36 The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 1864, Part 2. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 16, 1864. A Gross Outrage. Yesterday noon, Sansom Street was witness of one of those feats so common to New York City, among the butcher boys, of racing through the public streets—the driver of Clark's furniture and express wagon and some other expressman—getting their metal up as to the relative speed of their respective plugs, let out, both laying on the whip plentifully, until they overtook Krosky's grocery wagon, which Clark's vehicle, number 2859, unceremoniously knocked into pie, landing driver, groceries, and other sundries in the street. These outrages are becoming too frequent in our thickly populated streets and need the strict attention of our city authorities. Eye witnesses to this race at full speed up the railroad track freely express themselves that if any ladies or children had been unfortunate enough to be on the street at the time, nothing could have saved them from being ridden down. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 16, 1864. Moses in the Bullrushes Again. On Thursday evening, officers John Conway and King had their attention attracted by the crying of a child at the Catholic orphan asylum door, where, upon examination, they discovered an infant, apparently but a few days old, wrapped up in a shawl. It was delivered to the care of the benevolent sisters at the institution. It appeared to be a good enough baby, nothing the matter with it, and it has been unaccountable to all who have heard of the circumstance what the owner wanted to throw it away for. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 16, 1864. The coming man has arrived. And he fetched his things with him. John Smith was brought into the city prison last night, by officers Conway and Minson, so limbered up with whiskey that you might have hung him on a fence like a wet shirt. His battered slouch hat was jammed down over his eyes like an extinguisher. His shirt bosom, which was not clean at all, was spread open, displaying his hair-trunk beneath. His coat was old and short-waisted and fringed at the edges, and exploded at the elbows like a blooming cotton bowl, and its collar was turned up so that one could see by the darker color exposed that the garment had known better days when it was not so yellow and sunburned, and freckled with grease spots as it was now. It might have hung about its owners symmetrically and gracefully too in those days, but now it had a general hitch upward in the back, as if it were climbing him. His pantaloons were of coarse duck, very much soiled, and as full of wrinkles as if they had been of pickled tripe. His boots were not blacked, and they probably never had been. The subject's face was that of a man of forty, with the sun of an invincible good nature shining dimly through the cloud of dirt that enveloped it. The officers held John up in a warped and tangled attitude, like a pair of tongs struck by lightning, and searched him, and the result was as follows. Two slabs of old cheese, a double handful of various kinds of crackers, seven peaches, a box of lip-solve bearing marks of great age, an onion, two dollars and sixty-five cents in two purses, the odd money being considered as circumstantial evidence that the defendant had been drinking beer at a five cent house, a soiled handkerchief, a fine-tooth comb, also one of coarser pattern, a cucumber pickle in an imperfect state of preservation, a leather string, an eyeglass such as prospectors use, one buckskin glove, a printed ballad, call me pet names, an apple, part of a dried herring, a copy of the Boston Weekly Journal, and copies of several San Francisco papers. And in each and every pocket he had two or three chunks of tobacco, and also one in his mouth of such remarkable size as to render his articulation confused and uncertain. We have purposely given this prisoner a fictitious name out of the consideration we feel for him as a man of noble literary instincts suffering under temporary misfortune. He said he always read the papers before he got drunk, go thou and do likewise. Our literary friend gathered up his gross restore and staggered contentedly into a cell. But if there is any virtue in the boasted power of the press, he shall stagger out again today a free man. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 17, 1864. The County Prison A visit to the county prison in Broadway above Kearney Street will satisfy almost any reasonable person that there are worse hardships in life than being emured in those walls. It is a substantial looking place, but not a particularly dreary one, being as neat and clean as a parlor in its every department. There are two long rows of cells on the main floor, thirty-one altogether, disposed on each side of an alleyway, built of the best quality of brick imported from Boston, and laid in cement, which is so hard that a nail could not be driven into it. Each cell has a thick iron door with a wicket in its center for the admission of air and light, and a narrow aperture in the opposite wall for the same purpose. These cells are just about the size and have the general appearance of a gentleman's stateroom on a steamboat, but are rather more comfortable than those dens are sometimes.  The walls inside are whitewashed and the floors kept neat and clean by frequent scrubbing. On Wednesdays and Saturdays the prisoners are provided with buckets of water for general bathing and clothes washing purposes, and they are required to keep themselves and their premises clean at all times. On Tuesdays and Fridays they clean up their cells and scrub the floors thereof. In one of these rows of cells it is pitch dark when the doors are shut, but in the other row it is very light when the wickets are open. From the number of books and newspapers lying on the bunks it is easy to believe that a vast amount of reading is done in the county prison. And smoking too, we presume, because, although the rules forbid the introduction of spirituous liquors, wine, or beer into the jail, nothing is said about tobacco. Most of the occupants of the light cells were lying on the bunks reading, and some of those in the dark ones were standing up at the wickets similarly employed. Sick Jimmy, or James Rogers, who was found guilty of manslaughter a day or two ago in killing Foster, has been permitted by Sheriff Davis to occupy one of the light cells on account of his ill health. He says his quarters would be immensely comfortable if one didn't mind the irksomeness of the confinement. We could hear the prisoners laughing and talking in the cells, but they are prohibited from making much noise or talking from one cell to another. There are three iron cells standing isolated in the yard, in which a batch of Chinamen wear the time away and smoking opium two hours a day and sleeping the other twenty-two. The kitchen department is roomy and neat, and the heavy tragedy work in it is done by trustees, or prisoners detailed from time to time for that duty. Upstairs are the cells for women. Two of these are dark iron cells for females confined for high crimes. The others are simply well-lighted and ventilated wooden rooms, such as the better class of citizens over in Washoo used to occupy a few years ago when the common people lived in tents. There is nothing gorgeous about these wooden cells, but plenty of light and white-washing make them look altogether cheerful. Madame O'Reef, McCarty, Mary Holt, and Gentle Julia, Julia Jennings, are the most noted ladies in this department. Prison-keeper Clarks, as the quiet, smiling, pious-looking Mrs. McCarty, is just the boss-thief of San Francisco, and the misnamed Gentle Julia is harder to manage and gives him more trouble than all the balance of the tribe put together. She uses awful language, and a good deal of it, the same being against the rule. Mrs. McCarty dresses neatly, reclines languidly on a striped mattress, smiles sweetly at vacancy, and labors at her crochet work with a serene indifference of a princess. The four ladies we have mentioned are unquestionably stuck after the county prison. They reside there most of the time, coming out occasionally for a week to steal something or get on a bender, and going back again as soon as they can prove that they have accomplished their mission. A lady warden will shortly be placed in charge of the women's department here, in accordance with an act of the last legislature, and we feel able to predict that Gentle Julia will make it mighty warm for her. Most of the cells above and below are occupied, and it is proposed to put another story on the jail at no distant day. We have no suggestions to report concerning the county jail. We are of the opinion that it is all right, and doing well. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 17, 1864 Independent Candidate for Stockton Officer Forner arrested and brought into the city prison at noon yesterday a wanderer named Patrick O'Hara, who had been sleeping in the sandhills all night and tramping dreamily about the wharves all day, with a bag containing nearly $700 in gold sticking suggestively out of his coat pocket. He looked a little wild out of his eyes, and did not talk or act as if he knew exactly what he was about. He objected to staying in the jail, and he was averse to leaving it without his money, and so he was locked up for the present safety and well-being of both. He begged hard for his worshipped treasure, and there were pathos and moving eloquence in the poor fellow's story of the weary months of toil and privation it had cost him to gather it together. He said he had been working for a Mr. Woodworth on a ranch near Petaluma, and they set two men to watching him, and when he found it out he wouldn't stay there any longer, but packed up and came down here on the boat night before last. He also said they had given him an order on Mr. Woodworth here for $40 for a month's work, but when he got on the boat he found it was dated 1833, and he threw it overboard. He brought a carpet sack with him and left it at some hotel, but he couldn't find the place again. He says he wants to go and stay a while with some priest, and if he can get a chance of that kind he had better take it, and keep away from the wharves and the sand-hills, otherwise somebody will go through him the first thing he knows. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call July 17, 1864 Juvenile Criminals Two children, a boy 14 years old and his sister age 16, were brought before the police court yesterday charged with stealing, but the hearing of the case, although begun, was not finished. Judge Shepard, whose official dealing with ancient criminals has not yet hardened his heart against the promptings of pity for misguided youth, said he would examine the prisoners at his chambers to the end that he might only sentence them to the industrial school if it were possible, and thus save them from the shame and the lasting stigma of imprisonment in a felon's cell for their crime. He said there was crime enough in the land without driving children to its commission by heaping infamy and disgrace upon them for their first transgression of the law. He was right. It is better to save than to destroy, and that justice is most righteous, which is tempered by mercy. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call July 19, 1864 Assault Mrs. Catherine Moran was arraigned before Judge Cowles yesterday on a charge of assault with an axe upon Mrs. Eliza Marquis with intent to do bodily injury. A physician testified that there were contused wounds on plaintiff's head and also a cut through the scalp which bled profusely. The fuss was all about a child, and that is the strangest part about it, as if, in a city so crowded with them as San Francisco, it were worthwhile to be particular as to the fate of a child or two. However, mothers appear to go more by instinct than political economy in matters of this kind. Mrs. Marquis testified that she heard war going on among the children, and she rushed down into the yard and found her Johnny sitting on the stoop, building a toy wagon, and Mrs. Moran standing over him with an axe, threatening to split his head open. She asked the defendant not to split her Johnny.  When she, the plaintiff, grabbed the defendant by the arms and prevented her from scalping her entirely. Blood was flowing profusely. Mr. Kildig described the fight pretty much as the plaintiff had done, and said he parted or tried to part the combatants, and that he called upon Mr. Moran to assist him. But that neutral power said the women had been sourer a good while, let them fight it out. Another witness substantiated the main features of the foregoing testimony, and said the warriors were all covered with blood, and the children of both, to the number of many dozens, had fled in disorder and taken refuge under the house, crying, and saying their mothers were killing each other. Mrs. Murphy, for the defense, testified as follows. I was cumin long, and Mrs. Moran says to me, says she, This is the red woodstick she tried to take me life with, or one of them, other sticks. Mrs. Murphy, dear, and says I, Mrs. Moran, darling. Here she was shut off merely because the court did not care about knowing what Mrs. Moran told her about the fight, and consequently we have nothing further of this important witness's testimony to offer. The case was continued. Seriously, instead of a mere ordinary she-fight, this is a fuss of some consequence, and should not be lightly dealt with. It was an earnest attempt at manslaughter, or woman-slaughter at any rate, which is nearly as bad. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 19, 1864. Real del Monte. In the Fourth District Court yesterday, an order was granted to the plaintiff in the suit of J. J. Robbins v. Real del Monte Gold and Silver Mining Company at all, requiring the defendants to show cause why they should not be enjoined from selling stock for the collection of an assessment levied for the purpose of further improving their mine. It appears that stockholders are becoming dissatisfied with the management of the concern, and want to see the end of assessments for further improvements. It is an idea entertained by some inconsiderate persons that a mind should at some period of the world's history begin to pay its own expenses. Rolling into prosperity on the wheels of assessments may do for a while, but there's a time when dividends should relieve the drain on the individual's private resources, and he looks forward expectantly, but hope deferred maketh the heart sick, etc. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 20, 1864. A Stage Robber Amongst Us Almond Glasby, or Gillespie, one of the Placerville stage robbers, was brought up from San Jose yesterday by Sheriff Van Eaton and lodged in the station house until the Sacramento boat left. He was captured at Hall's Tavern between San Jose and the new Almaden Mines after a severe fight on the night that the Sheriff's Party killed his two comrades. He confesses that he belonged to an organized band of robbers, under the command of Ingram, who held a Captain's Commission in the Confederate Army, signed by Jeff Davis, and says they were armed and equipped by secessionists throughout the state, among whom he mentioned several who were well known in Santa Clara County, and two in this city. He says he is only nineteen years old, but to a disinterested spectator he looks older by two or three years. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 21, 1864. Amazonian Pastimes Molly Livingston and two friends of hers, Therese and Jesse, none of whom are of, at all, doubtful reputation, cast aside their superfluous clothing and engaged in a splendid triangular fistfight in Spulford Alley about seven o'clock yesterday evening. It was a shiftless row, however, without aim or object, and for this reason officers Everard and McCormick broke it up and confined the parties to it in the city prison. It originated in whiskey. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 21, 1864. Detective Rose Again As foolish a thing as a man can do is to steal anything while Officer Rose is in town. A Mrs. Ashley, who lives in Bush between Powell and Mason Streets, was robbed of a gold belt buckle, some silver spoons, etc., on Saturday the 9th, and yesterday she laid the matter before one of our police officers, who told her to find Officer Rose and give him charge of the matter. She found him, but she was too late for her information to be of any use, he had already recovered the stolen property and tracked the thief to his den also. It is said he follows people by the footprints they make on the brick pavements. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 22, 1864. The Boss Earthquake When we contracted to report for this newspaper, the important matter of two earthquakes a month was not considered in the salary. There shall be no mistake of that kind in the next contract, though. Last night, at twenty minutes to eleven, the regular semi-monthly earthquake, due the night before, arrived twenty-four hours behind time, but it made up for the delay in uncommon and altogether unnecessary energy and enthusiasm. The first effort was so gentle as to move the inexperienced stranger to the expression of contempt and brave but very bad jokes. But the second was calculated to move him out of his boots, unless they fitted him neatly. Up in the third story of this building, the sensation we experienced was as if we had been sent for and were mighty anxious to go. The house seemed to waltz from side to side with a quick motion, suggestive of sifting cornmeal through a sieve. Afterward it rocked grandly to and fro like a prodigious cradle, and in the meantime several persons started downstairs to see if there were anybody in the streets so timid as to be frightened at a mere earthquake. The third shock was not important, as compared with the stunner that had just preceded it. That second shock drove people out of the theatres by dozens. At the Metropolitan we were told that Franks, the comedian, had just come on the stage. They were playing the Ticket of Leave man, and was about to express the unbounded faith he had in May. He paused until the jarring had subsided, and then improved and added force to the text by exclaiming, It will take more than an earthquake to shake my faith in that woman! And in that Franks achieved a sublime triumph over the elements, for he brought the house down, and the earthquake couldn't. From the time the shocks commenced last night, until the windows had stopped rattling, a minute and a half had lapsed. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 22, 1864. Good effects of a high tariff. We are pleased to hear of the prosperous condition of the Dashaway Society. Their ranks, we are assured, are constantly filling up. The draft with them is working well, causing many to volunteer. The bounty they receive is sobriety, respect, and health, and the blessings of families. We will not attribute all these new recruitings to the high tariff, and the difficulty of obtaining any decent whiskey. But some who join give this, as their reason. They fear strictyne more than inebriation. They find it impossible to exhaust all the tarantula juice in the country, as they have been endeavouring to do for a long while, in hopes to get at some decent rum, after the tangle-leg should have been swallowed, and so conclude to save tariff on liquors and life by coming square up to the hydrant. Their return to original innocence and primitive vibrations will be gladly welcomed. Water is a forgiving friend. After years of estrangement it meets the depraved taste with the same friendship as before. Water bears no enmity. But it must be a strange meeting—water pure and the tongues of some of our solid drinkers of bourbon and its dishonest relations. Alkalai water to the innocent mouths of cattle from the waters of the Mississippi could not seem stranger nor more disagreeable at first, but it will come around right at last. Success to the tariff and the dash-aways. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call July 22, 1864. A scene at the police court. The hostility of colour. A long file of applicants, perhaps seventy-five or eighty, passed in review before the police commissioners yesterday afternoon, anxious to be employed by the city in snatching drunks, burglars, petty larseners, wife-whippers, and all offenders generally, under the authority of a star on the left breast. One of the candidates, a fine burly specimen of an emeralder, leaned negligently against the door-post, speculating on his chances of being passed, and at the same time whiffing industriously at an old Dideen blackened by a thousand smokes. He was smoking thus thoughtfully, when a contraband passed him, conveying a message to some official in the court. There goes another applicant! said a wag at his elbow. What? asked the smoker. A darkie, looking for a sit on the police, was the reply. And do they give niggers a chance on the police? Of course! Then, but jeez! said Pat, knocking the ashes out of his pipe and stowing it away. I'm out of the ring! I wouldn't demane myself patrolling o' nights with a nagger! He gave one glance at the innocent and unsuspecting darkie, and left the place in disgust. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 22, 1864. Rough on Keating! All of a sudden we have imbibed a most extravagant respect for grand juries. Judge Cowles fined a man two hundred and fifty dollars yesterday, and sentenced him to five days imprisonment in the county jail, for cherishing a sentiment of the opposite character. Otto Keating was summoned before the grand jury for the May term, and refused to answer one or two of the questions asked him. Judge Cowles hauled him up for contempt, but let him go without punishment. He was again called for by the grand jury, when he answered the questions he had declined to answer before, but refused to answer some new ones that were asked him. The punishment, we have mentioned, was the result. The great popularity of Judge Cowles, with the people of San Francisco, rests upon two rare judicial traits, which are strongly developed in his character. These, the quality of mercy, with the quality of discerning where it is proper to exercise it, and the quality of fearlessly administering red hot penalties that make a transgressor fairly waltz when he deserves it. An innocent man is safe enough in the county court, but if he is guilty, he ought always to do what he honestly can to get a change of venue. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 22nd, 1864. Arrest of a Sassash bishop. Reverend H. H. Kavanaugh, represented as a bishop of the M.E. Church South, whose home until quite recently has been in Georgia, but who for some time past has been traveling around in this part of the state, organizing churches and preaching the gospel as the M.E. Church South understand it, to many congregations of rebel sympathizers, was on Monday arrested by Captain Jackson, United States Marshal for the Southern District of this state. The arrest was made at Black's Ranch, Salt Spring Valley, Calaveras County, whilst the bishop was holding a camp meeting. By the Reverend Gentleman's request, he was granted his parole until he could preach a sermon on promise to report himself at this city yesterday for passage on the San Francisco steamer, which he did accordingly. We cannot state the precise charges on which he was arrested. Getting military information is about the slowest business we ever undertook. We clipped the above paragraph from the Stockton Independent at eleven o'clock yesterday morning, and went skirmishing among the chief captains, as the Bible modestly terms brigadier generals, in search of further information, from that time until half past seven o'clock in the evening before we got it. We will engage to find out who wrote the Junius letters in less time than that if we have a mind to turn our attention to it. We started to the Provost Marshal's office, but met another reporter who said, I suppose I know where you're going, but it's no use. Just come from there. Military etiquette and all that, you know. Those fellows are mum. Won't tell anything about it. Damn! We sought General McDowell, but he had gone to Oakland. In the course of the afternoon we visited all kinds of headquarters and places, and called on General Mason, Colonel Drum, General Van Boekelen, Leland of the Occidental, Chief Burke, Keating, Emperor Norton, and everybody else that would be likely to know the government's business, and knowing it, be willing to impart the coveted information for a consideration such as the wealthy fraternity of reporters are always prepared to promise. We did finally get it, from a high official source, and without any charge whatever. But then the satisfaction of the thing was all sapped out of it by exquisite touches on the raw, which means hints that military matters were not proper subjects to branch out on in the popular sensational way so palatable to the people, and mild but extremely forcible suggestions about the unhappy fate that has overtaken fellows who ventured to experiment on contraband news. We shall not go beyond the proper limits, if we fully appreciate those suggestions, and we think we do. We were told that we might say the military authorities, hearing where the bishop had come from, and maybe what he was about, we will just chance that notion for a flyer, did send Captain Jackson to simply ask the bishop to come down to San Francisco. He didn't arrest the bishop at all, but most anybody would have come on a nice little invitation like that, without waiting for the formal compliment of an arrest. Another excessively smart suggestion of ours, and we do hope it isn't contraband. The Captain only requested the bishop to come down here and explain to the authorities what he was up to, and he did. He arrived here night before last, and explained it in writing, and that document and the bishop have been taken under advisement, and we think we were told a decision had been arrived at, and that it was not public property just yet, but we are not sure, and we had rather not take any chances on this part of the business. We do know, however, that the bishop and his document are still under advisement as far as the public are concerned, and we would further advise the public not to get in a sweat about it, but to hold their grip patiently until it is proper for them to know all about the matter. This is all we know concerning the bishop and his explanation, and if we have branched out too much and shed something that trenches upon that infernal contraband rule, we want to go home. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 23, 1864. Demoralizing Young Girls. Yesterday, in the police court, George Lambertson and Ralph Doyle, one a full-grown man and the other a boy of fourteen, pleaded guilty to the charge of exhibiting obscene pictures. Officers Lise, Everard, and Rose, sometimes since, got on the track of a regular system of prostituting young girls, which was being carried on by a number of men and boys who had banded themselves together for the purpose, and their efforts have resulted in the arrest of the two persons above named, and the unearthing of two more of the boys, and two or three men, who are probably all captured by this time. The name of one of the men is Emile Bouffendot. Two of the boys are Harry Fenton and George Ayres. The men made use of the boys to decoy the girls to their rooms, where their ruin was affected. These rooms were well stocked with obscene books and pictures. The officers say that the further they probe the matter the more astounding are the developments, and the more widespread the operations of this infamous association are discovered to be. The names of some fifteen of these debauched girls have already been ascertained, and others are suspected of properly belonging on the list. Some of them are members of families of high respectability, and the balance, as young Doyle phrases it, are bald-headed, that is, unbonneted street girls. The ages of the lot vary from ten or twelve to fifteen. Ralph Doyle says that he and the other two boys, Ayres and Fenton, were confidants, but that he knows of no gang, nor confederation of men and boys together in the wretched business. He is aware, however, that a large number of men and boys and young girls are in the habit of visiting each other's homes, but on their own individual responsibility only, he thinks. He says the girls showed him the obscene pictures, instead of his being guilty of that sort of conduct with them, and he is further of the opinion that they have done the seducing in most of the other cases as they did in his.  He tells his story the same way every time, and we believe he tells the truth. All his revelations, however, will not do to print. The boys concerned in this extraordinary affair will be sent to the industrial school, as they are all very young, and it is to be hoped that the law will be stretched to its utmost tension for the punishment of the men. Since the above was in type, we have learned that the terrible developments detailed above were brought to light through the energy and industry of the master of one of the schools. He had ascertained the names and addresses of a great number of men and boys not mentioned in this article, who were implicated in these villainous transactions, and was in a fair way of securing their apprehension, but the premature disclosure of the facts and their publication in the evening papers, it is feared, will put the scoundrels on their guard and prevent their capture. Furthermore, according to our latest information, there are thirty names of debauched young girls on the list. The man, Lambertson, by whom a poor orphan girl of fifteen has become insane, has made over to her in the hope of escaping the penitentiary such property as he owned in the city. We are also very glad to learn from the best authority that Ralph Doyle, so far from being a leader among the miscreants, as has been said of him, was the most innocent in the party, and that it is not in his nature to do an unworthy action when left to the guidance of his own good instincts. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 23rd, 1864. False pretenses. A few days ago, L. Kahn bought ten thousand cigars from a man named Cohen, promising to pay twenty dollars per thousand in gold for them on delivery. He had them taken and left in a cellar, and told the plaintive to call in an hour or so afterwards and get his money. When the man called, according to appointment, Kahn was absent, and so were the cigars. And finally, when he did succeed in collaring his debtor, the fellow tendered greenbacks in payment of his bill. The result was a charge preferred in the police court against Kahn for obtaining goods under false pretenses. After a patient hearing of the case, Judge Shepard said he would send it up to the county court, placing defendant under one thousand dollars bonds. And if they felt there, as he did, Kahn would certainly be punished for the crime he had been charged with, or perhaps even for grand larceny, which was the real spirit of the offence. He said Kahn's conduct was based in fraud and carried out in fraud. There was fraud in its conception and fraud in its execution, and he considered the man as guilty as the occupant of any jail in the country. The counsel for defendant said, if there was any fraud in the matter, it probably lay in the issuance of the greenbacks in the first place. Judge Shepard said, I am aware that you are a union man, sir, but not withstanding that. I will permit no more such language as that to be used in this court. And I will punish any man who repeats the offences here for contempt or imprison him for treason. For I regard it as nothing more nor less than treason. It is your duty and mine, sir, to uphold the government and forbear to question the righteousness of its acts. The lawyer protested his innocence of any intention to commit the chiefest among crimes, and quiet was restored again. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 23, 1864. Rape. Right before last, Mrs. Margaret McQuinn complained to Captain Lees that she had been raped by the driver of hack number twenty-eight, and officer Blitz, whose duty it is to attend to the followers of that occupation, was deputed to ferret out the criminal and arrest him, which he did. The man's name is Barney Gillan. The woman is large and strongly built in about thirty years of age. From her story, all of which it is not by any means necessary to publish, it would seem that she is supernaturally green. She says she arrived here from Manchester, New Hampshire, last Monday in the Constitution, and since then three different hack men have endeavored to entrap her. Day before yesterday, Gillan, under pretense of hunting a situation as a servant for her among some respectable families in the country, with whom he represented himself as being very popular, took her to some out-of-the-way den kept by a Frenchman near the Mission, and ruined her by force, as above stated. She returned to town with him, and then excused herself and went and laid the matter before the detective department. There is a charge of this kind brought against some hack men or other about once every five or six months, and it is fully time an example were made that would forever put a stop to such villainy on their part. Gillan has been admitted to bail in the sum of one thousand dollars. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 24, 1864. A Merited Penalty. We chronicle the usual visitations of justice upon those persons whose errors are venial, and the result of an unfortunate appetite or temper, always with a feeling of regret that the well-being of society demands inflexibly a judgment according to the law and the testimony. We can compassionate the man whose domestic troubles or business reverses drive him to drink frenzy from the bowl, or who in a momentary heat retaliates on wanton injury or insult or heirs through ignorance, but there are instances where the only regret is that the power of the judge to punish is limited to a penalty not at all commensurate with the magnitude of the offense. In the case of George Lambertson, who was arrested for infamous demoralizing practices with young schoolgirls, and who pleaded guilty in the police court, Judge Shepherd inflicted upon the miscreant the heaviest penalty prescribed by the law for his crime. Lambertson receives a term of three months in the county jail, and a fine of five hundred dollars, which fine will extend the term of imprisonment until the full amount is served out at the rate of two dollars per day, in addition to the three months aforesaid, is a part of the penalty. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 26, 1864. CONCERNING HACKMEN At the next meeting of the Board of Supervisors, Mr. Cummings, a member of the 10th District, will introduce an ordinance requiring all drivers of hacks, as well as hack owners, to take out license to the end that the eternal dodging of responsibility by that class of the community may be checkmated. One plan of extorting money from passengers which is followed by hackmen under the present loose system might be frustrated, perhaps, by Mr. Cummings' proposed bill. The plan we refer to is this. A stranger takes a hack at the steamboat landing, and makes a bargain for his transportation to a hotel. On the road the driver's confederate takes the reins, delivers the passenger at the hotel, and charges him double, swearing he knows nothing of the previous contract. We were under the impression that the owner of the hack was responsible in cases of illegal charging, but those whose business it is to know tell us it is not so. It ought to be at any rate. It doesn't even require horse sense to know that much, and while the subject is before the board, an ordinance is to be framed requiring the hackmen around Portsmouth Square to stay where they belong, and not collect in squads obstructing the sidewalks and making a general nuisance of themselves. So far, senior Blitz and the police court, and the Board of Supervisors, all put together, have not been able to keep the hackmen straight. One of the fraternity, Barney Gillan, is up to-day for committing a rape on a defenseless young woman, thirty-five years of age, and they will probably make him sweat for it. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 30, 1864. Trot her along. For several days a vagrant two-story frame house has been wandering listlessly about Commercial Street above this office, and she has finally stopped in the middle of the thoroughfare, and is staring dejectedly towards Montgomery Street, as if she would like to go down there, but really don't feel equal to the exertion. We wish they would trot her along and leave the street open. She is an impassable obstruction and an intolerable nuisance where she stands now. If they set her up there to be looked at, it is all right. But we have looked at her as much as we want to, and are anxious for her to move along. We are not stuck after her any. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 30, 1864. Mrs. O'Farrell. This faded relic of a gentility, or rather this washed-out relic for every tint of that description is gone, was brought to the station house yesterday in the arms of Officer's Marsh and Ball in a state of beastly intoxication. She cursed the Union and lauded the Confederacy for half an hour, and then she cast up part of her dinner. During the succeeding half-hour, or perhaps it might have been three-quarters, she continued to curse the Federal Union and belch-fuming and offensive blessings upon the Southern Confederacy, and then she cast up the balance of her dinner. She seemed much relieved. She so expressed herself. She observed to the prison keeper, and casually to such as were standing around, although strangers to her, that she didn't care a damn. She said it in a tone of quiet cheerfulness and contentment, which marks the troubled spirit at peace again after its stormy season of unrest. So they tackled her once more and jammed her into the dark cell and locked her up. To such of her friends as gentle love for her may inspire, with agonized suspense on her account, we would say, Banish your foreboding fears, for she's safe. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 30, 1864.  At first the tears and apparent distress of the victim of the alleged outrage, while occupying the witness's stand, were calculated to move the hearts of those present and acquainted with the facts. But as the examination progressed, the matter began to assume a very questionable phase, and it was soon apparent that if there had been any rape committed at all, it was of a very modified type. True, the lady did enter her protest and had a notion to Halu, when Gillan was about taking undue liberties with her, but she sought a refuge and assuaged her grief that night at the Portsmouth Hotel in the embraces of a benevolent person with whom she had met for the first time that day. He protected her injured innocence until seven o'clock the next morning, when she sallied forth to seek another protector. The case was discharged. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call, July 30, 1864. MORE SANITARY MALASSES The bark Yankee arrived from Honolulu yesterday, bringing another hundred barrels of molasses to Reverend H. W. Bellows, contributed by Captain McKee, and to be sold for the benefit of the sanitary fund. We noticed a like donation from the same distant patriot a day or two ago, which was sold here and netted upwards of twelve hundred dollars to the fund. Captain McKee's sugar plantation on one of the Hawaiian Islands, once this molasses comes, is rather extensive. He has seven hundred acres of cane growing, and this area will be increased during the next few months to nine hundred or a thousand acres. There is no water on the plantation, and irrigation has to be resorted to. Even the water required for the steam engine and other purposes in the manufacture of sugar has to be brought from a spring on a mountain three miles distant through iron pipes. Yet so rich is the land that six tons of sugar have been made on a single acre, and the average is about three tons. At his own mill Captain McKee manufactures from eight thousand to ten thousand pounds of sugar a day. During the present year his plantation has been very successful, and promises to produce the largest amount of sugar yet obtained from any one estate in the Hawaiian Islands. Its product will probably realize at present rates this year over one hundred thousand dollars, and, altogether, its chances, in a business point of view, may be regarded as rather a debtor thing than gold and curry. The estate is expected to yield over two million pounds of sugar next year. Captain McKee has invented a molasses pan and a double cane cart, which are spoken of as great triumphs of Yankee genius. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call July 31st, 1864. Disgusted and Gone. That melancholy old-frame house that has been loafing around Commercial Street for the past week got disgusted at the notice we gave her in the last issue of the call, and drifted off into some other part of the city yesterday. It is pleasing to our vanity to imagine that if it had not been for our sagacity in divining her hellish designs and our fearless exposure of them, she would have been down on Montgomery Street today playing herself for a hotel. As it is, she has folded her tents like the Arabs and quietly stolen away behind several yoke of oxen. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call July 31st, 1864. Another Lazarus. The lamented Lazarus departed this life about a year ago, and from that time until recently poor bummer has mourned the loss of his faithful friend in solitude, scorning the sympathy and companionship of his race with that stately reserve and exclusiveness which has always distinguished him since he became a citizen of San Francisco. But for several weeks past we have observed a vagrant black puppy has taken up with him and attends him in his promenades, bums with him at the restaurants, and watches over his slumbers as unremittingly as did the sainted Lazarus of other days. Whether that puppy really feels an unselfish affection for bummer, or whether he is actuated by unworthy motives, and goes with him merely to ring in on the eating-houses through his popularity at such establishments, or whether he is one of those fawning psychophants that fasten upon the world's heroes in order that they may be glorified by the reflected light of greatness, we cannot yet determine. We only know that he hangs around bummer and snarls at intruders upon his repose, and looks proud and happy when the old dog condescends to notice him. He ventures upon no puppyish levity in the presence of his prince, and assays no unbecoming familiarity, but in all respects conducts himself with a respectful decorum with which such a puppy so situated should display. Consequently, in time, he may grow into high favor. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call July 31st, 1864. Berglary. On Friday morning Catherine Leary, who lives in Waverly Place, got up and found all the doors in her house open, and a silk dress worth seventy-five dollars missing, and also an alarm clock said to be worth ten dollars, but we beg to be left unmolested in the opinion that it isn't worth six bits if it didn't know enough to give the alarm when the house was full of thieves. Officer Rose of the Detective Police recovered the silk dress yesterday, and the imbecile clock, and also the Chinaman who is supposed to have committed the Berglary. Hoping the accused may prove innocent, we prefer not to blast his reputation by publishing his name yet, which is Ah Chum. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call July 31st, 1864. Custom House resignations. Yesterday afternoon, the Deputy Collector, Auditor, and fifteen other Custom House Officers sent in their resignations, assigning as a reason for doing so, that with green bags at the present rates, forty cents, their wages were less than those received by day laborers, and being inadequate to defray the expense of living they were compelled to resign. Custom House salaries are not very heavy, even when paid in gold. We are informed that the Collector telegraphed to Washington at once concerning the matter. The San Francisco Daily Morning Call July 31st, 1864. The Comanche. Work on the Comanche is progressing rapidly. The foreman observed yesterday with the air of a man who has satisfied his listener is an uncommonly intelligent man, and knows all about things, that the garboard streak had been up some time. It is not possible to conceive the satisfaction we derive from that information. She must be all right now, isn't she? One of those gunboats is generally all right when she has her garboard streak up, perhaps. Such has been our experience. It is limited, but that is of no real consequence, probably. We looked around a little, and noticed that there was another streak up also, running four and aft, and several streaks running crossways, and enough old iron lying around to make as many more streaks as they want if it holds out. It was excessively cheerful and gratifying. The public may rest easy. Work on the Comanche is streaking along with extraordinary velocity.


Hello and thank you for joining us for this web chat commemorating the 26th anniversary of the World Press Freedom Day. I'm Peter Cloughty, host of Nightline Africa, a radio magazine show, and one-on-one with Peter Cloughty, a TV segment on Voice of America's Africa 54 TV show. Journalists shine a light on many issues, keeping citizens informed, prompting robust discussion and serious issues, and holding their governments, including our own, accountable. Today is an opportunity to honor the many journalists who have dedicated their lives and taking great risk to pursue this important work. During this discussion, we'll talk about the essential role that media plays in supporting elections and democracy, especially in the face of the increasing challenges of disinformation declining trust in news media and intimidation and violence against journalists. We'll also talk about how the digital transformation of media has created a fragmented news and information landscape and how that has impacted election reporting. Those of you viewing online can ask questions by submitting them in the comment section next to the video player or tweeting them using hashtag WFPD2019, that is WFPD2019. Joining us today is Lucinda Fleecing, an award-winning journalist with extensive international training experience in investigative reporting and election coverage. Lucinda has trained journalists in Africa, East and Central Europe, Latin America and South Asia. Her training manual for investigative reporting in developing democracies has been translated into 18 languages and circulated to more than 20,000 journalists. Our third panelist, Laurie Montenegro, DC Bureau Chief of Noticia Telemundo will be joining us in the comment section. She will help answer your questions and share links to resources. For the past 20 years, Laurie was a Washington correspondent for Telemundo covering the White House, Capitol Hill, the Supreme Court and the Justice Department. She is a recipient of the Presidential Award from the National Association of Hispanic Journalists. I'd like to start things off by asking our panel of experts a couple of questions related to the main theme of today's discussion, the role of a free press in elections. Lucinda, you've spent many years training journalists in election reporting. Can you start us off by sharing your thoughts on the role journalism plays in democracy and elections and share some tips for balanced coverage of candidates and the issues? Sure. Thank you, Peter. And hello, journalists around the world. Whenever I travel and work with you, I'm so impressed by your ingenuity and resourcefulness. Elections are a time when journalists really play an important, pivotal, vital role. And it starts with just the basics, informing voters. How can you vote? Where can you vote? When can you vote? Reporting on the process is that are the election and polls being played fairly? Are there election monitors to ensure that? What happens when they're not? Oftentimes you have to report when things are not free and fair. But I also want you to encourage, I also want to encourage you to reach beyond those basics and really inform the voters on who these candidates are. That's your job. And partly you can do it by creating the narrative.  Write in-depth feature profiles. Write issues. For instance, you might just break out one issue, transportation, investment. How are each of the candidates, what are their ideas and proposals on that? Instead of talking to the candidates every day, which unfortunately is the practice around the globe here too, get out and talk to other people what they think of the issues, what they think of the candidates. Good people, pollsters, labor unions, independent academics, historians, local level government officials, they all are important. Most of all, talk to the voters. Don't just be a typewriter and we don't have typewriters anymore. Don't just be a stenographer and record the politician's statements. Get out and ask the voters, what are your concerns?  Travel as far as you can. If you can't get out of the city, go into poor neighborhoods, rich neighborhoods. And as far and wide in the country as you can. Thanks Lucinda. In some regions of the world, traditional media such as newspapers, TV and radio news programs are still the primary sources of information and election coverage. However, digital platforms including social media and blogs have grown significantly in recent years and are now a key avenue by which people consume news. Well, I will give you an example about some of these instances in Nigeria for example during the recent presidential election. There were a few issues of one group trying to intimidate the other and prevent their supporters from going to vote where you had the Yoruba people and the Igbo people. They are all from the south. However, because they thought the Yoruba support the ruling party and the Igbo support the opposition, they said, well, Lagos is for Yoruba people, Igbos need not vote. So some of them went around in spite of police protection, intimidating sometimes, destroying ballot papers, ballot boxes. And so you have some of these poll observers who are scared they couldn't go there. Some of the poll officials couldn't administer the poll correctly. So the electoral commission was forced to cancel results from that section. So the opposition believed that it was an orchestrated attempt just to intimidate and harass the opponents from going to the polls because they thought the incumbent president was going to lose. And Lagos being one of the biggest states, the conventional wisdom is that if somebody wins Lagos and wins Kano, the two most popular states in Nigeria, the presidential candidate automatically becomes president. So they did everything they could to make sure that the opposition guy didn't win. But the ruling party came and said, well, this is not the case. There are a few hoodlums who defy the electoral law, intimidating and all that. That should not be blamed on the ruling party. But these are some of the issues as journalists that we have to take a critical look at and address and report them accurately because if you fail to report them accurately, there could be tension, there could be chaos, there could be violence. And some, at least 47 people were killed, estimated figures by the government. So these are some issues that we have to take a critical look at. What say you saying that? Well, with the growth of social media, unfortunately, a lot of these outlets, blogs, Facebook, Instagram, they don't follow the same practices as we as journalists do. And so rumors can start and we all know the danger of rumors. There's been many instances in Africa and really elsewhere too, South Asia, where you've had these social media outlets often promoting biased information and it can create violence and killings. I think I read a poll recently that 20% of African nation elections have violence association. That's a lot. Thank you. Now before we jump into viewer questions, let's dig into a poll question we shared on social media in the days leading up to this discussion. We asked, what aspect of election reporting are you most interested in hearing about? You can see the results on the screen. The top answer was the impact of disinformation on elections followed by the rule of free press and elections then protecting journalists from intimidation and violence. Lucinda, what are your reactions to this poll? Well, I think those are three really important issues. I'm going to start out with the ensuring that elections are free and fair. A lot of this has to do with process, what we call process stories, which is right about the process of the election. How are the polls set up? In our country in the US, we have a lot of problems where some of the polling stations are not accessible in poor neighborhoods in certain states. Is that happening in your country? A good way to judge your own nation is to look at what is the gold standard? How are elections monitored and carried out in countries where they do it right? You can just report on that and then compare your country. Talk to the election monitors. Are there international independent monitors coming in? They often will hold press conferences and tell you how the polling is going. Every step of the process of the election, leading up to it during and after, write those stories. They're often not that controversial and there should be information about it too. I know a lot of you are in countries where the results are disputed often for weeks or months. Just continue to write the daily stories on how that happens and seek out experts to comment on them. I also want to take up the second one of how can journalists protect themselves from intimidation and violence. A lot of you are in countries where that's a problem. As Peter introduced me, I teach a lot of investigative reporting. It sounds simple, but one of the best ways journalists can protect themselves is to be accurate and fair. I know of instances where violence has occurred because the journalists were not fair. For instance, I'm not going to say what country it is, but I am familiar with a case where the TV station broadcast a story that intimated that the president was beating up his wife. There wasn't any proof, and it was kind of a nasty story. Well, the TV station had a big reaction and violence against it, which is wrong, but if they were fair in the first place, perhaps they could have prevented that. Your first armor is to be free, to be fair and accurate. The second thing is I like a rule that we used to use at the Philadelphia Inquirer, which is don't become part of the story, which is don't get yourself hurt or killed. Don't do something foolish.  Your job is to be safe and secure so you can report on it. And then last, Peter, what should we say about disinformation? Well disinformation sometimes is dangerous. I will give you an example in Sierra Leone, for instance, where there was this rumor that the opposition party has brought in some equipment to manipulate the election results. Had it not been for my head of state from the neighboring country to step in to say no, let's address this accordingly. Some of us approached the chairman of the electoral commission who said, well, our system is analog, so there's no way you can bring it in a machine to manipulate the figures. And that calmed tension, but that disinformation could have created a whole lot of mess, unfortunately. Well now let's take some questions from the comments section, those following along on Twitter using the hashtag WPFD2019. How do digital platforms influence an electoral process, Lucinda? Well, you know, when we're talking digital platforms, that's a huge thing. Are we talking about the online website of reputable news organizations? Oftentimes the digital version of news organizations can be more full and complete than even their short broadcast or their newspaper. So I would say that's a good thing. Digital platforms could also include blogs and Facebook. And again, it depends on how accurate there are or if the stories are being planted as we have cases in this country by interfering foreign parties. So yes, they can influence. Well, the second part of the question is how can citizens be protected from disinformation and how can ordinary citizens support journalists and a free press, especially in the face of threats of violence and intimidation? Let's go back to the first one first, which is how can citizens be protected from disinformation. The news organizations have a duty and a responsibility to be as accurate as possible. And I think that what's happened now is that with all this digital news, there's sometimes pressure to rush to print something that the competitors are or to broadcast something. And I think the real lesson is everyone has to confirm their own information. Don't just repeat it because you're seeing that your competitor is or you want to rush to be first with the story. That's a tough thing to do, but it needs to be done. The other thing that how can citizens protect themselves? This is easier said than done too. Citizens need to be able to analyze news sources as whether they're credible. And it requires a lot. It requires them to look at websites and see who's funding them. Look at news organizations and say, do I believe these are not? And that's a big job and not everyone's doing it. The next question is from the U.S. Embassy in the Malawian capital in Longuay. Is it what can journalists do to make sure that there's no tension as voters wait for election results in case there's a delay? Because their election, general election is on May 21. Hello, Lulungi. I was there a couple of years ago and I enjoyed it. You can't make up information, but you can tell and share with the voters every step of the process. You can interview the election officials and the parties every day and give them updates. And that's all you can do, really, but that's a lot. Full disclosure. Just close with them and share with the voters everything you know about it and why the delays are there. Eddie, the election officials in Malawi sometimes have been forthcoming when you call them. They quickly answer your question. Reina asks, how can the media handle impartiality in the electoral process? Well, when you say handle, I think you maybe mean insurer. Impartiality in the electoral process. Again, this is something that this is one of our first duties in election coverage is report on the process. Share with voters. Are the polling stations and the counts and the monitoring officials adhering to international guidelines? Ask them. Compare them. International media monitors is easier because, as I say, they often will even have a press conference on a daily basis. But find out what the standards are and see how your country is adhering to them. Well, the second part of the question is, aside from disinformation, what are some potential of foreseen consequences and risk of digital media on how citizens consume election reporting? Who is responsible for protecting against the risks? Well, in this country, in the United States, we don't believe that the press should be licensed or there's no government body that punishes them except for the courts. There are some rules about fairness and broadcast. So it varies from country to country. But there are many, many instances of bias media around the world, I'm thinking of South Asia and Africa in particular, where some news outlets, they're not even news outlets, where some bias groups have set up particularly radio stations and broadcast what is clearly hate messages. And this has incited violence and interfered with the election. Who's responsible for stopping that depends on each country. But it's perhaps your responsibility as a reporter to report on these things and report how they adhere to what everyone would believe are international standards for reporting. What do you think, Peter? Unfortunately, sometimes when you have this kind of disinformation and impartiality and all that, it gives the government the leeway to crack down on the media, which is quite unfortunate. So you have some journalism groups all across the continent. Sometimes those who belong to those groups sometimes are a little bit more upright and follow the rules of journalism. However, those bloggers sometimes they are not upheld to the same standard. And people often gravitate towards that. And that is the challenge. So journalists will need to be accurate and fast to put the information out, the credible information out there in order to try to blunt the effects or the side effects of what misinformation they put out. Otherwise, we'll all be in deep trouble. And then you have the government cracking down. They come up with laws that are quite oppressive. And then it snowballs from there. It makes it difficult for journalists to do their jobs. And sometimes they can even use violence or state institutions to suppress the media. And we've seen it in a number of African countries. Absolutely. And more and more creeping into the mainstream press and broadcast are reports about social media. And sometimes it becomes the mainstream news organizations responsibility to report that these false rumors or unverified rumors are taking place. I'm thinking of right now in Sri Lanka, where following the terrible Easter Sunday bombings, the country shut down Facebook and a lot of social medias. And there was one column that I read where they said good, because this prevents the spread of rumors. I don't know if it's good or not. But in these kind of crisis situations, and you could argue for elections too, people really want to know what's happening. And that's our role is to provide that information. And when we don't know whether something is true, just say that too. That's true. And sometimes the election officials must be up and doing to provide information out there. Else you have people coming up with all kinds of suspicions and rumors you create unnecessary tension and chaos, possibly because once people don't know it creates a vacuum, then all kinds of actors will come in to act. And sometimes it will not be to the interests of the country. And that is what we need to guard against. One of the other part of the question is what role do other actors outside of the political space, especially private companies, have in combating disinformation and supporting a free press? And why does this matter for elections and democracy? That's kind of broad. But I'm thinking in corporations, oftentimes, is their role funding campaigns? Is that what we're talking about here? It depends. I mean, ideally, every country should have campaign finance laws where reporters and everyday citizens can look and see who is giving money to candidates. Perhaps your country doesn't have that. Many don't. If so, you can report on that fact, that there are no campaign finance laws. Sometimes it becomes journalists' role to think on the lawn view, OK, we don't have that kind of access now. How can we, as journalism organizations, do to lobby and create new laws that would allow that? Because that's a part of our duty, too. If you don't like the laws right now, let's have an active role in government and getting more free information. And I know that's a lawn view. It may take 10, 20 years, maybe longer, but it's worth doing as activists and journalists pressing for freedom of information. The interesting part of that is, most of these countries have in their constitution freedom of expression. The constitution guarantees it, but sometimes because of things that might not necessarily please the government, those accesses get shrunk and it's getting increasingly shrunk in a lot of places. So I guess the fight still goes on. The U.S. and Brazil alone, we ask, how can we increase voter participation among the youth? Well, first of all, I'm thinking, is that the press' news media's responsibility? Or is that the political parties? I would take that as a broader view and say, how can you increase youth involvement in news in just being informed? And one thing that has been growing, although not fast enough, is the idea of news literacy, which is, and it's starting to be taught in schools now, although not enough, which is teaching people, citizens, youth, how to analyze their own information sources to make sure they're getting independent and partial information. And those are really good things. Well, in some countries, I've seen the political parties getting involved where they go and talk to the citizens to try to converse vote in their campaigns and rallies. The electoral commission itself sometimes are giving some budget to educate the people through traditional media, the newspapers, TV. Now they're going digital, too, with Twitter, blogs and all that. And then you have the civic education. Non-governmental organizations also have been doing that in some countries that I'm aware of. But everybody has to get involved.  You have to do it. So Kanataka asks, there are certain prescribed ethics for conventional media. However, the same is not applicable for new media. Has the time come to codify ethics for new media or social media? If yes, how do we go about it? Well, as I said before, in the United States, we don't believe that there should be licensing or mandatory codes. However, most credible, responsible news organizations have their own code of ethics. And those have been adapted to cover new media. I'm thinking of The Washington Post, which has a very strong code of ethics, and that covers whether journalists can blog their personal view on issues while being a reporter. The answer is no. And oftentimes they can be fired. I mean, there have been many instances of reporters being fired for expressing political report opinions about candidates when they're supposed to be impartial. And you can find these very easily. Google Washington Post code of ethics, and you'll see a good one. And various news organizations have promulgated them as well. The U.S. Consulate General Chenai asks, how can journalists best fact-check the statements of political leaders during election coverage? Well, that's become a whole industry. My friend, Andy Holand, over at Politifact, gives lectures on this and has tip sheets on how to do it. But in essence, they take every speech and go through the facts. And once Google is our friend, we can fairly quickly fact-check with independent facts, their own statements, and this should be done. I encourage everyone to look at Politifact. It's not the only one. But what I love about them is that they give a rating to politicians for each speech, which is green, true, goes up to yellow.  Interesting. You know, I've seen instances in some African countries where the politicians who make some of these false statements, so to speak, get upset when the facts are brought out. Some of their supporters don't take kindly to that. They go to the media stations, they attack them and all that. But then that should not stop them from doing the right thing because the citizens deserve to know what they are being told because they have the final decision to make to choose the best candidate. So I would encourage them to go ahead, check your facts, put the facts out there. It might not be pleasant to the people who are spewing some of these negative or false narratives. And sometimes they might come at you. But you have to be careful that you don't insinuate or call them names. You just put the facts out there, let the citizens themselves make a judgment on who is telling the truth or otherwise. Rafael asks, how can journalists protect themselves from criminal prosecution for doing their work? Well, again, we don't have criminal prosecution here if we're just doing their work. But in terms of accuracy, accuracy, accuracy fairness. The one case that we had in times in the United States we've had criminal prosecution is where journalists have been subpoenaed and asked to reveal their sources. And sometimes they usually will not do it. And then we have had cases of reporters going to jail rather than name their sources. I as a journalist devoted myself to trying to get people on the record as much as possible. I would listen to off the record things, but I didn't really like quoting anonymous sources. So that's one way to protect yourself is don't quote anonymous sources. It sounds utopian or ideal, but I found that you actually can usually convince people to go on the record if you just say, well, now wait a minute, let's see, what can you put on the record here? I don't know what other kind of criminal prosecution you have in mind. That's a tough one.  So sometimes it's a difficult one. Sabrina from U.S. Embassy Breachtown asks, to what extent should a journalist known to be affiliated with a political party report for said political party? Never. I mean, I know this is done, but the problem is, you know, you really don't have credibility to be independent and impartial. If you report for a political party and are identified as such, that's okay, and you're an activist then. And there are such a thing as journalism activists for a cause, but you should be identified as such.  I think citizens can really determine which is credible, which news item is credible and which is not. And sometimes I have seen instances where a journalist would get information from a political party and then they plant it and then they have their byline. But then people will say, what happened to you? Where is the balance? If you don't take care, your credibility would go. And in our kind of profession, if your credibility goes, you're finished. Yeah. I mean, who would believe you? And you know what? The readers and viewers are pretty smart. Absolutely.  Fazzona at American Center Tashkent Uzbekistan asks, are there organizations which protect international journalists' rights? Yes. The Committee to Protect Journalists is based in New York and they do important work around the world really. And they do advocate for better press laws, better media laws and that's the one that comes to mind. Yeah. Committee.  They are very good. At some times, getting lawyers to represent members in several countries, I've seen a few of them where they got lawyers to protect them because they figured the guys were doing the right thing. They wrote, you know, credible stories, but then the powers that be didn't like them and they would try to use the state institution to intimidate and harass them. Maybe they might not have a case, but because they have the power, they try to use those institutions and those people have gotten off because the courts have, you know, come to a conclusion that, hey, this guy is just trying to use political influence to silence somebody here and there. Yeah. Sometimes they are not so lucky. Yeah. They put pressure. They also, by the way, publish an annual roster, unfortunately, of all the journalists who have been killed and attacked every year. All right. The viewing group at the U.S. Embassy in Haboroni, Botswana asked, is it ideal to set up a council that approves and regulates journalists or can they self-regulate? Well, as I said, we don't believe in that kind of regulation in the United States. I've seen it in other countries and, you know, I personally don't agree with it. I think the marketplace corrects and regulates. As you said, if your credibility goes, you're kind of gone as a journalist. What's your view on that, Peter? Well, I have seen instances where journalism groups like Southern African Journalist Organization, they have a group called MISA. Yeah. Very good group. You know, and they are quite good. They have training workshops for their member groups. So people are abreast with, you know, modding things of reporting and to be impartial and to be credible and fact-check and all that. So I think those can help because the sad part is, if you don't follow some of these rules to be credible to ensure your facts are, or your eyes are dotted and teased across, you will give these so-called oppressors who do not want information to get out the leg room to suppress. And that is not what you want because you want to be free. You want to uphold the stipulations of the Constitution with guarantees, freedom of expression, among other issues, yeah. And groups like MISA, which is a very good group. I've worked with them. They're strengthened numbers, particularly where you're in instances where there may be violence or government pressure. You know, this is really good time to have a journalism fraternity and sorority to representatives in parliament or in court to help you. They're strengthened numbers. Absolutely. Another question from the U.S. Embassy in Habaroni, Botswana. In the USA, there are media houses that are known to be pro-Republican or pro-democratic. Do you copy this practice in Africa? No. Yes, we do. And in the old days, 100 years ago, there was a lot of that in the media, and then we got away from there. I mean, everyone pretty much agrees that Fox News is a fan of the Republican Party. Now, the Republicans say that everything else is democratic. And I don't agree with that. But certainly, the editorial pages of some of our major newspapers are lean toward liberal. But it depends on your point of view. I don't think... I don't know. Would you agree with that? Well, I think you have a strong point. But then you also have to take a look at where they are in terms of how the embrace of the tenet of democracy is. Because while the U.S. has been practicing democracy for well over 200 years, in a lot of these African countries, some of them are between 20 to 30. And then there have been interruptions of military interventions here and there. So you need to look at where you are. In some West African countries and Southern African countries, I know the role of the media is very strong in those areas because they have been stable for so long. And so the politicians and the powers that be usually will allow them to operate with some freedom. It's not so in a lot of other countries. So it's the way democracy is, you know, the burgeoning democracy in these countries. So we have to weigh the two. Here, U.S. has been stable for a very, very long time. So they can experiment with whatever they want. Some African countries don't have that luxury to do that. Good point. U.S. Consulate Karachi, some say that control over digital media by governments can be beneficial for the masses. What do you think? What kind of control?  I don't. Do we want them controlling content? I mean, you know, we see in some countries, I'm thinking of China where you virtually can't get Facebook or many other digital platforms. So I don't know. I just read a really good article in the New York Times about YouTube, about the way that they're grappling with trying to shut down quickly when their mass attacks. And they're having trouble. I'm not sure I want to throw the government into that mix of controlling that. One thing I like to think about is when the tanks, the Soviet tanks rolled into Hungary in 1958, I think. The first thing they did is they went and destroyed the radio station. And why? Because they wanted to cut off communication to the people. And I feel the same way about digital access. We don't want anyone shutting that down. Press freedom should be that, press freedom. If you allow people to weigh in to control it, they will control it to an extent that the press freedom will be lost. So do not give them any room if you give them that room, trust me. I have seen instances where the government will use an excuse such as, well, we want to prevent instability and to maintain the territorial integrity of the country. So we have to shut it down in order for people not to go up in arms and try to destabilize the country. That is a way of shutting down free press. And you don't want that. American Corner UDP Santiago Chile asks, are there any types of electoral systems that can mitigate the effect of slanderous campaigns such as ranked choice voting instead of majority rule? And what do you think the outcome would be in the field of journalism? I'm not sure what ranked choice... I'm not sure either. But I guess in some instances where... Oh, I know. It's where you vote for your first, second and third choice and then they eliminate some. And so that, yeah, I have to say I'm not familiar enough on ranked choice. I do think that slanderous... I'd like to address that question. Is there anything that can be done to protect against slanderous campaigns? Slander, libel. In this country it is something that can be attacked through the civil courts. And I believe that. I don't think that we should be promulgating slanderous statements or libelous statements against people. And that, again, is where fact-checking comes in. And I think if, for instance, if you have one candidate slandering another, it's the role we can play is to immediately fact-check and point out if it's incorrect. I mean, fact-checking is the best way. That's your best tool to save yourself from reporting this slander because you could end up at the court. So US Embassy Habaroni Botswana asked, how do you deal with plagiarism in online media? Well, that's a good question. Again, on back to codes of ethics for journalists, and I really suggest you do look up the Washington Post code of ethics because they go into this. Again, when it's found out, journalists have been swiftly fired. It's so easy to cut and paste, but it's wrong. It's wrong whether it's in the newspaper, on the air, or on a blog. And it is easily found out, particularly because we can Google these things. I mean, as a professor, I used to Google sometimes sentences to see if they popped up someplace else. It's easily found out and it should be punished by the news organization themselves. Just avoid it. Yeah, exactly. Just avoid it. Just write your own stuff. Exactly. I mean, there's nothing wrong with that. If you write it and it's wrong, your editor might correct you and move along. There's no need in copying somebody's work. Write your own stuff. That's it. That's our model. All right. The U.S. Embassy in Cameroon writes, in a situation of conflict crisis characterized by violence and human rights violations, there's bound to, there's bound to voter apathy, especially among women. Yet, in my country, women are encouraged to participate in political leadership. What role should journalists play to ensure an effective participation of women in such context? You know, I'm not sure there's anything special to do except, again, this is media literacy. Make sure that if it's possible that there's media access throughout the community. I mean, radio is a wonderful media throughout Africa. And again, I'm not sure it's our role to ensure that people participate. It's our role to provide the information so they can. I can understand the background because in the southern part of Cameroon, there's this ongoing crisis of conflict where you have what you call the ambasunians fighting the government. They want a free country or a separate country. So that has been going on. Some journalists who have been reporting about it have gotten trouble with some of the authorities because the authorities believe they've been slanting to favor one or the other and they've gotten themselves into trouble. A case in point was a lady journalist who the authorities felt that she reported wrongly about some deaths, about some situations that the powers that be wanted to keep secret. That is what she said. She got into trouble. She was sent to the court. She was released subsequently. I don't know what has been the case, but there is this tension going on. Of course, the international community has spoken about it, encouraging both the government and the opposition to try to resolve that, but that is the background to the question that this guy was asking. U.S. consulate Karachi Pakistan asked, how can journalists and social media activists counter and avoid trolling and abusive language? Don't do it. I mean, I don't know. Maybe this is what they're talking about in the comment section, probably, when a story is published on social media and then there's comments. I don't know because not every media organization can afford to monitor and edit the comment sections. Because of that, some outlets have actually taken away the comment sections because they just can't control it. I don't know how to counter and avoid trolling and abusive languages. Again, you have to have someone there to look at it and remove it. If it's the official news organization's website, it's probably worth it. I mean, I've seen instances where there are editors who look at those and just remove them. Yeah. Just remove them and save everybody any headache. American Corner University Diego Portales in Santiago, Chile asked, will good journalism lay the groundwork for fair democracy or will good democracy lay the groundwork for fair journalism? Both. So you have your answer there. Sabrina Foster at the U.S. Embassy Breach Town, Barbados asked, how difficult is it for traditional media to correct this information after it has been circulating for a while? You know, it's difficult. What I'm thinking of right now is the anti-vaccine movement. Traditional media has for more than 10 years been correcting this incorrect information that vaccines are dangerous and cause autism and people just don't believe it. We can't control what people believe, but we can continue to correct it and not publish the wrong information. Well, Fatima Umar, U.S. Embassy Abuja, Nigeria, how can media combat recent damage to its reputation as a neutral and unbiased profession? Do the right thing. That's it. You know, journalists are never going to be terribly popular. That's not our job. In fact, I used to say when both sides were attacking me, it means I'm probably being fair. Well, see, in the Nigerian media landscape, anytime you go to Nigeria and you want some of the best media organizations to read their material and stuff, they would mention quite a few and they would tell you the rest are theirs or the rest are that because some of the politicians own some of these media organizations. So all the stories are tilted to favor them against the opponent. So we have to be very careful. But being unbiased, cross-checking your facts and writing the facts as you see them is the best way to go. Because as we said, if you are slanted, if you slanted a story or if you commit any libelous act, you will be taken to the court and sometimes some people might attack you for doing the right thing, but that should not stop you from doing that. And as we said, if your reputation is soiled, if your credibility is undermined by your actions, you are finished in that kind of profession. So you have to stay true to yourself, write the stories as you see them, check your facts and put them out there, let the citizens make their own judgment on the best information you put out there. Amen. Say another question, how can the international community more effectively work together to improve journalist safety and counter violence and intimidation against journalists worldwide? Well, it's a subject that is dear to the heart to many journalists, many international journalists. There are, you know, another organization that I would direct you to is the DART Center for Trauma. And they do quite a bit of work on improving or trying to protect journalists and taking their own safety measures. In fact, you can find some guidelines there on how to do it. There's always more work to be done. It's never enough. But, you know, journalists would also have to take their safety into their own hands. You have to be mindful of the kind of work that you do.  So you have to be very careful and I've seen instances where friends of mine will cover their faces, will not go to certain places because they know some of their investigative work are quite explosive. Some of them got, even judges fired, their supporters came after them. Some politicians lost elections because of some information that came out because of investigative work.  So you have to be mindful of where you go, where you visit people you talk to. Your safety should be your priority. Absolutely. I mean, oftentimes when I do investigate reporting, training, for instance, it'll always be, it'll often be young girls who want to go investigate human trafficking and prostitution. I don't think this is a great idea to go to those places where it's happening and start asking questions alone at night. You know, some of us just come and say safety. Absolutely. A few questions have come on specific tools that can be used to fact-check your work or new information. What tools do you use in your daily work to check facts and new information? How many sources do you need to have to verify a new piece of information? Well, I think I saw you answering that first. Right. Why don't you go ahead first? Right. I would, at VOA, what we do is in order to ensure that you are safe and your information is credible, we have three independent sources that would have to confirm. I go a little further by talking to people who know the subject to confirm or deny the story apart from having these three independent sources. And I think with the three independent sources, you are on a safer side rather than going out with information that could be challenged and, you know, as a result could damage your reputation or credibility. So these are some of the things that you have to do. You can even Google a few of the things that you want to find out to really ascertain whether these are factual or just somebody just putting things out there. And I also have instances where I have to call people or approach them to say, hey, I heard this. What really happened? Going to the real newsmaker sometimes will save you a lot of headache. Hey, I'm so glad. That is such good advice. Absolutely. And try to verify it yourself. Not just, you know, how many journalists today spend their time in the office on the phone and on the computer and not even on the phone or going out? That's great. It's easy to have the usual eight hours and not putting a lot of time to verify your source. A lot of people want to get the easy way out. They come and do their regular eight hours and go. But if you really want to have your information correct, sometimes it goes beyond the eight hours. And that's what we need to pay attention to. And there are other things. There are now, and you can easily find this by doing a Google search, there are visual fact checking. So for instance, say that there's a doctor photo. You often can find the original photo. I'm thinking of, there was a flood in a town in New Jersey here. And there was a picture of a shark fin swimming down the street. Well, by doing a little search in Google images, you can find the image of that shark. So it was obviously photodocked, photoshopped. So there's many imaginative tools out there. Daniel Mesfin at the American Center in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa asked, how can journalists be accurate in fast changing situations, especially in countries with a restricted information space where it is very difficult for reporters to find and confirm information? Journalism is not easy. And unfortunately, there are no shortcuts. You just have to go through the process and work on it. And despite the pressure to be first, it's better to be right in 10 minutes late. I mean, I know that's easier said than done, but it comes down to that basic practice. I've had instances where I've gone to countries where it's difficult for local journalists to get information out. I just go to the sources of the information. You go to the officials who might ask them the question. Sometimes they may be rude. Sometimes they might not provide the information you need. But that should not stop you from asking those questions. By so doing, sometimes you can even get verification from other subordinates. And they will correct the information that you have. They might confirm it. I've had instances like that. And that helps. But the other thing is, back to what's in favor of using the internet, I go to a lot of trainings where journalists say there are no public records. And part of the training is to show them how you can find public records. Because there's more there than you think. And this becomes a burden for each of us to train ourselves. And I remember there was, are we connected with Nigeria? Yeah, there was a question from Abuja, yes. OK. Well, in Lagos, I worked with the webmaster in the Lagos Embassy, was a guy I really liked. And he used to say, you're in charge of your own education here. If you have 10 minutes a day only, work to increase your digital skills. I mean, he went to it. He was lucky. He started out by going to a training in Reuters, London. And when the training was over at five o'clock, the other reporters went out. He stayed in the computer lab learning as much as he could. And he just educated himself until he became the webmaster. I mean, we all have to do that. Even gray-haired people like me, we're in charge of our own education. And if we don't keep current, we're going to be left behind. That's what I was saying. You have to go beyond what is required of you in order to get the requisite information that you need. How can we maximize the potential benefits of social media? That is accessibility, democratizing information while mitigating the potential risks. Well, it's standard practice now for a lot of reporters to gather information from social media. For instance, I'm sure you probably all know this, that there are wonderful Facebook groups on various subjects, everything from diabetes to immigrant children. And you can find people to interview this way. Some radio reporters will send out a question in the morning. I'm working on this topic today. Is there anybody there that is experiencing difficulty or knows something about this? And then back from Twitter or Facebook or Instagram or Snapchat, they'll get answers. So it can be a wonderful tool to find people to interview. Explore as much as you can. The final question is, what role do other actors outside of the political space, especially private companies, have in combating this information and supporting a free press? Why does this matter for elections and democracy? Well, again, I'm not sure what the context for this is. Are we talking about private companies like social media organizations like YouTube and Facebook? I'm not quite sure. I mean, I think this is a discussion that's going on right now of what is their responsibility to shut down the disinformation. And I don't think we've come to a conclusion on this yet. It's a tricky question because we want free information, but we don't want to give the megaphone to people that are spreading lies. I think one of the significant ways by which we can combat disinformation is to put the accurate information out there. That's the significant thing we can do. And we have to go the extra mile by crossing every possible obstacle that we can to put the right information out there because people will be able to tell. I can't tell you enough about people sending you WhatsApp messages, Instagram messages, Facebook messages, trying to find out if the information they have is correct or not because they know you are into journalism, and so they come to you asking you questions. People will know others will not do that, but the mere fact that they come to you means something. It means they want to get the accurate information. These are some of the things that we have to do in order to put the right information there and to combat disinformation or rumors peddling by the people who really want to create unfortunate things. Peter, you and I seem to agree on a lot of this, accuracy, accuracy, the extra mile. That's the only way to go. Okay, it looks like we are almost out of time. Thank you all so much for your fantastic questions and comments. We've really covered a lot of ground today. Maybe those of you watching will continue engaging on these important press freedom and election reporting issues. Lucinda, do you have any final thoughts to share? Just, I salute you all in your other countries. I know that you face a lot of obstacles and you surmount them, and so I'm inspired by you and refreshed and glad to be with you on World Press Freedom Day. Thank you very much Lucinda. Wonderful. In closing, I'd like to thank our panelists for their great insights today. Hopefully, this discussion can serve as a launching point for a larger conversation on the critical role that a free press plays in supporting elections and democracy. A big shout out as well for the excellent questions from our online viewers and the live viewing groups at the Embassy of Habaroni Botswana, Embassy Adiz Ababa, American Spaces Bahirdar, Dire Dawa, Jima, and Yali Network members in Ethiopia, American Center Yaundi Cameroon, Embassy Kampala Uganda, American Center Lilongui Malawi, American Corners Kamengi and Gitege in Burundi, School of Journalism at Kagei Catholic Institute Rwanda, American Spaces in Nigeria, Abuja, Bauchi, Calabar, Ibadan, Jaws, and Canu, American Space San Pedro Sula Honduras, American Center Caracas, Venezuela, American Corner Universidad, Diego Portales, Santiago, Chile, Embassy Bridgetown Barbados, American Spaces, ICBEU in Ubereba and Manaus in Brazil, Colombo Americano in Cali, Colombia, American Space Pilsen Czech Republic, Windows on America in Kiev, Karkiv, Starok Bilsk, Dnieperu and Czech Kasi Ukraine, American Center Pristina Kosovo, Karachi Pakistan at the Center for Excellence in Journalism, Consulate Chennai, India at New Generation Media, Bangaluru, India at Savannah News, American Space Dushanbi, Tajikistan, American Corner Narin, Kyrgyzstan, American Center Tashinkent, Uzbekistan, and American Corners Astana Almati and Shinkent, Kazakhstan in Coordination with the British Council. I would also like to thank the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor and International Information Programs for their contributions to this program and all the work that they do to support and advance press freedom around the world. Thank you again and have a great day.


Hi everyone, Joe for Jaspy's casebreaks.com coming at you with our last filler, that capstone pack number 171 to unlock that spring training mixer coming up in a separate video a little bit later tonight. We still need one more person to get last spot in mode. So it's not official, but it should be coming up later if you're watching the replay of this. Three different dice rolls happening here. First we're giving away six capstone spots, then we're gonna do the capstone break, then we're gonna give away those seven mixer spots. So big thanks to this group for making it happen. We're only selling 24 spots outright, top six after four we'll get extra spots. One, two, three, four. So after four times, David, Oliver, Luis, Robert, David, and David extra capstone spots going your way. This could certainly come in handy when you're chasing after mixer spots. All right, now let's do the break itself, the capstone break. Let's gather everybody's names. All baseball teams are in. Let's roll it, randomize it, one and a five, six times are names and teams. One, two, three, four, five, and six. All right, one and a five, six times for the teams, two, three, four, five, and six. The White Sox. All right, so there's the first half of the list right there, and the second half of the list right over here. No trade windows. Let's alphabetize. Let's print this out and let's rip it. All right, so we've been working on a fresh box. So we're gonna go one, two, three for the left side, four, five, six for the right side, and then we'll select a pack number from out of here. It's a four, one, two, three, four, five, six, or go right side, and then we'll go one, two, three, four, five. Top to bottom. Six, I'll roll again, and one. First pack right over here. Easy. Here's the final printout. Sunday the 25th, thanks for spending a bit of your Sunday night with me. I appreciate that. That's the mixer that's coming up in the next video. Let's see what we got out of here. We got a Ryan Pepeo. 12 out of 49. Got a numbered card here. It's gonna go to Steve and the Dodgers. All right, now let's see who's gonna win those mixer spots. Those are like seven hits within this pack rig. All right, let's gather everybody's names for a third and final dice roll. So it's gonna be the top seven after seven. Good luck. Five and two, seven times. One, two, three, four, five, six, and seventh and final time. Now from eight on down. Sorry, David J. Sad times, but I appreciate everyone giving it a shot. Eight through 30. We'll get him next time. Some other time. Top seven. Happy times for you, because you're in the mixer. Luis is happy. So is David M., Patrick, Oliver, Kevin, Eugene, and Robert. Congrats to the top seven. We'll see you in the next video for the break itself to askbyscasebreaks.com. Bye-bye. You