Hello and welcome to Around the World in 8 Minutes, a show by People's Dispatch where we bring stories of struggles from people's movements from across the globe. Today, we report from Buenos Aires on the major developments in the Latin American countries of Venezuela and Colombia. In Venezuela, tensions are high as the Ministry of Defense announced on Monday that the Bolivarian Armed Forces of Venezuela contains an attack on their facilities in Caracas by a group of defecting soldiers. The Ministry of Defense reported that, on January 21, at approximately 2.50 a.m., local time, a small group of soldiers who defected from the Bolivarian National Guard broke into the headquarters of the Urban Security Outpost located in the town of Petare Sucre. They stole a cache of weapons and kidnapped two officers and two National Guard members of the outpost. They were later captured by security forces. The attack was condemned by the Bolivarian Armed Forces as well as the Venezuelan government. This attack comes in the context of several warnings of possible coup attempts being orchestrated by conservative Latin American countries like Brazil and Colombia, along with the United States government. These countries, along with the Venezuelan far-right wing, have declared that they do not recognize the current elected government of Nicolás Maduro. Last year, on August 4, an assassination attempt was orchestrated against President Maduro using drones attached with explosives. The drones were successfully neutralized by the Venezuelan security forces. International organizations have also rallied in solidarity with Bolivarian Venezuela and in support of its legitimate government led by President Nicolás Maduro. Next, we take you to Colombia, where the peace process has reached a critical point. Yesterday morning, the National Liberation Army, or ELN, released a statement claiming responsibility for the car bomb attack at the General Santander Police School that occurred last Thursday in the capital of Colombia, Bogotán. Twenty-one people were killed in the attack and over 80 were injured. The ELN in a statement on Monday reiterated the need to arrive to a political solution to the armed conflict. They declared that the attack was in response to the lack of respect by the Colombian government to adjust your peace proposed by the ELN to maintain a ceasefire from December 23 to January 3. They report that the armed forces carry out attacks during the ceasefire and on December 25, they heavily bombed an ELN camp, which affected a peasant family that lived nearby. The communique states that the General Santander Police School is a military installation, as those trained there participate actively in the counter insurgent war, and as such, it does not constitute a war crime as all victims were combatants, they stated. The group reiterated the need to work towards peace in Colombia and urged the government to resume the peace talks. On Friday, before the ELN had pronounced about the attack, Iván Duque announced that the government will terminate the peace process with the ELN, and he revoked the decree suspending the arrest of the 10 members of the ELN's peace delegation who are currently in Navanacua. He also asked Cuba to hand over the members of the ELN's peace delegation and has also issued the Interpol Red Alert on these members. The peace process, which had been in a critical situation since Duque assumed office in August, has seemingly come to an end, and the war in Colombia, which never left, will be intensified. For more news of people's struggles, we head back to the studio. In our next story, we take you to Tunisia, where the Tunisian General Labour Union conducted a strike of public servants across the country to protest the government's new austerity law. The strike was called on January 16th, after negotiations between the government and the UGTT over the increase of wages for government employees failed. Tunisia is currently on the verge of an economic crisis and has witnessed a rapid increase in unemployment since the nation's transition from an autocratic polity to a multi-party democracy in 2011. The Tunisian government is under pressure from the International Monetary Fund, the IMF, to take up austerity policies to balance its public debt crisis. The current strike of public sector employees comes less than a month after violent clashes between police and protesters. On December 24th, spontaneous protests began in the city of Kasserine, with people yelling Yezikom or enough of you. These protests were triggered by the widely circulated video of a 32-year-old, under-employed journalist Abdul Razzaq Zorghi's call for revolt and self-immolation. Tunis-based activist Ayub Zaidi told People's Dispatch that he blames the December protest and a self-immolation of Zorghi on the fallout of the new finance law implemented in January 2018. According to him, setting himself up was his way of protesting, his miserable condition, and that of most Tunisian youth. The law laid down an institutional framework for austerity measures to manage the national debt, which included freezing current wages of government employees and raising taxes on goods and services, which in turn raises the cost of living. These measures were met with a month-long protest by the workers in youth across the country, supported by the leftist popular front. We now look at the successful strike by transport workers in India's commercial capital. The BESD, Britain-Mumbai Electricity Supply and Transport Workers in Mumbai, went on a nine-day strike against low wages and privatization attempts. The strike reached a successful conclusion on January 16th, as the management agreed on an interim pay hike for 15,000 employees effective from this month. The best Samyukta Kangar, Krithi Samiti, BS KKS, a joint action committee of different best unions led the strike. BESD is a public sector undertaking based in the city of Mumbai, responsible for providing electricity and operating the city's buses, one of the largest fleet of buses in India. It also runs ferry services between three adjoining cities of Mumbai. As part of the strike, almost 33,000 workers in the transport wing and over half of the 8,000 workers in the electricity wing refused to work. The strike began with a nationwide general strike in India on January 8th, 9th, and went on to become the longest strike in BESD's history. The main demands of the BESD workers included a hike in wages, payment to the long new Diwali bonuses, and the merging of BESD with Mumbai's Civic Body, the Brahman-Mumbai Municipal Council BMC. BMC is India's richest civic body. It was allocated a budget of 27,000 crores in the financial year 2017-18. By bringing BESD under the ambit of BMC, the workers feel that they will be able to get better pay and benefits, as well as the transport services also benefiting by a greater inflow of resources. The BESD was once a premier public transport service in India. Serving as a model for other cities, but years of neglect, moves towards privatization and disinvestment have left it in a deplorable condition, leading to commuters shifting to other modes of transport. The mishandling of the service has led to 21% reduction in the bus fleet size and the discontinuation of at least 18% of the routes in the last five years. Nearly 7,200 staff positions have also been scrapped, causing a further unavailability of human resources to operate the service. The BESD workers face a number of threats with their management, going so far as to send letters to the workers, demanding that they leave the houses allocated to them. That's all for this episode of Around the World in 8 Minutes. For more stories and videos about people's movements, please check out our website, peoplesdispatch.ovg, and follow us on Facebook, Twitter and YouTube.


Africa is a science-based, large-scale research for development project, putting nitrogen fixation to work for small holders in Africa. Its goal is to increase legumes productivity and then to promote legumes value chain. In Africa, it is necessary to develop nitrogen in the field of land of the whole region. It is also necessary to cultivate the land of the whole region. But the land of the whole region is not the land of the whole region. It is necessary to develop as much as possible the land of the whole region as possible. I am not going to make this video to show you a lot of different different types of geese. Monks from Zobia were first born in Kerala and then are second born here. They are also, the ones who are also, in Zobia, the first born. They are two of them, they are all very different species. They are known as the certification for their own awesomeness. Or they may be from Kanyuariya, but they can't afford to go to Kanyuariya. They may not have a home here. So, they cannot afford a home here. Even if the energy costs too high, it is also not enough for them. That's why we have to be careful. We should be careful in our areas. Today I've come to live in the Haya Village.  We don't let the children come in. We try to let the children come to us. We always say that we have to do this and that, we want to do this and that, and we have to do this and that. We think that if we don't do anything, we will not be able to do it. We are not sure about what we will do. We want to start. We have promoted inoculants for small holders. We have reached well above 70,000 small holder farmers with our technology. We have established private public partnership in seven clusters which helps inoculant supply and market access for small holders.


What I'm presenting today is our contribution to the volume that Jean-Philippe talked about. This is joint work with Nishta Kochir at Georgetown and Biju Rao at the World Bank. I want to begin in a conceptual place. You know, there's a lot of discussion of the Indian caste system. It's a well-known system of social stratification. But there's actually no universally agreed-upon definition of the caste system itself. The word caste is actually a Portuguese word that began to be used in the 16th century to describe what Portuguese travelers saw in India. Right? So in Hindu texts, ancient Hindu texts, you see the word caste described as Varna. The Varna categorization was a division of society into four groups where you have the Pramins, where the scholars, if you will, the Shatriyas, which is the ruling class, the Veshas and the Shudras and those outside the system. Today, and for the past 80 or more years, what you have is the caste system defined in very broad strokes by the government of India. Since about 1935, you have terms like forward caste, backward caste, scheduled caste, or scheduled caste, as we say in India, or scheduled tribe. Right? And what you have is these are broad groups whose in these groups changes. So when the in the Government of India Act of 1935, you see 429 groups included as SC. Today, you have more than 1200. Right? So what most of us are used to doing as economists is running our regressions controlling for SC and ST. And what we're going to try and do today is tell you in the context of gender inequality, why this is not entirely okay. Right? We don't really have a solution. But the point is most sample surveys of India, most household surveys, restrict information to caste to these very broad government defined categories. And so our understanding of caste is limited to these categories. But if you go to India, caste is experienced in everyday life as something very different. Right? So what you have is essentially the operational concept is jati. Right? A jati is a hereditary group, endogamous. Right? So it's an endogamous hereditary group or hereditary occupation within groups. Right? So what you have is essentially a group that has a common occupation that marries within the group. They have, you know, rituals that are shared within the group, common diets and common lifestyles. Within a particular, there's several thousand jatis. There's no agreed upon way of ranking them. They are specific to regions and sub regions and they affect all aspects of life. Right? So marriage is well known, but also political mobilization, access to public services, credit, employment. I mean, there's a big literature on the Indian caste system that has used jati as an organizing principle or definition in at least some recent work. Okay. Now there's a large empirical literature that argues very persuasively that the caste system is an enduring form of inequality. That it stratifies Indian society and that some groups, and again, because government surveys use SC and ST or these broad categories as definitions, our understanding of caste is that people within these groups continue to be disadvantaged relative to the broader population. Right? And what you see is a relationship also between caste and gender, where higher caste or higher caste as used in these broad group, broad categorizations is associated with lower status. So what you see is probably typical of many settled agricultural societies, which is the higher up you go in the caste hierarchy, the less likely you are to see a woman employed outside the home or experiencing independent mobility or having decision-making autonomy. So an inverse relationship between caste status and, you know, between gender empowerment, if you will. The problem is a lot of this literature focuses on these very broad characterizations. Right? So what we want to do, and what we do in this work is basically look at three states of India. Today I'll just talk about one to save on time. We actually look at detailed data on the Jati level, right? Which is Jati is oftentimes called subcast. That's not quite right. I think it's fair to call it a subcast, but it's a lot more. It's not easy to rank. It's easy to rank broadcast. It's not easy to rank subcast. So we collect data at the Jati level and we try to look at the relationship between Jati affiliation and, you know, female empowerment. And we actually argue that depending on how you define caste, you get very different results. So when you use broad categories, you see patterns emerge that are very standard in the literature, which I just told you an inverse relationship between caste status and female empowerment. But when you look at the Jati level, there's a lot more going on and it's much more nuanced than that. Right? Our methods are relatively simple. And lastly, we're going to show this affects public policy. It affects take up of public programs. Right?  Our data is going to be baseline surveys for large anti-poverty programs in India, which are targeted to rural areas. Our data is representative of poor rural populations, not state level populations. And lastly, we do this is descriptive work. We do not claim any causal relationships. We are purely looking at associations between gender and caste, right? Hopefully robust associations. So as I said, I'm going to focus on one state, the state of Bihar. In the paper, we have three states. This was a baseline survey and a follow-up survey. In the baseline survey, we have about 8,000 households, and then there was a follow-up, which had about the same. 180 grand panchayats from 16 blocks in seven districts, right? Over samples of SC and ST populations, because that was part of the research design, and households were randomly selected from within Hamlets. Okay, this is our distribution. Sorry, this still has the three state data, but you can look at the left column for Bihar. We basically have, sorry, I'm going to... You basically have the districts that we sampled, and you can see there are seven districts over here. And then you have the breakdown by SC, ST, OBC as other backward caste, EBC extremely backward caste, Muslims and forward caste. I will not expect anybody to look at our breakdown of Jati. I'll talk more about these specific groups in a couple of minutes. So very quickly, I'll skip this. This is our summary stats of some basic household characteristics and our female respondents. I can come back to this. And what I want to emphasize for now is we looked at three different types of indicators for women's status, right? So the first one we looked at was measures of intra-household bargaining. So women were asked if they are able to provide inputs into purchasing household durables, kids' education, their own livelihoods, and then voting. We also look at female mobility. But the one I'm going to focus on today, again, in the interest of time between three states and so many different outcomes, I made a hard choice of what to show you. I'm going to focus on female labor force participation, which we define as a dummy variable that takes value one if a woman participated in any labor outside the household in any season, at least one season of the year. So that was our definition. And we ran reduced form regressions of those indicators on a whole bunch of controls, which include expenditure, expenditure squared, land, household size, gender of the head, et cetera. And some individual controls, and we put in panchayat level fixed effects. First, we run our regressions using government categories. It's a lot easier to look at this visually. So these are regression coefficients on the box, the blue box in this slide. And what you see is in the top left-hand side figure, this is again the state of Bihar. All the controls are in there. I'm just showing you the coefficients on the caste variables. So on the left-hand side, SC scheduled caste is the excluded category. And what you have is ST, OBC, EBC, Muslim and forward caste presented to you on the slide. Roughly, if we rank casts in this area of Bihar, SC would be at the bottom, right? If you accept a kind of ranking of broadcast groups, SC would be at the bottom. And all of these would be ranked higher. ST would probably be at the bottom as well. So what you see is the way we interpret this is that zero is the middle red line over here. All our coefficients are to the left. So as you go up the caste hierarchy, you can see that female labour force participation is falling. This is that classic relationship. And Bhojrab wrote about this. A lot of scholars of India have written about this. The evidences comes from not just empirical surveys, but from religious texts written a long time ago. That as female status improves, their participation in the paid labour force goes down. This is also consistent with a backward bending supply curve for women, right? If you look, this is Orissa and Tamil Nadu, which I will skip for today. Next, what we do is we look at the same relationship at the level of jati, right? And remember the conclusion I gave away that you'll see a lot more nuance when we look at the jati level. First, we're going to exclude, we're going to treat the higher ranked caste as the omitted category in our OLS regression. And in the bottom table, I'm going to treat SC as the excluded category. And again, I'm going to try and show you this visually because you can't read 10 point font even when it's blown up on a screen. What you see over here is on the left hand side, now this is all Bihar, right? All of this is Bihar. What you see is these are the different jatis that are classified as SC. So in the state of Bihar, you have the Chamar Jati, the Doba Jati, the Dushads, the Musahars. These are distinct jatis. They live in, you know, they are not just confined to the state of Bihar. The Chamars, for example, are in this broad area of India. Then Bihar is only one region where they're found. So these particular groups could go into other states. But within the state of Bihar, they are represented and they're in our sample. And you can see that some of them, like the Musahars, the Dushads and the Chamars, the women from these groups are more likely to participate in the labor force than, say, other SC group women. Right? So there's a fair amount of variation within SCs. When you go to the right hand side figure, now we have SC as the omitted category. So we're looking at non-SCs and ST jatis. And again, you can see there's a fair amount of variation. Brahmins are about, you know, 34% less likely to participate in the labor force than their women counterparts in the SC population. And you can see that for others, it's lower, right? So EBC, extremely backward caste jatis, it's nowhere near that amount. So again, these are statistically significant effects, but they show considerably more nuance than the literature would predict. All right, so I've said this verbally, so I'm just going to skip it. We can come back to it. And in the last five minutes I have, I want to show you why this affects or how this might affect policy, right? So India has some very large scale poverty alleviation programs that are probably well known in this group. So we take one of them, you know, the MG Norega program, and we look at our dependent variable being the possession of a job card for access to this program, right? As a second outcome, we look at participation in a female livelihoods program for which this survey was a baseline, right? So this is the World Bank livelihoods program broadly defined in India under the umbrella of the national rural livelihoods mission, right? So we're trying to look at is take up selectively different among these different groups. And again, our list of controls. And by the way, I should have said this before in the paper we show our results are robust to the exclusion of certain controls or the inclusion of different controls, right? So, okay. So first and Rega, and again, this is all Bihar. So what you see is that ST. So on the left over here is again, SC is the excluded group. And you can see that all other groups are less likely to possess a Norega job card, right? And again, this is the woman's sample. So women are less likely to possess a Norega job card. If you look at the second panel, this is presenting the SC Jatis. So again, the non SCs are excluded group. And you can see even within SCs, Dolbha's, for example, are less likely to have a job card than the Musahars. And we're controlling for things like Panchayat fixed effects and which might affect rollout of the program, right? And when you go to the upper costs, you can see even there, there's a fair amount of variation. Women's, for example, are much less likely to participate than other forward costs. If you go to the Jeevika program, which is again the base, the program that this was a baseline for, you see very similar results, right? That SCs overall are the ones participating within SCs. You see the Chamars and the Dushads are more likely to participate. Now you see Musahar women are a little less likely to participate than they were, say, in the NG Norega program, right? And you see similar variation over here. Rajput women are really not participating relative to, say, Yadav women, right? Okay. So I'll conclude what very broadly speaking we can conclude from this. And remember, our samples are not representative of the state. They're represented of rural populations that are most likely to benefit from these large-scale programs. What we think is going on here is, or we can conclude, is when we use broad government categories, you see simple patterns that have been documented in the literature, but these hide many details of the reality of how cost matters in day-to-day life, right? When you focus now doing this right is very difficult because most surveys do not gather JATI level identifiers. It's not really legal to question people on JATI when you're doing large national surveys. But we did it, right, using our data. And what we find is that there's a much more nuanced relationship between cost and gender than you see using these very broad categories, right? So that's about all we want to say. Remember, these are not causal claims. In the paper, we also do other things like we interact cost with expenditure to see, you know, is there a creamy layer as cost, you know, are wealthier women within groups more likely to benefit, and those results are all in the paper. And those results also are very nuanced, right? We don't, we see considerable variation in those patterns as well. So I'll stop and turn it over to my next colleague.


Hello everyone. I, Mrs. Komal Rahul Pradeshi, working as an assistant professor in Department of Computer Science and Engineering of Valjan Institute of Technology, Solapur, going to deliver a lecture on allocation of disk blocks using ALOC algorithm and other file types used in Unix operating system. The learning outcome of this session are, at the end of this session, student will be able to demonstrate the algorithm for allocation of disk blocks. Student will be able to define other file types in Unix operating system. Let us see allocation of disk blocks. Whenever process wish to write some contents into the file, kernel allocates disk blocks to the process. These disk blocks are present on disk and these free disk blocks are allocated to the process one at a time. So, whenever process wish to write content to the file, the disk blocks are allocated by kernel to the process. Here the file system superblock contains an array used to cache the number of free disk blocks. As free disk blocks should be allocated to the process, it is necessary to keep track of number of free disk blocks in the system and this is given by superblock. There is one utility program called as MKFS which is also called as MEC file system. It maintains free disk blocks in linked list manner where each node of the linked list is nothing but a data block and each data block contains array of free disk block and one entry from that array points to the next data block which again contains array of free disk blocks. So, as shown here this is the linked list of free disk blocks where each block contains an array of free disk blocks and each entry in this array points to the next data block. Let us see example of this. Now consider this is a superblock list which contains total 4 data blocks. Now as I said here this is data block 1 that data block 1 contains an array which contains number of free disk blocks. One entry from that array points to the next data block which again contains free disk blocks. So, in this way the free disk blocks are arranged in array along with linked list. One entry from that array points to the next disk block. So, this is what the structure of free disk block present in the superblock list. All these free disk blocks are maintained by superblock. Now let us see how these free disk blocks are allocated to the process when process wish to write some content to the file. This is done by using ALOCK algorithm. So, input to this ALOCK algorithm is file system number. This algorithm is used to allocate the free disk block to the process whenever process wish to write content to the file. So, initially that process check whether superblock is locked. If superblock is not locked means it is not used by any other process then what it will do? It will remove the block from the free block list whatever array we seen right now one of the block from that array is removed. Then if it is the last block of that array, if it is the last block from that free list then lock the superblock because if that superblock array is empty then we need to lock that superblock and we have to read the just taken from we have to read the block which is taken from the free list. Then copy that block number in block into the superblock and release the block buffer using the buffer release algorithm and unlock the superblock and wake up all the processes which are go to sleep because superblock is locked. This is done whenever we have last free disk block present in that array. We need to refill the superblock but if it is not last free block in that array then just get the buffer using gate block algorithm for that disk block okay and zero the content of the buffer means take the buffer and write that content of the buffer to the disk block and then zero the content means remove the content from that buffer and write that content into the disk block and allocate that buffer to the newly assigned free disk block. Then decrement the total count of the free blocks then mark the superblock is modified. Superblock is modified because the free disk block is now allocated to the process it is removed from free list okay and return that buffer to the process and then stop. If superblock is locked initially then that process goes to sleep for the event that superblock should become free and process will enter into the loop and this process will continue and that process will wake up whenever that block buffer is removed it is released by using the buffer release algorithm. So this is what about the alloc algorithm allocation of the disk block. Now let us see example of the same. Now this is the initial superblock list now as we can see here there are n number of data blocks here I have shown only two here this is the first data block which contains an array of free disk blocks and one of the entry from that array point to the next free disk block numbers okay. So whenever process wish to access the number free disk block okay then that first disk blocks is allocated then whenever again process wish to write the content to the file the next disk block is allocated each disk block is allocated one at a time so like that one by one the disk blocks are allocated to the process. Now the last disk block that is 109 is there in that superblock list so it is now the time to fill that superblock from the next array. So here that 109 is allocated to the process and again the new superblock list will be from the next link list node that is 211. So here this is the new superblock list which is filled and to fill that superblock superblock has been locked and again whenever process wish to write some content to the file one after another all these free disk blocks are allocated to the process whenever it reach to last free disk block again it is filled by the next array and so on. So this is what about the allocation of the disk block. Now as the disk blocks are allocated the blocks can also be free. So consider that this is what your original configuration of the superblock list in the first list there are only one free list free disk block present and other are free space this array contains no more free disk blocks it contains only one and in this case suppose process free a block number 949 then that 949 is easily placed into the superblock because it contains free space for that disk block so it is placed into the superblock. Now just think and write that what will happen if process free a block and superblock list is full just write down your answer let us see the answer what we said that superblock list is full and process free the disk block then that newly freed block here it becomes a link block okay now consider that this is your superblock list which two data blocks here these are the array of that data blocks and at that time the process free the disk block 226 okay then what kernel will do kernel write the superblock list into the block and write that block to the disk means all this all this superblock free disk blocks are returned to this disk block so all these are returned to the disk block 226 and that 226 is placed in as a data block and this 226 is a single it is the only member of that list so it is the link so this 226 is the next link node for the link list and it this will be the next configuration of the superblock so this becomes this is the only one node into the into this block okay which points to the next array so this is what about a lock and free algorithm of the disk blocks okay now there are other file types present in unix there are two types one is pipes and second is special file pipes pipes are also called as first in first out this differs from the regular file because data is transient data transient means once data is read it cannot be read again data is read in order in pipes so data in pipe is stored in the same way as it is stored in a regular file so this is what about pipe next is the next special files are block device special files and character device special files both are devices so file inode do not reference any data in this case so inode has two numbers okay as everything is created as a file in unix operating system these devices are also created as a file so inode of these files has two numbers one is major device number and another is minor device number major device number indicates device type search as whether it is terminal or disk and minor device number indicates unit number of the device and using major and minor number it is easy to identify which type of device is this so this is all about the other file types and allocation and deallocation of disk block of the process so these are the references thank you


PMMIU is excited to announce an amazing lineup of workshops this year that are customized for the packaging and processing industry to help you take your workforce to the next level. We are excited to announce a new packaging and processing equipment selling in today's market workshop. This two-day in-person workshop, which is part of the Certified Technical Sales Professional Program, helps capital equipment sales professionals and their managers learn systematic consultative selling techniques to make them trusted advisors to customers purchasing packaging, processing, and automation equipment. Learn how to reduce downtime, improve productivity, and ensure worker safety in our risk assessment workshop. Equip your company with strategies and tactics to train well across all employee skill levels with our certified trainer workshop, and our fundamentals of field service workshop reaches beyond technical proficiencies, and teaches technicians the knowledge and skills needed to provide excellent customer service and communication that will increase their customer satisfaction. For more information, visit PMMIU.org.


I know that song is so nice. Ni bitinginele kali sana. Njumemi bambika, but God was a touch to meet at Tuleze. Tuleze how he has been. Welcome back to JC Sarko's show. This is DJ Nix, the spin doctor. And this is me, Yama Sava. Yes, ni mi mi. But anyway, at that time we get to meet our artist, even new music segment. Na ule ni ule. Ule ni ule yam say, aku tu home. Ako home. He is so familiar with us. He goes by the name Benzi. Benzi, again Kari Buxana. Again, again Kari Buxana. Thank you, thank you. But na kwa nga mene nye kia in drill. That's one thing I know about. Kwa nga bie. Kwa nga bie. Kwa nga bie. Ule ni ule. Kwa nga bie. Kwa nga bie. Ule ni ule. Kwa nga bie. Benzi is such a humble servant of the Lord. Yes. At his disposal to be used. Exactly. For his glory. Yes, only. Only for his glory. Yes. Benzi Kari Buxana. Asante, asante. Yes, I know you are already feeling at home. Yes. Because you are so used to. Apa ni home maze. Apa ni home maze. Asana, asana, asana. Asana, asana. Asante. Last time kikua apa ni kitambuki dogo. I know you mean up to so many things. So many things. Yudu pa titu ile chap chap. Ni fanyin, fanyin, fanyin. Ay, ay, ay. Munas kungapi. Ay, ay, ay. Tabbang bitu. Ay, Ay, ay. Ay, ay, ay. Tapa bitu, ay. Yudu pa dindcomia. Bili. Tapa bitu, ay. Ay. Ay, ay, ay. By zemo. Ay. Bili. Ay. Ay. Ay. Ay, ay. Ay, ay. Yudu pa titu ile chap chap. Ima zema. Ay, ay, ay. Ay, ay. Ima zema. Ima zema. E. Ay. Ay. Ili kwa nika maa kubles project, zoteze na plan kufanya, kufanya this year, nili takiki kwa the first project ndoma na the previous project to li release December, do januari kwa itu yam dundo yani, kwa zi mwakan yam dundo tunambia God maze use me, vinyonataka tu yani. So it's a song that means a lot to me, nimi kana wa fuwa wail, but nili yam monitor release on a januari ndu yi kwa prayer the entire year yani. So that's what I did nani kwa fichia one of the one of my favorite human beings, mze uninspaya sana, sana. Uli se matu na wunangatu kwa news. Kwa news maze. Nakwa Instagram yabensi again. E ame ja sana wuko. Mze na celebred sana, yun inspaya sana, sana. So anitwa DJ Euforik is the official president DJ. Maze. Maze so big up to DJ Euforik for kutokia kwa video na mimi na kufanya project na mimi. Now let me just take him back kidogo. Ubiensi has released another song. Just after he left the issue up, last time he kwa aka release another song. Ume yuna YouTube DJ nix. Ikuna over 700,000 views. Yuki tu. It's very rare. It's very rare in our country actually. Actually you know when I go to minister to high school. Yalafu anas kia ikitu. Inakwa na tu ni full salmon, ni message to. Ni message complete. Ina itwa church girl. Mwemi kachet. Mwemi kachet. Mwemi kachet. Mwemi kachet. Mwemi kachet. Mwemi kachet. Mwemi kachet. Mwemi kachet. Mwemi kachet. Actually in one of those songs, zeni wujui ni song Kali. Kus I had an entire EP. So ilikwa wanamang the songs. So when I was launching my EP kwa event, I performed all the songs. Laten me performed all the songs. Sikwana jwa. Ujwangi test ya wa say what I received. Out of views o song zote wa sol kwa ni mbe to release this song. So I did the video. Na to be honest, mi address ikwana jwa ni song ita kwa na impact. Kus ni mbe imba na waif. Na waif wa kwa hwangi mse anapenda kukutokia kwa videos. So ni limfoss atoke kwa video. Ni limfoss kwa nza song ikuwe. Kus the initial idea was, ni muite studio. Anisei de kurekot voice ya dem. Laten nasi toke. Dostasa ni tumekwa artist manyanafare kod. Ya dostasa understand ok, apanduna faimba evo. Bata ga ingiha kwa uwa. Ika kwa nilazi maikuwe evo. Ika bidi tu evo. Sia ni ganda kumbe meleza song iba ki evo. Apandu na jwa nga. Una na yo mubini menda. Two are better than one. True, yes. True. So video pili ni yo yo stress. Ni kwa mkonvins, bat aka kubali tukendet kwa fanya video. Ni katre kumkonvins tu fanya mediatua for the song. Ayo ka. Aka se mazi. Yo sosa aka se mazi zasa. Ya wezi. So actually, ni interesting kwa it's one of the songs siku fanya mediatua sana. Siku fanya promotion mob. Kwa zi e mwini yata kwa na feel nati. E kwa ngim tu mediatua sana so. So tuka achya song tu. Endika peak. Ika ingiha kwa up, flandinet ua viskitu ya kwa trend. So, I think we dress to ya godili kwa na song. E na upa kwa church girl. Upa kwa sana. Sosa after apei projects ni we expect sabu na na iwi kwa nikolabo. Ya ya. Iisa tsa ikona ita. Next, mi DJ niks ama ni mi riamasawa ama ni nani. ama ni mi zisele projects. E kwa modya atari sana. Sabu pi apokatikati kumkone kwa nangoma itua nari. E manzina pia. Ya Chris A. Ako mi kwa busy manzina. Bina busy manzina. Ya ya ya. And now what do we expect from you? Sabu venyume sema. Isi ini ya kwa dein project zenezi na kam. Ya. So, this ya na plan at least ni fani album. E ni merialize ita. It's a nice way of packaging myself as an artist. Dwa atam saya kenda nga liya portfolio angwa nga liya mziki zango zote. It's easier for them to just get on board with me. And waju eni ni na kwa nga na do. So, this ya probably, see probably definitely an album coming. Nili test waters na the True Ninja EP. So, I'll probably bring an album this ya. E nga ma kumi or mo, then to an event which I end up from there. Wow. But this ya ni me panga projects mob. Actually, tumet try sana kutia bidi. E mi and my team have done at least now four videos we are hoping to release over the course of the next six, seven months. Wow. So projects ni mobs sana. Hey, onaji wa kuna kitumoja mesema about team. Alafu kuna swali atuja uleiza. Nani ya mefanya ujiwe, kwa nani, ghi projectum dondo, nani ya merekanya mesema. Amai li kwa kula boflanya kuna vizkit. E waba rojiwa, e ure kwa, Benzi ya na kwa nga ni producer. Yeah, director. Ana heza direct. Ana heza, saite ako kwa. One man army. Iona kituna ita ajiwa. Vizkit. Vizkit. Kikotuna kua nasana. What do we expect from from your stories na fanya, fanya apu wia onaji? Um, out of church girl, Goda li fungu akamelango, na dirisha mi ni kengianazote. Keblam. Atuja kengianazote. Atuianazote, nika fanya brand ambassador for Vizkit, in Kenya and East Africa ya ni. So, iona kitu mi ni saidi sana, atu omekosponsor video ya e doldo. Iona hiya, zona iona ni ni nia apu. So, there is so much that shuna plan kudu, hopefully. Nambia toa say keep tabs of what Benzi is doing. Over the next year there will be so much happening. Make sure you just check out, make sure you follow me on Instagram at Benzi again, on Twitter at Benzi again, Facebook ni Benzi, YouTube. Make sure you may subscribe and you may finia your notification bell because there is so much coming ya ni. Thank you so much. Yes. Fawadjo, mi nulisa ni ni ni kusatani mi saidi sana. Story ya audio, video, kiyugoma ilikama apaje then tuki malizi ya si. So, go to many bless in a studio where you met Sema, Lacks Entertainment upon your video, how do you met Fano? I produce them. Kali sana ni toa CZ, Cdouble EZY and you produce a wuko. So, big up to CZ. We are jumendi on CZ. Anyway. Sinjosa, mi nukoma pereko EOC. Delikon ni menyamaza apo nisi kwen ya. We met Sema ni nia napa iku. You know? Video me fanyaon na director Danji. Yes. Yande wa me fanyaon piya church girl and most of my project is Christo and most of my projects here is Ufa nya. Director Danji, from SNAPHouse Media. Thank you so much for kavam mfu mfu mi li. Kari boasa mwe, na asawiyo Danji ni mi mi mi. Ima Allah, jamana nisi ya tu ni biyo. Pa re nini, to the video director maza. Big ups ya na maza ni ni per stress. Vii project ni nila takai toke veni naka. So nili kanaer apo for a week. Una skianja, 22 kukule, na kula na Rudi studio tu nendeleku edit. Thank you Sana for being, ma director miwa takangi iwa. So thank you Sana Danjifo, kumifanya kazi po. Na ondash na ususawa tu eni una kaku big up kimalizia. Ah, ma sushu isu ma social media pia. Big up to my wife, church girl, mazena kupenda sana. Weh. Febimeanza, februari isu the... Weh? Febimeanza. Benzi tumeskia. Weh. Jitari shi tarisha na kama ni kupileke out ma pema, tungo jifo 14. Anyway. Ime challenge nix. Big up to kilamze mo nyan na support muziki yangu. Benzi nime say ma make sure you follow me on social media at Benzi again everywhere. YouTube subscribe because there is more coming. Big up to kilamze mo nyan na support muziki yangu. Ma zi big up to DJ Euphoric for coming through kwa hi project ya dundo. Big up sana kwa ko. Everyone ma nyan na support. Thank you sana. God akubu bless. Well, thank you so much Benzi. Tenu kipata yu projektsi zingin empia. Pa pa pa pa. Ya zime. Apand yu home. Karibu. Tu me say ma about dundo. It's about time. We interact with each other. Nuki na palen. Share share share. YouTube ni... At Benzi again. Let's do it. Thank you so much Benzi.