My name is Melvin Levitsky. I am a former American diplomat and now professor of international policy and practice at the Gerald Ford School. I'm happy to welcome all of you all of you here today. May I begin by thanking the sponsors of this event, the Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy and the International Policy Center, the Wiser Center for Europe and Eurasia as well as the Wiser Center for Emerging Democracies. Those are the sponsors of the event. May I also thank personally Ron Wiser who is very active on the on the campus here in all around town for coming today. Ambassador, former ambassador to Slovakia and a integral member of our university community here. Well, I'm an old cold warrior. I came into the Foreign Service in the in the late 60s and then always wanted to be a Kremlinologist. It's what they're a sovietologist we call it. In fact a lot of times I still say US-Soviet relations. I can't get it out of my mind. But Russia and the Soviet Union and Russia have had a certain centrality in American foreign policy for many many years and especially during the Cold War when it seemed that our whole foreign policy was directed toward and around the relationship with the the Soviet Union at the time. Not surprising given the the fact that there were two superpowers both of whom had the capacity to destroy the other and we had concepts such as mutual assured destruction, missile gaps and the like and every administration has tried to have a kind of angle on this whether it was a whether it was through terminology or through description of policy. So if we think of the containment policy started during the Truman administration which had a kind of thread through our Cold War policy all during the 45 or so years of the Cold War rollback that is rollback the Communist tide if we remember this during the Eisenhower administration with John Foster Dulles. The Kennedy administration which had trouble dealing with the the Soviet Union with Nikita Khrushchev and experienced the Cuba Missile Crisis which taught I think the Kennedy administration had learned its lesson from other other more disastrous events that it had and then detente with Richard Nixon or relaxation relaxation of tensions and attempt to negotiate with our Cold War adversary and a full round of negotiations particularly on arms control but also in the in the cultural and economic side through the conference on security and conference on security and cooperation in Europe and then other administrations the Reagan administration with the evil Empire and then trust but verify an attempt to deal with that time President Gorbat Gorbachev and the emerging new open Soviet democracy of Soviet system of Perestroika and Glossnest openness. Clinton administration had a series of meetings at the vice presidential level an attempt to find a productive relationship after the after the Cold War. The second Bush administration that whose leader saw looked into the eyes of the Soviet leader and saw his soul which Margaret Thatcher had done a bit before because she said Gorbachev looks like a man that we could actually deal with all this by way of saying that this has been a central relationship and an important relationship for the United States and now the new administration as part of what I think is an overall policy of engagement has called its policy reset resetting our relations with the with Russia. See I was going to say Soviet Union with Russia. Well who could better explain and talk about this policy than our ambassador to Russia our current ambassador to Russia. John Byerly who is a career foreign service officer fluent in Russian and several other languages I might add we'll get to that later. Let me just mention a few items from his from his very distinguished career. This is a man who has had a focus on Russia and East European Central European relations during his career in the in the Foreign Service in the State Department and at the National Security Council. He has had three tours in the Soviet Union in the Soviet Union first but then in Russia first in the political section second as deputy chief of mission that's the number two person in the and the embassy. After that he served as ambassador to Bulgaria. His other overseas assignments were consular from political and economic fairs at the U.S. Embassy in the Czech Republic member of the Conventional Forces negotiations in Vienna and in his Washington assignments acting special advisor and Secretary of State for the new independent states which was early on after the breakup of the of the old Soviet Union and director for Russian Ukrainian and Eurasian affairs at the National Security Council. He's the recipient of numerous numerous awards. He also is a Michigander from Muskegon Michigan got his B.A. not here at Grand Valley State but studied Slavic linguistics here before smart people attracted him to other kinds of jobs and eventually into the into the Foreign Service. So and but but he I know from this from as a personal item that he is a big fan of the University of Michigan not only of the sports program but of the University as a university as a whole. Well and let me add a personal note here. I was ambassador to Bulgaria in the mid-80s and I heard about this young officer that was working for the ambassador in Russia. Got a little note saying this might be a good person to come bring to Sofia. That time our relationship with Bulgaria was probably as bad as it ever could be. It was during the Reagan administration and we saw the Bulgarians as sort of the toadies of the of Moscow. And so I said fine let's let's have this officer come you can work in the political section. We had a lot of issues at the time and that was John Byerly. He came after studying Bulgarian and I have to say retained Bulgarian which I certainly didn't do. I gave up after after a couple years saying I'm never going to come back to Bulgaria but I might go to Russia so I spoke Russian with the Bulgarian officials at the time. And then when I was asked to go back to the State Department to work for Secretary Schultz as executive secretary of the department I said John why don't you come back and he did again. Well since that time John has made his way brilliantly up the ladder to his current position which is one of if not the most important diplomatic post we have in the world. May I also add that John's wife Jocelyn is a very outstanding State Department Foreign Service officer formally when they were in Bulgaria worked as a public diplomacy officer in Bulgaria. A brilliant lady who because of ethics rules and the like had to go on a leave of absence I guess John will follow her when she becomes an ambassador later on become the steward of the residents. She's biting her time. In any case thank you all for coming and please join me in a University of Michigan welcome for Ambassador Russia John Byerly. Thank you Mel thanks very much for that for that warm introduction. I am really delighted to be back home in Michigan and back in Ann Arbor. I want to join Mel in thanking the Gerald R. Ford School Public Policy and the International Policy Center. I want to thank the Wiser Center for emerging democracies ambassador. Good to see you here today. I'm also very happy to be able to welcome my brother and sister today Joe Byerly and Julie Sugars and somewhat flattered that after 50 years of having to listen to me talk sometimes against their will at places like the dinner table where it was either go hungry or listen to John that they actually volunteered to come all this way here today. Some good friends of ours Scoob and Denny Ellins are here but most of all I want to thank Mel who really was something not something who was a mentor to me Woody Allen said famously that 80% of success in life is just showing up and I'm sort of living embodiment of that and I'm just glad for Mel because when I did show up there always seem to be a seat reserved for me and I really learned a lot about the art of being an ambassador from close observation of Mel and Joan. Joan where are you? Hey Joan. His wife Joan who were really two of the most gracious diplomats at as Mel said a very tough time in US Bulgarian relations. I spent a couple of formative years here in the 1970s as Mel mentioned studying Russian studying Russian literature with Carl and Ellen Dea Profer those of you who remember those Halcyon days of artist publishers and Slavic linguistics not too far from here and what we used to call the MLB I don't know if it's called the MLB anymore I see a few nods out there and it really was this time those semesters I spent at the University of Michigan which really brought me to the conclusion that a career in what we then called Soviet studies was probably something I needed to focus on and a lot obviously has changed since then the country that I first visited in 1976 as a student no longer exists the Soviet Union but as Mel mentioned and he's absolutely right the relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union the United States and Russia is still really of central importance to our interest to our national interest as a country and and I would argue to peace and stability in the world as a whole as well and I want to talk a little bit about that today 2009 the year we've just rung out was really a year of remarkable change and renewal in the US-Russia relationship and we used a single word to describe that change in renewal and that word is reset and so what I want to try to do today is reflect a little bit on what the reset entailed and what the Umbaba administration still sees as the areas in which it needs we need to concentrate our efforts as a nation vis-a-vis our relationship with Russia the past year 2009 that was my first full year as ambassador in Russia was quite a contrast to the atmosphere that I experienced when I arrived in August of 2008 as ambassador at that point the level of mistrust the level of suspicion and misapprehension was between the United States and Russia was as high as I had ever felt it since the worst days of the Cold War and I have been rowing this hoe as Mel mentioned for many many years below the levels of President Bush and Putin who did have a fairly good personal relationship there was almost no dialogue or discussion between our governments and the dialogue and discussion that existed was marked by a tone that was often belligerent by a dangerous level of misunderstanding on both sides of each other's motivations or even point of view but in my experience and the experience of those who study Russia and the Soviet Union for a living bear this out is that this is a very cyclical relationship there are times when the disagreements between Russia and the United States are dominant and there are other periods in which the points of agreement or are more powerful than the things we're arguing over and Mel mentioned some of those a bit earlier on so even after Russian troops went into Georgia in August 2008 even as the relationship at that point deteriorated to what I think was really one of the most dangerous levels that we encountered since the end of the Cold War it was still pretty clear to me that we would need to come out at some point and repair the damage and start to restore what had been broken in the US-Russia relationship because this relationship is really too important globally for us to allow it to have a luxury of letting it lie around and disrepair for very long and that's true historically if you go back through the years and look at the US-Russia relationship we had to do the very same thing in the 1960s after the Cuban Missile Crisis and that resulted in a period in which we began to come up with the first arms control agreements the first recognition by Russia Soviet Union at that time in the United States that we had a larger responsibility to manage this relationship so that never again we would bring the world to the precipice of nuclear war even in the midst of the all the ideological antagonism of the Cold War we had as Mel mentioned and many of us remember the period of detente that really made possible the real arms control agreements salt one salt two some of which were continuing the legacy of which we're continuing to work on today and obviously at around the middle of the 1980s we had a period when much suddenly became possibly between the Soviet Union and the United States due to the policies of perestroika and glasnost espoused by Mikhail Gorbachev so the efforts of the Obama administration to reset the US-Russia relationship by what argue has a fairly well-defined historical precedent now I'll talk maybe in more detail about the status and the substance of the reset in just a moment but first I just want to try to set some of the context for for really why any of this matters at the end of the day because we don't seek to improve the US-Russia relationship just to make us feel good or for its own sake a productive constructive relationship between the United States and Russia is essential for the national interests of the United States there was a bipartisan commission last year headed by former Senators Gary Hart and Chuck Hagel which concluded that there were few nations in the world that could make more of a difference to the American national success than Russia and I would point to just three reasons quickly why why that's so the first relates to our strategic survival interests and this is a shared existential interest we have with Russia we remain the world's only nuclear superpowers together we possess 95 percent of the nuclear warheads on the face of the earth and for that reason alone Russia can't be ignored Russia can't be marginalized and Russian support is essential to us especially at a time when the proliferation of nuclear weapons and nuclear materials is a growing global danger so that's the first existential reason that all of this matters secondly basic geopolitics Russia is a major international power bordering on 14 different countries bordering regions like Asia Europe in the Middle East whose futures are vitally connected with the interests of the United States Russia is a permanent member of the UN Security Council and thus it has an influential voice in the most crucial diplomatic decisions that are taken in the world from Iran to North Korea to more modern threats like the efforts to fight piracy on the high seas to extremism in places like Afghanistan and Pakistan if there is a an executive committee or a steering group out there making the major decisions in the world Russia is definitely a member of that group so that's the second reason basic geopolitics the third and increasingly important is economics our countries prosperity's are increasingly intertwined Russia is the largest producer of gas and oil in the world now they outstrip Saudi Arabia on a day-to-day basis in production of petroleum and America as we know is the largest consumer of energy on the planet 40 percent of the natural gas that's consumed in Western Europe comes directly from Russia so Russia has and will continue to have a very large role in how energy is produced and how it's distributed in the world and the geopolitics of the energy equation will be pivotal to determining how stable a world we live in in the 21st century Russians are also doing business in the United States and vice versa this past summer I helped the chairman of PepsiCo open the largest soft drink bottling plant in Europe just outside of Moscow the year before in 2008 even amidst all of the friction of the Georgia invasion and its aftermath I joined President Medvedev and helped him open a General Motors plant in St. Petersburg before the crisis hit Russia had become the largest car buying country in Europe larger than Germany and when the crisis ends it will be again even if you factor in the last 14 years of economic downturn which hit Russia quite hard and I'll talk about that later American companies are still enjoying an incredible 10-year run of growth and prosperity taking advantage of the business opportunities that exist now in Russia taking advantage of the growth of what looks like a middle class for the first time in Russia Russia historically never had a bourgeoisie you have the beginnings now of a middle class with all of the social implications for that and American companies are taking advantage of that and finally Russian investment in the United States especially that that started before the crisis has created or saved thousands of jobs especially in the steel industry and you need only drive a little bit down 994 Dearborn to the old Rouge plant to see a very good example of that against this backdrop so there's a three crucial reasons why I would say this relationship matters and we've got to get it right but another point to keep in mind and we were talking about this with some of the students today is that today's Russia is not the Soviet Union and many Americans still conflate those two and don't realize what changes have taken place in Russia it is a far different country than the country I first visited in 1976 as a student or where I served as a diplomat in the 1980s Russia is now more connected with the rest of the world than at any time in its history and connected with the United States and you need only talk to the Russian students who are studying here at the University of Michigan who I meet every time I come here to be confirmed to be convinced of that fact the most conspicuous evidence of this change really a revolutionary change in Russia is the fact that Russians are traveling more than ever in 2008 Russians made 36 million trips abroad outside Russia that same year almost 200,000 Russians came to the United States that was a record including 32,000 students who came during the summer just to work on the famous summer work and travel program and you probably ran into some of those kids when you went up to Mackinaw Island or Bell Isle serving you or cleaning your rooms those kids come they add to our economy they see what America has to offer they go back to the United States they spend the money they buy a car excuse me they go back to Russia and what we're finding is the kids who take part in that program for three or four years learn about enough about the United States that many of them enter grad school here in the U.S. on their own dime Russians are getting used to freedoms basically that they didn't have before it's Russia is one of the top 10 countries now in internet use a third of Russia is now online and unlike in China there's no censorship of the internet in Russia and the pervasive fear that mel and i and many of us remember as the light motif of existence in the Soviet Union is pretty much gone now an entire generation has grown up being able to read and say whatever they want now that's far from the whole story and i'll have more to say on some of the uh more worrisome democratic trends in Russia overall but my point is that we're no longer dealing with totalitarian levels of repression so that i hope sets some of the context why we need to work to have a better relationship with Russia and why we can have a different relationship with Russia than we did have with the Soviet Union the reset is just a means to build that more productive more constructive relationship so that we can serve our own interests it's about identifying pragmatic ways that our countries can work together to advance our respective interests which we find when we sit down to start working are often common interests and while we have significant differences and we'll continue to have differences on a number of important issues i'll talk about those russia and the united states being two very large countries are bound to have a different welton chow from time to time president obama and president medvedev have basically agreed that we can make a lot of progress by focusing first in the areas where our interests and objectives are the most closely aligned and build back some of the trust some of the confidence that i talked about having been lost over the last seven eight years for many reasons for for many reasons many of which come out of russia and aren't the fault of any administration and this effort really does start at the top it starts between the two presidents who spent a lot of time together in 2009 almost eight or nine hours in various groupings either at the negotiating table or having dinner together or talking on the phone i was with them for very many of those hours and i saw that these are two men who have fair amount in common they're both law students they're both law professors actually both relatively young they're both very open to new ideas technically they're very savvy both plugged in medvedev has his own blog now in russia and most important they're open to a vision of how you can and how you need to modernize institutions to prepare them for all the changes that we've already seen in the first decade of the 21st century and the ones we can't even foresee on the horizon the two of them met for the first time in april and in the first declaration the final declaration that came out of that meeting in london they made a commitment to try to move beyond the old habits of confrontation and the cold war and to make a fresh start in the relationship now to be fair many u.s presidents have come to power declaring the cold war is over we're going to make a fresh start with russia what president obama and president medvedev determined was that more needed to be done structurally to ensure that that could actually happen so it would go beyond whatever good relationship the two presidents themselves uh came up with and so they agreed that president obama would come to moscow in july and he spent three days there in a full-blown summit uh on a broad agenda of concerns meeting not only with president medvedev and prime minister putin but also with civil society and business leaders so that obama could get the best understanding of the situation in russia and try to understand not just from the leadership but from others in the russian elite and russian business where the areas for potential cooperation common interests lay and at the end of that meeting they issued joint declarations on reaching a follow-on agreement to the strategic arms reduction treaty which we're working on right now uh cooperating to assist nato in the united states in afghanistan which i'll talk about and addressing bilateral and global nuclear security questions these agreements really reaffirmed that washington and moscow share some common definitions of what the problems are out there and agree in large part on how we see the world doesn't mean we don't have disagreements but in large part uh especially on the major nuclear and extremist terrorist challenges we have common a common view and at the end of the day i'd say the recognition was when you add it all up there still is a lot more that unites americans and russians than divides us now to bring that down to a level of detail uh talking about the specifics i would start by the strategic military nuclear relationship between the two countries which is really of primary existential importance as i said there are a lot of pressing issues on the bilateral level that demonstrate uh the improved climate of cooperation between the two countries but i would really point to three in particular and the first is the need to conclude a new strategic arms limitation treaty reduction treaty actually see i've dated myself there by calling it salt when it's actually start uh this would be the follow-on to the start treaty that expired in uh december and the fact that we possess 95 percent of the world's nuclear arsenal gives the united states and gives russia a unique global responsibility to reduce the risk that these weapons pose not only to ourselves but to the world as a whole if they were to fall into the wrong hands reducing nuclear arsenals and strengthening safeguards against proliferation are the highest foreign policy policy priority of the obama administration and russia's cooperation there is really essential to our success now we had hoped i had hoped that i would be uh celebrating the signing of the start treaty at this uh event today but we worked very hard on it to the end of the year and we didn't quite get there uh the technical details are very complex the idea that you can really negotiate a follow-on treaty on nuclear reductions in six months was ambitious we set a very ambitious goal but we didn't quite make it nonetheless there's very broad agreement in both governments from the very top that we have to reduce the arsenals below the levels we agreed in the last agreement and there's a lot of political will on both sides in washington and moscow from the two presidents from prime minister putin to make this happen work is really continuing almost non-stop now in geneva discussions in copenhagen between the two presidents on the margins of the climate control summit brought us closer together so i'm convinced really that by the end of this month we'll have reached agreement and i expect and hope very much that we'll have a signing of that document sometime if not the end of this month then certainly in february and this is important really again for a global reason the whole world is watching us if we the two largest nuclear powers the remaining nuclear superpowers can agree to reduce our arsenals then we're setting an example and we have a better standing to urge others to join us to reduce their arsenals and control their nuclear weapons and materials as well so that's the first issue the second area of special interest and focus for the u.s russia relationship in 2009 going into 2010 is non-proliferation we have really reaffirmed that we have this shared responsibility to reduce the levels while safeguarding the peaceful use of nuclear energy and both presidents issued a joint declaration at the july summit that we would work together to make further progress on this drawing on the 17 years of cooperation that we already have under our belts which destroyed tens of thousands of nuclear weapons that eliminated an entire class of nuclear weapons intermediate range nuclear weapons gone because russia and the so russia and the united states agreed to eliminate them both the u.s and russia now confront trans transnational terrorists and criminal groupings which are intent on getting their hands on some of this nuclear technology on trafficking in it and of course there are regimes that pursue nuclear weapons under the cover of peaceful nuclear programs as we know president obama and midvedev committed themselves to the global initiative to combat nuclear terrorism which was actually started under the bush administration in which now unites 75 countries we agreed that we would strengthen un provisions to prevent non-state actors from obtaining material and technology related to weapons of mass destruction and as you may know this year the united states is playing host both to the review conference of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty and a standalone nuclear security summit which will take place in the spring in new york which president obama called for in a speech he made in prog last year in these two international forums the united states and russia need to showcase the fact that we are cooperating and not arguing about these things anymore otherwise we don't have a prayer of making any progress with the rest of the world set aside iran and north korea but which i'll talk in a minute we've also seen fresh cooperation through existing multinational policy and action groups and institutions to address the specific challenges that are posed by nuclear security by iran and north korea and as further evidence that the reset is actually paying dividends the position of russia and the united states vis-a-vis iran and vis-a-vis north korea has never been closer than it is right now the united states as you know remains gravely concerned about iran's nuclear program about iran's nuclear ambitions and we have worked very closely with other partners through the un through the international atomic energy agency to develop a package that would demonstrate to the iranians that the international community respects its right to a peaceful nuclear program provided that iran complies with its obligations under the nuclear nonproliferation treaty and through this past year russia and the united states have partnered together as never before cooperating to develop a very creative proposal that would have brought 1200 kilos of the enriched uranium that the iranians are working to stockpile and thereby slowing down the nuclear clock towards development of a weapon that we're all concerned about unfortunately iran has not responded positively at all to this but not because of anything that russia did russia is in many ways as annoyed and frustrated by the recalcitrance of the iranians as we now are and for that reason we in russia are now working on a new tougher round of sanctions against iran which we hope again will dissuade them from what we think is their ultimate aim here similarly the u.s and russia are working closer than ever in the six-party process that's aimed at the complete and verifiable denuclearization of the korean peninsula the north korean nuclear ambitions russian support was absolutely critical this year when the un passed a sanctions resolution which was the single toughest sanctions revolution to ever resolution to ever come out of the united nations and russia joined us and made no effort at all to water this down our special envoy ambassador steve bosworth passed through moscow in december after his most recent trip to north korea to brief the russians on what he'd learned and to work together to consult a bit on how we go forward in keeping the americans the russians the chinese the japanese and others together in delivering a common message to pyongyang to the north koreans a third area of cooperation that is really essential is conflict resolution and that includes helping defeat al-qaeda restarting the negotiations between the israelis and the palestinians and reinforcing the principle of sovereignty and independence and the territorial integrity of all states we are working effectively now with russia with france and other european countries to try to resolve the frozen conflict between azerbaijan and armenia again we and the russians tactically have never consulted or cooperated more on this issue in my experience these are all unheralded unheadlined results of the reset russia has also shown its support for our efforts and nato's efforts to build a stable afghanistan that doesn't harbor extremists russia obviously has a pressing interest there since it's a much closer neighbor of afghanistan than we are and russia's concerns are even less about terrorism and more about opiates more about drugs coming out of afghanistan and contributing to what has been an explosion of drug use and related hiv aides in russia directly related to what's happening to the instability in afghanistan so during president obama's visit to moscow in july he and president medvedev actually signed an agreement whereby russia gives its consent to the overflight of american military transport planes across russian airspace carrying troops and lethal military equipment to help us resupply our forces and nato forces in afghanistan unprecedented and a signal of the fact that russia sees its interests in helping the united states and helping nato defeat a common goal in afghanistan more importantly than it sees the need sometimes to control what happens in central asia or control everything that passes through its airspace it's a very very important decision which is going to help us do what president obama said is job one for us and that is get the upper hand and win the fight eventually in afghanistan so those are three strategic areas in which the reset and the desire for a better relation between the united states and russia is really starting to pay some dividends or has prospects to pay dividends if you move on from that strategic picture it would be almost impossible to discuss the last year without also mentioning the growing economic and business relationship between the united states and russia i referred to that a little bit earlier even amidst the economic downturn in both of our countries during his july visit to moscow president obama stated the simple fact america needs a strong and prosperous russia to be a partner with us and quite simply good political relations between the two countries are necessary but they're not sufficient to have a stable relationship we need a solid foundation of trade and economic relations that can serve as something of a shock absorber as we go through these inevitable cycles of political agreement and disagreement now i already mentioned some of the many american companies that are well established and i would say even thriving in russia creating jobs and opportunities back here in the united states and and also contributing to their communities in russia through their accent on uh corporate philanthropy an issue which russia doesn't have a strong tradition of despite the crisis american companies in 2009 continued to open or expand plants in russia in addition to the pepsico clan i mentioned i went to the opening expansion of a major alcoa plant in russia guardian glass and craft foods opened or made major expansions in 2009 and u.s. companies high-tech companies like motorola hewlett packard sun microsystems corning google are all established in russia and they're all helping support those russians who want to modernize and innovate the russian economy in a way that certainly answers our interests and increasingly american companies are investing in russia also to tap into what is or at least was until the crisis a more affluent growing russian market on the global marketplace microsoft for example announced that it would invest 300 million dollars in russia over the next three years and established technology center in november in which russian scientists and microsoft engineers are partners intel has about a thousand engineers in russia working on research and development of advanced computer technologies we are dealing with a highly literate highly mathematically and scientifically inclined population american companies have figured that out and they are tapping into that in a way that helps the russian economy grow in the right way but also helps our economy very very much cisco systems has invested millions of dollars in a joint venture capital fund that's investing in russian high technology startups it's basically an investment fund ge has done the same thing but the best example for me is bowing bowings investment in russia is a very good example of how u.s investment in the high-tech sector is win-win pays dividends on both sides when secretary of state clinton came to moscow in october we went with her to the bowing design center in moscow it's the largest center for computer aided design of aerospace structures in europe and russian engineers who were working for bowing and have worked for bowing in this facility for the last 10 years helped design the aerodynamics of the bowing 787 dreamliner which recently had its maiden flight in december in seattle and all of the titanium in that dreamliner that new 787 is coming from a joint venture production facility with the russians in central russia now all of this level of trade and investment activity is obviously good for us and it's paying dividends but it's remarkable also because in many ways russia is still a very tough place not an easy place to do business the combination of bureaucratic administrative obstacles intertwined with the pervasive corruption in russia especially at the local and the regional level still constitutes a pretty significant risk premium for american investors american businessmen who want to enter the russian market or grow their businesses just look at the swedish company ikea which has had phenomenal success in russia over the last 10 years opening exactly the same kind of furniture stores that they operate here selling to that russian middle class ikea made a statement the middle of 2009 saying they're suspending all new investment in russia and they had a lot of significant investment on tap because simply they're tired of dealing with corrupt local and regional officials this should be a wake-up call us meat and poultry exporters are very much in the same boat the biggest exports that we have to russia are meat and poultry pork in particular but exporters face constant pressure from protectionist forces inside russia which want to build walls and keep our products out to the detriment of russian health and the russian economy since our protein our chicken is cheaper and more protein laden than theirs but this is one of the reasons why another priority for us is supporting the entry of russia into the world trade organization very very difficult to do there have been some backsliding over the last year but nothing no single action will drive economic reform deeper into the russian system than joining the wto nothing will do more to help us benefit from the free movement of goods and services that makes all of our economies more strong more prosperous and more stable let me just talk briefly about another couple of promising areas i want to leave some time for questions here another promising area in the us russia partnership in the 21st century is one that ambassador levitzki that mel knows a lot about and that is law enforcement on a global scale fighting organized crime cybercrime piracy counter narcotics human trafficking and other forms of lawlessness that don't respect international borders and here again there's a lot going on below the headlines that just doesn't get the publicity it needs for instance the fbi and the russian fsb this is the successor to the kgb are cooperating effectively now to cooperate to combat cybercrime there's a plague of credit crime credit card fraud that's come out of russia and washed over part of the u.s banking sector that the fsb and the fbi are working hand in glove to overcome the idea that the fsb successor to the kgb and the fbi can cooperate on anything makes my head spin from time to time but it is a fact america and uh and russia are also working in the drug front the american drug enforcement administration and russian customs last year partnered on a major seizure of drugs in the harbor of st petersburg was actually cocaine from uh south america and russian police and immigration officers recently carried out a joint prosecution of an american citizen who was running a sex trafficking ring in russia using orphans these are areas in which we share the same values with the russians believe me we're also cooperating to address public health issues russia faces challenges as i mentioned battling hiv aids and drug resistant tuberculosis in july 2009 i signed an agreement with the russian ministry of health on cooperation in public health and medical science and under this agreement already us and russia experts are working to strengthen russia's efforts to combat disease to promote healthy lifestyle less drinking less cigarette smoking and improve health care for mothers and children the us and russia face similar environmental challenges we've got mutual concerns about the threat of pollution about climate change about the depletion of natural resources and biological diversity i'll give you just one example here illegal logging hazardous waste and pollutants in the arctic dramatically affect both indigenous russian and american alaskan populations if we're not cooperating with the russians in that arctic region we're only doing half the job and this year the u.s agency for international development and the ua and the russian forest service signed an agreement to strengthen cooperation and sustainable management of forests through 2013 this is a very big contribution to the global fight against climate change because russia is the most heavily forested country in the world and protecting those forests will do a lot to help us battle the the carbon challenges that we're going to face in this century a final word about exchanges we have reached now the end of the first decade of the 21st century that went by awfully fast and it's very clear that we can still do a lot more to exchange and share ideas between the two of our nations american russia have always been two of the biggest exporters of ideas and culture to the rest of the world and one of the best ways for russians and americans to share their insights to bridge their differences and to learn more about each other is through academic and scientific exchanges and we're not doing enough of it a lot of it is a resource problem we do go back to congress but there is increasingly ability to tap private sources of funding for this as well i have i'm living proof of the power of exchanges when i left an arbor in 1976 i went to russia on that student exchange and the value of that program in exposing me to the paradoxes of the soviet union changed my life i stopped studying slavic linguistics and started studying international relations and political science to help me unravel the riddle of the soviet union at that time i wasn't doing too well on those case endings in 16th century old church slavonic either so probably wasn't a bad bad choice for me but we need to increase and expand the exchange that we have with russia because there's still too little understanding between the two countries 65 percent of russians surveyed still think america wants actively is seeking actively to weaken russia to make it a weaker country for us a weak russia is really a nightmare especially a weak russia armed the way that russia is armed now in the neighborhood russia lives in but very difficult to convince the bulk of people who grew up in the cold war and have been fed a steady diet of anti-american propaganda through much of their lives so let me just talk briefly in conclusion about the next steps what's on tap for the reset in 2010 and 2011 one of the most promising developments of the past year one of the best two with the best things that the two presidents came up with with a new idea is actually an old idea and it's one that mel referred to and that's a bilateral commission between the two countries headed by president obama and president midget this was agreed at the july summit it was agreed there would be about 16 working groups under this presidential commission focusing not only on nuclear security or health but also issues like space cultural exchanges sports a whole range of issues to build a structure of interaction below the level of presidents the commission really aims to provide that structure that you need to have in the u.s. russia relationship especially in russia where a green light from the top sometimes opens the door in a way that are more decentralized bottom-up system doesn't doesn't need and this commission focuses not only on government to government contacts at a high level but it also strengthens the people to people and business contacts that already exist and helps expand them it encompasses as i mentioned sports education i left out drug trafficking energy the environment and much of the progress that we hope to achieve in the u.s. russia relationship over the next year will come as a result of the work in this commission the ultimate goal is a more multi-dimensional u.s. russia relationship that doesn't just depend on whether or not the two presidents or the two secretaries of state foreign ministers get along so all of that is a very positive very forward-looking picture of the u.s. russian agenda it's substantial it holds a great deal of progress but as i said before the u.s. russia relationship the reset in the relationship aims for progress not only in the areas where we have and can identify common interests or where the interests are at least easy to describe it also aims to get at those issues where we have to narrow our differences or our world views are somewhere somehow divergent and one of those areas in which we hope to be able to make more progress as we build trust back into the relationship is russia's relationship with its nearest neighbors the independent states of the former soviet union the former war saw packed nations of central and east europe the problem is that those states still feel under pressure from russia and from those people in russia who still measure russia's power the old-fashioned way by the degree to which russia's neighbors are weak and i would say that mosca's recognition of the disputed territories in georgia south the sedia and aprazia is a conspicuous example of this problem it happened after the russian invasion of georgia in 2008 and even though russia hasn't had a tremendous diplomatic success in winning other nations to that recognition i think only nicaragua and narau have recognized russia's made very very clear that it is not backtracking at its own recognition of these two parts of the independent sovereign nation of georgia this is part of what's big nev brzynski recently called i think very astutely an imperial nostalgia a russia a part of russia that defines russia's strength by how much it controls of the borderlands and how much it can push back against the united states in western europe as opposed to pulling with us on joint issues so where do we go we need to find a way to talk to russia about the sovereignty and independence not only of georgia but also of ukraine the other states of the former soviet union including the Baltics that makes clear that we do not accept any pretensions on the part of anyone in russia that russia enjoys a unique or privileged sphere of influence or sphere of interests in those countries the difficulty is there because many russians will take a long time to be convinced of that but we need to agree on the tactics to make this happen another area of legitimate concern and focus for us is russia's democratic development i mentioned earlier that in many ways russia has never been more open to the outside world and the russian people have never been more free to express their opinions or speak their mind and it's a real paradox that many of those russians in speaking their mind are quick to say that the russia that they live in is not the kind of democratic society that they hope to see when the soviet union fell apart because organized political activity is still closely controlled by the kremlin to make sure that the ruling party united russia enjoys something of a monopoly or at least enjoys no significant competition news broadcasts on the main russian television channels which is where most russians get their news are still closely controlled and monitored by the kremlin and russia as we know sadly is still one of the most dangerous countries on the earth to be a journalist we had a meeting in a graduate seminar with a woman from russia who works for novia gazeta one of the really fearless online and also print newspapers in russia and she said she has had four or five of her colleagues killed murdered in russia 16 reporters have been killed in russia since 2000 and only one of those murders has been solved that's according to the committee to protect journalists corruption in the russian government and especially in the judicial system as i mentioned with regard to investment is still rampant in russia as in many other countries of the former soviet union the transition to a freer and more democratic society that all envisioned in the early 1990s is not smooth it's not without setbacks it's not without backsliding but i lived long enough in what was a very morally bankrupt system the totalitarianism of the 1970s and 1980s when i lived in russia to know that there is no going back to that level of control and repression there's no going back to the worst excesses of the soviet union a system of a gulag that road back i would say is definitely closed off but the road ahead for russia is not completely clear and so for us our national interest demands that we maintain a productive constructive relationship with this country to ensure that her transition to a prosperous democracy the prosperous democracy that my russian friends in moscow tell me they deserve after everything they've been through in the last 20 years happened sooner to them rather than later a final thought secretary of state clinton came to moscow in october and she said in answer to one of the students who talked to her at moscow state university and asked her about the multipolar world she said we don't want to live in a multipolar world we want americans want to live in a multipartner world as global powers russia and the united states have interests in almost every problem that faces the world today as i've said from non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to the fate of polar bears in the arctic region and we need to have open creative minds looking for ways which we can learn from each other show some respect for each other when warranted and work together on behalf of our mutual interests as i've tried to stress there is a strong streak of pragmatism that runs through the u.s russia relationship going back far beyond the beginning of the cold war or even the russian revolution going back 200 years to one russia and the united states first established diplomatic relations and the current momentum surrounding the reset can be used to build a more productive a more cooperative relationship between the united states and russia and that'll be a great thing for our country and it'll be a great thing for the world and it is a great honor for me to be involved in that in any small way i am greatly honored to have been asked by president bush to take this job i'm very honored that president obama saw fit to keep me in the job and for as long as i am earning your taxpayer dollars i pledge to you every ounce of my creativity and my energy to try to make this important relationship pay dividends for all of you and now since i sense there is a great deal of experience and even expertise out there i look forward to the best part of this event for me and that's a chance to hear your feedback and your reactions to what i've had to say so that i as an american ambassador representing the american people can get it right thank you thanks so if you we have a microphone here please come up to it if you want to um you spent time talking about nuclear weapons in relation to north korea i didn't know ran i wonder if you could remind us how many nuclear weapons are in our friends in india pakistan and israel which of those five countries have signed a nuclear nonproliferation treaty and what's being done about these other countries thanks it is absolutely true that india pakistan and israel are acknowledged as nuclear powers some declared some not uh it's also a fact that none of those three countries signed the nuclear nonproliferation treaty and thereby thus they did not obligate themselves to maintain a strictly peaceful nuclear program in the way that the iranians and the north koreans did when they joined the nuclear nonproliferation treaty when they signed up to the nuclear nonproliferation treaty the dangers that the world faces from any potential nuclear capability in israel i would argue are less than those the world faces from a nuclear armed iran and you need only look at saudi arabia and egypt which existed coexisted uh with a great deal of equanimity over the years with a supposed israeli nuclear program but have only begun to talk about develop developing their own nuclear programs in response to see to what they see happening inside iran to me that is the probably single biggest litmus test of where the real threat from those nuclear programs lies so i'm a high-energy nuclear physics professor here or as professor i should say and uh i've been heavily involved with working in russia under the peaceful use of atomic energy agreement you probably know this was started by a speech by president eisenhower at the united nations in 1953 i think he waited until stalin died because he knew stalin from world war two and didn't expect much and this was i think one of the first agreements between russia and america after world war two and during the middle of the reagan era i think in 1983 all cultural and scientific agreements were canceled except this one then in 2002 just as we were shipping a four and a half tons of high-tech electronics to russia for our next experiment it was suspended and our equipment wasn't pounded and held for eight months what year was that oh two i'm sorry maybe i misspoke no you didn't i just want to make sure i got it right yeah well i probably said it wrong and this caused a lot of a lot of us a big problem and i think it really upset the russians a great deal because it was not suspended in 1983 in the middle of the evil empire crisis and it still hasn't been restarted is there any idea when it's going to be restarted it was a very inexpensive but mutually beneficial thing give me the name of the program again peaceful use of atomic energy eisenhower made a speech by that title the united nations in a few months later the international atomic energy commission was founded under the auspices the united nation and eisenhower and my history is not good i'm not sure who is head of russia at that time but they signed the agreement and since then it's been re-signed every five years by the secretary of energy or the atomic energy commission when in those days so it there was a lot of talk about it oh it's kind of getting to be um just after obama was elected but as far as i can tell not much has happened i'm not familiar with that specific uh agreement i know we have a range of agreements uh falling under the cooperative threat reduction program that none uh that that known more popular popularly as the nun lugar programs uh that i referred to when i said we've had 17 years of success in lowering the nuclear threat destroying weapons but also in safeguarding and securing nuclear materials and making it possible for there to be more peaceful use of nuclear materials in places like radiological centers and hospitals uh i think also one of the most promising areas for the united states russia and other countries to cooperate on peaceful maintenance of nuclear stocks is the idea of a nuclear fuel bank where countries which desire to have enriched uranium for their peaceful nuclear power plants don't even need to develop it or enrich it themselves they can simply go to a bank of this material which is held in russia and russia's building facility right now that we're supporting or eventually some other country and this reduces helps us reduce the proliferation uh risk from the transfer transfer of this material thanks very much well as i'm sure you're aware uh bledmer putin has made several authoritarian gestures within russia such as shutting down tv stations arresting russia's most wealthy businessman and yet he still maintains approximately a 70 percent approval rating i'm just wondering does that authoritarian movement worry you at all as far as the future of democracy goes as far as the future of united states russian relations and the reset it does i mentioned that russia's democratic development is uh not of marginal importance to the united states uh it is extremely important for us to understand that russia intends to develop and cultivate the core freedoms that we see as part and parcel of a strong prosperous society freedom of speech freedom of political association freedom of the media and a judicial system which actually responds to the people and is accountable to them at the end of the day as i said it's not a clear straight path and when we see deviations from that path when we see pressure against independent media when we see peaceful demonstrations in russia broken up through violence when we see peaceful people like liudmila alexaeva an 82 year old human rights activist that mel and i knew in the in the 60s in the 1970s when we see her thrown in jail we have a lot of concern as to whether or not russia really intends to build that kind of society which we at the end of the day know we can trust and partner with when i was uh nominated to be ambassador in my statement at the confirmation hearings in the senate i said that russia's capability and willingness to build the institutions of civil society of a democratic polity will be the i don't know will be the signals to us that we're dealing with a russia that over the long term we can build a stronger partnership with and i was criticized by that by some russian officials who said you're lecturing you're telling us what way we need to build our society all i was stating and all i state is what i think is an elementary fact that societies which respect the rights of their people and governments which are ultimately accountable to the will of the people are stronger in the long run and stronger partners is what we need in the 21st century not weaker ones oh yes ambassador um how do you see uh russia's role in the world politically economically um and also the relationship with the united states changing um with the relatively new rise of india and china as great powers as uh with their growing level of economic and military importance uh it it is i think an indication that this is an extremely complicated world and that certainly the bipolar model that existed through the cold war and maybe even immediately after the demise of the soviet union no longer applies that we're dealing with the rise of countries like india like china which will be significant stakeholders in the in the international system in the 21st century and which are demanding a bigger say in how the world is governed in the 21st century and the fact that we've moved from the g8 or g7 which included russia but didn't include uh china didn't include india to a g20 which is much more inclusive of the major world economies i think is a recognition of the fact that we need to evolve that we need to take a look at the the power relationships that served us fairly well or at least were familiar to us in the 20th century and explore how those can be restructured so that we can both confront and resolve some of the most pressing challenges that are facing us in this century ones that didn't even exist 20 years ago for instance cyber crime okay thank you ambassador for oh this is not working sorry about that thank you for your beautiful inspiring speech and um very comprehensive it was very enjoyable i have two questions one is regards to ukraine and upcoming elections okay we'll try to turn the microphone on otherwise i'll have to repeat how is it now no it's there is there is a there is a hello abc one two three no okay well just just ask me a question and i'll summarize it for those who didn't hear i'll ask a question as loud as i can or here i'll tell you i'll take this off yeah and you can just carry this be careful because i don't worry i used to work i used to work to you oh yeah there you go is it on sorry okay sorry okay back to where we were you're about to stay in your job as an ambassador okay i think i will okay so um i have two questions one is regards to the upcoming elections in ukraine and the how much weight and how much lever does united states have in ensuring the more or less democratic elections and whether the united states are willing to pull those levers in case the rush is a silent silent partner behind anti-democratic and anti-western candidates are using for today benefits so what is america can do what can america do in order to remove the silent partner out of the picture it's the first question and second is unrelated to politics it's about the arctic circle exploration of the ocean floor and russian's claims very imperialistically um they consider themselves and owners of the yet to be discovered deposits of energy and carriers and fossil fuels thank you with regard to the ukrainian presidential elections which are coming up uh january 17th and what can the united states do to ensure uh let's say a favorable outcome there i think what we can do is what we're doing right now we're supporting those ukrainians who are determined to ensure that those elections are conducted fairly and represent the will of the ukrainian people uh we in the united states have made very very clear that we support a fair and open process we do not support individuals as the desired outcome of a process we will have a relationship with whatever president of ukraine the ukrainian people in the end agree to elect if it is a free and fair election and there is a great deal of international observation going on right now and a great deal of internal uh ukrainian monitoring as well to make sure that those elections are conducted in a free and fair way we will deal with the outcome of that election and frankly uh a free and fair process means an absence of undo outside influence in the leadout to the election as well not simply the fact that the polls are conducted fairly on election but that the media environment that the ability of opposition candidates to have access to the media and have access to campaign rallies and the people is is respected and my feeling is that until now we are the united states is fairly happy with the level of competition that we've seen take place in ukraine the outcome of the election again to be determined and we will deal with whatever emerges from that because we have a very important stake in an independent sovereign strong ukraine as much as we do an independent strong and sovereign russia uh with regard to the arctic shelf and the claims on the part of some uh in russia uh that uh verge on territorial i think our view on that is that we have a lot of work to do with russia on the scientific front to ensure that we understand what's happening in the arctic regions now with with respect to the effects of climate change uh the russians have at least as much interest as we do in this there are some people who argue somewhat frivolously i think that russia has a stake in global warming because it increases the amount of arable land in russia uh my discussion my discussion with russian scientists and russian leaders is that they're very concerned in understanding what the effects of global warming are in their northern regions since russia is an arctic country and we are very very much focused on the scientific cooperation that could give us both a better understanding of that right now they're american scientists and russian scientists working in syberia drilling down to an ancient lake uh which had been frozen in the permafrost for centuries to actually discover what the earlier cycles of warming and uh and uh freezing were that's the kind of a cooperation we want to focus on and i think we do a disservice sometimes by paying attention to those loud voices in russia that want to plant flags places uh because there's really no practical effect to that at all stand up stand up please come talk to this to this one a reduction in emphasis in american universities with regard to russia in the former soviet union countries and a shift away toward uh arabic languages for example and minimizing in reduction in reducing um departments in um the russian language for example yeah i actually watch that uh fairly closely and we're looking at that in particular in the working group the presidential commission devoted to education and educational exchanges i think it's a natural uh maybe unfortunate but a natural consequence of the end of the cold war when russia when the soviet union was central to the existential interests of the united states and that's simply less true now but what i think i hope i've tried to point out is that we still need a productive relationship with russia and there is still a great deal of misunderstanding if 70 60 70 percent of russians really believe that america wants to weaken uh russia then we've got a problem if the majority of american high school students think that the united states fought against russia in the second world war uh on the side of germany then we also have a problem there we there's a great deal of misunderstanding uh about these two great countries which share a kind of common destiny to topeville got it right in the 19th century when he talked about these two sleeping giants as we were then and the kind of cultural and educational exchange that we need to foster and frankly with the advent of great 21st century communications can do much more easily and cheaply now is not being tapped into enough i know that from my own experience and i can tell you only that we're determined to try to increase the level of interest and understanding on the part of american students vis-a-vis russia and vice versa get the luxury of one question you can answer the last one could i um i was struck by the uh if you read the new york times this morning about judmila alexieva there were a couple of quotes from russian human rights groups that struck me that lead me to this question um what they were basically saying is we have the elite the elite educated class in russia intellectuals this is a common thing in russia after all understand the need for democratic development what we don't have are 70 percent of the population that supports um actually the kind of strong arm politics that president putin has either instituted or sponsored at least allowed and so the the question becomes you know if we're for democratic development and the russian population seems more concerned about stability order economic well-being getting their pensions and that kind of thing what what what is it that the united states can do we've been sort of kicked out of the working with ngo's in many respects what is it that we are doing or what what plans do we have in this binational commission or whatever kind of institutions will exist well there is still a lot of work in terms of programs and projects that the united states is carrying out in russia to help bolster institutions of civil society non-governmental organizations human rights groups that hasn't stopped that work got more difficult over the last four or five years especially in response to the orange revolution in ukraine the rose revolution in georgia which some in in positions of power in russia saw as a us-inspired plot to weaken russia which led to something that some have called a kind of orange paranoia on the part of russian leaders and actually got them to criticize us funding for russian non-governmental organizations in a way that made those organizations drop not just american but western funding as well i think some of that overreaction i would call it is beginning to write itself and as i said uh we are still continuing through us a id to carry out programs that help russians who want to strengthen their society through stronger human rights non-governmental organizations to have the understanding of the wherewithal and the capacity to do that and again we do that not because we somehow want to weaken russia but because we're convinced and those russians themselves are convinced that they want a stronger that this will make their country stronger and i think we in the russians probably just need to do a better job of talking about that in a way that begins to get that at that 70 percent if it is in fact 70 percent of russians who still doubt that this somehow ultimately is a plus for their country these are people in that 70 percent who suffered a lot over the last 20 years who lost a lot of wealth and who in many ways are nostalgic for a kind of stability and predictability that the soviet union represented having forgotten a lot of the bad aspects of that and much of this has to do with public education public policy and outreach my abilities as a us ambassador to go on television speak russian gets at some of that but if we don't have russian leaders talking about the importance of those values and those standards uh it it will be a while before 70 percent goes down to 50 or even 40 last question the last question is about the east asia i'm from japan so i'm really concerned about the current security issues in the east asia as you said there are no school year or the major exercise of china so the historically the russia competed with the united states about their influence to their those regions as non-asian countries and my question is does russia still have an ambition to take a control of security issues on these relations or or are there less priority compared with other regions well i think you're right that historically the united states and russia sometimes have competed for influence in the east asia region in the pacific region but i see us really cooperating more uh than competing now through uh institutions like apex through the six party talks to dissuade the north koreans from their nuclear ambitions and i think the fact that china is rising now and will be a major world power already is and will be even stronger over the next uh decades really underscores the importance for russia of getting that equation right because when i talk to thoughtful russians they really admit at the end of the day that the expansion of nato is not the major threat to russian security in the 21st century they see a major challenge arising from china which is on their border with a huge population pressing into areas which are resource rich but population poor and russia's ability to have a productive relationship with japan with south korea and with the united states gives russia more leverage to help confront that challenge from a rising russia rising china which may not have aggressive designs on russia but just inexorably through the force of population growth and the lack of population in those regions will inevitably encroach on russian interests and russia needs a strong multinational relationship in order to have another lever to confront that challenge is the final word thank you all for coming on behalf of the wiser center since i have a foot in the wiser center as well and of the ford school and the international policy center thank you so much meant so many of the issues that we study in these in these institutions um have been raised in in the in your talk and in your uh in the answers to the questions as you had um to paraphrase but be more serious about this than the original quote i feel a little bit safer knowing that you're there in moscow sleep better at night but i say that seriously it is it is a real pleasure to see a trained career diplomat with that kind of knowledge of both the language the culture and the history of a country that is so important to us serving the united states in moscow and i think on that basis and for your remarks today let's all give ambassador john byerley


HBC Dodgers Radio welcome back. I'm your host, Jared Carter. We are privileged to be joined today by Dr. Clifford Porter. He is the vice president of institutional advancement at the Great Bethune Cookman University in Daytona Beach, Florida, here to talk about an innovative approach to philanthropy and fundraising at Bethune Cookman. As we know, the headlines have been very clear. Haven't been distinct about the universities facing some financial need and they're responding in kind. So it's really great to have Dr. Porter on this afternoon to talk about the umbrella kind of the umbrella descriptor for its philanthropic approach and the three unique programs that it'll have. So Dr. Porter, great to have you on today. Great. Thank you for the invitation and let me start off by thanking you for what you do for HBCUs around this country. Your voice has really been a strong advocate for our community and I just want to kind of give you your props to thank you for what you do every day. You're really far too kind, brother and I, as I always say, I prefer that to booing and being cursed out any day. So thank you so much for that. So this is a really innovative approach to fundraising. There is an overarching theme that Bethune Cookman has to face some of these issues, but there are three separate and distinct campaigns in which you're targeting different elements of the university community and stakeholders. Talk about the conception of this idea and how you were able to basically run three fundraising campaigns at one time. Well, the idea, which really was kind of out of necessity, we really looked at our donor base and really saw different categories of potential donors. While we have some folks who are retired and have settled all their bills, we also have on the other end of the spectrum younger graduates who are still paying back student loans but they all uniformly say that they would like to support BCU. And so our concept in building this campaign or this overall effort was to try to build opportunities for everyone to participate, whether they had large sums of money or if it was small sums of money that they could contribute on a monthly basis or a one-time basis. And so the shifting to a new foundation, which is the overall theme of our campaign, really is designed to put us in a position where our foundation is based on support from everyone. And many institutions, folks think they have to give $10,000 or $50,000, but the $25, $50 donations add up as well. And then we saw a great example of that when President Barack Obama ran. He raised millions of dollars and literally people were giving $20, $25. So we kind of took a page out of his playbook and then looked at some of the other opportunities that we could build for our donors. And I think we have an approach that literally people can kind of jump on the bandwagon wherever they fit. So the three campaigns all fall under this idea of shifting towards a new foundation. That's the theme of the campaigns, but there's a, the BCU brick campaign. There's a Narellez Club and then there's the I Leave You Love campaign. So can you give us a breakdown of all three of those approaches and whom they are specifically targeting for support? Sure. So the initial campaign was the brick campaign, which really is a one-time gift. And we have bricks that we're selling for $250 for a four by four, a 500, four, eight by eight, or organization can do a brick for $1,000. And so the idea here was to look at alums who attended BCU over the years who have a desire to give, but would also like to have a way to kind of memorialize their gift. And so these will be a permanent addition to the campus over on what we call the Quad. And so we'll unveil everyone that participates. We'll do a rededication over at the Quad during homecoming. Again, the idea here is mostly let's talk to our alums. We need to do something to support the institution. And this brick campaign gives them a reasonable way that they can do it as a one-time gift. Now the second piece that we're doing is what we're calling the I Leave You Love. And so this is where we're really pushing our alums to give on a consistent basis over the next year and hopefully for all the years to come in the future. So again, the idea here is to give 25, 50, 100, 250 bucks a month over the next 18 month period. And so we're looking there again, not just our alums, but we're looking at people in the community, friends of BCU who, again, may not have huge sums of money, but if you give 20 bucks a month and you do that for 12 months, you've given 250 to the school. I mean, it adds up very easily. And then the final piece, which actually the spinoff was something that we did last year, the Millionaires Club, we were looking to get folks who would give $1,000 or more. And that particular campaign, we're really targeting our vendors. We have a lot of churches around BCU that are supported by students attending and faculty and staff being parishioners in those congregations. And so this Millionaires Club really is to get, in particular, the vendors who are supported on an annual basis by BCU to come back and show their love. Dr. Baton has really been an instrumental person in the history of this country. And so we want to just kind of continue to build on her legacy. So these campaigns really comes from stuff that she did. People that know her history, I mean, she literally sold vegetables to make sure that the campus could continue to operate. And so no gift for her was too small. I mean, from those gifts all the way up to people like the Roosevelt who supported. So we just, you know, we took a page out of history and really wanted to build something that everyone could buy into. It's so interesting because every time I talk to students or faculty in different presentations, I tell them, no school is as tied to their founder as Baton Cookman is, where everything from students and alumni and faculty, that's all y'all talk about is Mary. And that's a beautiful thing. Is that something that you feel continues to galvanize folks, the idea of Mother Mary? And do you weave that into the narratives that you send out to help people or encourage them to give gifts? Absolutely. That is, that's the one thing that no one can argue about. You know, we may have differences on other things, but Dr. Baton's legacy is so rich. And so we absolutely try to intertwine that in every single campaign that we do. The I Leave You Love campaign that I mentioned earlier literally is taking from the pages of her last will and testament. And those who have read that, she leaves several things. They're all intangible things, but one of the main ones is that I Leave You Love. And so we're asking, you know, again, our alums to do what she did. Come back and show your love for the institution. And you know, unfortunately for many HBCUs, our alums don't really step up and support until it's almost too late or sometimes it is too late. And so we wanna, you know, say, hey, let's not wait till the last minute. Let's step up and let's see what we can do to make sure that Dr. Baton's legacy continues to move forward. There are a lot of HBCUs that are working to raise some substantial amounts. What is different, as you said, you guys are about a year out from this. Your goal is June 30, 2020, to raise about $7.5 million. What has been the feedback from your alumni students and faculty and staff, who by the way, we gotta give some appreciation to the faculty. I think that they were some of the earliest contributors to this campaign. They gave about what, $26,000 last week. Right, exactly. Talk a little bit about that. Talk about some of the reaction from your stakeholders. What have people said about this unique approach in having three separate areas where you can give in different ways? Well, you know, some folks have really been stunned by it to tell you the truth. And it's been, I think it's been intentional that we wanted to open this campaign up to everyone. Our feedback has been extremely, extremely positive. Like we said earlier, you mentioned the faculty and staff and their campaign, they're doing their internal piece called We Are Our Answer. That has been phenomenal. And so from our students who are getting involved in the I Leave You Love campaign, you'll see over the next few weeks that students are producing videos. They're doing audio pieces as well, telling their stories and asking for support. It really is becoming a groundswell that I think is at the end of the day is really going to be successful. I gotta be honest, I was motivated by what happened at Bennett. I was just really amazed that they were able to do what they did in such a short period of time. And so we want to get our folks to continue to move forward with us in this campaign. I mean, the problems that we have, many of our problems are based on financial issues. And if we can do this, it would go a long way towards helping us make the institution stronger. Are there lessons that you guys learned from Bennett at all? Because one of the fears that I had after Bennett was that there would be a fatigue of sorts, that people would say, we worked so hard to raise so much money and it didn't turn out the way that we thought. Do you find that some of your people are asking questions like that, or are there particular strategies that you learned from watching Bennett and its success over that kind of month and a half period? Well, one of the things that I've saw in their campaign that I thought they really did a good job of is that they made sure that the campaign was national. What we're hearing here locally is that folks want us to make sure we do the same thing. But then they're also, they're holding us accountable. They want to make sure that what we say we're using the funds for is actually how they're going to be used. And so we're going to make sure that at the end of this, we will do a report of what I'd like to call a return on investment report. So folks that have contributed will know how we supported students through scholarships. We're going to be looking to restore the endowment. We won't return everything to it through this campaign, but at least we'll start. And so I think for us, that's the flip side is making sure that we come back and transparent about what's happened with the funds that have been raised. I know it's tough because everybody at Cookman and it's the right thing to say, we're moving forward, we're moving forward. Do you ever have any individual or group conversations where people say, but yeah, how do we get here? And do you feel compelled to have to answer those questions or is it, hey, we stick to our talking point, we're moving forward, we know it's a, this is a really, it's a really unique time, but we got a plan and we're moving forward. Do you ever find that people say, no, no, no, no, we got to look back if you want some of my money? Yeah, yeah, we run into that almost on a daily basis. And the thing is many of the issues are things that have transpired over a period of time. Many of the, I guess the issues are not new issues. And so they won't have a resolution in, you know, instant returns if you will. But what we're trying to do is to show folks that in spite of whatever has happened in the past, we really have to put our stake on fixing those issues and then let's move forward. Quite frankly, a lot of things that happened in the past can't be changed, but we're trying to set a new foundation. And so that, you know, the theme of this campaign is, let's not focus on the past, let's focus on a shift to this new foundation that we believe will be more solid, that will be more sustainable and we'll keep doing cooking around for another century. You've had a really, a really distinguished career at a number of HBCUs. What is it about cookmen that you think makes this university at this particular time and even facing these challenges easy to sell or easy to sell to not only just a donor, but to the community to say, hey, believing us we're gonna be here and we're gonna be stronger on the other side of this. Well, you know, I think you hit on the point earlier, Dr. Bethune's legacy. That is such a rich legacy. If you look at, you know, all of our HBCUs, how many of them can say that they were founded by African-American female at the turn of the last century? It's almost unheard of. And for it to bear her name, and of course, you know, she has been selected as Florida's representative in National Statuary Hall, which will happen probably next year, early 2020. I mean, she started the UNCF, the National Council of Negro Women, Dr. Bethune's hands was in so many different things.  I mean, it really would be a travesty to allow all of her work to go for naught, even after 115 years. I mean, she really was a trailblazer of her time. And so the seminal portion of her legacy is this institution. And so being here at this time, I find that it is very, very easy. People in this country really respect legacy. And so that legacy that she has left for us is really like many of the founders of our HBCUs. They need to be cherished and we need to make sure that we maintain them. And again, it's something that everyone can do. It doesn't have to be a million dollar gift every day.  One of the interesting things about you guys Bethune Cookman is literally an anchor institution in Daytona Beach. And we talked about Bennett just a few minutes ago. In the two weeks or three weeks since you've launched these campaigns, what has your conversation been like with some of the business leaders, some of the churches? Have they given recommendations that they've said, hey, we're all in. You can expect a check coming at, you know, at this time. Well, I'll tell you, it has been very, very positive. We've had several churches who've already stepped up to the plate and made commitments. We've had business people to do the same thing. We just kicked off a couple of portions like the millionaire's club last week. And we've already started to collect donations from that. So the response has been very positive from an, you know, economic standpoint. Bethune Cookman has over a hundred million dollar economic impact in this community every year. To lose that is like losing a major industry. They just ain't meant about HBCU, so they understand, you know, this is not just about saving the HBCU. This is about helping to save this community because that kind of money being withdrawn for whatever reason if this institution wants to close, you know, the community can't afford to suffer that. So they get it and they stepped up to the plate. One of the really great things that you guys have done, and I give you a tremendous amount of credit for this, I know just in the last two weeks I've gotten maybe four or five emails about the campaign. I didn't even go to Bethune Cookman. I'm just in the media. So it suggests that you're getting this out really far and wide and the content is very compelling. It's very clear. It doesn't run away from what everybody knows, but it says here is a path that we have forward. Is that intentional in your end to constantly remind, it's almost, as you said, like a political campaign. You know, when you give to a political candidate, they email you every day.  Was that intentional to be that way? Yes, it has been. And you know, we need some positive press. And the thing is we have to create it for ourselves. You know, we have to talk to your outlet. We have to talk to our constituents all around the country. And so yeah, we've been very, very deliberate about making sure we get this message out through social media. We're doing mailers.  And that's kind of what we're doing. We're saying, hey, look over here, we need some help. And so that's kind of the idea. And of course, early in my career, I was a congressional aide and we did several campaigns. And the way you win a campaign is that you have to beat the bushes. So that's kind of what we're doing. And of course, our interim president, he has been instrumental in kind of pushing us and telling us that, you know, this is where legacy meets destiny. And so we're really working to make sure that everybody knows. And really, you know, Jared, I think that as an HBC community, we have to reach out to each other. We don't need to watch each other suffer. So today may be Patel Cookman's day, but next year it may be, you know, some other institutions. If we can support each other all the time, we can avoid a lot of these situations. And so I, you know, implore my brothers and sisters from other HBCUs that support us. We want to support you all as well. And, you know, Dr. Bethune, she had the foresight of bringing people together. You know, she was one of the forerunners for the UNCF in saying to the HBCUs, let's work together. And so, you know, again, we've been delivered. We've been very delivered in trying to make sure that the message stays out. And of course, we're trying to make things go viral. And 20 years ago, I didn't even know what viral was when I started my career, but, you know, I'm coming along, they're working with it. And so has Bethel Cookman. Brother, it's been a great opportunity to share this with you and with the HBCU community. Before we go, please let us know online, via mail, anyway, how can people get donations and gifts to you guys and more information about these campaigns. Sure, let me give you a couple of ways. So we have a text-to-give program. And for those of you that'd like to just go through your cell phone, if you would text loveBCU at, or two, four one four four. That's loveBCU to four one four four. Four four four, excuse me, I left one out. So loveBCU to four one four four four. Now, if you would like to be a fundraiser for us, you also can do this. You can text BCUteams, T-E-A-M-S, to seven one seven seven seven. That will allow you to just become a fundraiser for us. And then you can use your contacts through your cell phone and you can send it out to everyone that you know. And they can make a contribution to this campaign as well. And then finally, you can go and visit our website, vwildcatden.net, and all of the background material for our campaigns are there. And you can also click on the opportunities to give there as well. So we've tried to cover all the bases. And if you just want to do it the whole fashion way, just mail us a check to 640, Mary McLeod-Bethune Boulevard in Daytona Beach, Florida, three two one one four. We can do it that way also.