So, in this video discussion, we will be having an analysis of GS paper 2, the quality related parts of second paper of general study paper 2 of 2023 main examination. As you are aware, GS paper 2 has three parts to it. The first part deals with poverty, second governance and international relations. So, out of the total 20 questions that were asked, 11 questions were asked simply from polity and constitution. So, let us have an analysis of all those 11 questions. So, the 11 questions can be divided into four categories. Out of 11, three questions would come under a very first category of standard type of questions, which are simply there in Lakshmikanth. Reading your NCRDs in Lakshmikanth gives you answer for these three or four questions, right? So, I have listed those four questions here. The questions are those related to GST Act, the 101st Amendment Act. Then there was a question on parliamentary committees. And then there was a question on judicial independence, right? So, these are all simple questions. Simply knowing Lakshmikanth, NCRDs, and having attended your class lectures itself will be preparing you enough to adequately tackle these questions. And then there are questions where you know what the question is all about. You know the type of question, but if you would have read beyond Lakshmikanth, you have more number of points too, right? So, that would be the simple questions, but which require knowledge beyond the reading of Lakshmikanth. That would be category number two. And then there's a third category which has all the challenging questions. So, three questions this year I would fit under the challenging type of question. And then there are questions which are very open-ended. For example, the question that was asked about civil society, what was its participation in improving women representation in state legislatures. Nobody has any tangible points to write on the day of the examination. It's all about your peripheral reading that you have done. If you have been a wide reader, if you have gathered ideas elsewhere, maybe it could be from your discussion with your friends, it could be discussions out of test series that you have faced, or it could be simply newspaper articles. Some kind of peripheral reading can help you approach such type of questions. So, that would be the creative and open-ended type of questions. So, these are the different categorization of questions. And let's move forward and have a look at each one of them, each question and how you could have managed and what should be your line of answering for those questions. First, I'll start with the difficult and challenging questions in my opinion. The first three questions that I have listed here are the most challenging, right? Because it's a 15-month question. You have an idea about the question, but you don't type of questions, require wordplay. You have to have good skill of writing, so as to stretch your content, make it seem relevant, but at the same time, avoid monotony and repetition and boredom. So, to inculcate all such traits in your answer, that requires very good writing skills which get sharpened by your test series. Apart from that, how to approach a question like this? Account for legal and political factors responsible for reduced frequency of using Article 356 by Union government since mid-1990s. What is this mid-1990s? That was a period where a lot of changes happened in the Indian political setup, political arrangement. One, the Congress became so weakened in Lok Sabha as well as in Raji Sabha. So, in the center, the Congress was completely decimated after the era of Rajiv Gandhi. So, after that, during the coalition era of 90s, the central government had to be completely dependent upon the support of the states. So, that was one phenomenon which influenced the relationship between center and states, right? The center could no longer assume a high-handed approach towards the states. It has to bend down to the demands of the states. So, the center was forced because of a lot of changes happening in 90s. One of the changes, the lack of support that the center used to enjoy earlier in the central legislatures. Now, state governments have to come to their aid even in passage of bills because without the support of various regional parties, bills cannot be passed in Raji Sabha. So, that puts the center in a weakened position. It's no longer in a position where it can simply arbitrarily dismiss state governments. So, that is one change that we encountered in the mid-1990s. And added to that is the changing stance of Supreme Court with respect to the usage of Article 356. For a long time, the Supreme Court was reluctant to enter into questions regarding the use and misuse of Article 356. Let's say when the communist government of Kerala was dismissed in the year 1959. So, the Supreme Court was reluctant. The Supreme Court had never entertained challenges to use of Article 356 before until 1977. But it was only in the state of Rajasthan, which is the Union of India case, when seven states were arbitrarily dismissed by the usage of Article 356. For the first time, Supreme Court opened up questions of challenges to Article 356. Since then, the Supreme Court has been very wise in its dealing with states that have been affected by the misuse of Article 356. And the highest point of Supreme Court's jurisprudence was reached in SR Bombay case of 1994, which was actually a question involving the dismissal of the Karnataka, elected chief minister, SR Bombay, when his government was dismissed. So, he had filed a petition challenging the arbitrary dismissal. And the petition was successfully disposed of in the year 1994. So, that is the time period of 1990s. So, these are the points that you ought to be bringing in in your answers. Okay? So, when you write your answer in the body, since the question asks about legal and political factors, legal factors, basically it's dealing with changes in law, okay, and approach of Supreme Court, that is what is expected as legal factors, political factors, the era of coalition politics, and how LPG reforms have brought states on par with center. Okay, no longer is the license rat system existent in the 1990s. Because of the structural reforms that we have brought in, as a result of that, the center had to give out, give away its monopoly of license rat system, which it used to enjoy. Now, the states become equal participants. So, no longer is the center in the commanding heights to direct the states to take up a particular industrial enterprise or development agenda. So, such changes is what this question actually expects an aspirant to know about, right? So, the first, you give an idea about the need for Article 356. That could be your introductory opening statement. You can say that Article 356 was an emergency provision kept in the constitution, so as to deal with internal subversion of the constitutional machinery by the states. So, when Dr. Ambedkar had brought in these provisions in the constitution, he had expected Article 356 to remain as a dead letter, but his hopes were belied when its misuse became so rampant, right? So, all those factors can be brought in an introduction, so that it gives a sense to the examiner what are you addressing about in the body, right? Because it's that misuse which was prevented after 90s. So, you can give a hint to the examiner about the various instances of misuse that have happened before 1990s in the introduction. If you write that for two sentences, that makes for a fine introduction. Then go to the body of the answer, divide it into two parts. The first part is about the legal factors, legal changes that have happened as a result of which the misuse have decreased. First, you can talk about fine points of SR Bommay judgment, right? SR Bommay judgment had brought in clarity on what are the grounds of use and misuse of Article 356. And SR Bommay judgment had also laid out strict conditions that in case of non-compliance with these conditions, these grounds. In that case, the dismissed government will once again be even reinstalled back. All that acts as a very effective check on the center's powers to arbitrarily dismiss the state governments. So, that should be brought in as the first point regarding the legal factors. And in addition to that, as I told you, Supreme Court stands on questions regarding Article 356 has always undergone a change. In the initial years, 1960s and 70s, when Supreme Court was completely reluctant, okay, when the government of Kerala was dismissed, Supreme Court did not accept the petitions challenged. When the government of Orissa Nandini Satpati was the chief minister, when her government was dismissed and when that went to the Supreme Court. Supreme Court once again reluctant to entertain questions of Article 356. Because entertaining such questions would lend a very political color to the functioning of the Supreme Court. Hence, the Supreme Court was reluctant. But all that underwent a change in 1970s. In 77, when state of Rajasthan and other states were wholesale dismissed after the Congress government was formed in the center. That was the first time Supreme Court's jurisprudence started undergoing a change. It opened up questions of Article 356 to judicial review. So since then, and all those factors should also be brought in, in this answer as the legal factors that have undergone a change and because of which misuse of Article 356 has been prevented, right? So changing jurisprudence of Supreme Court, okay, what is this? In SR Mumbai case, right? Federalism was put forward clearly as a part of basic structure doctrine. So any action of the center that disturbs federalism and precisely misuse of Article 356 has the potential of disturbing federalism. So if it upsets the federal balance, the Supreme Court is forced to enter. And that is why this changing legal factor also contributes to misuse, to reduction of misuse of Article 356, this should also be brought in. And not only that, you can also indirectly mention that because of the evolution of the collegium system as a result of the second judges case and third judges case, which all happened in the 90s, because of which now the independent judiciary is also strictly safeguarded as a result of which executive interference can be avoided. So hence the Supreme Court can be more fearless and daring in openly entertaining questions without the fear of any political repercussions on its own authority, right? So all these can be brought in as the legal factors that have led to the reduction in the misuse of Article 356. And when it comes to political factors, as I've already told you, 90s was an era of coalition politics. It was more give and take. It was cooperative federalism at its best in 1990s. The center was no longer in a position to dictate terms to the states. In fact, the states are expected to work in tandem with the center in achieving mutual benefits for each other. So this changed scenario where the states have all become powerful. Regional parties have won a lion's share in the legislatures in the center in both Lok Sabha and Raji Sabha, because of which as Congress as a dominant central party has become weakened, has set to a phenomenon where states support is required for the center. So hence the center cannot arbitrarily dismiss the state governments like how it used to do earlier, right? So that change should be brought in as political factor and the LPG reforms, which have weakened the authority of center where the licensed control system of the center was done away with, where more powers and autonomy were given in the hands of the states. All that can be brought in as the political factors that are all responsible for reduction in the misuse of article 356. Moving on to the next question. So the constitution of India, it is this constitution of India is a living instrument with capabilities of enormous dynamism. It is a constitution made for progressive society. Illustrate with special reference to expanding horizons of the right to life and personal liberty. So 15 more questions we would write for at least two and a half pages, a 250 word answer. The question is very interesting because the actual demand of the question is here. Special reference to expanding horizons of right to life and liberty, right? This is the real demand of the question. So what does this phrase in this single and this double quote, what does it indicate? The constitution is a living instrument with capabilities of enormous dynamism. It is a constitution made for progressive society. So the expectation of an aspirant is, how do you interpret article 21, okay? And how do you bring out how article 21 has been interpreted in such a way? So as to, because it's only through the reinterpretation and creative interpretation of article 21, more meanings can be attributed to the meaning of the word life and liberty, right? So what kind of interpretations have made society more progressive in nature, right? So what do we understand by a progressive society? A progressive society is one which is tolerant of diverse opinions, which is tolerant of different ways of life, right? Which is not regressive, correct? Which militates against feudal beliefs such as patriarchy, casteist tendencies, exploitation of man over and other.  So any form of society which allows tolerance, which allows equality, which allows a humane treatment to fellow human beings, right? All that is what characterizes a progressive society. So just think about how has article 21 led to India becoming a progressive society. It's all because of the judicial activism of the Supreme Court because article 21 is very narrow in its reading when you just read it verbatim from the constitution. It only says, no person shall be deprived of his right to life and liberty except under procedure established by law, which is just two lines. And so there isn't any great meaning to it. But because of the activism, activities of Supreme Court, the meaning of article 21 has been greatly expanded to include a variety of rights under it, right? So some of these rights which makes our society more progressive is when responsibility is put on the shoulders of the state to ensure the livelihood of affected people, right? It makes the state more welfareist in its approach, right? So a state should not simply be a bystander when its citizens die of hunger and poverty because they don't have access to work. They don't have access to livelihood. Whereas if Supreme Court interferes and if it interprets as how it did in Olga Tellez, which is Bombay Municipal Corporation, Olga Tellez is BMCKS, it was decided that right to life also includes adequate means of securing a livelihood. It's only when you're able to earn your day's bread, then your life has a meaning to it, right? So that's how when the nature of the state is changed by Supreme Court's activism to become a welfare state in its approach, that is what makes a society progressive. So you can link Supreme Court's jurisprudence in Olga Tellez case, okay? By bringing in case laws, you'll be able to justify how India has today become a progressive state, right? That's one. And a progressive state, another character of progressive status when the state has a responsibility to get its citizens educated, right? Because if you're not educated in the 21st century, you are always at a relative disadvantage compared to another person who is educated. So that is why in order to give you a competing chance to give you access to opportunities, to climb up, you need to have access to education. And that is precisely what the Supreme Court has done in Unnikrishnan case, in which education was declared to be a part of right to life. So that creates a society where every member of the society is educated and that is what characterizes a progressive society. So this is a very creative question where these are my ways of interpreting how a society becomes progressive. You may have your own five different ways of how a society might become progressive. There is no one single points, some golden rule points to be written for, such kind of questions, right? Dignified confinement. There have been various cases in which the Supreme Court has entered article 21 to expand the rights of prisoners in Hussainara cartoon, which is state of Bihar, or Francis Corioli case, right? In all these cases, the Supreme Court has ensured that even prisoners under trials who are under confinement have right to dignified existence. They simply just because you are a prisoner, you cannot be confined in chains. You cannot be strapped in ropes and tied like an animal. Even in confinement, you have to be treated as befitting of a human being with all dignity. You should not be put in solitary confinement. You have to experience emotional nightmares and hallucinations.  That is why the Supreme Court makes the society more humanistic in its approach. It makes the society more humanistic by ensuring that even prisoners who have been outcasted by the society, right? Prisoners have been confined to cells. The society has actually outcasted them. But even for such people, the state was expected to have a very tender approach. Whatever makes a human life complete. For example, when prisoners inside the cells, they should be given books. They should have sufficient means of entertainment. They should have television facilities. They should have access to the outside world. All this is what makes the confinement of a prisoner more human. And no wonder it makes the society more progressive, right? So when you bring in such case laws like Francis Corioli case or Hussain Arar cartoon case, so you can justify how the society has become more progressive by expansion of the right to life and liberty under Article 21 by Supreme Court.  For example, homosexuality when it was decriminalized in Nautech-Johar case. So that has given us a very liberal outlook to what the society aspires for, right? So when homosexuality being criminalized was a Victorian age morals that we have just imbibed in the part of our Indian penal code. But it did not exist at all. Indian society has always been a very accepting, tolerant society towards homosexuality. If you go and look into the temple statues of Kajuraho and all those erotic temples, you find all depictions of homosexuality. There are accounts of Mughal rulers who have been homosexuals themselves. So in such a way, homosexuality was always something accepted and tolerated in the society. But because of this imposition of from the Victorian morals of Britain, so somehow we have decriminalized homosexuality, but now it is time to decriminalize it. So Nautech-Johar case can be used here to say how Article 21 has been used to create a very progressive society, which is very accepting of sexual orientation of individuals. So this is how you can justify an answer like this. And the question is, constitution is a living instrument with capabilities of enormous dynamism, right? So living instrument, which means it is capable of change. So how does the change happen? The change happens either to legislative action or through the interpretation of Supreme Court. So whatever I have written here is all about interpretation of Supreme Court because the question is about special reference to expanding horizons of right to life and personal liberty. That is why I have never brought in the other part of how society becomes progressive and how the constitution behaves as a living organism. It's not only because of Supreme Court interpretation, but also because of legislative action so that other part can be brought in in your conclusion. Because the body has to only be confined to discussion about Supreme Court's activism because the question is about expanding horizons and who can expand the horizon of right to life and liberty is only the Supreme Court by its interpretation. No wonder the entire body of the answer is confined to discussion on the Supreme Court. But that doesn't mean that merely discussing only about Supreme Court gives a complete picture of the answer. So that is why you can make a mention about the legislative actions which also adds to the constitution becoming more lifelike instead of a static, a very archaic document.  It is capable of change. So article 21A, right? Which has been introduced in the constitution which confers the right of livelihood. So such amendments to fundamental rights is what keeps the constitution alive, right? So those points can be brought in as a final word in your conclusion. So we move on to the next question. What is British and Indian approaches to parliamentary sovereignty, right? A 10-mark question. So you have to write for one and a half pages. It's a challenging question, because many students have made the mistake and there's a potential of mistaking it as simply a comparison between Indian and British parliamentary systems. That is not the question. It's about one specific aspect of sovereignty which is being questioned here. You have to make comparison between the sovereignty aspect between Britain and India. It's not about compare Indian functioning of Indian parliamentary system versus British parliamentary system. That's not the case. It's about how powerful are respective parliaments and are there limitations? If there are limitations, what is the source of those limitations? So it is only when you discuss on those lines, you make a very accurate comparison between parliamentary sovereignty as how it is practiced in India and in Britain, right? So introduction, you can simply talk about how our parliamentary system is greatly influenced by British parliamentary traditions. You can give some examples of that and the reasons for why we have framed our parliamentary system on similar lines as that of Britain. So that can form the introduction, maybe 30, 40 words. After that, you can get into the body of the answer and start discussing about the differences, right? The first is the source for sovereignty. Where does the power of respective parliaments arise from? For Britain, the power of the parliament, the supreme power of the parliament arises out of its own history. Britain has to, had to, Britain, the parliament had to fight hundreds of years of war with the monarchs who has to seize, take over the power from monarch to the parliament as an institution, right? Whereas in India, the parliament has conferred its powers of lawmaking, its sovereign powers are conferred as a result of constitution. So this itself is the first point of comparison between the sources of sovereignty in the respective systems. In India, sovereignty of parliament arises out of the constitution, whereas in Britain, the sovereignty for parliament arises out of its history, right? So this can be given as the first differentiating point. Then moving on, it's popularly said that the British parliament is so powerful that it can do anything and everything except make a man into a woman and woman into a man. That's, of course, impossible to achieve parliament. But apart from that, the British parliament is so omnipowable, right? So it means that it can make any kind of laws without any restraint, without any kind of questions. But can Indian parliament make such kind of laws? No, Indian parliament has a bound and sovereignty, right? And what are the limitations on it? It's a chapter on fundamental rights. We cannot allow the parliament to make any arbitrary harsh laws just because you spit in the public. You cannot be given a death punishment. That would be the limitations on Indian parliament. Why? Because only reasonable restrictions can be imposed, right? So constitution, the chapter on fundamental rights act as a strict limitations on the sovereignty of the parliament in India. Whereas there are no such safeguards. There are no such limitations on what the British parliament cannot do. Indian parliament cannot make harsh laws. Whereas British parliament can make harsh laws. But it is the wisdom of the lawmakers which have prevented such kind of misuse happening in British parliament. So we have constitutional limitations whereas on parliamentary sovereignty, whereas in Britain, those are not constitutional limitations. Those are political limitations because such harsh laws will be met with censure in the next elections by the general public. So no wonder, even though there are no written limitations, the parliamentarians, the parliament in Britain also acts prudentially and because of the fear of political sanctions, right? So that limitations in respect to systems can also be brought in on what limits the sovereignty of both either of the parliaments can be brought in here. Shared sovereignty. Britain, entire power of lawmaking is vested only with the parliament. Whereas in India, parliament doesn't have the monopoly of legislation. Parliament can legislate only on matters regarding which it can have the power to legislate. Say, list one and list three matters of seventh century. Whereas list two matters, which belongs to state list, can only be legislated by the state legislatures, normally, ordinarily, right? So that is why in Britain, this exclusive sole power of lawmaking lies only in the hands of parliament. Whereas in India, that is not the case because we have gone for a federal setup, right? So the limits on sovereign tea is also in the form of the federal setup that we have in India, which can also be brought in. And then the nature of judicial review that it exists. In Britain, the judiciary can only review the correctness of executive actions. Whether a policeman has arrested a citizen in Britain as per a law or not, right? Whereas in India, we have, we have far moved away from the procedure established by law regime. And today, the Supreme Court's jurisprudence, the judicial review happens on the basis of due process of law, where the judiciary not only tests the correctness and the backing of law for any executive action, but rather it also goes and checks into the fairness and reasonableness of those actions as well, right? So the power of judiciary to review actions in India is much more wider. And especially since the inception of basic structure doctrine, the power of parliament to legislate has been severely limited, whereas no such limitations have happened in Britain as a result of judiciary's actions, right? But the nature of judicial review as how it is exercised also is a limitation on the sovereignty of parliament in India, right? Whereas judiciary in Britain is not so powerful enough to question the wisdom of laws made by British parliament. That is another fine point of difference between the two systems, right? Constituent power. Constituent power is the power to make constitution. Since there is no written one single constitution as it exists in Britain, parliament can make any kind of new laws, and that is what would be the next constitution for constitutional setup for Britain. So it means that parliament in Britain has an unlimited power of amending and recreating a constitutional setup. Whereas in India, that's not the case. In India, the power of parliament to amend the constitution is strictly circumscribed by article 368, and also because of basic structure doctrine and because of judiciary using its powers under article 13, right? So all these are how the sovereignty of both of the parliamentary systems differs. So this is the answer for our third question. Moving on. So those are the three more analytical and challenging questions in my opinion. The rest of the questions are pretty much manageable except for last one or two questions where your creativity matters more than giving an answer for those questions. So coming to this fourth question, explain the significance of 101st Amendment Act. To what extent does it reflect the accommodative spirit of federalism, right? So as you all know, this is a very, very prominent amendment act which pertains to GST, right? Every student of quality will have a clear idea of what 101st Constitutional Amendment Act is actually all about, right? So I have given a structure here, it's a 15-mark question. So you have to write a good quantum of content. Two and a half to three pages of content has to be written. So in its opening points in the introduction, you can simply define what is this 101st Amendment Act, right? So bring in, maybe you can give some features of the act. You can say that it is this act which has introduced article 246a, 269a, 279a, all such principles regarding GST in the Constitution. Today have been introduced as a result of 101st Amendment Act. It was passed in the year so and so, right, 2016. So all that you can make a mention in the opening line introduction, right? Because you should not be writing about the act has led to harmonization of tax structure. It has led to streamlining of tax structures. It has led to avoidance of duplication of taxation. You start writing all that in the introduction, then you will be short of points to write in the body of the answer. See the challenge of these kind of questions is almost all aspirants are familiar with what the question is, but not me will be able to fill in the pages and fill in the pages with meaningful, relevant, non-reputative content matters a lot in securing an edge over other aspects. That is why in the introduction, opening remarks of the question, just give a broad outline of the act. It's important provisions introduced in the Constitution. So such kind of, and you can also say that it is this act which has brought into working the present day's GST Council, right? So any general remarks can be given, right? And then get into the significance. So, significances, streamlining the tax structure. So you have a lot of ideas that you have gathered from the reading of your economics, right? On what all benefits have happened, more investments have happened and all that. So that can be written for around half a page or three fourths of a page. You can talk about that, right? And the greatest significance is the way of passage, is the method of passage of this act. The act was not unilaterally passed with a center alone, but it was passed after ratification of the states as, so that great significance should also be brought in 101st Constitutional Amendment. So all this will be occupying the three fourths of the first page or the entire page itself. Then you move on to the next page of your answer. You can talk about, you know, address the second part of the question. To what extent does it reflect the accommodative spirit of federalism, correct? So federalism is all about give and take, right? Mutual coexistence. It's not about one gaining at the cost of another. So that was the tendency. It was the nature of political relationship between center and states in the first 30, 40 years after our independence. But since 90s, it's more cooperative in nature, right? So there is no loser at the end of the day, right? So the second part of the question actually, it expects you to give your opinion on whether the 101st Amendment Act has strength and cooperative federalism in India or not. That is what it actually demands. So what you can write here is the manner in which the working happens as a result of 101st Amendment Act, right? You take the case of GST Council, which is Article 279A, which was introduced as a result of 101st Amendment Act. So what is important here, which you can make use of in the second part of the answer, it's a voting structure of GST Council where no proposal can be accepted simply only because center wants it. Even if the center wants a proposal to be accepted in the GST Council, it can be only done, even only if certain amount of states are in support of center, right? You cannot, nothing can be forced down the states, the route of states, okay? So the voting structure in the GST Council is what makes the GST Council very federal in its real functioning. So that point has to be brought in, right? So that is one positive aspect of it. And Article 246A, which was introduced in the Constitution as a result of the same Amendment Act, gives powers of legislation in the hands of both center and states over matters regarding GST. So it's not that only center can make laws regarding GST. Both center and states can make powers as how Article 246A describes. It means that the power is again shared with both center and states. So it does factor into account the unique needs and priorities of states when it comes to matters of legislation. It's not that the center alone will make legislation regarding all taxation matters regarding GST. So it definitely is a reflection of the accommodative spirit of federalism, right? So these are all points. The first point, third point, and fourth point. Fourth point is in 269A. So these are the three articles introduced in this Amendment Act. 246A, 269A, 279A. 246A talks about who can make laws over GST matter. 269A talks about how do you share revenues that you collect, right? That is given in 269A. 279A talks about GST council, which is used for fixing those GST rates, correct? So 269A, which talks about a clear revenue sharing formula. That is out of the center share of GST collected, how much of money should be divided between center and states? So this is how a happy and a healthy cooperative model should function. And definitely these three points. First point, third point, and fourth point. It promotes a very accommodative spirit of federalism to function in India. Whereas the problematic aspect is this point. Because small states like Mizoram, Goa also have the same voting weightage compared to large states like Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. And this has been severely pointed out by the respective finance ministers of Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. And they go for GST council meetings. They feel that their interests are sacrificed for the sake of smaller states, which completely negates the principle of importance based on the share of population, right? So a small group of people can have a veto over the interest of larger group of people. And not only that, the functioning of 101st Amendment Act as how it is put into use. For example, when GST council on paper is fine, but in reality when it works is where the problem starts. So irregular attendance and for a long time the post of vice chairperson of GST council was kept vacant. When all these issues happen, that is what adds negativity to whether this amendment can bring in cooperative federalism in India or not. So when you write that, you also bring into focus to the exam that you are not only cognizant of the positive aspects of 101st Amendment Act, but also you are aware of the negative aspects as well and the shortcomings as well. And you can maybe bring it in the conclusion if not in the body of the answer, right? So this is the way to answer this question. Introduction, a simple definition of what 101st Amendment is, what new provisions to the constitution has been added as a result of that. The first part of the body of the answer talks about the significance of this act in terms of harmonization of tax structure and all its allied benefits. Plus the manner in which the amendment act was achieved by involving the cooperation of the states because state ratification was also necessary, right? So it is a high point of federalism with the passage of this 101st Amendment Act because states were ready to compromise their taxation powers. So as to achieve a larger good, they wanted the pie size to become bigger, pie size of taxation to tax, taxes to become bigger. So the states and the center collaborated together. So that is all a significance which should be brought in in the first part of your body and the second part of your body. Talk about to what extent does it reflect the accommodative spirit? Some ways, yes it does. In some ways, the real functioning, it does not. So talk about both of that. Your answer is complete. Moving on to the next question. Very simple question. Constitutionally guaranteed judicial independence is a prerequisite of democracy, right? So every aspirant knows what are the different features of Indian constitution, provisions of constitution which promotes the independence of Supreme Court, right? With respect to appointment of judges, with respect to salaries of judges, with respect to removal of judges, with respect to any contempt on the judges, right? So all of that are constitutional commissions. That's fine. Everybody will be writing that in their body. But the question is, it's a prerequisite of democracy. So are you justifying this aspect in your answer or not is the point, right? Because democracy will definitely have dissent, correct? That is a character of democracy. In a monarchical setup, in a tyrannical setup, no dissent is allowed. But democracy survives on dissent. Democracy grows and it gets nourished on dissent. But the state is what is targeted by this dissent. Hence the state targets those dissenters. Many of those dissenters are arrested by the state. They're put behind bars, their freedom, their liberty is all curtailed. And that's how the state takes knee-jerk short-term reactions to safeguard itself from dissent, correct? So that is where the Supreme Court, as the guardian of individual liberties, personal life and liberty, the role of Supreme Court becomes important. And if the Supreme Court has to keep the democracy alive allowing dissent, it has to be quite independent of the executive, right? And how does it, how does the Constitution ensure that independence through these, through various safeguards, in terms of prevention of arbitrary transfers, because without the recommendation of collegium you cannot transfer a judge. You cannot simply reduce the salary of a judge, correct? So all those kinds of safeguards that you have in the Constitution can be brought in. You can list them one, two, three, four. But the more advantageous one are these. You should explain what are the accompanying benefits, correct? So I'll give you a structure of the answer. The structure of the answer is you should explain why democracy involves a robust, healthy, independent Supreme Court judiciary to be present, correct? When you have dissent, there is an alternative opinion. And that alternative opinion often targets the state. So the state responds by preventing the alternative opinion. And that is where the role of Supreme Court becomes important. That point must be mentioned. Only then you can say that your answer justifies that judicial independence is requisite for democracy. If you're simply writing the constitutional provisions alone, it doesn't matter much. You have to explain how those constitutional provisions by achieving these outcomes are going to uphold democracy when that clear chain of thought, when that linkage is established, only then your answer, even if the question, let's think of an alternative question, instead of this, if the question simply would have been, explain how the constitution protects the independence of judges. You can write the same points, but it's only when you write these aspects and when you will say that this is what allows dissent to sustain a democracy, only then the demand of the question is addressed, all right? So we move on to the next question. So in the next question, states in India seem reluctant to empower urban local bodies both functionally as well as financially. So this is a topic that we study in Laxmikant as the problems of panchayat and urban bodies, right? So the question is very specific about two different issues, functionally as well as financially. Functionally it refers to manpower, okay? Financially it refers to resources. In providing manpower and resources, how are state governments reluctant? How are they not pro-urban local bodies? How are they not empowering the urban local bodies with the demand of this question? That's a very specific question that is being asked. It's a comment question. When you have a comment as the direct-to-word, you can either take, say, yes, you can see the statement itself is a very extreme statement. It's like an open statement made. It's a blind accusation that is made, right? That is the nature of comment questions.  The reaction can be in line with the statement or it can be in opposite to the statement as well. It's up to you. So you can say that if at all, you choose to align with the statement given. So if you actually feel, yes, the states are reluctant to empower. In that case, you have to justify your ideas, saying that functionally, today if you visit a lot of urban local bodies, leave the corporations in prominent cities, in metropolitan cities, you have corporations, Chennai corporation, Delhi corporation, municipal corporation. There, you do not have this severe shortage of staffs, but you go one step lower to any municipalities, okay? In entire two towns, you have various municipal bodies, Nagar Palikas, you go to those bodies. That is where you find a crippling shortage of technical professionals, like engineers, right? And each municipality is supposed to have a medical officer, but you will not have a medical officer. Probably it will be the government doctor of a neighboring hospital who will be invited for meetings, correct? So such kind of staff shortage is something that you find as a functional issue in our local bodies. So that can be brought in here. And not every function that is there in 13th, the constitution is delegated in the hands of urban local bodies. The state governments are yet to create proper schemes for transfer of those functions in the hands of urban local bodies, right? So they only cater to the same age-old functions of sanitation, sewage disposal, maintenance of roads, maintenance of street lighting. Only these basic functions they tend to keep on doing, whereas primary education, all these, even though they are functions that are there in 13th schedule of the constitution, they are actually not, sorry, not 13th schedule. The 12th schedule of the constitution, they are not handed over in the hands of municipalities, right? The state governments, because of their educational department, they keep executing that. So that shows the reluctance of the state governments in devolving the function of primary education in the hands of these urban local bodies, okay? That can also be brought in. And if you see, annual plans prepared by municipalities will have to be subjected to the approval of state governments. In state government, you have a municipal department. And every year, the annual plans that are made by the municipalities, all that will be submitted for the approval of the state government. So the state government has the final call on what projects to be approved and what not, right? So still the complete autonomy of urban local bodies is still something to be achieved. There's not to be taken for granted that it is in the hands of urban local bodies. Finances, the major problem of finances of municipalities is one, their taxation powers, their revenue tax base itself is very, very limited. It's a very small taxation power in the hands of urban local bodies. And secondly, money that is transferred by the municipal department, by the state government in the hands of these urban local bodies are very, very neither and very too less, right? And thirdly, the funds that are given are tied with a lot of conditions that funds should be year marked only for a certain set of purposes, right? Anything beyond that, once again, an approval of the municipal department has to be got. So this prevents the autonomy of usage of resources in the hands of municipalities, right? So these are the points that you have to write. When you say that, yes, these are the issues and states are really reluctant, okay? But if you choose to write on the other hand, if you choose to have your own points to negate it, you can write it. But when you decide upon a comment type of question on polity, always think about what is the reality, okay? The reality is that these are issues pending. These are issues that we still find in urban bodies, but it's not that every urban body has all these kind of problems. You can make a reminder here that these are points of municipalities and agarpalikas, whereas municipal corporations, since they have become autonomous units themselves, they are much stronger, much more independent resource in terms of their resources and all that, right? So you can add that as a final word of concern in your conclusion, right? So the point I'm trying to say is this is not a generalized statement, which can be uniformly the state of affairs of all urban bodies, okay? So take a realistic stand when you conclude your answer, but yes, you have to address this part. So yes, there are definitely problems. Functions and finances have not been adequately transferred in the hands of urban local bodies. Now moving on, discuss the role of presiding office of state legislatures and maintaining order and impartiality and conducting legislative work and then facilitating best democratic practices. So legislature is a lawmaking institution and there as a course of lawmaking, heated discussions, debates often happen and it is often accused in state legislatures that the speakers tend to act partial. They tend to be biased towards the ruling party that when crucial bills are being introduced in state legislatures, it is often passed in the absence of opposition because opposition may find some sticky issues with respect to the bill. They raise their voices. They demand more discussions, which the speaker at times is refusing to entertain. So in that case, the opposition is left with no other choice than to simply disrupt and walk out of it. It is in such clandestine manner, many crucial legislations are passed in different state legislatures, not only in state legislatures, these are also the issues in center as well and parliament as well. So if you can correlate the issues, you can pretty well generate points for these type of questions. You don't have to specifically study any issues as to come up with what is happening in state legislatures. You can always relate it with union legislature that is parliament. So first, you can say that the most immediate issue that needs reform and needs attention in state legislatures is, how are petitions regarding questions of defection dealt by speakers? Speakers arbitrarily tend to propose and prolong disqualification petitions. Okay, whereas if the disqualification is favorable to the ruling party, to the same party to which the speaker belongs to, the petitions are not dealt in a timely manner. Whereas if the disqualification happens from the party to which the speaker belongs to, from there a member goes to opposite party, the speaker promptly takes a call. So this disparity in dealing with anti-defection law petitions is what adds a partial color to the nature of institution of speaker. So that issue, if you have any examples like how it happened in Manipur as how it happened in Maharashtra, such issues can be brought in here to point out that, yes, if the speaker tends to be partial, then it affects the functioning of legislature in a healthy manner, that can be brought in as well, right? In addition to that, the amount of time that the speaker gives for opposition parties to raise questions, right? And to allow space for opposition parties to move motions against the government also decides how democratic the institution of state legislature functions. And since allowing motions, electing time is a discretion of the speaker because speaker becomes the final interpreter of the rules of procedure of the state legislature. So it is the character of speaker, if he is liberal, if he is tolerant of dissent in the house, if he is not one-sided towards the ruling party alone, then he provides more room for the opposition to hold the government accountable for its actions, correct? So that angle should also be brought in in the, right? So it's the same issues and any unbrewly conduct in the legislature. For example, when we have members storming the well, right, or the ruling party members accusing or breaching the privilege of the opposition party members in such cases, how the speaker responds also decides upon the democratic functioning of the legislatures. It is also here that the role of the presiding officer becomes important, right? So these are all some of the issues that you can bring in in your answer. No specific study is required. If you have specific instances and examples to give from what you have observed in different state legislatures that adds to your mark, but even otherwise if you are totally bereft of any points, you do, you feel that I do not have specific instances. Still, you can manage this question by thinking about parliament, how you observe the speaker, in what all ways opposition has accused the speaker of not being impartial enough. When you can link it to those dynamics by bringing in those same factors here as well, you will be able to write a very convincing answer, right, the amount of time that the speaker gives for private member legislations, how many legislations are taken up, how many of the bills introduced by the government are referred to committees. So all that same issues applicable to union legislature also becomes relevant for state legislatures as well. Moving on to the next question. Explain the constitutional perspectives of gender justice with the help of relevant constitutional provisions and case laws, right? This is the question. Constitutional provisions and case laws. So basically how the question expects, whether the Indian constitution has provisions that protect women, that provides equality between men and women or not, that tries to positively discriminate in favor of women or not, which gives some advantage for women over men, so as to undo the historical injustice that has happened just because of hierarchical tendencies, right? So that is the question as it expects from the aspirant. Very direct, you only need to know how to write, how to present your ideas. The 10-mark question, just 10 for one and a half, which is sufficient. You have article 14, right, which prevents any discriminatory laws against women. So it is on these grounds, provisions in various personal laws have been struck down by Supreme Court, which makes gender justice a reality. I'll give you an example. For the offense of adultery, a Hindu woman can divorce her Hindu husband, whereas a Christian woman cannot divorce her husband only because the husband has committed adultery, because that's the nature of the personal laws regarding divorce. While Hindu personal law offers equality between men and women, Christian personal law, which governs the divorce between Christians, which is Indian divorce act, which was passed, is the Christian law that deals with Christian marriages and divorces. So the Indian divorce act forbids divorce on grounds of adultery alone. So it is violating the dignity of women. It is putting women at a lower pedestal. So just because I'm a Christian woman, I have to tolerate my husband, who is adulterous in nature, correct? So that goes against justice. That law, Indian divorce act, such provisions have been struck down by judiciary in Prakati Vargi's case, in Cyril Vargi's case, right? So that can be brought in as a case law and you can say that such provisions of Article 14, which prevents discriminatory legislation against women, have been used by the Supreme Court in Prakati Vargi's case and gender justice has been upheld. So this is the way to present this idea, right? So that you justify how the Constitution has upheld gender justice. So in Article 15, Article 15 is an instance where positive discrimination in the fear of women can be accepted. When you read Article 15 Clause 2, it says women and children can be positively discriminated, right? So that is why since women do not have adequate opportunities of economic justice, what do I mean by economic justice? They should first get an employment where they're able to earn a living, correct? So for that first, they should be sent to a school, a proper college. So that is why we need to give an upper hand. We need to give a boost for women to first enter into a college or an education institution or employment opportunities. That is why you find various state public service commissions. In the states, you have certain reserved seats for women, right? For every community in Tamil Nadu. Let's say if you're women, you have certain percentage of seats reserved for employment in every caste. Today possible only because of Article 15. So that is why when in a case involving a challenge by Mr. Vijay Kumar, one Vijay Kumar in Andhra Pradesh, okay, the name of the case is Vijay Kumar which is state of Andhra Pradesh. So he went and challenged this law which allows reservation for women. It affects right to equality. My chance of getting into employment becomes violated because somebody, some other women is given a reservation. So when he went and filed a case, the case was dismissed. The court used the logic that Article 15 allows special provisions for upliftment of women, so you cannot claim that as violation of the principle of equality. So this is how special discrimination positively done in favor of women which allows gender justice has been upheld by the court in Vijay Kumar's case. So you can link constitutional provision with a particular case law, right? And you can justify your own. Similarly, for women to have a sexual harassment free environment in their workplace, that was made a reality by Supreme Court's reading into Article 21. Article 21 doesn't explicitly confer the right for women to have a safe, secure, sexual harassment free workplace, but Supreme Court has used Article 21. It has brought in a new right in the hands of women that every woman is entitled to have a workplace where she did not be bothered and tortured about being sexually harassed, right? So that can also be brought in. So that is what leads to gender justice. That is what leads to emotional well-being of women in workplace. It's only when her emotional well-being is fine she can contribute properly in the workplace, she can work effectively, thus making her on par with men, correct? So these are the different ways of how constitution ensures justice equality between men and women. Not only in fundamental rights, we also have provisions in DPSP as well, which envisions the state to take steps to us to secure equal pay for men and women. No wonder we have the Equal Remuneration Act, which has been passed, which secures equal pay for the same work done between men and women, whether it's state or in private organizations, men and women for the same work done, they have to be paid the same remuneration. This has become a reality because of the constitutional provisions in DPSP. That should be brought in. And similarly, the direct to principle, which puts a vision for the state to have uniform personal laws regarding marriage and divorce. There's also one way of how gender justice can be ensured. And this also becomes a point for your arms. So reservations in Panchayat Rajs, as per the provisions inserted by the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, also lead to political equality. Women are now empowered enough to claim certain seats as they are right in Panchayats and urban local bodies as well. So these are the points that you can write for this 10-mark answer, one and a half page answer on how constitution views and protects and promotes gender justice. So who are entitled to receive free legal aid? Assess the role of national legal service authority in rendering free legal aid in India, 10-mark question. This is a question which has a similarity with the prelims question that was asked in 2020. There was a prelims question asked. The question was, who are the following are the beneficiaries of NALSA to get free legal aid? Options were given. So if somebody would have faced that question and if you have prepared well for that question, you will be able to answer this prelims question as well. And UPSC has this pattern and habit of repeating questions between problems and means. Sometimes what is asked in means becomes a next year's problems question. Sometimes what is asked in previous problems becomes a main question. So it's a very factual question. There are two parts who are entitled to receive free legal aid. So it's a provision of the National Legal Service Authorities Act. When you read that, you get an idea that members belonging to the most vulnerable community groups like SC, ST, women who have been victims of human trafficking and people with very low income, senior citizens, transgenders. So these are the different groups of people who are entitled to claim free legal aid. Otherwise, generally, you have to pay court fees and all, but these are the groups who have been earmarked in the NALSA Act to be the beneficiaries of free legal aid. Next, the second part of the question is, what is the role of National Legal Service Authorities in rendering free legal aid in India? Yes, of course, it has created a legal service cell at different levels. Okay, even when you go to a district level and a sub-divisional level, you will find that in the sub-divisional court complex, there will be a small side where a small building will be there, where this free legal cell will be functioned. It has actually made judicial process more accessible, more friendly, more convenient for the common man. Instead of being burdened by the strict procedures in normal courts, alternative mechanisms of dispute resolution. Say, you can bargain with your opponent. You can pre-bargain, you can arrive at some negotiated settlement, right? Those are all some of the benefits that you get because of this particular act. So the strict procedure of court can be bypassed. So definitely, the legal service authorities have added to justice becoming more accessible, more rapid and quick, right? Instead of being very complicated and protracted so that should be written as the biggest success of the road national legal service authority in rendering free legal aid should be written. Not only that, these legal service authorities, periodically they keep on undertaking campaigns which spreads the awareness among people about the presence of these alternative mechanisms, right? So that can be written as another important point and about the role of NALSA in rendering free legal. But not everything is good because despite having these bodies, still the awareness among people about accessing these mechanisms is very, very less. And people are reluctant to even consider these mechanisms as equivalents of courts because they feel that a court, a proper judge is seated. We do get proper access to proper correct justice but they are yet to mainstream and they are yet to accept these legal service authorities as equivalent mechanisms to that of the court. So there is a mental problem which is still prevalent in the society which is a detriment to the acceptance of these mechanisms as parallel mechanisms. This can be written as a last word in your conclusion but the important part is who are entitled to receive legal aid and assessment of the role of legal service authorities. Okay, to what extent have they been successful? So if you have any data and statistics to point out that because of legal service authorities and a court burden, the burden of normal courts have actually come down. If you have that statistics to write then that can add more value and might teach your arguments here. So next question is explain the structure of parliamentary committee system. So how far have the financial committee is helped in institutionalization of Indian parliament? So there are two parts to it. The introduction, you can simply explain about the nature of parliamentary form of, sorry, you can just give a hint about the committee system of parliament. You can say that these are mechanisms which have extra constitutional origin, right? The constitution doesn't talk anything about these committees. These are mechanisms which have come into existence as a result of the rules of procedure of parliament as well as state legislature. Since the question is about parliament, we'll only confine our discussion to parliament. So you can give a hint of the committee system, the committee system and you can point out that these result, these exist today as a result of the rules of procedure and not because of the constitution of India, right? So you can bring opening remarks about the committee. Next, the question says, asks you about the structure of parliamentary committee system. So you can just draw a diagram. Okay, these are parliamentary committees. Some are permanent while some are ad hoc, right? So in the permanent, you have financial committees, such as public sector undertakes committee, public accounts committee, estimates committee. So you have such financial committees and then other permanent committees, you have department-related standing committees, right? And then you have business advisory committee and all that. So an indicative diagram can be drawn so that you can indicate to the examiner on what is the structure of committee system. So some committees are permanent, some committees are ad hoc, some permanent committees, what are the different types in ad hoc committees, what all can you remember? If at all you remember any ad hoc committees, right? You can just give a diagrammatic representation. Once that is done, you can talk about the advantages of committee system. So you can say that it is because of the committee system in the parliament, certain benefits have accrued, which leads to institutionalization of Indian parliament. What do we understand by this word? Institutionalization of Indian parliament. See, institution means a continuity, a formal arrangement, right? A strict, a well-divised method of working, right? That is the meaning of this word, institutionalization. You should not negate the word here, simply talk about the benefits of parliamentry, parliament committee system alone, right? The question is very specific. How far have the financial committees helped in the institutionalization of Indian parliament? Financial committees means three committees, public accounts committees, estimates committee and committee on public undertakings. The question is how far have the financial committees helped in institutionalization, right? So you can say that these committees ensure cross-party participation. So because of cross-party participation, you have all members of all parties being a part of this financial committees. So a honest exchange of views take place, which might not be a possibility in the floor of parliament because in the floor of parliament, discussions are coloured by political compulsions, but that need not be the case in a closed-door functioning of committees. So that closed-door functioning of committees offers this advantage that honest exchange, frank exchange, a friendly discourse is possible between the members, right? So this creates a culture, okay? This creates a work culture of committees. So that work culture is what we refer and understand as institutionalization of Indian parliament, right? You can explain that. Next is parliamentary committees provide a mechanism of continuity, right? And especially these financial committees. So there is a historical memory associated with what have been expected, what questions have been asked to the government, what have they replied, what have been pending. So for example, a financial committee, let's say public accounts committee, it points out irregularities in government expenses. And it recommends the executive departments to undertake corrective measures, right? So all that is put forward as a record, as a file before the members. And the members, when they see that, they'll be able to understand how these have been asked and expected of the executive too. And what compliance actions have been taken by the executive too, right? So the committees are able to ensure record keeping and follow up, right? So this is also the second important aspect which leads to institutionalization of Indian parliament, right? So it is, as a result of this, you can say that the parliamentary committees, especially the financial committees have helped in institutionalization of Indian parliament. Next, discuss the contribution of civil society groups for women's effective and meaningful participation and representation in state legislatures in India, okay? These are, this is a question which you do not have a ready-made answer in any of the books. If you have prepared specifically for this question, then you may be able to handle it well in the examination. So otherwise you have to manage something from whatever you have in your memory so that you can write it. It's a very factual question. Prior preparation is also impossible with proper data, with proper facts and all that. So attempting an answer for this question, contribution of civil society groups. We generally know what is the work of civil society groups. They bring in a lot of pressure on the government. They are pressure groups, right? They have a lot of role to play in a democracy. They educate people, they organize people, they agitate and they press for change. They create a positive momentum in the society so as to bring in political changes, right? So these are all the various roles and functions performed by civil society organizations, correct? So just think of that broad template and try to fit in the specific demand in the particular template, okay? The question is very specific. It asks, how have these civil society groups contributed for effective and meaningful, meaningful participation and representation in state legislatures, two parts. One is whether these civil society groups have agitated, have led to increase in women's participation in state legislatures first. And after if at all women are represented in state legislatures, how have these civil society organizations helped in improving their functioning in state legislatures? These are the two parts to this question, right? First is women's presence in state legislature and women's participation in state legislatures. These are two different aspects of this particular question, right? So yes, we do have civil society organizations such as ADR, Association for Democratic Reforms, right? It's a civil society organization comprising all the many eminent members who have occupied high positions in Indian society, Indian educational intelligentsia groups. They're all today's members of Association for Democratic Reforms. They keep on conducting research on the nature of elections in India, on the nature and the character of parliament in state legislatures in India. So it is, as a result of the research, they're able to figure out, they're able to find out the profile of the parliamentarians and legislatures in state legislative assemblies. As a result of which, they keep pointing out the number of criminals, the number of candidates who are extremely rich. So all those aspects are educated to the voters, right? Because of this ADR. As a result of which, people become more aware of whom to choose as representatives. And if ADR points out that, only 14% of the members in Lok Sabha are women. Now, voters naturally become aware. Now, voters feel that, okay, yes, it's time that if a women candidate is fielded, I should probably vote for her, right? This educated role performed by ADR is a very apt point for this answer. Because this is also how civil society groups tend to increase women's participation, women's presence in the state legislatures, right? So that can be written as one of the points. Then there are civil society organizations such as Bharath Jagruti, who have been continuously organizing protests who have been agitating for giving reservations for women in state legislatures, right? And it's a culmination of all those efforts which has found reflection today when women's reservation has become a reality in India. Women's reservation in state legislatures and parliament, though it has been delayed after the next census, but it has been finally made a reality by the passage of the act, right? So all thanks to the activism, the advocacy, and the agitations carried on by Bharath Jagruti. So this is how any factual ideas about certain women's groups or certain civil society organizations can be brought in and you can write it and put it in this answer. Then there are women's civil society organizations, right? Like Women Leadership Forum. These are the organizations which take up activities. They call Panchayat Raj Sarpanch's, okay? And women members who are there in Panchayat, urban local bodies, with them a meeting is organized. Activities are given to them. They are trained about computer literacy. They are trained about what are to view records how to examine the records and how to participate in the council discussions. So because it's only in Panchayats and urban local bodies, you find a lot of women who are elected that tend to be uneducated, right? It is by training them, by making leaders out of them. Finally, the women who get elected to Panchayats and urban bodies, they become confident enough now they aspire to become members of state legislatures, right? So the process has to start from inculcating the leadership, inculcating the confidence in the minds of representatives in Panchayat and urban bodies. And this work is taken up by such civil society organizations like Women Leadership Forum. So they train the members for taking up responsibilities, correct? So these are all the different mechanisms through which civil society organizations have today led to an increase in the presence of women in legislatures. Not only that, now the women members who are there in state legislatures also have been trained and they become confident. They feel that they have a necessary capacity to carry out their work as legislators as well. So this is how this answer should be better. So this, the polity discussion is over. Thank you. You may watch, continue watching the video for other parts of GS Paper 2 discussion. So we go for GS Paper 2 governance question. Question number six, the crucial aspect of development process has been inadequate, has been the inadequate attention paid to the human resource development in India. Suggest measures that can address this inadequacy. So regarding this question, so development is being compromised because of human resource development is not there in our system. So when you say this development process, development can be classified political, sorry, economical development, social development and government initiatives for development is a lot of things are there. We'll see in the next question also. So human resource development, how we can spread that into us two dimensions. One is regarding higher education, how we are not focusing on that aspect of human resource development. And next thing is you can also relate with civil services because civil service also play a very active role in development process. So this, if you're able to understand that, you are able to find the answer for this question. And also when you take higher education, one important aspect is the unemployability in higher education. That is one of the important reasons. And apart from this higher education, our system is primarily driven, focusing on old economy. So where we are not moving towards newer avenue of education. So that is all the basic background on it. So suggest measures that can address this inadequacy. What are the things need to be done? First and foremost thing, we can split into higher education aspect and civil services. In higher education, we need to have this industry and academia collaboration. That is most important thing, especially focusing on higher education. And also we need to focus on vocational training. That should be given a lot. And also from civil service perspective, we need to have human resources, especially at the third level of the system. Right now, if you take our local governments, we don't have a dedicated human resources there. So that should be the primary focus. And also frequent training need to be given for civil servants. And also you need to focus on creating best contents for training. So that is also required so that the development can be focused on. So human resource development, two major criteria split, you can identify the points for this question. Next question is, so discuss the role of competition commission of India in containing the abuse of dominant position by MNCs in India, refer to the recent patients. And background is right now, we have MNC because of this LPG era. So after LPG era, when we opened the economy, when we have given the opportunity for the market in our economy, which includes domestic and private players, so domestic and foreign players, there comes this term called MNC, multinational corporations. And multinational corporations, primarily they come to the country to enjoy the economic benefits and enjoy the market benefits. So that comes the role of government. So competition commission of India was established for the primary aspects such as to eliminate practices, having adverse effect on competition. Next thing is to promote and sustain competition, protect consumer rights, to enhance freedom of trade, to create public awareness, and also focusing on competition advocacy. So this is our primary role of competition commission of India. But the question is recent decisions of competition commission of India, how that has curtail MNCs. So there are two areas, one is regarding this merger and acquisitions. So recently there are changes being done in competition commission of India Act, saying that any acquisition about 2,000 crores where competition commission of India's role is involved in it. And they say deal value threshold should be around about 2,000 crore. So our competition commission India's approval is mandatory and this is primarily focused on digital world. And most of the time digital worlds transactions are happening outside of the system, outside of the country. So CCA made the changes, making sure that any deal worth of 2,000 crore merger and acquisitions MNA by competition commission of India's approval is required. And this is primarily focused on MNCs acquiring companies. Our next one is regarding dominant position misuse. If there is an MNC trying to use its dominant position for its advantages and what competition commission of India has done is they have changed the law saying that they want to pay the fine for their global turnover, not for that particular product in that particular country. So right now it's a heavy penalty for MNCs if they are misusing their dominant position. So these are the two major changes done for related to MNCs by competition commission of India. Next question is, e-governance as a critical tool of governance has assured its effectiveness, transparency and accountability in the government. What inadequacies hamper the enhancement of these features? So what are the challenges for e-governance as a question they are asking because e-governance is making sure transparency accountability effectiveness but that is being compromised. So what are the reasons for it? First and foremost thing you can relate with colonial laws. Even though we tried to introduce e-governance in government work process still we have this colonial laws. So that impacts these three characters. Next thing is information silos. e-governance is implemented in each department but each department is working in individual capacities. So that is another biggest challenge. Next thing is digital literacy and digital divide. Digital literacy is there and digital divide is there. That is also acting as a challenge. Next one is poor use of information or poor use value of information. So digital information is gathered by the system but effective use of that information is not being done. So these information have most of social economic value which is not being unlocked. That is the point. Next thing is lack of comprehensive policies. So that is also another biggest problem. So right now when we say e-governance there should be a very effective comprehensive policies on e-governance by the government which is missing in our system because right now we are aligned with IT policy. Next thing is federal units are not concentrating on e-governance. So at union level in India we have very effective e-governance initiators but if you go for state level and local level that is always a challenge in the system. So those are the points you won't explain there. Next we go for question number 14. So discuss the contribution of civil society groups for women effective and meaningful participation representation in state legislatures in India. So you need to say what is civil society? So civil society is institutions that represents the people's work and this can be categorized into NGOs, pressure groups, social groups, all this can be categorized here. And the question is how civil society is making women participate in state legislatures. There are a few case studies here. So one is regarding Kerala Shastra Sahitya Parishad. So this is primarily focused on developing decentralized planning model and they played an active role in making sure that Kerala government adheres to this idea and where women also played an active role in it because when you say decentralized planning that will be happening at the local level where women is the greatest beneficiary is there and this NGO and this pressure group has a biggest influence on this factor and they make sure that decentralized planning especially pro women is happening in Kerala because of this. And next you can relate with this MKSS, Masdoor Kisan Shakti Sangatna for instrumental in creating RTA. So this all started in Rajasthan. So where again regarding local government initiatives and issues in local government where women also played an active role in and they want to make sure that that is converted into a law. So that is an extra case study. And next one is you can relate with national alliance of people movement. So there's also a pressure group and primarily focused on Bhopal gas survivors where in Madhya Pradesh where they made an active advocacy for making sure of health benefits to this Bhopal gas survivors where women played an active role in it and government made a lot of initiators for it especially Madhya Pradesh government. Next thing is people's union for civil liberties. So they have this right to food campaign and especially in Rajasthan they demanded that and again women are being part of it and this reflected in the Rajasthan government's initiative for food security and women. Next thing is Seva. So Seva is again related to Gujarat. So regarding social security. Seva is a NGO pressure group. So they want to make sure that there's a social security for women especially in economic dimensions. So as women are contributing to the economy so through Seva they demanded there should be social security and initiators are taken by Gujarat government for all these things. So you're able to explain all these case studies here. So that will really highlight that how civil society have made women as a participative constituent of legislatures. Next question number 17. So development in welfare schemes for the vulnerable by its nature or discriminatory in approach do you agree, give the reasons for your answers. So for this type of questions as it's do you agree you need to take the stand it's not like that it's not discriminatory but you can identify how it was discriminated. So when you say development in welfare schemes so what is development you want to say? So development is more about social economic even political development. Political development is not about party systems here. It's more about knowledge about the democracy and governance and so on. Coral vulnerable section is for denied opportunities in social economic spheres and political sphere. Examples are SEST women all they are related to vulnerable sections. So what are the discriminations we can see for them? One we can relate with socio-cultural discrimination. So whenever development policies are being created it goes for implementation where we can see socio-cultural discrimination is there either based on gender or caste discrimination is there where which we can see that in the reflection of even officials reflecting that. Next one is you can also relate with policy discrimination is there. When you say policy discrimination is there are certain section of the people left out by the policy itself. So example like poverty where we can see in the Indian system urban poverty is not given greater focus in policies. So that you can relate there and similarly technological discrimination is there. So as tech divide is there so people are being discriminated in offering services regarding development and what are the measures taken by the government for inclusiveness? So right now we can see that government is working on this inclusiveness. One aspect is like positive discrimination is one such thing. So that can be a redoubt here and technological inclusiveness is also being promoted like DCBT is being done. Next thing is even government budgeting system we have this gender budgeting. So that is an again any idea of inclusiveness it's not discriminated it's inclusiveness. The next thing is creating policy and policy environment focusing on inclusivity. And finally you can also say about right-based approach. Right now most of the development is based on rights. So ultimately that you can see that a lot of inclusiveness will be there and discrimination can be stopped. So right-to-education or we can relate with Food Security Act all these are based on right based. Next thing is question number 18. Skill development programs have succeeded in increasing human resource supply to various sectors in the context of the statement analyze the linkages between education skill and employment. So in this you need to highlight what are the schemes of the government regarding skill development. Even we have a ministry of skill development. So right now we have this Pradhan Mandir Kaushalvika as Yojana a flagship program for skill development in India. Then apart from this we have Sangal, Pudan, Star and skill development for minorities. All these are part of the schemes. But the question is how they are linked with education skill and employment. So what are the link here is first and foremost thing is skill development ensures that its skills are being matched with the market demand. So what are the demand of the market for that skill programs are being created. So that is one important aspect that results in employment. Next one is as education is right now focusing on critical thinking. So critical thinking does a scope for innovation. So through skills innovations can be promoted a lot. Then ultimately that results in self employment. So there's a link here. So education skill and employment. So critical thinking through education modules and through skill development for innovation resulting in self employment. We can relate with the concept like startup India here and all. And the actual innovation mission is a good example for it. The next thing is digital skill. So right now through skill programs we are focusing on digital skills resulting in opening opportunity in knowledge economy especially like a digital economy there's a great scope for skills based on digital era. And apart from this what are other linkages. So right now skill development is primarily focused on quality rather than quantity by the schemes. So quality skill development is given so that they have global opportunities for individuals that creates employment. The next thing is upgradation of skill is also given through the scheme so that they are always market ready. So whenever there's a new happenings in the market that is being provided as a skill. So that is one also vocational skills are being promoted through this particular schemes development schemes. So that resulted in opportunities in manufacturing sectors. So another thing is soft skills is being promoted and financial skills being promoted especially for women. So they have an impact through self groups. So women self improvement also employment is being promoted. And finally through technical skills also being provided so that they are market ready and increased productivity. So ultimately you can see that all these are interlinks skill education and employment. And you identify what the different skills are being promoted and how that results in employment and how education has a direct link between skill and employment. Thank you. So UPSC 2023 GS paper took governance questions primarily focused on traditional area of civil society and they have focused on regulators and skill development and human resource development. So that is the area of this year's focus. GS second paper 2023 bilateral relations discussion. Question number nine. The virus of conflict is affecting the functioning of ACO. The light of the above statement point out the role of India in mitigating the problems. See for this question we have, there are three parts are there to answer this question. First one you have to start with the answer the introduction of this Shanghai cooperation organization. And then second we have to pinpoint what are all the conflicts going on within the ACO organization. And third how India is mitigating this conflict. So that three parts we have to answer. See, so before going to the answer the Shanghai cooperation organization is actually a Eurasian political, economic and security and defense based organization. Actually in 1996 it was earlier it was called Shanghai Five and later in 2001 the Shanghai cooperation organization was established. So actually the pioneers are this China and Russia and definitely this is a China's dominated organization. And we all know that this is one of the largest organization where which involves 40% of the total population and nearly 20% of the global GDP. So nine countries are there together in this ACO. So China, Russia, the two leading countries and then four central Asian countries are there. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan and India Pakistan and Iran. So these countries are there in ACO. And then why this ACO is important means number one, using this ACO for India we can engage the central Asian republic countries for ensuring our energy security. And two, you see we can engage with China and Russia. China is a problematic country for India. So we can engage China in this and then to ensure that this Russia will not join China and Pakistan side. India have to engage Russia also. So that's why we are part of this. And most importantly in Shanghai cooperation organization there is a anti-terrorism mechanism called RADS mechanism. So in that also, this also will benefit India. So now coming to the answer of this question, first the introduction, first part one, the introduction of ACO. So first you have to answer the Eurasian. It is a Eurasian group, political, security and economic alliance like that we have to start and it is a group of nine countries like that we have to start. And this year 2023 India was the president of this ACO and we conducted a virtual summit in 2023 where Iran was also and I see virtual summit was conducted. So and then Iran was included in this 2023. So this should be the first part of this question and second part of the question, the virus of conflicts. See, between the members in ACO, what are the conflicts going on that we have to mention? So number one, the India-China rivalry, particularly after the Galwan Valley incident and then in Arunachal Pradesh also China was creating some problem. So this part we have to explain. And then to India-Pakistan, the two rivals are also there. So regarding India-Pakistan, we have terrorism issue and we have the cashmere value issue. So that we have to mention. And third one, among the central Asian countries also there is a competition for, that means energy market. So that part also we can mention. So these are all the conflicts going on between the ACO members. Even Russia-China also are having a competition. Although both the countries are together against the US, they are basically our competitors. So those points you can mention here in the virus of conflicts. And third one, third part, the role of India to mitigate the conflict. See how India can play a role in solving the problem. It's number one, actively we can engage with China. Number one. So constructive dialogue, confidence-building measures like that we can have it with China and sort out the problem between the two countries. So that is to promote dialogue and cooperation. And we can also facilitate dialogues between the central Asian republics. For example, this Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan are having border dispute. So we can facilitate. We are a common friend to everybody. So we can facilitate that. And for that we can also use the track to diplomacy also. So that part we can mention. And then the second point under the role is the terrorist issues to solve the terrorist problem like this ISIS based ISKP and then the other terrorist organization. We can take some initiatives. India can start certain initiatives cooperate and ask the ACO members to cooperate. Because of ISIS, all the ACO members are affected. So this is the best forum to counter ISIS. And third one, the connectivity projects and infrastructure projects and investments. So particularly this INSTC, International North-South Transport Corridor that India can expedite this particular project along with Iran, along with some central Asian countries and also with Russia. Connect Central Asia Initiative. And for connecting Russia, we can do something. And then obviously improving the trade. So we can supply them agriculture products and then we can buy oil and gas from them obviously. And finally, the cultural connect between the ACO members. So that we can initiate. India is a cultural power, a soft power. So what we can do is we can engage with all the ACO countries and promote people to people contact. So this is the answer for question number nine. And then question number 10. Has sealed new heights in the West. Describe the economic and political benefits for India. And India is having a very big population and particularly very big Indian population outside India also. So it is estimated that there are around the 32 million population, 32 million population outside Indian territory. And in that you have to note that around 13 million population are the non-resident Indians. Whereas the PIOs, the people who have left India and then permanently settled in another country, there are around some 18 to 19 million population. And all together the estimate, the present estimate is around some 200 people are all in the prominent positions in holding in government positions and also in big companies also. So to answer this, we have to divide the Indian diasporas role in three areas. The political, economical and cultural. So coming to the political area, you have to note that in many countries, particularly we can give an example like this UK Prime Minister Rishi Shunak and then this Guyana President, Muhammad Irfan Ali, the Portugal Prime Minister, Antonyo Costa, the Mauritius leadership, Praveen Jagannath, et cetera. And then the President also and then the Surinams President, Chandrika Prasad, Santoki. So all these people are in that, they are the apex leaders of that particular country. So dealing with these countries will become very easy and politically we can gain a lot from this particular, because of these people, so that we can expand. And then obviously in US you have to note that prominent people are there in the top position, particularly the Vice President of the US and Indian origin lady Kamala Harris. And then now also the Vivek Ramasamy is getting popular and he is the, as of now, the second important Republican candidate. So because of this Indian origin people, we can take some political mileage. And then coming to the economic side, you have to note that the Indian diaspora, because of the Indian diaspora and the NRI, PIO and NRI, India is receiving 110 billion dollars every year as remittance. So that's what we have to explain. And two, in trade and technology also, India can have some mileage. Particularly the major CEOs of the top MNC companies are also Indian origin people. So example, this Microsoft and other Satya Nadala, Alphabet, that is Google, Sundar Pichai, Adobe, the Santanu Narayan, or IBM, Arvind Krishna. So these are all some of the top CEOs who are in prominent position. That means these companies are top companies. So what we can do is because of this connection, we can have some innovation based partnership with those countries and then our people can get that expertise from these countries and then we can develop technological relationship with them. And then coming to the culture, see first we have to note that the Indian diaspora is a soft power approach that we have to mention. And then because a lot of our people are there in these countries, a lot of Indian students are going and studying there. So it becomes easy for India in literature and also in education, we also can connect with the world easily because of the Indian diaspora. So these are all some of the important points that you have to mention in your answer. And then question number 19, the expansion and strengthening of NATO under stronger US-Europe strategic partnership works well for India. What is your opinion about the statement? Give reasons and examples to support your answer. So first we have to explain the NATO and the US-Europe strategic partnership. See the NATO or US-Europe partnership is simply the western countries, the North American countries like US, Canada, along with the West European countries. See first we have to find out what is the basic common understanding among these two groups is. First one is in NATO. So there are 31 countries are there. This NATO was founded to counter the communist race, particularly against US or these countries were formed. And recently also you have to note that NATO plus countries were also there. That means Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Israel and South Korea. And even there is an invitation for India also to come and join the NATO plus. But although India was not that much interested because of our own reason. So this NATO and US-Europe partnership are today as of now, although communism was completely defeated in 1990, you have to note that NATO and US-Europe partnership, this is very important to counter the rising Russia and aggressive China. And there are positive elements are also there, negative elements are also there because of the strengthening of NATO and US-Europe strategic partnership. See coming to the positive side with respect to India, this NATO is getting strengthening and the US-Europe strategic partnership also works well means because number one, it will be very, very useful for India to counter China, the Belt and Road Initiative to counter China's aggressiveness against India. So this partnership will be very, very helpful to India because the Western countries also doesn't like China, the communist China rising very strongly. And India also having problem with China. And on the other side, India is having very good relationship with our Western superpower. So this strengthening of NATO and US-Europe strategic partnership will help India to counter China. Number two, the NATO countries and particularly the US-Europe, that particular alliance, you have to note that this is a pro-democratic alliances. All the countries are a democratic country and India is the world largest democracy. So if we are a democratic countries and these countries are democratic, easily we can connect with each other and cooperate, we can cooperate with each other. And normally democracies also will not go forward. So for democratic rights and democratic benefits, you have to note that the NATO getting strengthening and US-Europe strategic partnership getting strengthening is favorable to India. And number three, this Western countries and India both are affected by terrorism. So for counter-terrorism also, NATO becoming stronger and US-Europe getting stronger is good for India. And finally, the last positive point is the defense and technology transfer. So India today is having very good relationship with US and also with other major European countries. Okay, so for technology transfer and for a defense diversification of our defense source, so this partnership will be very, very helpful. And coming to the negative side, if NATO is getting strengthened and US-Europe strategic partnership is getting strengthened, that means the number one biggest problem India may face is the India Russia friendship. So this Western alliance may pressurize India not to have tie-up with Russia. Already US have passed the CAATSA Act and other Western countries, the European countries are pressurizing India not to buy Russian oil and in fact, they are even blaming India that India is financing Russian war efforts. So this may get into trouble. So because of the Western pressure, if you are not going close with Russia men's, then there is a possibility of an access like Russia, China, Pakistan, Iran access may be formed and India will be isolated from this. So that's why what India is doing is India is trying to balance the relationship between West and Russia China. So on Russia China, we are cooperating with them with BRICS and ACO, whereas with West we are cooperating with Quad, I2U2 and other possible ways. And second one regarding Afghanistan also, this Western powers without properly consulting with India, they have abandoned India and they hastily withdrew from Afghanistan leading to Taliban taking over of Afghanistan. So this may create a problem for India. Already this is a problem and India being an immediate neighbor of Afghanistan, India is facing the direct pressure. And third one, India wants a multipolar world. But if NATO and US-hero partnership is getting strengthened, again the world is moving towards unipolar world world is moving towards bipolar world. When NATO and US-hero are getting strengthened, Russia-China relationship also will get strengthened. So this may go against India's ambition to create a multipolar world. And finally in climate change also this all these Western nations, NATO countries and US-European countries, they are the major emitters of the world and they because of the industrialization they only emitted more CO2 into this atmosphere. So these alliance may become stronger, means it will be difficult to find a solution in climate change. So one way with respect to take, if you are taking China into accountments, NATO getting strengthening and US-hero partnership is working very well for India. Whereas if you are taking Russia, Afghanistan, multipolarity world like that into accountments, this NATO getting strengthening and US-Europe getting stronger, that relation getting stronger is not good in favor of India's foreign policy. And finally the 20th question, C is an important component of the class models. Discuss in the light of the above statement, the role of IMO, that is international maritime organization in protecting the environment and enhancing this maritime safety and security. So first we have to, for this question, three parts are there. Part one we have to explain the importance of the C, how this IMO is helping in ensuring the safety and security. Maritime safety and security and number two, how IMO is helping in protecting the environment. So three parts are there. So first is C is literally two-third of the entire earth surface, that is 71 percentage of the earth surface is covered with C. And then C plays the C in climate change with respect to biodiversity with respect to carbon sink. This C is playing a vital role in determining all these things. So IMO was created international maritime organization, a UN based IMO is created and this plays a vital role in enhancing the maritime security and safety and protecting the environment. With respect to enhancing the maritime security and safety, what all the initiatives and role IMO is playing means we have to, we can list it down. Number one, one initiative called Global Maritime Distrust and Safety System, GMDSS. That is in 1988, this was created by IMO. So that we can, safety of life at sea. So this was another initiative by IMO. And third one, there is a code called ISPS code that is international ship and port facility code for the safety of the ships involving maritime, et cetera. And then there, and IMO is also regulating the standards and procedures regarding maritime. And the technical cooperation also is there in IMO. And then IMO also is creating a legal framework for handling the goods and handling the issues, et cetera. And particularly IMO is also taking efforts for maritime security and piracy activities, particularly in Andaman sea, Andaman sea near the horn of the Africa. We have piracy problems. IMO have taken a lot of steps for ensuring the safety of the vessels. And then coming to the environment. So three points we can, three things we can quote. One, IMO is working for the prevention of, that means this was plastic littering and garbaging entered into the sea. So IMO has taken a lot of efforts. And number two, there was one convention in 1970 that we call Marple, that means maritime pollution convention. So through that also, IMO is taking a lot of steps. And three, regarding oil spilling in sea also, IMO is taking a lot of steps. And then if there is any sea accident, is there oil spillage there, recovery of the sea biodevastate, et cetera. Everything is done by this IMO. So this is answer for question number 20.