So welcome to everyone here and across the various time zones to this joint seminar and webinar. It's organized by the Journal of Grand Change, Department of Development Studies and the Source South Asia Institute. I'm Jens Lager from Journal of Grand Change and the Development Studies and we have a panelist who is the Deputy Director of the South Asia Institute here as well. I don't know if you want to say welcome as well or thank you, thank you. So today's seminar is seminar webinar. It is also the UK launch of the book, Gudjerat, Cradle and Harbinger of Identity Politics. And today's main speakers are the two authors of the book, Jan Bremen who's here and Gansham Shah who is joining us online. We will see him later I think. The seminar webinar is also supported by Rumbitso, the student ambassador and also people behind the scenes. So there's a bit of setup here and finally Ed Simpson who is the director of the South Asia Institute will join us as a discussant online. He's tested positive for COVID so he will have to be online. The topic of the book and of today's seminar is only too timely. The speakers and the book set out to analyze the genesis and dominance of Hindutva in Gudjerat and by extension in India. To do that is even more important today than ever as the main Hindutva political party, the BJP, goes from one state election victory to the other and as its majoritarian rule by and large is unchallenged. There should be important lessons to learn from focusing on Gudjerat as the cradle and harbinger of this development. Let me now introduce to you the two speakers, even though the standard saying that the speakers need no introduction in this case is more true than usual. Certainly to me, they have always been around as significant go to fixed points in an otherwise changing world of concerned and critical social science that is relating to India. President Bremen has conducted anthropological fieldwork in Gudjerat since the early 60s 62. And his empirical research focused on the bottom segment of the rural and urban workforce discusses the changing plight of labor in the colonial and post-colonial era through numerous books, articles, etc. Going back more than once to the same sites of investigations enabled him to trace the shape and direction of the political economy of one of India's leading state, Gudjerat. And the book, perhaps this inequality of labor in India in 2019 to 20s and overview of his quite disconcerting findings. This is the book before this. The second is Professor Emeritus of Comparative Sociology at the University of Amsterdam and Honorary Fellow at the International Institute of Social History also in Amsterdam. The second speaker is Gansham Shah. Let's see if we can do that. Gansham Shah is now an independent researcher and retired professor of the Nehru University in New Delhi. He is the earlier director and professor of the Center of Social Studies in Suran in Gudjerat. He's also a healthy and better chair professor at the LAL, about the Shastri National Academy of Administration in Musuri and several other positions including fellow in residence at the University of Amsterdam Institute of Advanced Studies in Rassana, etc. etc. He has also authored and co-authored edited numerous books including social inclusion and education in India from 2020. The first published in this civil society in governance, growth and development which ways Gudjerat going from 2014 untouchability in rural India from 2006, and the classic social movements in India first published in, like in 1981. With this brief introduction to the main speakers, I will first give the word to Jan Bremen for a fairly short presentation. We have circulated a short video based on an interview with Jan Bremen and presenting evidence from Gudjerat from 2013 for people to watch before the seminar and I hope you've done it. We did that so that Jan can concentrate more on big picture stuff in his presentation here and so we take for granted that people have watched that. After that, Gansham Shah will discuss aspects of the Gudjerat experience in more detail. And around 45 minutes from now, we should then proceed to its Simpsons comments and quiz and then a question and answer session. But for now, I'll hand over to you. Thanks. First, let me make clear that Gansham Shah and I myself we know each other for most of the years that I've been working on India. For most of the years and we are good colleagues, but we're also good friends and that helped in beginning this, this book and ending the book we've closely worked together and are very happy that it got published. It so happens that most of my work on India is has been published by one major publisher in India Oxford University Press. They refuse this book. It's not on our agenda at the moment. The issue of Communalism is not on our agenda. And that was the same reply that Gansham got who has published most of his work with Sage and also Sage said no sorry we won't do this. That speaks about the, the way that Hindutva is being discussed in in public. It is not being discussed in public, it is only being discussed by Hindutva and those who admire and our proponents of Hindutva. The others who are of a different view of the opposing view that Hindutva is not in the best interest of India. They are what I would call underground kind of illegality. And I use that in the meaning that I experienced when I was a very young boy of school aging boy. I was, I was advised not to do that but I'll do that now I hear it also. Sorry, shall I begin again or not. Okay. The new meaning of illegality. As a young school growing boy, our country, the Netherlands was occupied by Germany. And I have often had the feeling. I experienced occupation occupation in the, in the sense that the government who laws over you is not your government. It's another government. It's not only another government, it's a hostile government. You don't feel happy, but yours is not much you can do about it. And what struck me while doing my research at the bottom basically of the economy and society of India and good year in particular, that the people who interested me most are living under occupation. They are occupied in the sense that they, the, the, the, the, when I first went to good year out it was under another political regime, the Congress regime. And the saying then was that security my babes, the government is our mother and father. The government has now has never been the mother and father of the dispossessed of the disenfranchised. But certainly, it is not now so. The government is not the mother and father of the disenfranchised. They are even not citizens of the country. They are not considered citizens of the country. So this comparison between what I experienced as a young boy basically flavors my thinking on what in do what does at the bottom of the economy and society in in India. And the video which was sent to you to all those who registered show it's a recording an interview which I had in 2013. More or less summed up what the leader then of the in do already and the chief minister of good year out. The Modi, what his impact had been on the fabric on the social political and economic fabric of good year out. Now it's nearly it's almost 10 years later. And what I felt then, but I felt then has it changed my feelings have my has it changed my views. And it's almost 1010 years. And the, I was appalled of what it had meant to the people I care for, and there are many of them in good year out. I was appalled in 2030. And I talked to my friends and colleagues. He's coming out to the national level soon. That was very clear in the upcoming elections then of 2014. I'm scared. I'm scared for the future of India. I'm scared for the future of people living in, in India, many people living in India. And they laughed at me, my friends and colleagues outside good year out. He could do that in good year out he won't do it he won't be able to do it we won't allow for that that it will happen in India. It has happened in India and that's why I will in the short introduction I have, I will focus on the similarities between the German occupation in the Netherlands under Nazi rule. And the Hindutva rule in India at the moment. What were the main features of Nazi governance in my country. In the first place, there was the Führer principle, the Führer principle, the leader, who leads his, his fold to the glorious destiny, the future destiny. I think Adolf Hitler, holding forth in my camp. My struggle. Narendra Modi holds holds forth. It was going on in India today in praising commanding commendable things. As I said as a shepherd tending to his flock. This is a Hindu mission advocated in a mine camp mindset. It's the idea of genetic superiority of a master race of people that were the Germans, the master race of people as the chosen people. They are chosen because of their Aryan genetics, they are superior. On the other side. There are the under mansion. The subhumans who don't count and who shouldn't be there. Because they are blocked on the nation. They don't belong. The heron folk versus the under mansion the subhumans as the inferior species. What I see. And that was very much what I experienced as a young boy. I was a young boy. I was not an adult man. I was sufficiently young and alert to understand what was happening. I saw what was happening. I felt it was happening. It had an impact on me and on the household to which I belong. A lot of equality and social justice in the structure of society.  The role in Germany was. Stratified. Was a hierarchy was a hierarchy. So he knew twice a hierarchy. Is the big brother and his twice born. At the commanding heights. The hangers on in the middle rank. And the food soldiers down below. It's Hindu is not equal. It is a hierarchy. It is very much based on inequality. And that of course is the ingrained. Heritage. Structuring of inequality in society. And what society does and doesn't do. And there is also the need to segregate those who do not belong to default. There is a need to segregate them. They don't belong. They shouldn't be there and they should be segregated from mainstream society. This is the phenomenon of ghettoization, which I saw as a young boy in Amsterdam. When the Jews were taken out of their houses throughout the city. And were deported in a fertile in a quarter of the city, which was meant for the Jews. And their apartheid it was not only the it's not only the Muslims in India who are ghettoized. It's also the labouring poor. Who do not have enough to climb above the so called poverty line. Wherever they live. They live in slums. Either in the city. Or in the countryside. And not just in the village separated segregated in the village in their own colonies. Separated from mainstream society. And their apartheid. Because that's what it is. As to be made visible publicly visible. As the Jews had to wear. And that's why you could see. A yellow star. They don't belong and they should be. They are beyond the pale. And should be made aware that they are beyond the pale. Another feature which reminds me of what I experienced. Is the paradigm of collaboration and resistance. And that's when I said talking about resistant there is a new illegality. It's speaking against the dominant trend, the dominant authority. But you have to do that underground. There is an underground press in India coming up. Particularly in the social media because the mainstream. Only this disseminate the propaganda and the fake news. If you want to know the counter failing news. The truth. You have to go to other media. But the collaboration begins. With the economic and political profiteers at the top. Big business. As big business in Germany. Was Nazi. Was Nazi fight. A dedicated cater of adept and proponents. This dispelling disseminating the faith. The face of Hindutva. And for that BJP is political platform with a variety of front organizations. As the Nazi party had a lot of front organizations around them. To organize society. Nazi is and was organized. Hindutva is organized. A variety of front organizations with the RSS as the think tank. There is also the vigilantism. The vigilantism. Incaders undergoing military training. You've seen that on the video. But also volunteers. Volunteers who spontaneously quote unquote. Assemble in mobs for lynching partners. Link lynching parties. For those. Who don't know the line or who go beyond. Their. Inferior presence. There are the ratias. Which I experienced as a young boy that the strong army of the state. Gordon's off. Neighborhoods. And carries out search. Parties. To find out who is who what's going on. The strong arm of the state also to wipe out popular protest. The regime resorts to wide scale trespassing of the law. And the obliteration obliteration of acquired rights. Which the regime systematically resorts to. That's a side of the collaboration. On the other side. The opposite side. There are the social and human rights activists who practice illegality, as I said, but illegality in this new underground meeting. Speaking against. Acting against. Or dissenters. Going into hiding. As people. In also in my household, went into hiding. To escape from the reach of the state. They became illegal. They went underground. To remain beyond the reach of the Hindu. Of power and authority. And in between there. The liberation and the resistance. There is the broad middle ground. Of bowing down in intimidated acceptance. In addition, there are all those who pretend that they do not see. Who are willing to soft paddle the malign impact of the end of politics. Or wanting to ignore and just keep mum. The middle ground. Is very much there in India. Then there is what in, in German is called class shelter. The notification of society and authority. By which adults Hitler and the Nazi party successfully successfully established a set a system of totalitarian control. By the Dutch of German society and countries occupied by Nazi Germany. And that's a vacation from economy to trade unions to media to culture to education. Also to a health care. The imperative need of the totalitarian state to establish a surveillance apparatus, a surveillance apparatus. To control this loyalty. Mr police and the judiciary as its instruments. And those who refuse and resist run the risk of detention without trial. The not unable the night and fork operations, the fake encounters where people are taken out because they are too dangerous to the established regime. They are taken out in fake encounters. The loss of freedom and of speech of organization, which you learned also as a young school boy to keep silent, not to notice, not to observe. There is the role of the right to citizenship and the distribution of public provisions for those who fail to join the fold, or are not eligible to join the fold. Muslims, the laboring poor, those who are not able to organize their own livelihood are basically depended polarized on the state, but don't get the provisions. Because they are willing not to adhere to the atma nearby doctrine. And another, the last similarity. Hitler came to power, winning elections. And Modi has come to power, winning elections. But having one elections. Also introducing meteoritarianism that obstruct democracy. That abuses the rule of law and secularism has laid down in the Constitution. The establishment of a culture of diversity by insistence on sameness and the invoking of hate, instead of tolerance to the other. All similarities, but one dissimilarity and a very striking one. It was defeated by an alliance of forces, hostile to Nazism. And those who were hostile to Nazism, they belong to a variety of opinions and worldviews, how to organize society, what to do with the economy. But they were united in defeating the main enemy. And one dissimilarity is not in India. You do not see a coalition of those political parties and sympathies, which do not belong to the end of our fault. I think we should now listen to Ganshan. Thank you very much for this powerful comparison which we no doubt will return to in the discussion. It does indeed move on to Ganshamsa, Ganshama over to you. Thank you very much. So as an institute for organizing this function. This is a really coincident that for more than a full decade back during my young academic journey. I spent three months at SOAS back in 1976. It was emergency. And I was a young scholar, an exchange program to UGC and British Council. And what Bremen has said, during that time the Indian Embassy instructed me not to participate in any procession or in meetings opposing the emergency. Well, you get that kind of situation in a different way in 2022. I'm happy that, and I recall that I had spent good time and the interaction with Professor Adrian Mayer, Terry Byers, David Taylor, Peter Robert, and next load. Next load there, I don't know if it is it. Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Professor Morris Jones. At the very end of my career. I feel that I'm privileged to be back to SOAS and become somewhat nostalgic. Thank you very much for this. Very rightly described what he's experienced during his young days in Netherlands. And cannot have it to kind of see but ban lists. Similar situation is developing in India. Freedom of speech in citizens decay. There are a lot of constraints on those rearing the same with the government. Yeah, I know the Yarn as a nightmare that what he saw during his school days in Netherlands made the peak in India. I just don't know. I don't want to go into it. And let me straight away from to what in London. This book except the three chapters most all chapters. I have written over 60 years. I first wrote in 1969, which is there. And the last one was 2019. So it's a long journey. What I was writing that I could do any on focusing on delivering class. We are put together. My journey is questioning. I just when I started it was not. Hindutva was not very much on agenda. Not in India, not India. I will come back. How he just developed. But how did you just develop in Gujarat. I have tried to probe into it. And simultaneously I was trying to see factors and the interplay. For the rise of. What we see today is a heliportics in India. First, we experienced in Gujarat. And the Gujarat is a model for all India. Gujarat is not the industry. And all along my concern is. To understand the strategies. Of the property classes. To protect you the dominance. And the methods. They evolve. And. I'm more interested how they legitimize and develop. The hegemony. In society. And. More so on the office. Obviously the opposite. Often registered. Sometimes revolted. Against. The property classes. What. In Indian countries in the classes and the caste. And. Because the caste is important because the Hindutva. Is a Brahminical. The construct. Where as brahmini say. Inequality center. And again come back. In a moment. More puzzling for me. For last. For because I would say from 1980s onwards. That how. The office. Or at least a sector of office. We're registering. To the power. The power. Some of them got. Co-opted. Not only got caught. But also they legitimize. The Hindutva. And that is. My present. All alum for last four decades. I'm still. Do not have a definite answer to. But I'm. Trying to prove. Constantly on that. The question that. Presents me is that. Why. The operas have not been able to get united. Among themselves. As operas. To fight against the office. And these are the three, four questions about the strategies. Registrants of the press. Disunity and unity. This is a broad question that I have. I've tried to prove. All alone. And for that. I have moved. Forward and backward. The. Deformulated my questions. The. And. From 80s onwards. Because I also grew. In my understanding of. From 80s onwards. Particularly. What is the nature of what was the nature and what is now. In nature of. Communion consciousness or the Hindutva consciousness among the majority. People. Or more often to be oppressed. Both in terms of caste. And class. Under questions. That is. They're all. Those. Among the operation section. Will become. A proud middle class. Because my definition of middle class is not. Mark share. I will. Go. And I believe that. I believe that. For quality. And parentated the capitalist values. Among the poor. And. That is not only India. But I would say the world over. And that's a new phenomena. Which. Really. And while doing the studies. Of 80s. And 90s. And. Obviously. 2002. By. As a member of the. Inquiry committee commission. Of the 2002. The. Community. I was. Puzzling. How this kind of consciousness is. Develop. The. Why the oppression. And. The. The other day we're really suggesting and fighting. Why in the 90s. And 2000. Join hands. And also the instrument. And. All the property classes. The proponents of the end of the politics. Against. The other oppressed. Who. Happen to be. And. When talking to people and these and then also it's not. Talking to myself because my own life. I was. I was. And then. And then. Lead me. To go back. To historical. Processes. And in this book the first two chapters. At the first one. At the first one. And press. In fact, that is the time. The delay of this book. And. I appreciate. For that. And. And. Doing the historical things. I have really followed. Historians. Who have done work. In the medieval. Gujarat. And the 90s. And I would like to name. Samira Shake. Isaka Rigo from Japan. Or. I believe she was. Once associated with sauce. Nicholas ducks. And others. And of course. Which really prompted me. To read bag. Was. So as own book. On. Idea of Gujarat. Which I believe the idea of Gujarat is different. Then the idea of. India. And. First two chapters. Most. Because I'm not a historian. I read. I read. Try to understand digest. And then. I have tried to contextualize. In my way. There. We started the process over the period of time. We started the process over the period of time. Which. I now believe. Which grew from 19th century. And 20th century. And. Help the conservation. Of. The upper caste. And class. The upper caste and class. So the property caste. And. Where the Hindu tour. Is. Is somewhat. Cementing force. Uniting. Apparently. Uniting the oppressed Hindus. And. The property. Upper caste. But. So. Brahmins and. And in this. In the early 19th century. The. Orientalist. And. The. The kind of a policy that they fall. Which I call. A project of a colonial modernity. And this project. As you all. By the western. And. And. Concepts that they developed. About the civilization. About the society. About the progress. About the race. And. The property classes. Who were dominating but not enjoying. The hegemony. Society. They got the opportunities. They got the opportunities. Or. The British. Provided them opportunities. For developing. For their own purpose. Developing agriculture. Allow them. To cultivate land. In. For years. Cultivated by. The. Oppressed classes. They didn't have a normal. No. Provided them technology. And also. Industries. And that's normal. And that process. Really. Reinforce. The property. To. To. To. Find out the ways. To control. The office. And in this process. The sensors. The. System. Government. Government. Played a very important role. Enabling. The opposite. To. Consolidate. The positions. And. Invite. What they did. Is that. Having. Got the advantage. Of. Education. Western educations. Printing media. Printing books. So the new agency. Is. First. To. To. And the industry. But simultaneously. The control. Over. The agencies. Of production of knowledge. And that. Was the beginning. Of reconstructing. The communities. And then image of. And that. In the 1960s. They started. Writing. The history. What. You call it. Following. The British. Categories. And also. Writing textbooks for the schools. Standardizing. The Gujati language. Is the only standard language. For. And in that process they eliminated. The language. Is the wrong language. Of ordinary people. In Gujarat. Where speaking. And that process is still continued. It's not. On going. All this. Really. The. The value system. That was the brahminical. And that really. Senses. And these posts. What the sociologist called. The process of Sanskrit. Get the poor in our place. With. Immunity. Those who are closer to them. Little bit of. Also began to reinvent. In a brahminical model. And. And this. Really. Built up over the period of time. The brahminical structure. However, at the same time. In this process. The section of the oppress. Those. Who got the benefits. Of this education. Because it was not. Close brahminical structure. In fact the orientalist. Wanted to give. Only the brahminical. Education only. The Brahmins in the forecast. But the McCollis. And subsequent modernist. Or. Really open. Some. Place. For office. And. What happened in other parts of Guja. In India. In a Maharashtra. South India. Or a part of. Which Bunga part of Delhi. Of. A movement. Of the oppressed. For social justice. This was a some talk in Guja. In 19th century. But that has never happened. So unlike South India. Unlike Maharas. Guja says not. Or even you. Part of. You. And we have. Guja does not. Witness the backward cast. In the present technology. A moment. Some. Who got. Opportunity of educations and becoming white. They started. Registering. Under. And some. Accepting the situation. At effect. And this process. As. Really. Expanding and accelerated. Under the mix. So-called mix economy. And nearly. In the post independent. When I talk about. Historical processes. One cannot. Talk about the 20th century. The. Mahatma Gandhi. Was he dominated. He was from Gujarat. And he dominated. Gujarat. Public life. For. Nearly more than three decades from 1920s. 1940s. And there's a bank. Of. His followers. Gandhi was. Strong. From since 1906. For. Hindu Muslim. You believe. For. A non-religious. Lessons. Was. Deadly against. And for that. For Hindu Muslim. He supported. And. And subsequently. He died for that. Of course. But at the same time. Though. He rejected. The scriptures. He said that. The scriptures. Support the untouchability. I don't. But at the same time. And I will. Say that because of his. Life. Because. He was. From upper caste. And kind of environment in which he grew. During the young days. Before going to Africa. And then. Was under the shadow of. Orientalist. Of India. Of a glorious past. So. The team. Of workers. Develop under him. He really. Who's. Work. For the oppressed. As a partner. A compassion. From them. But this compassion. Was. Essentially. Without empathy. It. Is. It really. Brother. We're doing these things. The guardians. Really. Incalculate the brahmins. Among the. Encourage them. For. Imitating the forecast. And not opposing them. He avoided the conflict. In the same manner. You founded. The. In 1920. 1918. Textile. State Union. Is. Principal. Boss. And has been continued. Is a class. Not only that. During 40 years. This text. Though. For the Hindu. Unity. By the same time. Encourage. The Brahmin rituals. Symbols. And idioms. Among the workers. The workers. Remain. A worker. A. A worker. And not able to develop. A worker. As a identity. I personally feel. I have not done so. That. The radicals. You don't believe in the. Class conflict. And radicals of. All varieties. Mostly coming from. A Brahmin class. They also said. The premier. And that was the reason why. For. Long period they know. The cultural dimension. Of the caste. In Indian society. Now. In the book. There's a one chapter study of 1969. That's. I studied. And I also studied. The 1973. In the world. Which is not in the book. But publishing. Become political. I'm convinced. That. Are engineer. They are created. For creating. Social insecurity. Incultate. Nationalist values. Hindu nationalist values. Hindu nationalist values. Hindu nationalist values. And also. Inculcate. What I saw in 69 diets. What I saw in 69 diets. As a young scholar. As a young scholar. I have closely observed. And yarn as. In this book also. Are chapters of that. To find. A similar pattern. But what is important. That I need to emphasize. Is that. The 1973. That I studied. I was fortunate to get the police data. And I found. That. Those who were actively. Participate in the various. All of them were. From a lumpen working class. But the important. In the present context. In the present context is that. Majority of them. Belong to. Upper and middle class. And not. The OBC the lease. Retributes. From 1980s onwards. The proportion has completely changed. The proportion. Of the active participants. The violence. Happen to be. From the oppressed. From the oppressed classes. And the upper caste. Participants. Have gone into background. In mobilizing. Engineering. And planning. The riots. And that's what you can see. In the subsequent. And that really bothers. What happened. In 1980s. This is. This is extremely interesting. And I can see how your argument is unfolding. But in order to. Give time for questions as well. Could I ask you to. Bring it to a close within the next five minutes or so. Thank you. I will say that I just. Take a few. For five minutes. And I just stopped. Just I want to mention about the 1980s. Which is a turning point. Which is a turning point. The. The. Hindu. The proponents of a Hindu. The RSS. Slowly is the priority was built the culture. Rather than. Capturing power immediately. From the 1930s onwards. And 1980s. They evolved a certain. Concept like. Some rasta homogeneity. Diverted. So-called backward caste movement in Gujarat. To the. Anti-Muslim movements. And the. And. And also. Capture. Almost 80%. Of the. Civil society. In that project. And ultimately what. I am witnessing. That. Except a few minorities. Persons here and there. The main. Civil society. And the state. At most the same. And that makes. Difficult. For a radical section. Civil society. To operate. And register their voice. Their voice. They do it continuously. And what. In Gujarat. Of sight-checking people. Eliminating. The dissent voices. Abrogating. Institutions. And creating a fear. And from. 2003 onwards. The capitalist openly come. In support. And they declare that. In. 2003 2004. That they declare that. Moodio. Is the best CEO of India. And that process continued. 2012. And. We were able to become India's Prime Minister. Almost using the same. Technique. Thank you. Let me add that. And I'm sorry that. If I, if I cut you a bit short, but. Because it was really. These discussions of how. BGP. And Modi grew out of. Of. Of that historical background is of course hugely interesting. And I'm sure we will return to it again. For now though. I will hand over to it. It's. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Good evening everybody, whether you're on campus. Or on the webinar. I'd like to take this opportunity to. Extend the warm welcome to you. So us and. Remind you that we are in a university. Home of academic debate. We enjoy challenge. We enjoy. Argument debate. But we also believe that. Many different opinions can be. Express with respect. And there's nothing in this environment. That couldn't be said with. Politeness. So it's a difficult. Task to be. A discussant. In this environment. The authors of the book. We're here to launch. Are two of the most respected. And senior scholars. In my own field. Writing about. Western India. I have studied. Their. Work for many years. And in the case of. Professor Shah. I have. Read it meticulously. As a chronicle really. Of history and politics. In postcolonial. And I'm. Delighted. Yeah. Collaborated. In this book. I think the collaboration is. Particularly important. Because of their seniority. Their knowledge of history. Of class and caste politics. In the region. They bring such experience. And long standing. Scholarly interest together. Speaks for the importance of. The message. Is conveyed in this book. So as the evening is drawing on. I will confine my comments. Really to four questions. Which. Can be put quite succinctly I hope. Since. Modi moved on from. Good your art. And took up residence in Delhi. We've had three. Chief ministers in the state. And then the Patel VJ Rupani. And the Pender Patel. I sometimes feel sitting in London. It's almost as if. They are not there. They have no presence on it. On an international stage. And indeed. But Pender Patel's own website. Has more of Narendra Modi on it. Than it does. About his own. Politics. So I suppose my question. Is. What has happened in good your art. After. Narendra Modi. And is it significant. Have the chief ministers been left. In place in essence as project. Managers. Sort of job done. Kind of scenario. In good your art. Now we can move on. But an Andy Patel. I know. Is now governor. Of UP. Which is a particularly. Significant. Appointment. Given forthcoming elections. And the constellation. Of politics. In the. In the country. So each of my questions. Is a riff. Off. The key word. In the title of the book. And to remind everyone. That's good your art. And to remind everyone. That's good your art. And to remind everyone. That's good your art. That's good your art. And to remind everyone. That's good your art. And to remind everyone. That's good your art. Cradle. And harbinger. And finally we come to. Identity. So my first. That was my first question. About good your art. The second question. Is about the cradle. And. I think. Probably. If I can imagine the text. You tell the story of how. Particular. Cast and class. Configurations. Emerged in good your art. But I suppose as a. Discussant. I want to ask if you think. There's anything. Intrinsic. To that composition of. Cast and class. Interests. That meant. That the Hindu project. Took off in good your art. Rather than in. Maharashtra. Or Madhya Pradesh. For example. The harbinger. Question. Is about. Having observed. As well. Politics in good your art. Myself. Not over. Such a long period of. Time. I was really. Struck. When the. Swaminarayan. Back. Sec. Opened the Akshadam. Temple in Delhi. In 2005. They changed. The liturgical. Language. From Gujarati to Hindi. That was a major. Cultural. And political. Statement. So I suppose. I'm also. Interested in asking. To. You. You. You. You. You. You. You. You. You. You. You. You. You. You. You. What else do you think has changed as the Hindu project has. Gone from provincial state formation. To a national level. and in this particular event. And I'm going to ask it in the most naive possible way. Both of you have written about very similar things for a very long time. I understand that this book is a fantastic collaboration that brings together your collective experience and wisdom. But I want to ask you who this book is for in your imagination. And who, so who is the reader? And what would you like your reader to do with what they read? Thank you very much. Thanks so much, Ed, and thanks for doing this in spite of COVID, that is much appreciated. I think we should have a quick round with the two speakers to comment quickly on the question. We can maybe throw in one of the questions before we go. Let us do that first, please. Well, this round, let us start with you. Yeah, next round we will start with Ganjem. Thanks, Ed, and good to see you also in your COVID shape. One of the things which is very striking is that the Rene Ramodi, however important he is, he is also the reflection of a societal mindset. It is not just the one who is at the top, but he is at the top because he resonates, he reflects what is a very strong opinion in India and which is based on inequality, which is based not on compromise, which is based not on tolerance, but which is based, which is very self-centric in the surfing of interests. And the Rene Ramodi is an organizational man. We have to understand the Hindutva phenomenon also by the failure of the regime which was before Hindutva for a couple of decades, the ruling regime, which was Congress. And at a very particular moment in time, the then leader of Congress Indira Gandhi decided to do without an organized party but to speak to the people at large, not to the people who accepted Congress is the best solution to India's destiny, but she could do without party followers as he abolished the cater which was there very much so also in Gujarat. And she centered authority and power in her own apparatus. That is very similar, but more organized, more systematic and more committed than she did is what Modi did. So that organizational feature, those organizational features, you have to organize society in order to get control, not to give control to society, but to get control over society which is important. And then Modi asked the Gujarat flavor of the harbinger question, the bringing of India to a better future. That is very much phrased in terms of nationhood, in terms of nationhood. The nationhood now becomes the ultimate objective of what Modi wants to realize and Hindutva India and behind that nationhood is only Hindutva. And that is very important. That former idea of plurality, of diversity, of having to live among you with people who have different beliefs, values, norms and interests does not come easy to Hindutva. And it is clear that Hindutva does not tolerate it. But I don't think that we should, when we talk about Hindutva, we should talk only about Modi, absolutely not. The apparatus around him with Amit Shah as his sidekick is very important in this realization of a surveillance state and taking out dissenters voices who should not be there. So that apparatus, that makes me indeed make the comparison with Nazi Germany. The apparatus of a state surveillance in the control over society, which is important and which defines nationhood and congruence with the interest of the nation with Hindutva which destroys the diversity which has been the major, very important, significant civilizational contribution of India, its diversity, its plurality, its multi-formity, not its single-mindedness, not the sameness, not insisting on doing away with all those ideas but also all those people who do not belong and do not want to belong to the fault of you. Thank you, Jan. Let us go straight to Gancham. On this question, I don't have to say anything because I have not followed Swaminayan sect. But as you know, it's a predominantly of the Partidars and Modi is very close to the community in the Swaminayan sect and he had gone out of his way to support Swaminayan sect in Gujarat but simultaneously also supported a non-Swaminayan Partidars because his interest is the Partidars as such and the dominant of Swaminayan are the Partidars. And also, Swaminayan is a major strength of his international support in America, in England and elsewhere. That's all that I would like to say there. But there was another question that somebody asked me. It's what is unique of Gujarat and that really bothers me for the last several years. I increasingly believe that there is nothing unique of Gujarat as a Gujarat society. I tend to believe that what has happened in Gujarat can happen elsewhere also if the same factors daily work. It's more or less because it cannot reproduce the society itself. One thing is that what I mentioned during my talk is that unlike other places, many places that you know because you don't have enough historical studies over different regions or at least I'm not aware of that. So unlike the South India of Tamil Nadu or Kerala of Maharas or in North India, Gujarat somehow had no backward cast or depraved cast movement. They were the resistance and revolt. But among the middle class as it happened elsewhere, that was the absence. And therefore the OBC, large backward cast who are really a scattered, very heterogeneous. There is no way, nobody is trying to really unite. The Gujarat OBC gimmicks and I seriously call gimmicks of 1980s of Maharashtra Solanki had just a erupting purpose without backward cast politics like the Luya or in South India. And therefore it immediately backfired and the Gujarati could really handle well of the OBC. That's all. Thank you. Thank you. So it is now time for us to open up the floor for questions. And of course as always when it is a mixed seminar and webinar session, we will take questions from the floor here in the room, as well as written questions from online, plus people online can raise their hand and ask questions early as well. So we'll try to handle that as well as we can. So we'll start with this one question here from the room and then we will go to some of the questions that are sitting there already online. But let's start with Evinesh. I'll give you the microphone now. Over to you. Thank you. Thank you, Professor Bremen, Professor Shah Anand for this fascinating conversation. I want to push this, you know, this question has been asked partly and I've, you know, Professor Shah has also kind of offered some response to this but my question is slightly different it's not about why Gujarat is unique. My question is why Gujarat. This is an ideology, the key architects historically speaking comes from Marathi Brahmins, Savarkar, even the RSS chief the first, you know, Gul Valkar, and there's a particular salience and appeal of Hindutva in in parts of Maharashtra which is still there. The demographic focus simply because of sheer numbers and because it's a Hindi belt is UPBHR primarily but not just of course I appreciate that. Yet, the idea of Hindutva taking off as, you know, in a political sense, especially during the, you know, post-Babri in Gujarat. Why Gujarat? And for me this is something I hear the point that there is perhaps not enough counter mobilization of some sort. But to me I wonder whether there is something else to be said about identities rather than societies as such where Marathi identity has a different caliber of interaction with Hindu nationalism. When that Gujarati identity has not had that kind of challenge to Hindu nationalism either, even though the idea of being Gujarati is quite consequential in cultural sense and social sense in a transnational sense. So this is how I, you know, if I could encourage you perhaps to elaborate this, why is it that it's Gujarat, which is considered the so-called laboratory. And not with the Pradesh even though we saw the results of the Pradesh elections recently, which has shown a very decisive shift away from regionalism or regional political parties. And even Maharashtra, the Shivshena is holding ground, but we don't know for how long, right. This question has always rankled me if I look at the larger kind of ecosystem so to say of the Hindu right. Gujarat being the space where it actually took off, is there something more than just caste class or just social dynamics. There's something more that explains the timing of it, because riots we have seen whether engineer do not happen in Delhi, happen in Mumbai, happen in different parts of the country. It's not a Gujarat focus phenomenon, neither are they a BJP centric phenomenon either right. Commonal violence is has happened during Congress regimes to in Gujarat as well. So why Gujarat why then is there something else going on over there. Thank you. Thank you very much. We have a question at the tail end there and then we'll go to the to the written questions on the, on the chat afterwards. Thank you. My right and thinking that Gujarat has a disproportionate number of non resident Indians. And is that a factor. It has been suggested that the BJP was created in the diaspora. I mean, some people argue about that. And is that a factor which is relevant in the fact that Gujarat and Maharashtra have got a disproportionate number of non resident Indians. And could you give some background about that. Thank you. Yes, let us just take a couple of more questions here from from the chat and add them to to the next round that that that you can then in a sense pick and choose between the questions to answer. So the first question reads question for both panelists. What is the Gujarati norm Gandhi or Modi. And the second question reads, I have a comment to make. Can you help me to intervene from afar Frank Perlin. So I think you'd like to admit and speak. And I think maybe Frank if you could sort of just type in the chat. I'll read the second question from resistance to co-option of the oppressed. It seems that both of you see a subaltern Hindutva intensifying the power of properties classes class. Then I was wondering how do you see the movement in Gujarat and the ongoing farmers movement at the national level. Thank you. All, all big questions and of course we we also have have the question left over from last time maybe that one of its question. Who is the book for maybe still sits there as well. Should we should we ask Ganshan to start commenting on on these questions. I'm not following all questions. Whatever I follow to questions. The first question is why Gujarat. That's also I do not say I have a definite answer. Because in my house. RSS is a stronghold. But we just could not develop what we could do. I think that too possible. The explanation that I can give one. Is what I've seen is unlike my husband. A second and more important that what I feel. Is it beginning of the. RSS or Hindutva. The base was among the traders. In Gujarat because Gujarat does not have a brahmins as a dominant class. It's a money on that. It's a mercantile. And mercantile communities of Gujarat and those who become the mercantiles party does. The world over. They say the same culture kind of things. Might be contributing for the rise of Hindutva. Rise of Modi from 70s onwards. And that is because my house also had a pair pair movement and still have a pair movement of the. Gujarat doesn't have to counter alternative conservative Hindu movement. So Modi had free head. Still. One has to probe further that what are the other factors. I personally believe that Gujarat does not have like many other parts of states. Is a strong Gujati identity. And that was the reason why. In 1956, my movement did not get support as it got embarrassed. This was first time the Gujati identity was raised by the former Congress. For the issue of. But the economic interest comes rather than a cultural interest. I think Gujati. A podcast. That mindset or the economic interest. The universal interest became a party to the Gujati justice or injustice. And on that the movie very skillfully played in the subsequent. And during his regime and thereafter, more important thereafter. He raised the issues. Of a son of the soil for himself. He raised the issues that he carries Gujati identity in this time. So he makes a Hindu tour and Gujati identity that he. What is constructed at the national level. And that work so after. 2014. The rather absurd against BJP. He repeatedly use. Gujati identity himself. Is a son of the soil. The present to you a good job at the national level. In all elections. And you visit elections. In 1798 frequently. The central argument was. Gujati representing the India. Thank you. Thanks. Let us go straight to. Well, on the question of. And it has already been mentioned by guns. The particular mercantile capitalism. That is very strong in good. Has played a major role in bringing up. And we also have to contextualize this in the. In the. In the economy of. Of good. It's not a coincidence that. Adani and Ambani. Are good. And they are the major. Powers. Money powers. Between. Behind. BJP. And. Of course. It is a kind of. A mercantile capitalism. Which. Makes. BJP very vulnerable to crony capitalism. Of course. And forgetting about the Bharat. The ID. It is big business. But. And that's what. Also. Modi wanted to attract to. To good. Luring him away from. Bengal and trying to. And giving him a place. It came to nothing. Of course. The small car. But giving him a place in. In good. And. In my thing. In my thinking. The weakest side of. Of. Modi and BJP. Is the economy. Is the economy. He. Has not been able to deliver. The slogan with which he came to power of. 20 million jobs. In short time. The employment creation is not happening. And. And that is. Has been turned around. Now in a new doctrine. Which he has. Which he is preaching. That of self-reliance. If you are not self-reliance. You don't count. If you cannot organize your own livelihood. That's your problem. But so you're also your fault. That's your defect. And. We see back the return of the non deserving poor. A kind of social Darwinist mentality. Which blames those who can't make it. For their own sins. They are defective. In not being able. To become self-reliant. And that leads now to new legislation. Which says that. Those people won't also be able to be given won't won't be given the provisions of the state. Be it. The. PDS card. Or public works. They should be thrown out. Of those professions. If you are not self-reliant. If you cannot organize your own livelihood. And that's indeed. A very typical. Gujarati trade. To be self-employed. If not.  Then at least. To be in control of yourself. Or what you are doing. And what you are. Where you are working and what you earn. With that. That. That. Taste. Self-reliance. Is very important. But I wonder if it is more important. In. Gujarat. Than anywhere else. So when I say. For my point of view. I'm speculating of course is all. As all of us do. That will be the weak side of BJP. Not be able to deliver. The economy. Which a great India. Needs. In order to. Take its role. In the globalized economy. The economy. The economic management. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economy. The economic management. Is very poor. It has been poor for a very long time. But under him. It has not become better. And that may be the most vulnerable side. Of. Thank you. And I think there's time for one more round of questions. Let me start by by apologizing to those online. Frank. heard in others that wanted to talk, to speak because it seems not to be possible in this setup. So hopefully we can get there written questions instead. So we'll return to them in a minute, but first we have a couple of questions here. Alessandra first there. Thanks a lot for this session. There's a lot of food for thoughts. I want to sort of make a comment on timelines and perhaps also connected to your last reflections on this rhetoric of these several alliance that the BJP carries with it. From the 1980s we also have seen a rise of neoliberalism pretty much everywhere. In India of course sort of the timeline of liberalizations is 91, but for many many have commented already the Rajiv era was strongly connected with the rolling of neoliberal policies. So I wonder how the BJP rhetoric has been amplified by neoliberalism. Also sort of noting that neoliberalism itself hasn't been really able to deliver economically, but this doesn't seem to have stopped is rise and rise. So if you could comment on that on the extent to which the rolling of neoliberalism in India has further amplified the type of rhetoric they will see as dominant in the context of the rise of our BJP. Thank you. Thank you and we have a question further down there. Hi thank you so much for your talk. My question is also kind of in conjunction with the previous question. So like perhaps like in context of like the 2002 Kshatriya it's like what we see as the impact of this kind of religious violence on like economic development like would you say there's some kind of causal mechanism like link between like religious repression and the health of the economy or vice versa like when the economy begins to have a downturn does the BJP focus more on is like anti-Muslim rhetoric to kind of distract from the fact that they aren't performing that well in terms of the economy. So what is your opinion on the causal mechanism either way? Thank you. Thank you and could we see if there are more questions online? Meanwhile maybe I can put in a question here as well which is relating to the relationship between the Congress and the BJP. Is Congress part of the solution or is it just BJP-like and with many of the cases many of the argument here is that it has all been part of a historical trajectory but right now can can broader alliance that can change BJP be put together with the Congress. So the next question reads are we not laying too much importance to Modi isn't it Brahminism the caste system that is the main roadblock it has always been there and then the next one reads how is Gandhi and Gandhi's interpretation and practice of Hinduism understood in the common sense in the current scenario? Excellent and unfortunately we have hardly and it does look as if there are others that would like to come in here after seven o'clock. So we have five minutes for a few short sharp comments should we start with Jan this time and go to Ganshan to finish it and you only have a couple of minutes I'm sorry this is impossible but there you go. Well a following up on what I said on mercantile capitalism and neoliberalism was already in in Gujarat before it became the mission all over the world it was already in the 1960s and 70s that Gujarat advertised in economic and political weekly come to Gujarat there are no labor laws here that kind of thinking and that kind of fabric is very strong in in in Gujarat so neoliberalism found a fertile ground but it was already there it was not it was not there but the difference is the later variety of neoliberalism did not filter in terms of redistribution to the lower to the bottom classes of the population in Gujarat as it had been doing somewhat under under Congress but from the 1990 onwards there was indeed an accelerating economic growth in Gujarat but those who did not benefit from it but were more exploited were the people at the bottom of economy and society so the polarization has enormously increased and that also explains why particularly the middle classes are so eager on Hindutva because they don't want to look over their shoulder to those who are left behind let them remain left behind. I'm truly sorry Jan we will have to go on for the last comments from Ganjjam Ganjjam a couple of minutes for you Ganjjam would you like to comment a couple of minutes responses to the question then we have to finish the the session well I don't have to add anything at present but but let me let me say something about the Gujarat model because the Gujarat model has succeeded the national level because the marketing of Narendra movie but also a Gujarat which is relatively economically developed and that was not because of Modi but since 1960 onwards and Modi cleverly marketed because I have seen outside Gujarat whenever I got to south India or north everybody was in praise of Modi because he was providing the jobs providing the health and so on and so forth and another neoliberal economy you see where the earlier government was in a declining stage people thought that this is a man who provides a job and industrial development everywhere not only in India but in outside the liberal scholars were so impressed by that so they ignored the Hindutva aspect of Narendra movie and in 2004 if you see the media most of the liberals started supporting Modi assuming that Hindutva car would remain in a backyard and I think that is that is that is where we have to stop once unfortunately there the next group of people that have booked the rooms are standing impatiently here so that is the absolute limit of time unfortunately so thank you and apologies for for interrupting us thank you to the people present here in seminar to those attending the webinar and to everyone contributing and to the team making it all running so smoothly thank you everyone and see you for the next seminar thank you and apologies for cutting your shores


One of the best pack openings you've ever seen and here's why I have 89 unopened packs And as you can see I've also gotten absurd amount of coins on this account I was planning a double or nothing grand finale and the blitz promo just flew by I knew I was gonna need a lot of Coins for it and those packs were some of the best value packs in the world So I bought as many as I could and I set them here on an unopened We've got all the blitz packs from logging in 18 elite legends packs six 90 plus guaranteed elite players, which very well could be the limits that are in the store right now 392 overall legends champion fantasy packs tons more random packs just sitting down here 20 platinum players 688 platinum players 24 pro. It's absolutely absurd the amount of packs we have right now And if we take a look at the store, there is a pretty insane limited There's 94 Cordero Patterson record breakers since he got the record for most kick return touchdowns There's also a 94 Joey Bosa and a 94 Jarvis Landry so we can pull any of them It is just icing on the cake. Let's start ripping and you know what if we want to do a pack and play We might as well do that too. I don't know if there's still host rules. Is there some host rules? There's not I can play a full game though. We can get weird. Also. Yes. I'm in Michigan for today's video I want to pop back and see L real quick so different locations same banger video, right? All right elite legends pack This definitely does not guarantee that we're gonna start this out with a 91 overall straight hand. Oh my god Let's go Also get Ryan Tannehill and another legend player icing on the cake. Wow 91 straight hand. That's how you start out All right, we got about 18 of these 86 keek Lee use Zama Herman Moore Tyran Matthew All right, that's what I imagine most will look like brable Robert Quinn 88 keek lady nine moon. Yo Look at these packs I gotta add a little light in here. Hold up elite legends back to sue this one is Joe Thomas Vrable Humphrey Ronald Jones didn't go Audrey Garrett bulls at water if I pulled even one full legend I'd go nuts sauce Gardner Dante Hall at water Dante Hall 89 I think I was the guy to get to Dante Halls past Woodson McCall Hardman Oh, dude, I shouldn't have gone that fast if I see the team of the week animation I gotta be ready 87 Derek Mason 90 Rod Woodson an aka player. We got 85 single Terry and 85 Hilkenberg Existed there's a 91 Brian Burns 86 speed 90 blocks shed 91 finesse. Whoa, dude I don't know how they add cards like under my nose. I play this game every day, but that's wild Tyler Shatley McAllister Joe Tommy that's out of the bag right there and it's Smith Frank Clark deacon Dude, those 90 plus elites are gonna be like those are gonna be the ones man Lester Hayes LT T. Y. Hilton and 82 Warren sat said joiner LT Jim Taylor McClaren Jeremy shocky and it's Smith another aka player could be a big boy. Hey 87 beast mode Perk thuggins Keekley Bam Bam Cam LT again Jim Taylor Travis Jones Vrable 88 Herman Moore the Marcus Robinson Kwan Alexander Jim Taylor 89 deacon straight hand 90 that makes me sad for wheel a month I want this at read 90 Ed reads a massive pull in 85 Saturday Art Monk 90 Joe Thomas Among Us St. Brown and 84 any Dalton now these are fantasy packs the 92 overall legends champion fantasy packs So I don't know if we're guaranteed the same players every time. I kind of assume we are we got Culpepper Williams Emmett Smith Ed read Jerry Rice Keekley. I'm gonna take Ed read since I may not I mean, I don't know if I'll get to see him in wheel of Mud I hope I do and then let me do the fantasy pack again I want to see if it's the same players every time is it Culpepper It is so the same players every time so then I'll also take Luke Keekleaks I feel like he'd be awesome. Wow, this is gonna be maybe the best pack-and-play team We've ever had and if this is gonna be a pack-and-play team I want to ensure I get a good quarterback, right? So we should go Dante Culpepper now. We have six 90 plus elite players. This is our best shot for an absolutely insane pull We have six of these. Let's just hop right in. I'm not gonna make you guys wait. Let's get six of these ones Oh my god, probably was the team of the week animation I thought maybe we pulled one of the limited's right there. We get 90 overall Ocho Seiko still an awesome pull 88 speed six foot one solid player. I wouldn't call anything insane. He sells for 50k He's not exactly expensive. That was one. Here's our second one. It is a legends player. It is 91 Thomas Davis. It's over a 90 overall All right, I'm happy about that. Not my favorite. He doesn't suffer that much, but he's over a 90 overall That's very good. Let's keep it moving 91 overall. All right. Let's just keep going.  This isn't my favorite wide receiver card in the game It did literally just come out, but he's 5 foot 11 93 speed Jalen waddle is faster night train lane is faster, right? So it's not exactly that. I want to use this Jarvis Landry. I will use it for the pack play for sure But I don't know I'm really just happy about the coins dude. That's an awesome pull to get all right. Let's see We got number four. It's an 8k a player.   All right I got two more second to last a most feared. What could this be? 92 Darwin. Yeah, one of the best users in the game. Let's get it. That's a fireball. That's fireball I you will not hear me complain about that one the final 90 plus elite player is a legend It is that is weird. That is just so weird That is the first poll we got was 91 3 and we get him again. We pulled a limited I got nothing to say baby. Oh shoot. I did make a mistake though This is blitz box. I don't even think you can use these anymore. I don't know if I can use those anymore This was a harvest non-oximal. I'm gonna be totally honest with you guys I have no idea how I got this remember what I did for this, but we could get a left guard all Madden elite pack I feel like the all Madden elite packs guarantee you an 88 plus or maybe I'm thinking of a different pack I think I am thinking of impact team of the week though weird pack. All right. Let's keep moving 94 Jarvis Landry Let's go. It's a very interesting limited to get right frankly. I don't even know why he got a limited It's like a throwback to when he was really good. This is oh wait. Oh my god.  Oh, this is the same as the last one. Oh, let's take Trent Williams 24 pro elite packs. We're getting another limited. It's right here Keith Jackson Martin Emerson Okay, the team the week animation is gonna get me going crazy every time why it tell her us a nice pull holiday. He hop Hey, that's not a bad pack either Connor McGovern James Houston. I don't know how I feel about pro elite packs I wouldn't say these are my favorite dude Mason Rudolph was given a 78 overall. That's a crime Nick Bosa AJ Turrell Khalil Mack and Reed and read once again Xavier and Howard and these are just kind of 85s 86 is 87 Humphrey's eyes Not just give me a 90. We'll keep climbing the ladder Mike Evans tomorrow. Davis tough Edgerin James Jerry Judy Kendall Fuller And we got a harvest player. Don't mind if I do 84 Hernandez. Yeah, I've been cooked Junior say out This is just training points fodder honestly, cuz I don't think I can really use much of these now These are good enough dude. I pulled too much heat at the start Adrian Amos quity pay. How we long? Oh There we go 90 overall weapon X free safety, I can certainly use that all right another pro lead I got a few more of these Kenny Clark Miles Garrett 88 overall. I can use that Micah Parsons I can use that Matt honest. I could use my Jones. I want to get weird I do think 92 Dante Culpa would be a little bit better though 85 Divo 90 Mike single Terry Samurai I didn't know people call him samurai, but that's badass. That's a fire pull right there him and Luke Keekley Be in the middle like a hide did Red Rocky times two. There's my second 80 dog Levante David Another a K a player big one big one big one big one. Yeah Neas Williams Tremaine Edmonds Robert Quinn tea sizzle Kendrick's Jeff Wilson I can probably use this tea sizzle actually and then we get one more 88 overall platinum fantasy pack Obviously, we can quick sell these at the end, but I'm gonna take Jalen Ramsey. I don't many good corners I've got now it's 80 plus overall platinum players So the highest I can get is the 88 and we got a lot of blitz bucks. I very much overlooked that first one Eric Roe PJ Williams anything over an 81 is a great day for me Thomas Morstead. Keep it up Taryn Johnson Ryan Burns I got to a user Mike a sickie that so Dalton Schultz has an athletic version of himself and so does Mike a sickie It's news to me Brandon cooks. Are you the right race? Yes, you are pretty cooks is black, right? And got me second guessing myself. Can you kneel is can you kneel black? I don't remember anybody's I'm so not racist that I don't even see the race and I've wondered myself many times does size matter many say yes But I'm not talking about what you're thinking. Okay, so get your head out of the gutter I'm talking about America's largest injury law firm Morgan and Morgan and they're sponsoring today's video Morgan and Morgan has over 800 lawyers all across America fighting to get their clients the absolute best results Morgan and Morgan has attorneys that focus on every area of personal injury law car accidents slip and fall Workplace injuries medical malpractice nursing home abuse and more everything is completely free of charge unless they win your case No upfront costs. No signup costs all the paperwork expert witnesses Negotiations research court hearings. It's all free unless they win if you don't win your case You pay nothing you can go to for the people.com forward slash MMG or on your cell Just dial pound a law pound five to nine and a huge. Thank you to Morgan and Morgan for sponsoring today's video Charles Leno Aziz. I'll show you here. Is that I say that Tyran Matthew. Okay. We got to get back on track here boys We're seeing a lot of 80s. I got to see me in 85 Roger Saffold. That's the right direction It's an 82 get started and tell him Brian burns. I've gotten three Brian burns I got a couple kind of a governs and I'm a can sue. There we go 84 There's a lot of coins in the market right now Mario Booper DJ Reed 82 and and and and and and Keanu Neal once again Okay, that confirms it.  I have a lot of these wait I think I have three more dude.  Okay. Well, let's go with did I get a half back I don't think I got a half back. So I'll definitely take Derek Henry in case I didn't get one it off the dome piece I don't think I got one so forgetting him. I also want to get Cooper cup I do have Jarvis Landry, but it's you know, you got three wide receivers out there and we got one more 88 platinum I've got so many good players already. It's kind of hard to decide. I did have weapon X.  All right, let me see if I can use my blitz tickets Please let me you gotta have something for me to use right away.   You can just get 91 Patterson. They'll just hand them to you That's what I'm talking about. All right, this action nasty card 91 speed 90 change the direction Can I give him backfield master? He needs 93 overall for backfield master But he can get running back apprentice 3 AP is a little aggressive for receiving back, but we'll give him running back apprentice I'm gonna give him grab and smash high success rate on stiff arm or truck post catch Let's throw in the absolute best possible team I could build and we'll go from there. Our overall is an 89 from that pack opening Let's overview our best pulls. So we got 94 limited Jarvis Landry and 90 Ocho Cinco We got Patterson and Derek Henry and Edger and James We got Culpepper and Gino at QB. It actually could use Gino, wouldn't it? We also got Jim Taylor. Tremaine Edmonds is my tight end with Markey Marca as the backup sure offensive line is really really good Defense we got entry 92 Jalen Ramsey of Ante Maddox Rod Woodson Ryan Burns Strayhand Kenny Clark. So we really just didn't get a detackle Got everything else Derwin Vrable Samurai Keekley Thomas Davis. We got depth at all these positions. I love it I feel like do we gotta give something to Jarvis Landry a completely free jukebox zero AP jukebox That's disgusting and then how about deep-out elite deep-out elite for three AP ask no questions double me ask no questions And we even put post up on Shatley so we can get some better blocks. I love it. Oh, this is gonna be nasty All right boys, let's play ball and of course if you need Madden coins Make sure to go to instant Madden coins comm and you can get 10% off when using the code MMG Prime time dude, he's got the Jarvis Landry already, but I thought I thought I was so cool for pulling it five wide to start out Heater I'm on the middle Don't you dare. Where are you going guys just camping five wide?  He's switching it up All right, I'm blitzing Ramsey and Derwin James Go get him. Go get him. Oh good ball, and it was Jarvis Landry.  He's gonna go. He's gonna go Landry Over through him. It was honestly there. I'm on Brian Burns in coverage kind of weird, but I want to try it Oh my dude, he is saucing me with that Jarvis Landry. That's okay though We had some opportunities to turn him over and we didn't do it. Let's go Texas Patterson's gonna be my guy, dude. Oh, just think oh, can you take him? I know you're only in 90 Good ball Gino the Jermaine Edmonds this main coverage We love that Patterson we love it 37 12 yards Gino throwing beautifully. Can I hit that again? It is hittable again.  Oh, that was a little and by a little I mean it was a really bad Gino six for six though Right there Edmonds. Oh tight window. I mean it is Jermaine Edmonds at tight end, but I don't know Gino I am proud of you. I think that was a good ball. I'm giving Jarvis Landry this deep comeback round I think this is really sketchy, but I want to try it. I think the blocks here are solid I think Jarvis Landry is there. No, why oh My god prime time ran that route so much better than Jarvis Landry did I gotta bait him to throw 87 Those are the Jarvis Landry quick Dude a Vontae Maddox cannot hang with the big boys I just said you can't hang That's why you run avalanche. I'm baby. I'm cam we get the ball back. That's huge, dude We were lost we would have just straight up lost the game and we didn't get the ball back right there All right. Well, there's there's Dante Hall who did not get two feet down. This is cover three sky Yes, Travis Landry is so open one two Jarvis Landry beautiful. Oh make a hard cut.   I really thought that was open. All right, Daryl and let's go get him.  That's the second time I did that I'm going Dante Hall slant There it is.  He's lighting me up with just tight end attack Because he keeps throwing half back and he keeps being open He's got nothing. He's got nothing. Oh my god. How did I miss that?  That's such an obvious opportunity for me to get alert. Why am I an entry? Why am I an entry? I'm not supposed to be an entry.   I Killed him with the whip route.  I'll do it then if you're gonna make me. Oh, that's both same defense.  I'll possession catch you this time dude. I'm actually mad at you, bro This is not fun. There's juice, baby. Oh hard cut.  Do we think this is made coverage? What do we think this is?  Why do you want to play a five wide game against me bud? Come on? That was close, but not enough good hit Woodson. This might be it. I might I might have stopped Damn, why is there no one there ever?  He's gonna go over here. I'm on it Oh, I've never seen two people cheese each other so effectively this guy's killing me Then I go back and do the same thing. It is a pass. Oh, wait a minute. Take the lead here, Durwin I literally could take the lead right there. Okay, so ocho Cinco quite literally is open every single time on this Oh man coverage now. Oh Just kidding. It's not that's like a cover to juice What?  I switched on and everything.  He's back to tight end attack I can't believe I'm saying that but I don't know how to stop it. The halfback is open every time and we're not getting any Any passer key click. Oh He just got in damn. He's got to get this two-point. This is huge. I expect this to be a pass Great defense. Okay, it's a seven-point game. It's still doable.  Oh, no Oh, wait, he just switched back to the defense I can shell every time and Gino missed the pass everything just crumbled all at once dude. That was so bogus Okay, this has a chance at least Put two hands on every single ball on that possession. I dropped all of them if I'm being honest I don't think I ever really deserve to be in this game. I had to bam bam cam hit stick fumbles pretty much It's the only reason we were in this Yeah, I've seen how this game's been going I would not call that the most fun game of all time Yeah, Gino really struggled. I don't I think my my 85 overall Gino acubia was not a good call Although I was playing against daddy's credit card and that was a serious like if you thought my team is daddy's credit card This is daddy's credit card. All right boys.  It was an absolute blast to record it I will see you in the next one. Peace


From a security standpoint, what distinguishes computerized voting systems from traditional systems is not that computers are easier to compromise, but that the consequences of compromise can be so much more severe. Tampering with an old-fashioned ballot box can affect a few hundred votes at most, but injecting a virus into a single computerized voting machine can potentially affect an entire election. Two weeks ago, my colleagues Ari Feldman and Alex Halderman and I released a detailed security analysis of this machine, the Debald AccuVote TS, which is used in Maryland, Georgia and elsewhere. My written testimony summarizes the findings of our study. One main finding is that the machines are susceptible to computer viruses that spread from machine to machine and silently transfer votes from one candidate to another. Such a virus requires moderate computer programming skills to construct. Computing it requires access to a single voting machine for as little as one minute. I will now demonstrate this using a virus we constructed in our laboratory. We've set up here a simulated election for president between George Washington and Benedict Arnold. It's election day morning and we just opened the polls. No votes have been cast yet. I'll start by casting the first vote. When I checked in at the polling place at the front desk, the poll workers gave me this voter card, which I now insert into the machine. I press the start button and I choose to cast my vote for George Washington. The machine asks me to confirm my choice and I confirm my choice and cast my ballot. The second vote is similar. I insert another voter card. I choose George Washington again and again I confirm and cast my ballot. The third voter inserts another voter card and votes again for George Washington. The correct vote counted this election obviously is George Washington 3, Benedict Arnold 0. Now it's the close of election day. A poll worker inserts a special supervisor card into the machine, enters a PIN code and tells the machine to end the election and tally the votes. The machine will now print out a paper tape summarizing the ballot count. When I cast my votes earlier, my choice of candidate was recorded in the machine's electronic memory. This record of my vote was invisible to me. I had no way of verifying whether it was recorded correctly or whether it was changed after it was recorded. In this machine, the records were modified by our virus. This paper tape printed out by the machine reports the election's result and it shows George Washington with one vote and Benedict Arnold with two.


I can remember one day I was in the first time back in 2014 I was sent to Lugubashi. So when I arrived there with the truck people was like wow this is a lady. So even they were there was a traffic jam because of me. Even I was scared but I was. I took a radio to call my colleague and told them people have blocked the load because of me. They are not understanding whether I'm a lady or I'm not a human being. So my colleague told me just take courage and we just continue. Even the traffic police came and asked me how are you a lady? We are not believing it. I told them I'm in my job and I like it. It's my passion to drive so don't worry.