It's one possibility is that the real wage falls. That is, the use values purchased by the workers falls. So the workers receiving the same wages, paying higher prices, the only way they can maintain this balance is to lower their consumption. That's what this is, lowering their consumption of consumer goods. And that, of course, would create a problem for those firms trying to produce and sell as they get a paradox, which is make push them more to advertising and manipulation and so forth. Secondly, it's possible that the workers could try and ask for higher wages to balance this. It's possible that the workers might go into debt, add something to the left hand side of the equation so that they could help finance this. It's possible that workers, that everybody in the family, could go to work to get extra wages over here. So everyone in family might work to add to the, if this was the male, to add to the male's labor power, the spouses or the females' labor power, or other people within the family as well, to afford this. So all these are possibilities here. I just want to examine for a moment this one, since it's important in US history. So I'd like to just talk about increase in wages. Suppose the workers had strong unions. Let's go back in time. Let me set this up historically. Suppose this is the 1950s, 60s into the 70s, that 30 year period. And suppose the unions in the United States were strong, and they had a good deal of monopoly power. And so what you had is the monopoly power on the side of unions, who are trying to set a price for the labor power, because that's what the workers are selling, higher than the value of labor power, whilst at the same time, you had the individuals, the corporations that were buying the labor power, they had power in the product market. That is, they could set a price, like I just did, for the consumer goods higher than the unit value. Suppose you had the juxtaposition of these two different kinds of monopolies. And let's see what might happen. So workers, let's start with the workers. Workers would try and get a price of labor power greater than the little v. Remember, that's the value per unit. Suppose they were successful. Suppose the workers were able to get a new subsume class revenue from the capitalist in the means of production industry. So that would be the price of labor power times all the workers times the hours they work. Suppose the union then, the union representing the workers bargained with the capitalist. And what they bargained for was a higher real wage. That is, they took into account that the workers had to pay higher prices for the consumer goods. So when the contract ran out, they sat down with the corporations and they said, look, we want a higher money wage to compensate the workers for the higher prices that they have to pay. So in effect, the unions are bargaining for a higher real wage, so they want a higher price, higher than the unit value of those workers, and not at the compensate for the higher prices. And suppose they were successful. Well, if they were successful, then the workers, all the workers, would get a value of labor power plus the subsume class revenue, and then they could go out and indeed pay these higher prices. And so they might be able to maintain their standard of living to what it was before their real wage, because now they're asking for this subsume class revenue, this extra, to balance the higher prices that they have to pay for the goods and services. So in effect, they want this subsume class revenue to kind of match the higher prices on these goods. That's what the union will bargain for, to get an extra revenue for the workers, to balance the higher prices that the workers have to pay for those goods. So what the workers have is monopoly power via the union to try and shift up the price in the labor power market. When an effect is happening, a supply of labor power, a demand for labor power, what an effect is happening here is that the union is trying to set a higher price of labor power, higher than the unit value of labor power, to take into account, let's say, I mean to take into account lots of things, but in this big example, to take into account the higher prices the workers have to pay for their consumer goods. And again, suppose the workers are successful on this. By the way, just to complete this, I suppose I should add in here, this would be a union dues, because the workers would have to pay some dues to support their monopoly position. OK, so let me get rid of this. And let's go back to see what's going on with the capitalist. The capitalists get a surplus, then they get this non-class revenue, class exploitation here and monopoly position here. And they have a subsumed class payments that they make to secure the conditions of existence of surplus value. But then now they have a new problem. Now they have to make a new subsumed class payment to the union, that is to the workers, because of the workers' union. Plus they have the advertising that I talked about, the advertising to secure this. Here, the workers getting a higher price for their labor power force the capitalist to pay a higher price for that labor power. So it is as if the capitalist have to pay an access fee to get access to labor power, that's what this is. So the subsumed class revenue for the workers is exactly equal to the subsumed class payment by the capitalist. So the workers get a higher price for their labor power, that's precisely what the capitalist have to pay. And it comes out of their surplus. So the question is, so this is the monopoly payment to workers. So the question is now, OK, which is bigger. We have the monopoly power on the output side that the capitalist enjoy. Then we have a monopoly payment to the workers that the workers enjoy and that the capitalist have an extra cost involved. So this is the benefit to the capitalist by getting a monopoly on the selling side. This is the cost to the capitalist by facing a monopoly on their input side. This is the cost to the capitalist of facing a monopoly on the input side. This is the benefit to the capitalist of having a monopoly on the output side and what they're selling. And the question is, which way does the inequality go? Suppose, to make a long story short and to finish this story, suppose the workers are able to get a higher subsumed class payment, which is their revenue, from the capitalist to offset the higher prices that they have to pay. And that forces the capitalist to charge higher prices on the goods that they're trying to sell to offset this new cost. In other words, this plus over here forces the capitalist to charge even higher prices, which in turn forces the workers to get a higher price of labor power to offset that, which forces the capitalist to charge higher prices. Let me do one more, which forces this, which forces well, what do we have here? What we have is what was called in the 1960s and 70s a wage price spiral. We have inflation. So what we're done here is a class analysis of how inflation may occur in the society. That is the higher prices over here stimulate higher price of labor power. This is the higher prices of output. And so the monopolies struggling with one another force up prices. And then you end up with a general inflation. Then the question there would be, OK, what does the federal government do when these inflationary conditions arise? And one of the things that people argued at the time was that what the Federal Reserve Board did, who had control over the money supply, was just pump up the money supply to match the increased demand for money supply and basically help to finance this inflation. In other words, to go back to what we did a long time ago, the demand for money, if you recall, was the value of, there's a little bit of problem. Minus D and I have been using V for the value of labor power. So let me write this out. This is the value of goods and services in the economy. That's in labor times. And if you recall, this was over the value of gold. But suppose we don't have gold. We just have the Fed controlling the money supply here. So it's a non-commodity money. It's just the Fed pumping up the money supply. So basically we have here dollars divided by hours. This is equal to the summation of market prices. So if the market prices rise because of inflation, so that's what we've done. If the market price is rising because of inflation on the input-output side, so the demand for money will rise. And then if the Fed just pumps up the money supply like it can, what happens if there's no change in the value of goods and services? Basically, this falls. In effect, what's happened is the conversion factor between value and this non-commodity money changes because the hours remain the same. But by pumping up more money supply, the dollars per unit hours falls. And that's what the Fed has done. And that continued until a new, I can't remember his name, someone came along who said, no, this won't happen. And reduced the money supply, raised interest rates, and basically caused the recession to squeeze out the inflation in the economy. That may have been under President Reagan. I don't recollect. So that's this analysis over here. The next question, which is also interesting, I think, is what happens if there's monopoly in the capital-good industry, the Department 1 industry? So let me erase this. And suppose we had monopoly in this other industry. And I don't have to do this in such detail. I think you can get the idea. Here we have a few capitalists who, again, because of competition or other reasons, gain monopoly power in a capital-good industry. And they're able to charge a price higher than the unit value. So once again, we have the C plus V plus S, except now it's in a capital-good industry. So this is a C-good industry. The previous one was a V-good industry. And they can sell their product for a price, a monopoly price, greater than the value of producing that. So in this particular case, in contrast to the other case, they're selling this particular commodity because it's a raw material or a machine. They're selling it to other capitalists. And hence, those other capitalists have a surplus by definition. And so they take a cut. These are now the buying capitalists. They take a cut of the surplus. And they, in effect, make a new subsume class payment to these sellers of a monopoly capital commodity. Let me take the case of oil.


This is Classics of Liberty from Libertarianism.org and the Cato Institute, narrated by Caleb Brown. Today's classic is The Great Nation of Futurity by John L. O'Sullivan. In 1837, John Lewis O'Sullivan and his brother established the United States Magazine and Democratic Review in Washington, D.C. and it soon became one of the most important periodicals in American history. By late 1840, the brothers moved the magazine to New York City. The move marked a significant shift in American life. Throughout the 1830s and 1840s, New Yorkers gradually rested cultural preeminence from puritanical and relatively stagnant Boston and trining New York City as the de facto capital of American life. In politics, economics, and now the arts, New York City and its radical cutting edge of loco-foco Democrats and visionary artists led their fellow Americans into the brave new world of the mid-19th century, a period in which railroads connected continents and telegraphs converted ideas into electric signals allowing for instantaneous communication. John L. O'Sullivan and his Democratic Review gained fame, notoriety, and influence by spearheading the movement to produce an authentically American national culture distinct from European antecedents. Publishing now canonical authors like Whitman and Hawthorne as well as editorials written by O'Sullivan himself, the Democratic Review trumpeted the concept of manifest destiny, cast in a decidedly radical liberal direction. The wider New York cultural movement identified itself with the phrase Young America, sharply contrasting the United States, which O'Sullivan called the great nation of futurity, with the monarchies, aristocracies, and corporate plutocracies proliferating throughout the old world. O'Sullivan and his fellow young Americans were far from perfect and by no means were they equivalent to modern libertarians, but their vision and concepts of republicanism, democracy, and the United States constituted one of the most virulent and influential strains of liberal thinking in the entirety of 19th century America. The American people, having derived their origin from many other nations and the Declaration of National Independence being entirely based on the great principle of human equality, these facts demonstrate our disconnected position as regards any other nation, that we have in reality but little connection with the past history of any of them and still less with all antiquity, its glories, or its crimes. On the contrary, our national birth was the beginning of a new history, the formation and progress of an untried political system which separates us from the past and connects us with the future only. And so far as regards the entire development of the natural rights of man in moral, political, and national life, we may confidently assume that our country is destined to be the great nation of futurity. It is so destined because the principle upon which a nation is organized fixes its destiny and that of equality is perfect, is universal. It presides in all the operations of the physical world and it is also the conscious law of the soul, the self-evident dictate of morality which accurately defines the duty of man to man and consequently man's rights as man. Besides, the truthful annals of any nation furnish abundant evidence that its happiness, its greatness, its duration were always proportionate to the democratic equality in its system of government. How many nations have had their decline and fall because the equal rights of the minority were trampled on by the despotism of the majority or the interests of the many sacrificed to the aristocracy of the few or the rights and interests of all given up to the monarchy of one? These three kinds of government have figured so frequently and so largely in the ages that have passed away that their history, through all time to come, can only furnish a resemblance. Like causes produce like effects and the true philosopher of history will easily discern the principle of equality or of privilege working out its inevitable result. The first is regenerative because it is natural and right. The latter is destructive to society because it is unnatural and wrong. What friend of human liberty, civilization and refinement can cast his view over the past history of the monarchies and aristocracies of antiquity and not deplore that they ever existed? What philanthropist can contemplate the oppressions, the cruelties and injustice inflicted by them on the masses of mankind and not turn with moral horror from the retrospect? America is destined for better deeds. It is our unparalleled glory that we have no reminiscences of battlefields and indefensive humanity, of the oppressed of all nations, of the rights of conscience, the rights of personal enfranchisement. Our annals describe no scene of horrid carnage where men were led on by hundreds of thousands to slay one another, dupes and victims to emperors, kings, nobles, demons in the human form called heroes. We have had patriots to defend our homes, our liberties, but no aspirants to crowns or thrones, nor have the American people ever suffered themselves to be led on by wicked ambition to depopulate the land, to spread desolation far and wide that a human being might be placed on a seat of supremacy. We have no interest in the scenes of antiquity only as lessons of avoidance of nearly all their examples. The expansive future is our arena and for our history. We are entering on its untrodden space with the truths of God in our minds, beneficent objects in our hearts, and with a clear conscience unsullied by the past. We are the nation of human progress and who will what can set limits to our onward march? Providence is with us and no earthly power can. We point to the everlasting truth on the first page of our national declaration and we proclaim to the millions of other lands that the gates of hell, the powers of aristocracy and monarchy shall not prevail against it. The far reaching, the boundless future will be the era of American greatness. In its magnificent domain of space and time, the nation of many nations is destined to manifest to mankind the excellence of divine principles to establish on earth the noblest temple ever dedicated to the worship of the Most High, the sacred and the true. Its floor shall be a hemisphere, its roof the firmament of the star-studded heavens and its congregation a union of many republics, comprising hundreds of happy millions, calling, owning no man, master, but governed by God's natural and moral law of equality, the law of brotherhood, of peace and goodwill amongst men. But although the mighty constituent truth upon which our social and political system is founded will assuredly work out the glorious destiny herein shadowed forth, yet there are many untoward circumstances to retard our progress, to procrastinate the entire fruition of the greatest good to the human race. There is a tendency to imitativeness, prevailing amongst our professional and literary men, subversive of originality of thought and wholly unfavorable to progress. This propensity to imitate foreign nations is absurd and injurious. It is absurd for we have never yet drawn on our mental resources that we have not found them ample and of unsurpassed excellence. Witness our constitutions of government where we had no foreign ones to imitate. It is injurious for never have we followed foreign examples in legislation. Witness our laws, our charters of monopoly that we did not inflict evil on ourselves, subverting common right in violation of common sense and common justice. Taught to look abroad for the highest standards of law, judicial wisdom and literary excellence, the native sense is subjugated to a most obsequious idolatry of the tastes, sentiments and prejudices of Europe. Hence our legislation, jurisprudence, literature are more reflective of foreign aristocracy than of American democracy. European governments have plunged themselves in debt, designating burdens on the people, national blessings. Our state legislatures humbly imitating their pernicious example have pawned, bonded the property, labor and credit of their constituents to the subjects of monarchy. It is by our own labor and with our own materials that our internal improvements are constructed. But our British law trained legislators have enacted that we shall be in debt for them, paying interest but never to become owners. But our British law trained legislators have enacted that we shall be in debt for them, paying interest but never to become owners. With various climates, soils, natural resources and products beyond any other country and producing more real capital annually than other 16 million of people on earth, we are nevertheless borrowers paying tribute to the money powers of Europe. Our businessmen have also conned the lesson of example and devoted themselves body and mind to the promotion of foreign interests. If states can steep themselves in debt with any propriety in times of peace, why may not merchants import merchandise on credit? If the one can bond the labor and property of the aspirations yet unborn, why may not the other contract debts against the yearly crops and daily labor of their contemporary fellow citizens? And our literature, oh, when will it breathe the spirit of our Republican institutions? When will it be imbued with the god-like aspiration of intellectual freedom, the elevating principle of equality? And our literature, oh, when will it breathe the spirit of our Republican institutions? When will it be imbued with the god-like aspiration of intellectual freedom, the elevating principle of equality? When will it assert its national independence and speak the soul, the heart of the American people? Why cannot our literati comprehend the matchless sublimity of our position amongst the nations of the world, our high destiny, and cease bending the knee to foreign idolatry, false tastes, false doctrines, false principles? When will they be inspired by the magnificent scenery of our own world, imbibe the fresh enthusiasm of a new heaven and a new earth, and soar upon the expanded wings of truth and liberty? Is not nature as original, her truths as captivating, her aspects as various as lovely as grand, her Promethean fire as glowing in this, our western hemisphere as in that of the east? And above all, is not our private life as morally beautiful and good? Is not our public life as politically right, as indicative of the brightest prospects of humanity, and therefore as inspiring of the highest conceptions? Why then do our authors aim at no higher degree of merit than a successful imitation of English writers of celebrity? But with all the retrograde tendencies of our institutions, still they are compelled to follow the mighty impulse of the age. They are carried onward by the increasing tide of progress, and though they cast many a longing look behind, they cannot stay the glorious movement of the masses, nor induce them to venerate the rubbish, the prejudices, the superstitions of other times and other lands, the theocracy of priests, the divine right of kings, the aristocracy of blood, the metaphysics of colleges, the irrational stuff of law libraries. Already the brightest hopes of philanthropy, the most enlarged speculations of true philosophy, are inspired by the indications perceptible amongst the mechanical and agricultural population. There with predominating influence beats the vigorous national heart of America, propelling the onward march of the multitude, propagating and extending through the present and the future, the powerful purpose of the soul which, in the 17th century, sought a refuge among savages and reared in the wilderness the sacred altars of intellectual freedom. This was the seed that produced individual equality and political liberty as its natural fruit, and this is our true nationality. American patriotism is not of soil. We are not aborigines, nor of ancestry, for we are of all nations. But it is essentially personal enfranchisement for where liberty dwells, said Franklin, the sage of the revolution, there is my country. Equality of rights is the sign-assure of our union of states, the grand exemplar of the correlative equality of individuals, and while truth sheds its effulgence, we cannot retrograde without dissolving the one and subverting the other. We must onward to the fulfillment of our mission, to the entire development of the principle of our organization, freedom of conscience, freedom of person, freedom of trade and business pursuits, universality of freedom and equality. This is our high destiny, and in nature's eternal inevitable decree of cause and effect, we must accomplish it. All this will be our future history to establish on earth the moral dignity and salvation of man, the immutable truth and beneficence of God. For this blessed mission to the nations of the world, which are shut out from the life-giving light of truth, has America been chosen, and her high example shall smite unto death the tyranny of kings, hierarchs and oligarchs, and carry the glad tidings of peace and goodwill, where myriads now endure an existence scarcely more enviable than that of beasts of the field. Who then can doubt that our country is destined to be the great nation of futurity? That was The Great Nation of Futurity by John L. O'Sullivan. Find more classics of liberty at libertarianism.org.


Standard of California, on behalf of independent Chevron gas stations and standard stations throughout the West, invites you to let George do it. One chance at the world, another adventure of George Valentine. Personal notice. Stanges my stock and trade. If life is a continual dance with someone else calling the tunes, you got a job for me, George Valentine. Write full details. Dear Mr. Valentine, it's a great homecoming after you've been away several years to find your wife waiting for you. Dead. But that's what happened to me. She died a week before I got to town. The chaplain said maybe I was crazy to even come back here. But now that I did, I'm glad. Because my wife was murdered, Mr. Valentine. And what do I find? The guy who killed her still sits at home eating squab and drinking champagne. Well, that's what you said in your letter, Mr. Evans? Murdered. It's what I meant. And the name's Nard. I'm not used to being called Mr. Okay, Nard. Your wife's name was Verna. That's right. Well, the newspapers indicated Verna Evans was hit by an automobile when she was walking across an intersection up by the edge of town. Yeah. A week ago, Saturday night. And it said the driver was exonerated. Sure. Dismissed with a couple of words, like she was. About the size of a death note is way back on page seven. But did the article say who he was? But no. No. Probably knows the editor. That's why. It was Mr. Farrell Paulson. Now what do you think? Look, Nard, I know that Mr. Paulson's important. He's a big man. And the kind that doesn't like to have his name in the paper. I'll say he doesn't. Not unless he's kissing a baby or something. But I also know that the police in this town don't play favorites. And I know they must have looked into this case thoroughly. I was afraid that that's what you'd say. I went to the police. They said the whole story was in the papers. So I went to Mr. Paulson himself. You'd think he'd at least feel sorry about killing a woman, but he wouldn't even see me, Mr. Valentine. Not even see me. Oh, he wouldn't, huh? Hey, look, Nard, tell me a little more about yourself, would you? In the letter you mentioned Chaplin. Have you been in the Army? Prison. Oh, I see. You're pretty young, aren't you? Twenty-three. How long were you there? Good behavior. Only two and a half years. What for? Assault with a deadly weapon. Want to tell me about it? No. Why should I? It's over with. I paid for it. Okay, okay, Nard. Being bitter never helps you, Nard. I try not to be Mr. Valentine. I know I shouldn't be. I know Verna wouldn't want me to be. But it's not so easy when things like this happen. We were always so close. Married women were just kids. We started our own little business, laundry and cleaning. I even worked out some new machines, fast presses.  But I haven't even got that anymore. What do you mean? She had to sell out while I was away. I told her not to, but...  Groffay Lundry's got everything I own. I... I don't know why I'm telling you all this, except... I haven't got a penny to pay you with. Who says I'm going to do anything I need pay for? You mean you won't help me? You mean I get the brush from you, too? Sorry, Gilbert. It's just tough. That's all. The world is not against you. Maybe it looks that way to you, but it's not. Sure, sure. That's what the chaplain kept saying. I believe them, too. All I'm trying to tell you is I'm going to do something about it. I'm going to prove it to you. I'm not trying to evade my responsibilities. That's what you're thinking, Mr. Valentine. Or my conscience. All right, Mr. Paulson. I believe you. It's just that I... I'm trying to plan what you're going to say to him a little more carefully. I beg your pardon. You were driving your car last Saturday night. Were you alone? Yes. Feeding? No. Drinking? No. Now what happened? The police have this case. They have every bit of information. There's no sense in why... Okay, okay, Mr. Paulson. Your client, the young man, the husband, he's not trying to cause any further trouble, is he? Oh, no, Mr. Paulson. He's happy that you... Oh, I know I shouldn't have said it that way. I didn't mean it that way. The accident wasn't my fault. I slammed on my brakes, but she was running across the street, and...  I don't like myself very much either. It wasn't your fault, and yet you don't just feel upset. You feel guilty, too, don't you? Why? See here, I have to get back inside. It wouldn't be you've held something backward, even from the police. No, no, no. Of course not. What's your name again? Valentine. Yes, yes. Perhaps we'll meet again, Mr. Valentine. Lieutenant Riley, what homicide got to do with Werner Evans' death? And how did you know what we're here for, anyway? Paulson called me. But as regards your first homicide has nothing to do with it. Just Riley the sucker. Good old Riley everybody's... Just what are you talking about? Oh, never mind, never mind. Wait a second. Uh, Hewitt. Hewitt, this is Miss Brooks and Mr. Valentine. Well, how do you do, Hewitt? I'm Nards' cousin, Miss. I'm sure pleased to meet you. Oh, Hewitt, what brings you down? Nards' staying with me, you see. I guess he doesn't like to go back to their old apartment. We don't mind having him. It's the least we can do. Now, remember what I said, Hewitt. And remember, it's got nothing to do with you blaming yourself. How can I help it? I mean, at least we could have had her over once a week, regular. But Saturday night was the gin-rummy clubbing. Well, the wife did her best getting her for meals. And I saw Verna several times helping her sell that cleaner stuff to Johnny Grofer. I said, don't blame yourself. Now, just try and think about what I've been telling you so you can help. No. No, all you've been saying is a lot of police department stuff. Huh? I know how you'll work. I'm not actually saying this guy Paulson did any fixing or anything. But I am saying I know what Verna was like. You guys better make up something better than that for Nard. That's all I'm saying. So long, Lieutenant. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Police department stuff. What's the matter with people? What do they think we do? Sit down here plotting against everybody?  Well, that's what you're here for, too, isn't it? To say, Riley, what's the big idea of brushing the poor kid off? Big, hard-hearted police department. Oh, don't mind me. I've had a bad morning. That's all. Stand at the beginning, will you, Riley? Yeah, sure, sure. Traffic referred the case to me because I was the one who sent Nard Evans up three years ago. I was a sergeant then. Oh, the assault with a deadly weapon. Oh, it sounds worse than it was. Nard was just a kid when after a couple of sailors with a tire iron because he thought they insulted his wife. Well, he deserved to be punished all right. A man can't let his temper fly anytime he wants. But he was really just a heart-headed boy who loved his wife too much. Oh, he idolized her. She was cute, too, blonde, not too bright, but very nice. And that's why traffic referred this case to me. Hey, clear up that one, will you? Well, point A, Farrell Fulsons, not at all to blame for the accident. You sure? Not according to my evidence. Point B, Verna Evans was. What? Oh, yeah, yeah, yeah. The heart-hearted police department thought it might be better if Nard didn't know the truth. That's why we gave the kid the stall this morning. That's why we had his cousin in, hoping he might be able to ease the blow. The blow? What do you mean, Lieutenant? The accident happened last Saturday night out by the edge of town. Crowded highways, crowded roadhouses. Come on, Lieutenant, come on. Well, we don't know whether she was with anybody or not, but we do know she had been other nights the same week. About a dozen witnesses in a joint called Springer's Shack remember seeing her. Then some guy took her arm and she went outside. Tried to walk across the highway when Paulson and a lot of other cars were coming and, well, Paulson couldn't help himself. What else, Riley? Well, the kid's beautiful, wonderful wife could hardly stand up straight. Wow. Hello, Nard. I thought you'd go on home over to your cousin's. No, no, I... Well, I had to know what was going on. I came back up here. Your office was locked, but... Yeah, well, let's go inside, kid. We can... No, no, no. Tell me right now. What did you find out? Well, Nard, Mr. Paulson isn't guilty of anything and the police didn't mean to give you a brush off. They just didn't seem to think you'd understand. I think they were wrong. What do you mean? Well, Miss Brooks means... I understand that you're being imprisoned. Well, it was pretty hard on your wife, too. Bernard? What are you trying to tell me? Nard, the other night that accident was just unavoidable. Bernard had been out. She'd been having a good time. She'd... Well, she'd had a few. You're lying to me. Bernard never drank in her life. They looked over the evidence ourselves, Nard. Statements from people who saw her. There's no question about it. You're lying to me. You're trying to hide something. You take it easy, kid. Now come on inside. No, Nard, I don't want it. You don't want it. It's going to help. Nard, please.  A guy's a jailbird. Give him a kiss. Nard, he's... I'll show you what it feels like. He's your payment for doing nothing. No, no. Wait a minute, Nard. No, no. Let him go. Oh, George. Maybe that sock got some of it out of his system. Oh, darling, your cheek's bleeding. That's okay. Here, give me the key. Hey, wait a minute. Wait a minute, Booksy. He said the office was locked. But I don't remember locking it. Huh? Not the outer room. Now, you see, it's not. What in the name of... Yeah. Farrell Paulson. Oh, darling. Yeah, here's the gun with a silencer. And, Booksy, I guess he's about as dead as six bullets will make a man. We'll return to tonight's adventure at George Valentine in just a moment. Good evening, car owner. Did you know that the most severe wear in your car's engine starts the moment you cut the ignition off? It's caused by condensation of acid-laden moisture on vital parts. The result is corrosive rust, which is responsible for 80% of engine wear. But there's a sure way to stop this high-cost corrosion. Use premium quality RPM motor oil. RPM contains special compounds that prevent rust. One compound in RPM is an adhering agent which keeps a moisture-proof film on the cylinder walls of your engine. And RPM stays on the job preventing rust, even though your car stands idle for days or weeks. No wonder RPM is first choice in the West. It's the oil that stops 80% of engine wear. Ask for RPM at standard stations and at independent chevron gas stations where they say, and mean, we take better care of your car. Now back to tonight's adventure of George Valentine.  Yes, Verna Evans was struck by an automobile driven by a Mr. Farrell Paulson. The police tell you that Mr. Paulson was not to blame, that the only reason for the accident was the difficulty Mrs. Evans was having with her own navigation. The boy, Nard, quite understandably, refuses to believe such a thing about his wife and socks you when you try to tell him about it. So, like George Valentine, you have a pretty sore jaw. And it's not helped any, but the fact that you've now found Mr. Paulson dead in your office. Well, stop looking at me, Valentine.  People always point at the cop and say, there he goes, accusing somebody. My, my, my, aren't we touchy today? Oh, well, it's just that I can't say Oh, well, it's just that I can't help kicking myself for being so gooey-hearted this morning. Gooey-hearted. Maybe if I told Nard the fact straight out, but no, no, no, no, I had to protect his dream about his wife. Hey, look, Riley, I had the feeling Paulson hadn't told his whole story yet. Something bothered him. Subconscious, maybe. Yeah? Well, try this on your subconscious. My boys ran the gun down. Yeah? Yeah. It was bought this morning from a hot shop on 3rd Street. Purchased or signed his name, John Smith. But he had brown eyes. Five foot ten, about 160 pounds. Complexion, a little pale. Nard Evans? Yeah, two with tea. Well, I've got to put out an all-points form. Okay, Riley. But while your cops are looking for the boy, I'm going to go out and find him. Come on, Brooksy. Excuse the gate crash, you mister were in a hurry. You're going to grow faint laundry, don't you? Yes. Well, I'm looking for Nard Evans. Have you seen him? Who? Yes, you have seen him, haven't you? And you're scared to death. Why, why would I have seen anyone named Nard Evans? Oh, I've played you for just a long shot, but I guess you're not. Nard's a boy who thinks the world's against him. I thought he might have been here to file a complaint. You bought some machines or patents or something from his wife, a fast presser. I remember now, but there certainly would be no reason to complain. Yeah, for a long shot you sound more and more like a sure thing. Now come on, when was he here? There's a murder involved. It was 15 minutes ago. George, after the murder. Keep talking. Well, he was talking wildly, made a lot of threats. He had the ridiculous idea that his wife had been put upon. I guess she was. I guess that's why you're so scared. Are you implying that I spindled the girl? See, you know she came to me alone, she did. Absolutely alone. It was her idea to sell. She needed money, she said. And you were glad to oblige. Mr. Groffay, did Verna Evans impress you as the kind of girl who'd spend a good deal on parties or maybe liquor? Well, I don't know, perhaps. Perhaps, yes, now that you mention it. Why? That's a good question, Mr. Groffay. Why a lot of things? Like why believe everything we hear? Sure, that's us, Mr. Springer Shack. Been here for 25 years, me and Pa. Well, I guess it's your husband we want to see, Mr. Springer. He was one of the main witnesses in that Evans accident. You know, the girl who was hit by the car when she walked out of here last Saturday night? Oh, yes, yes, I know. Poor little thing. Well, tell me, is your husband... I said is your husband a... You don't have to yell, Mr. I'm so used to trucks backfiring, I can hear myself think by him. Well, Pa'll be here any second. Been taking a nap in the house, I'll back. Mrs. Springer, do you remember Verna Evans? Well, not much. See, I'm busy on the cash register and cooking, too. We're mostly a restaurant, you know. Yeah, but it gets a little noisy around here on Saturday nights. Well, we got two jukeboxes. Sure it does, Mr. No, Pa was the one told the police about, well, you know about the condition she was in. What sort of condition was she? Pa's pretty strict. He wouldn't serve her more than the one drink and she didn't touch that, she couldn't. Why not? I guess other places aren't so particular. She'd been filled up, lady, before she ever got here. Huh, huh? Oh, Lordy, I don't know. Some folks thought so, some folks didn't, but Saturday nights, Mr. Well, you better just ask Pa. What's that? I... I said you better... Hey, that wasn't a fight. Come on. Around this way. Look out for the puppies. Springer spandals, but they're really aerodails. Take care of them. That was a shotgun. Mr. Springer, Mr. Springer, can you hear me? Hey, Mr. Springer, who did it? Can you hear me? Who did it? That... that... That... that... Evans... That was the Springer! You were out there, Lieutenant. You saw Mrs. Springer. She doesn't lie.   Just a lot of corroborating stuff on her, weaving around in that one place. Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. The doctors had let us know in a couple of minutes. They're already re-examining the body. You know how many orders it takes to get an exhumation? Oh, never mind, never mind. What I keep thinking about is poor old man Springer was the girl's big accuser. He threw the first rock. From Nard's standpoint, he called his wife names in public. Motive. Lieutenant Riley. Lieutenant Riley. Oh, there we are now. Excuse me. Yeah, yeah. Sergeant Johnson. A couple of patrol cars located at Evans Boy. What? They're getting cornered upstairs of a garage on 73rd Street. He's daring them to come on up after him. They say homicide has a hold on it, waiting for instructions. The Evans Boy is armed with a shotgun. Okay, Johnson, tell him. Riley, Riley, get in there and ask the doctors to hurry, will you? And tell those guys to keep the kids surrounded until we get there. He's up here, Lieutenant. There's a room over the garage, stairs are inside. Yeah, okay, Sergeant. Oh, hello, Stuart. That's my shotgun, he's got Mr. Valentine. Came home from work and found he'd been there and it was missing. I live over in the next block. Anybody trying to go in yet? He says he'll shoot if we stick our heads in. Says make him an offer and let Hewitt here deliver it. I guess Hewitt's the only one he'll trust. Gosh, I feel like a heel. I'd like to help, but I've got a family to think about. I know what he's like when he's like this, when he loses his temper. You ever let go of the tear gas, Lieutenant? No, no, just stand back from the door. I'm going to have a talk with him first. George, no. Really, no. Angel, relax. Okay, Valentine, all clear. Is that you, Hewitt? No, it's me, Valentine.  Tough, aren't you? The jailbird. The guy who used a tire iron on two sailors. Keep your buttons on. I haven't got a gun. Keep your buttons on.  You bet I can't. Yeah. Yeah, you really have got the world against you. Now, haven't you?  The police, me, Johnny Groff, fate, the whole world. I'm not kidding, Mr. Valentine. Get out of here. You're the only one I'll talk to. Nod, did you ever hear of a man named Springer? Who's he? Now, listen, kid, I got news for you. I asked the police to exhume the body of your wife, Bernard. What? Why are you trying to approach him? Listen to me, will you? The doctors can't tell about alcohol after a day or so. But they could tell about something else that was in her stomach. A drug, a dope. What? Drugs, dope. What Paulson's car hit her when all those people saw her in Springer's shack, she acted like she'd had a few too many. Now, she could have been made to act that way by a drug. I guess so. So what? Listen to me, Nod. A couple of years ago, you went to prison. You told your wife not to sell that fast pressing machine thing of yours. But she needed money. Yeah, yeah, I know all that. Werner was young. She could have been persuaded to sell. Only when she found out later she'd been taken that Grofay was really making hay out of his purchase she got frantic. Her last week she tore around. Seeing people, maybe. Seeing men, maybe. There's always wise guys to put on the wrong and take... Sure, sure. But who was in a position to persuade Werner? I don't know what you're talking about. Who was in a position to collect a rake off from Grofay? Who told me he'd seen Grofay with her? When Grofay was so careful to say she'd been alone. Who would have gotten scared to death because he knew how rough you could be? Cut it out, will you? Get out of here and pull this trigger! Who could have gotten panicky and frugged her and shoved her out on the highway and put scared to death pulse and saw something funny? Scared to death of Paulson and Springer too because he might remember his face from being a springer. Mr. Valentine, stop it! I'm warning you! Only Springer remembered her name. That Evans fella, he said. But he never met you. He could have meant... Hewitt Evans! No, no, you're nuts! Get out of here! And the reason I know I'm right is because you want me to get out of here and Hewitt to come in.  I didn't know about Springer. I went to your office and found Paulson dead. I tore out after Grofay. I tore all over town and everywhere there was cops. And Hewitt hid me. Later on he brought me over here. I never got wise until I saw that here there was a shotgun and it had been fired so you could smell it. He stole the gun I bought in the pawn shop. He picked me for a patsy. There were extra shells.  Well, I ain't gonna blast a hole in them. Get out of here, Valentine! I'm gonna... You know... I told you a long time ago that my wife didn't drink. Yeah, kid. Yeah, you did. I guess I figured if you had that much faith in her, maybe somebody ought to have some faith in you.  Here's... Here's the gun, Mr. Valentine. George. What do you suppose Mr. Paulson came up here to the office? What do you suppose he was gonna tell us? Oh, I don't think he'd actually been hiding anything he'd seen at the time of the accident, Brooksy. He didn't actually see Hewitt Pusher. Just a suspicion, a tinge of doubt. And, well, all of us feel it's so much easier not to get mixed up in things. I know. Like it's so much easier to make a flat-footed accusing statement like Mr. Springer must have about Bernard Evans. People are so careless and selfish when they tell things they see, when they tell things they've been told. They forget that somebody might suffer. Somebody might be robbed of his chance at the world. Well, not Evans has a pretty good chance now, Brooksy. You see, I think that... George, I love you. For a happy vacation trip, and indeed, for your everyday motoring, take a tip. Go on Chevron Supreme gasoline. It's blended perfectly to give your car's engine ping-free power under every driving condition. Faster starts for cold engines, quicker pickup and traffic, and extra power on hills with never an engine knock. Ping-free power means more economical motoring, you know, for a knocking engine is a strained and laboring engine that's wasting both power and fuel. So, make sure you get Chevron Supreme a premium-quality gasoline. Remember, it's climate-tatered according to the West's different altitude and temperature zones, gives your car its best performance wherever you buy it. In fact, you can't buy a better gasoline for today's high compression engines. Ask for Chevron Supreme at standard stations and at independent Chevron gas stations where they say, at mean, we take better care of your car. Next week, when we find George Valentine trying to solve a new riddle on a country of state, we'll hear... I did see him, George. Right over there, it's through the fall. Okay, Angel, let's take a look. I'll turn on the flashlight. Okay. Hey, wait a minute. Look at that book, see? Oh, no. He didn't even reach his car to get away. That makes two of them, Angel. And our job is to see that somebody doesn't make it three. Tonight's adventure of George Valentine has been brought to you by Standard of California. On behalf of independent Chevron gas stations and standard stations throughout the West, Robert Bailey is starred as George with Francis Robinson as Brooksy. Wally Mayer appears as Lieutenant Riley. Let George do it was written by David Victor and Jackson Gillis and directed by Don Clark. Also heard in the cast were Walter Burke as Nard, Ted Funels as Paulson, Clayton Post as Hewitt, Bob Griffin as Groffay, and Martha Wentworth as Ma. The music is composed and presented by Eddie Dunstetter, your announcer, John Heaston. Listen again next week, same time, same station, too. Let George do it. This is the Mutual Don Lee Broadcasting System.


Thank you very much. Thank you very much, and I'm sure others have made you already feel welcome here. I'd like to acknowledge the chairman of the Republican Jewish Coalition, Richard Fox, and also the co-chairman, Gordon Zaks, George Klein, and your honorary chairman, Max Fischer, who's in Israel. And I want to thank all of you in the Republican Jewish Coalition for what you're doing. Today, as we meet, Americans are still stunned by the savagery in Beirut. I can't express the personal grief and loss that I feel as the Commander-in-Chief of these Marines, but I know that as fellow Americans, you have those same feelings, and you share that loss also. I believe Americans understand, as never before, the dangers facing Israel. I'm talking about terrorism. The terrorism that killed our Marines there, the terrorism that killed the Israeli athletes at the Olympic Games, the terrorism that Israel so often experiences. I believe our grief has joined us with Israel as never before. You hear some people asking, what are we doing in the Midees? Why are we there? Well, we're searching for peace, and it's a noble and a painful labor. The loss of our Marines, though senseless, is not in vain. If we can contribute to the peace process, we will have done more to advance the security and well-being of Israel than anything else that we undertake. Right now, amidst the mourning and the pain, we're seeking the territorial integrity, the sovereignty, and the political independence of Lebanon. The U.S., France, Italy, and the United Kingdom have contributed troops to a multinational force in Lebanon to give that mutilated country a chance to pull itself together while our diplomats search for internal agreement. A secure Lebanon means a secure Israel in furtherance of our own interests. Progress is being delayed by Syria's foot-dragging and by the animalism that occurred last Sunday. The introduction into Syria of the most sophisticated conventional weapons in the Soviet arsenal, backed by Soviet support troops, has created a new threat to Israel and to our own presence in the Eastern Mediterranean.  We assisted in implementing the Israel-Egypt peace treaty, and we succeeded in negotiating the May 17th Israel-Lebanon Agreement. And I intend to stand by that agreement, no matter what Syria does, and we will not be intimidated and driven out by acts of terrorism. In September 1982, I proposed a plan which is the only realistic one to solve the Palestinian problem. In so many ways, we're searching to find that peace and security Israel in the United States so desperately desired. We also will not let Israel be hurt in the United Nations. Ambassador Kirkpatrick is our watchdog on this, and she is tenacious. But just so the UN doesn't get any ideas, let me be very blunt. If Israel is ever forced to leave, we leave together. One reason that we admire Israel so much is its commitment to democracy. These principles are absolutely essential in today's troubled world. We're trying to promote programs that encourage the development and understanding of democracy around the world. And I'm told that some of you who are in the audience are considering helping from the private sector. And I can't tell you how helpful that would be. Because look at the alternative to democratic nations. Moscow has just sentenced Subbagan to seven years' imprisonment and five years of internal exile. The Soviet regime has refused for 13 years to honor Mr. Begin's request to emigrate to Israel. This courageous man cannot silence his conscience, and yet the Soviets will not let him leave. I can't understand a system that keeps people in only so they can punish them. I believe it's our duty to speak out for those people who are persecuted because of their beliefs. I condemn the proceedings against Mr. Begin, and I call upon Soviet authorities to grant him the permission to emigrate to Israel as he has so long sought. When the days are darkest for those of the Hebrew faith in the Soviet labor camps or exiled in Siberia, they must think of Israel and feel a little peace within themselves. In their coal cells, they must be warmed by the light of Israel so many thousands of miles away. Israel represents hope and home, and I want those Jews who suffer in the Soviet Union, as well as you here today, to know that the United States believes in Israel's light. We believe in her hope and her future, and we will let no one endanger her promise. Now, I know I only have a few minutes and somebody is going to be tugging at my elbow in those few minutes, but would someone like to ask a question? For 35 years, Israel has demonstrated that she is a faithful and loyal ally to our country. She shares, as you said, our democratic values, she shares our goal of containing Soviet expansion in the area, and she shares our hope for peace in the Middle East and has made substantial concessions, both in territorial resources, to further that goal. And yet, Mr. President, there seems to be a annoying perception in the Jewish community that we are not using the resources of our ally. We're not using her bases, we're not using her facilities, and most recently a question as there is an abusing medical facilities that were offered, and that there is a lack of the quality of interaction that should characterize the relationship between two allies. Mr. President, as you look to the year ahead, how do you plan to strengthen the American-Israeli alliance and use the relationship and resources of this alliance to further our national goals? Well, I think the perception is wrong with regard to there being any drifting apart or not utilizing some of that. And some of the actions right now are because of the interplay of, and I think the government of Israel is aware of this, of our diplomatic efforts. We know about the Marines in Lebanon, but not so many people are aware that virtually around the clock, day in and day out, these diplomatic efforts have been going on in an effort to resolve the problems connected particularly with establishing the government of Lebanon. We worked, as you know, hand in glove in getting the Lebanon-Israel agreement. So they're aware that in some instances where we're dealing with the Arab states, particularly Syria, it would be counterproductive to give them, because they never fail to use as an argument against us, that, well, they think that we're speaking on behalf of Israel and that we're not totally neutral and seeking peace from both sides at an angle. So that is true. You mentioned the hospital at Haifa. This concerned me when the offer came and we're most appreciative and grateful for it. And I looked to see what it was, and it was just that in the press of time and with the time that offer arrived, the arrangements had been made principally because of the burn wounds. And we believed that the hospital that the military did, that they were acquainted with, had the facilities better for the treatment of these extreme burn wounds. And that was the only thing. We're most grateful for the other, and I think you will see in the not too distant future, I think you'll be seeing some of our ships in the Mediterranean making their port calls at Haifa when we think that the men need to get rid of their sea legs and get on land again. Mr. President, the connection with the arrangement and the Lebanese-Israel peace agreement, which ensures certainly that Israel will withdraw and that Syria will withdraw. To follow up Jack Stein's question again, and I do hope and I urge you possibly to clarify this, there again is a perception in the Jewish community that the final outcome will be that Israel will be pressed to withdraw and with a concession, look, let's leave Syria there. She has a right to be a part of the country. You withdraw and we'll try to work something out. Is there any substance to that impression? If there is, no one's had the nerve to tell me. We're well aware of what Syria's motives are, and I'll be just a second, of what their motives are. And they think that large part of Lebanon and Jordan even are part of a greater Syria. And we also know that the support that is behind them at the Soviet Union, as a matter of fact, I have every reason to believe. My personal belief and I think that the evidence I have is sufficient that this last horrendous act involved Iranian terrorists and they were facilitated in their entry and in the provision of the munitions by Syria. Mr. President, when do you plan to move our U.S. embassy to Jerusalem? The very peace plan coming along predicated on the Camp David Accords and the resolutions 4-2-4-2 and 3-3-8 that prompted us more than a year ago to propose a general peace plan which has been held in abeyance by this trouble in Lebanon, which we don't think the plan is dead. We still intend to go there and to go through with that other. We think that to this again would be counterproductive with the negotiations that must take place between the Arab states and between Israel, as they did between Egypt and Israel, if we're to bring about that kind of a peace where other Arab states do as Egypt did and sign peace, that that would properly belong there in the negotiations that would take place. And again, we would be seen as trying to go ahead of the negotiations if we did something of that kind. First of all, let me state for all of us here that we share with you the country's grief over the tragic loss of life of the U.S. Marine. And I know I speak for everyone. We're very concerned that you, in talking to the nation, single out, as you've done for us, where you believe the fault lies, because we're very sensitive to many who wrongly conclude that this loss is attributable to Israel. And we would hope that in signaling those that are the Syrian, Russian, and Iranian influence that you remain firm in your resolve to stay to your peace initiatives in the midst of this. We're behind you. We need your support. But we do hope that you share with us the concern that the nation doesn't fully appreciate who's behind the trouble and the constructive cooperative role that Israel is playing by participating in your agreements of May 17. Well, no, I'm not quite sure. I understand that. The question is, singling out, can you clarify for the nation what you've clarified for us that Israel is cooperating with the administration and the troubles are coming from those that are Syrian, Russian influence who are obstructionists and withholding cooperation? Yes. And I have to tell you, I've said things similar to what I just said a number of times before, and I've said them in this room to groups. And in many instances, the press has actually been covering that. But I found that the press is very selective as to what they print that I say. Yes, Dick. Mr. President, I want to thank you for having us here and for having us participate with you today. We have supporters from 20 states who supported you in 1980 and are here to say that when and if you decide to run, we are here to support you in 84. Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you all very much.


July is going to be hotter than ever because you get up to $50 off any smartphone at Appalachian Wireless to your agreement required. Better service, bigger savings, that's today's Appalachian Wireless, an East Kentucky network company. The classic lemonade stand is made of comeback, in Weizberg at least. A group of kids have been set up at the mouth of Westwood this week peddling delicious, sweet and sour goodness. And it's all for a great cause. Our original plan was to just make a lemonade stand just to have something to do for the summer and then buy something at the store that we would probably forget about in just a couple of days. And then when we was buying all this stuff, her mom was like, you could do it for something like autism. We was like, yeah, that's a wonderful idea. So that's when we realized that we should do something for somebody else, not just ourselves. Then we realized how our money could benefit other people. So we decided to donate all the money to the autism park they're making down the road. Plans for the proposed Letcher County Sensory Park in West Weizberg are in development right now. The $90,000 park would be specially designed for access for kids with autism spectrum disorder and sensory spectrum disorder and other similar conditions. According to a GoFundMe page set up to benefit the park, another $10,000 is needed after grant funds were recently awarded to the project. The young lemonade vendors in Weizberg are hoping to help meet that $10,000 goal, and they've helped the project get more than $300 closer to reality in just two days. It was more than we expected. I want more. Yeah. We started out with 30 and we were like, that's probably all we're going to get. But people texted Angie and was like, we came here to live in at night, but apparently you all closed. Yeah. And we was like, that's crazy. People were wanting some money. Our motto is spread hope and choose love. The kids are planning to continue selling lemonade over the coming days. So refreshing and for a good cause too. In Weizberg, Chris Anderson, EKB news.