconditions what you want really is just preparation that's right no one you never have such a meeting with a precondition on what's going to result you could have determined in advance the subjects that you think should be discussed between do you think it will be in the fall or I can't honestly say whether it be this year or next I I know that there are no no plans immediately or in the near future but I would expect that there would be such a meeting before the first term is out success for us thank you very much I hope you will decide to stay out I can't answer that I know well, it's good to see you thank you very much


This one right here is a piece that I'm putting together. Okay, okay, okay, okay.   I'll tell her. Cause you made it this way. All sugary and sweet.  I was just thinking to myself, if I eat it all up, won't be none left. And that's selfish. That's selfish. And I can't be that way.   Thank you. Thank you. That ain't nothing for the Lord. I just need a tam or beret.