Welcome everybody. My name is Julia Niebuhr. I'm from the linguistics department and I'm hosting today's speaker. It's a great pleasure to have a round. Konstantin Zavage from the University of Luxembourg, which is a very versatile research of broad range of interests, many of which are connected to research. We're doing a source, among other things, ethnography of multilingual, multimodal practices in Moroccan families in France, literacy acquisition in multilingual contexts and also multi-scriptile contexts and orthography transfer. So if I'm not mistaken, she's worked in the part of Moroccan families in southern France and now having been transplanted to the multilingual context of Luxembourg, she is looking at multilingual orthography teaching in Luxembourg classrooms. So the floor is yours. Thank you very much. Thank you very much for having invited me. Do you understand me when I talk like that? I worked during my PhD. I worked in southern France. I was interested in minority languages in general in southern France. First, about Occitan languages, not autonomous language like Basque, Catalan, Britain. And then I was curious about how do different minorities, called minority, language minorities, read and write and have reading and writing practices in France. And after having looked very closely to Occitan families, I went over to a typical immigration group in France. It was Moroccan families. And I did my PhD about literacy practices, reading and writing practices in families and at school in Occitan French-speaking families and in Moroccan Arabic French-speaking families. I was trained. That was my PhD and my data. My collected data at this time dates already from 2003. I published my PhD in 2007. But I was looking back recently in a particular frame of my linguistic data I had collected during my PhD and this is what I will present to you today. To give you just a word about my background, I'm not a Semitic, fluent person, really very, very... No, I don't speak Arabic. I did two years of classes of Arabic and of Moroccan Arabic and standard Arabic. I'm a Romans linguist and at the time of my data collection in 2003, I managed to follow the Arabic classes of the 10-year-old children I will show you. I managed to live half a year in a Moroccan family who did code-switching between Moroccan Arabic and French. But we have 11 years later, so my Arabic still is not... Yeah, it did not happen to practice it. So in my... When I chill the title about conflicting expectations and multilingual literacy acquisition for the talk today and maybe when you look at writing or literacy, it is even more than the spoken language, it is more submitted to norms and to an idea of correctness. And when you have reading and writing acquisition in a multilingual context, this idea of norms and of what is written correctly depends on the different literacy practices and the families and the informal surroundings and it depends on the very explicit, very much prescriptive norms in schools. So children in my study will be children at primary school are confronted between this family, families surrounding norms and what they learn at school and what they have to do at school. So in this different... When you have the Arabic group in France and these literacies are so different, then these competences may get in conflict in these different social groups, families against schools. And I was curious how the children will deal with these different literacy acquisitions. I will present you in a minute. So today I will present you a group of 10-year-old multilingual children growing up in southern France with a Moroccan background. And I will briefly present you the findings of an ethnography which I did in my PhD and where my PhD was focusing on of these literacy practices in the families and schools of these children. And I will focus today on some writing of these children in their family language, Moroccan. Moroccan is not a written language, so adolescents or adults often write Moroccan Arabic in chat rooms in SMS, etc. But they don't write and it's not a standardized written language and most of the family members did not meant that they... So they asked very often, can one write Moroccan Arabic? Is that possible? So for them it's a very dialect. And in my ethnography I focused on this conflicting expectations of French and Arabic literacy in families and schools and in the orthography analysis I will present you now. I was asking how the children deal with the literacy requirements within the task to write down this family language for the first time of their life. The aim of my talk is to present you my study of course. But however I would like to discuss afterwards the methodological framework doing an ethnography and then a structural orthographic analysis at a time which focuses very different perspectives of the setting and the results are complementary but they can be discussed being how complementary they are. Maybe for those who are not very familiar with France, we have here a map which shows the... Highlight is the quantity of population immigrated to France and just to show you where my investigation town was, 100,000 inhabitants town in southern France with a high quantity of migration of the Margarine population. So people from Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria. And looking at these statistics when you look at the discourses and statistics of Moroccan population, it's repeatedly that the Margarine immigrants come very often from lower social classes. They hold very often low qualified jobs. But of course you find Moroccan at all level of status. You find Moroccan people at all level of professions, etc. But my families, they were indeed fruit pickers. Most of all they're fruit pickers and they attended school in Morocco. The men normally went four, five years to school, the women not at all or maybe one or two years and then more to Quranic schools. When we look a bit closer at the district I was working in, I have modelled the district of the town I was working here. And then the different linguistic landscape if you want to call it like this, the yellow is French so you have the big circle all over French. You have the French is the most important language in the town I worked. And the biggest surrounding in France is of course French. Then French is the language of school. So in the school the children are forbidden to speak among them Moroccan Arabic. And you have the district where you listen a lot to French to Moroccan Arabic, couch-switching or depends on the people, only Moroccan, only French. And then you have the families which are much more focused on Moroccan Arabic but there are members of the family speak as well French among them. And if you may ask yourself where is Temazicht, so Berber language. This was a district where no Berber, in my knowledge no Berber family lived. There were some persons with Temazicht background but the common language was Moroccan Arabic. The green spots are written Arabic or standard Arabic and standard Arabic is present in a very particular point really in the district, in the school and in the family. In the district we have the mosque where you have the religious place of the most families. Then the families you have written Arabic, I will show you it later, in the living rooms of the home places. There are a lot of surahs, a lot of Quranic verses which are framed and which are very visible in the families and the families. A lot of family members read the Quran so you have as well I could attend as well this reading forms of Quran, they showed me how to do it. And at school you have Arabic classes which is organized by the Moroccan embassy for Moroccan children, takes place twice a week. And the 10 children I will present to you attend, grew up in this district and they all attend the Arabic class of the school. The children's parents grew up in Morocco and most of them, as I told you, went to school for some years and lots of them went to Quranic schools. So it's quite religious surrounding with people who would be called illiterate from the French hegemonic school perspective. So maybe it's interesting to know that the school is in the district but no teacher lives in the district apart from the Arabic teacher who lives over there and one of the 10 children was his son. And the teachers perceive the children and their families as kind of a decrease of social levels. So it was very much complaining about the, in French you would say Clientel of their pupils. But even if the parents of the children don't read very much, of course there are a lot of texts coming into the homes. And the families read letters from administration from different sorts. They read letters from the school like this one. The school letter has been adapted to the literacy skills of the families in French. They read recipes, they read all kinds of texts, advertisements, etc. And if you have questions about certain slides you can ask me in between or I won't focus on this particular letter now but it's one of the letters attending the families very much. And the reading is not done by the parents alone or a particular person in the family alone but it's always a collective reading. And the reading and writing is practiced in such a collectivity that it is guided by one person which is always the same person very often it's an older daughter who went to school in France and to finish school in France. And this literacy guide, how I called her, translates between French and Moroccan Arabic but she translates as well between the written and the oral code in general. So she translates in a very various way. This letter or other letters are read aloud, then translated between French and Arabic and there is a big co-reading maybe which is ongoing between the different family members. And this competence of the literacy guide is highly valued and perceived as contributing to the family solidarity and it's really part of this family. And when I lived in this family I took the role of this family literacy guide because I was the most literacy part in the family. So in contrast individual reading and writing in France is not seen as a relevant practice. So no one needed really from the perspective of the families because there is one literacy guide who helps out. And individual reading is much more related to solitude and not being part of the community. So the older daughter who figured as a literacy guide for the family she loved to read the newspaper for example and she said that she never would read the newspaper at her home because it's just not the place to read it. But she reads it at her work in a hospital. There in the morning she first reads the newspaper and when I did reading for my work and I lived in this during my living in this family this was very much appreciated but every ten minutes about somebody came into are you fine? Are you okay? Do you need something? And this kind of myself doing reading in the families showed me very much how this individual reading is not perceived in a way that I would perceive my individual reading but in another way. So that's about French texts. Arabic texts look like this actually and the Arabic literacy or written Arabic is very visible as I said in the households and you have a lot of picture frames within different verses of the Quran. Here you have only Allah and Muhammad but they can be a bit bigger. And they are closely related to religious practices and already Qulmas in the end of the 80s he described that these Arabic Quranic verses are kind of aesthetic objects. So they are not meant to be elaborated or rewritten or they are not related to a change of a text or an elaboration of a text but they are kind of aesthetic objects so they are framed. And the families would call these frames Qadr. Qadr is a frame in French and they never speak about I have such a word on my wall. Thank you. But I have this frames on my wall. And this means that for them it's a kind of whole entity and the text in the frame is part of it but it's no matter what it really means and when I asked family members to read me such a text they figured out what Allah is written but all the other words were unknown to them but it was not important to read it but it was much more related to religious experience to experience between friendship to family members to Morocco to the home country of the parents and it was much more a kind of remembrance of a lot of things but nobody needed to read it in this way. So here we don't find the idea of the western literacies to elaborate, to transform or to elaborate and to correct for example a text. Just to go under this I'm not sure very often people when I teach this in a Romans course and I say kinds like this written form as an entity it's very difficult for a lot of people who have grown up in western Europe and have the only known western kind of thinking academic literacies. It's very difficult to grasp that there might be another kind of literacy and this is why I would like to show you a small excerpt of an interview that I translated in English. It's an interview with a mother who tells me how she perceives Arabic when she's what's Arabic for her and she says on Fridays I put my current tape in order to feel close to God. I like as well putting on the television and watch the prayers and what they say about Islam. Sometimes I understand, sometimes I don't but it means a lot to me to listen to the voice of the Imam who's talking, that's it. So here you have the same sense of it's not so much important what content is transported what will then learn new but it's much more related to a feeling of being secure. When we have this family literacy here in French and in Arabic we will move on to the Arabic class of the children that they give. The Arabic class is a secular class so it's not a Quranic course and these children attend Arabic class on the wish of their parents who want them to relate to their to the parents country of origin because a lot of parents have still the idea to return one day they will return to Morocco. And the Arabic class organized by the Moroccan Embassy is in the same impact the same aim to maybe prepare the children who grow up in France who are growing up in France to go back to Morocco one day. The instruction of the Arabic class takes place during class time at the public school and the children who attend this class this Arabic class leave their regular class in order to attend the Arabic course. And the children I investigated attend the Arabic class for almost two years but I realized that the Arabic class does not enable the children to read or write Arabic not even words in Arabic. They kind of know Arabic letters some of them memorized very few words in Arabic but they are not able to read something even not a known text in Arabic. And despite the obvious language instruction because it is when you attend the classes it is you look at a language instruction nothing really else. This first aim of the ELCO of the Arabic classes is not the acquisition of standard Arabic but it rather presents it aims rather presenting to the children a cultural practice and values of the parental country of origin. And when I talked to the Arabic teacher he confirmed that. So he confirmed that he will never really teach standard Arabic to these children but that he really tries to make a link between French society and culture and the family cultures. But when you look at this course during the class standard Arabic is never a language of conversation but it is only the lesson the lesson language I don't know if you call like this so the lesson I put in the focus here is a sentence Karim lives in a big house with his family and the children learn the letter R this here and then they say Ra, Ri, Ru and pronounce the letter with different vowels then they pronounce Karim lives in a big house with his family in Arabic and even the Moroccan Arabic and standard Arabic are quite a part varieties there are still some things you could relate to them so in the terms of similarities or contrasts but when the children ask about some similarities or some some elements they don't understand in the standard Arabic saying the teacher is not able, I'm not sure but he does not refer to that he does not refer to this possibility of contrasting the language varieties and when I asked him and other parents it's so unusual for the Moroccan people I knew to talk about the language because it remains a dialect it is the spoken variety all over but it's not usual at all to find relations between the dialect and the standard Arabic so in this secular context of the Arabic class in school in my perspective standard Arabic is again a distant and almost holy language it's not a Quranic language but it's so distant that the pupils don't really grasp it so they repeat it, they have a kind of saying, not singing but saying like repeating in the choir etc that it's much more related to Quranic classes than to the traditional French classes they experience as well so that's about my ethnography when I started again to look at the writing of the children how do these children who attend French school and as well Arabic classes who grow up in a Moroccan-Arabic-French background how do these children write Moroccan-Arabic language they speak a lot but they have never written I asked me two questions one question how did the children cope with the spelling rules learned in French when they conceived a writing system for their family language Moroccan so how do they grasp their knowledge of French in order to conceive another writing system and do they conceive maybe as well particulars of this writing system in Arabic do they use Arabic letters when they know it and do they maybe as well integrate particular elements of the Arabic writing system which is very different and then the second question does the social background of the Arabic writing practices and the families obstruct the children's access to spelling rules that was one observation I had in my ethnographic study I forgot to say about that the Quranic perception of perceived Arabic texts as an entity has been transported from some parents to every other texts so they looked at the homeworks of their children and the most important they were proud that the children were writing and the most important for them was that it was beautifully written so it was not they couldn't really read it so they couldn't really follow the expectations at the classes but it was stroke out that something was not nicely written that something would be a draft and rewritten but the most important of a lot of parents was that it was beautiful and this kind of observation in my ethnographic study I interpreted this observation as a conflict because the children grew up in these two attendances who want them to rewrite to edit it and to come and to elaborate a text and the parents who obviously don't before I go further to the writing forms of the children very very short introductions to French and Arabic orthography French is an alphabetic script and it is called a deep writing system as English as well actually where you have a lot of spellings that are not related to spoken language for example you don't have the the flexion system is called orthograph grammatical grammar orthography maybe so really an orthography which is related to writing and you don't have the ability to listen to it you don't have an acoustic equivalent Arabic is a syllabic script as you know and I try to put it down so it's written from right to left and you have this different and you have here the word rajul and when you speak it it's rajul and when you write it you have here the article which is a prefix of the noun and then you have the three different root elements and you put the vowels in between very briefly another particularity here is that the article is al and in the written form it is always stable but when you have an alveolar consonant following it will be a doubling of the consonant and not an al anymore so you have very different forms and I was curious about knowing how the children will to which writing system the children will relay on and when I did my analysis I knew that the children had possibilities of writing their languages because they will, they relay on a particular knowledge of French orthography of in a particular way they learn for two years Arabic and Arabic orthography or they may invent other signs which do not exist in any of these known languages but I could do my interpretation in between these two language writing systems that was a picture story I presented to all these children and I asked them to write down these picture stories in all the languages they know I did first an oral an oral orientation about what is the story about and we wrote the story in the Arabic class because I was presuming that when we would do it in the French class nobody would start writing in Arabic but in an Arabic class with the Arabic teacher there might be a surrounding where some pupils would like to start writing Arabic in what kind however the texts I got were looking like this so rather short text that's a French text and that's an Arabic text from the same girl and kind of these texts I got I got 10 children so all children wrote down 16 French stories so most of them wrote two French stories not only one and the French stories were containing on average 55 words and nine of the children wrote their stories on Moroccan Arabic and all together there are 12 stories in the output with on the average 22 words so the Moroccan Arabic stories were shorter than the French stories about half of the word count one child refused to write down Moroccan Arabic and this is an example when you when you look at the French texts it illustrates that the children in general and these children as well is familiar with phoneme grapheme correspondences they separate orthographic roots and correctly spell certain words but the girl here like most of the other children have major difficulties with the written grammatical structure of French orthography and oops and when and when we just focus here it's so tombé so when you look at the markers of French the grammatical markers are mostly missing or placed on a not appropriate place and when you look at the Arabic at their Arabic writing she uses lots of the French forms so she started writing in French orthography and when you look how she dealt with Moroccan Arabic phonological features which are not present in French and which are not represented in French orthography either you see that she helped her out with other letter but I will show it in a better way so I think it's just not readable in this form I have four tables like this in order to show you what the children did and the first table is about French diacritics used in Moroccan writing French diacritics are very much used in the French orthography they are very much used for contrasting and you have the accenture conflicts I don't know in English kind of triangle which exists as well for etymological forms the children when I first looked at the writing I thought that the diacritics were used to make much more similar the Moroccan writing to the French orthography the children used the diacritics in a functional way they used it in order to highlight phonemes who do not exist in French like the pharyngeal consonants like oud and here they put diacritics on the vowels which are more long which are pronounced in a way where the syllables are pronounced much more in the throat and sometimes they combined diacritics with an R which was much more the most similar sound graphic representation in French because it's oud and so they did it they tried to conceive really one sign known in the French writing for the Moroccan writing another particularity is that a lot of words in Moroccan end of consonant and they are mostly represented with a final e which is very conformed to French writing as well and the children did not do it in a constant way maybe because I didn't know French orthography doesn't either have e's at the final position of a word but most of the consonant ending words in Moroccan have been they have been adjusted by an e what I found even more interesting that the children inserted graphic e's they inserted schwarz where you would not really hear schwarz schwarz in Moroccan Arabic and they tried to in Moroccan Arabic you have much more consonant clusters than in French and why are these little e's sometimes it was r but normally it was e the letter e they tended to have a syllabic structure of consonant vowel so that they tried very hard to get this structure you will find in most French words as well finally they had the definite marker which they wrote in three major different forms the definite marker in Moroccan Arabic is l and they wrote it always in the same they wrote it always as l even for alveolar consonants which were following where you would not have a r but for example in like Rajul double r and they followed the French orthography in a way that they used sometimes the alab stroke which is completely correct in French when you have a following starting with a vowel or with a written h that's possible as well or they did it isolated which would not be a French word because you cannot have an l an isolated l but still it seems possible to me and some of them as well put the l at the following noun and here I was asking myself and I don't have an answer if these children who who wrote the definite marker as a prefix to the noun do they follow Arabic rules or not I'm not sure I'm hesitating because they're they've written Arabic was so so poor and because one knows when when you look at French children and French French language acquisition French writing acquisition from French monolingual children they very often use the l as well as one cluster with the noun so they don't really separate at the beginning and I think the reason is no here I will resume and discuss quickly and I will return for that to the research questions I showed you at the beginning of my talk the first research question was how did the children cope with the spelling rules learned in French when they conceived a writing system for their family language Moroccan the one of the answers I found where the children represented all Moroccan in Roman script in the Roman script system they some of them tried to try to start with Arabic script but then they they wrapped it out and they did it again and did it in Latin script a Roman script and they used the knowledge of specific orthographic and grammatical rules of French for example they conceived Moroccan Arabic phonemes with French orthographic features which were really built up in a new way they used the epistrophe in order to represent the definite article they used diagraphic markers in order to highlight phonemes which are typical in Moroccan Arabic and they represented the article the definite marker as a prefix maybe and if they had followed an Arabic rule the most salient rules of written Arabic would have been the representation of the lexical root the emission of short vowels and a consonant representation of the definite marker as a prefix that was what I was expecting when I started my study that they would try to figure out part of these writing system and not really follow so in a such intense way or such close way the French way of writing the second question I was asking was does the social background of the Arabic writing practices and the families obstruct the children's access to spelling rules that was one research that was one result one perspective I've gained during my ethnographic work that the family literacies are very rich but in a way they may obstruct the the literacies the literacies required in the school system of the children and so in this way we being in a kind of taking or giving the children a kind of conflicting situation the orthographic study showed that the children do have access to orthographic and grammatical structures and when you look at the French texts of these children the French texts are very poor in grammatical features but their knowledge seems to be very much enrouted very much based and when you look at orthography as a cultural accommodation you really see that the children integrated very much in the French writing culture I'd say these so the framework of Arabic writing that is associated with Quranic writing in the families and available in the standard Arabic class did not support access to literacy in Arabic and not to French either I'd say however it did not oppose the acquisition of French writing either so because when you see that the children are able to do such a complex process of abstraction then you and this process of abstraction is so deeply enrouted in the French orthographic system I think that these children yes I have kind of very much integrated if you want to get this discourse in the French school system and at the time of my thesis this integration debate was very very much very very loud actually very much around me are these children have these children part of France are they integrated in France are the others who should go back to Morocco there is some problem and on this orthographic level I have the feeling that I that I had evidence that they that they are of course in grown up in France that there is kind of integration process which is maybe not as visible for French teachers which have children at school but they just did not see this kind of knowledge and abstraction process that children do on the context of French literacy thank you do you say stop one more one more this one does the social background with the Arabic writing this one I am not sure I understood that do you what writing practices do you need when the parents are illiterate do you just mean the fact that I think the text is in the house the literacy practices of the Arabic families are very present even if the parents are meant to be illiterate it's about when you look at the French texts or the French literacy practices in the Moroccan family households the collective writing which has a very particular literacy practices and when you when you think that every literacy practice so literacy practices at school literacy practices in Western Europe literacy practices wherever are framed with particular norms and expectations of readers and of writers these literacy practices are there and they read and write collaboratively texts so and this is a surrounding which when I did ethnography perceived as maybe conflictual to the children who see at the one time the collaborative literacy which on the other time this very individual literacy expectation at schools and on the other hand Arabic literacy as well where we have all this Quranic verse frames which are written texts of course and which are read in such a different way than the readings which are expected in the schools I guess I was confused by the fact that this is referring specifically to this bilinguals I mean I can see how it would have struck their access to our literacy in general but specifically to this bilingual yeah but I think that if it would if the family literacy is obstructed the children's spellings the children would not be able to spell to conceive to conceive this highly demanding new writing system for their family language that was my idea so that if they wouldn't do it they wouldn't because you have to gain an idea about what a spelling rule is so words are constructed that words are not a whole that's very rude maybe what I'm doing now that words are not conceived like calligraphies but in a text you could elaborate you could reformulate and correct and where you have to separate words and where you have to respect a certain orthographic maybe graphic tactic there are particular consonants follow particular vowels written vowels written consonants and this in my opinion would not have been possible without a certain input in the in what is writing writing in a western schoolish way Jo, on the other hand sorry actually one could actually if we go back to that where it says conceiving your writing system this one maybe this one yes you can actually see similarities in a particular different direction between both languages and the way that they represent words because in either language it's the word necessarily written as it's as it's spoken so one of those people one of the top they don't know French in the Arabic but the Spanish doesn't necessarily represent the pronunciation the French doesn't necessarily represent the pronunciation so you could actually see the word as a block in both languages that's what they're doing I want to approach the score and it's not just non-lative speakers who write in this way quite literate sometimes or much older for writing in French as a first language where they basically think some of the artists speak in their writing because these are Holocaust right completely right yeah completely right the children the only thing I would maybe adjust is that I would put on is that these children are expected to have skills which are much more related to grammar which they did not have acquainted the expectations of what they actually have in lots of languages people don't necessarily recognize the rules the language the grammar difference in right so in the slide you had earlier the various possible sources for conceiving the right in system the last one was invent other signs which do not exist in any of the non-language this was, yeah and then did we see some examples of those oh sorry do you mean this one I'll give you the next no, the one conceiving the right in system oh do you mean this one yeah okay if they did it they no, not in these corpus but I looked as well as Occitan speaking children as I tried to do a comparison and the Occitan children as a different framework they learn Occitan and they learn French at school but they invented Occitan for the Occitan they invented signs they invented some kind of um um, I don't know kind of circles kind of circles in in order to highlight to highlight syllables they would pronounce much more than in French but the words were so similar so some of them inserted signs for their orientation I think and I was not sure if that was a kind of educational fact but it was not part of the Occitan orthography and I've seen it in another recent project of French children French foreign language in German where I tried to do a dictation for French words and nonsense words and they depended on the background of the children which have been in fourth grade and some a lot of background a lot of these children had migrant background and some were literally were alphabetized in their language and the Turkish children they really they integrated very much Turkish signs in the French writing in order so these kind of other forms but here I was just resuming the possibilities I expected to see so I expected to see different markers of the Arabic of the French writing system but I expected as well maybe other forms of of other forms they have known or calligraphic nice figrations as well I expected these other kinds of signs but there was nothing I was kind of curious if you would expect to have any different results if you had done if you had done the photographic test that you did in the Arabic speaking homes because I might have seen that Arabic is entirely the language of the home and outside of that is you expected to write things in a French style even if it's in Arabic I don't know I perceive that there might be that kind of diacosmy there so I would imagine that you might get different results if they were in the Arabic environment of their home in France I don't think so actually because it was such a weird question of this weird foreigner who was living in this Moroccan family to ask the children to write something down in Moroccan Arabic I don't think that would be an impact an impact would have been one of the children nine children were the children in families of mostly fruit pickers so low literate families and one was the son of the Arabic teacher and if the educational background of the children were I'd say higher and the Arabic teacher tried to teach his son more Arabic than he could do the middle classes so he encouraged his son to write in Arabic and the son really tried to write down in Arabic and I think if the surrounding of the other children would have to do the same he would really try hard in Arabic but as all the other children gave up very quickly or they even don't try to do so this son did not do the effort either I think that was that would be the difference Is this situation do you think this situation is reflective of the general surrounding area of the whole of southern France that has had to be parentless low level of writing and the idea that Maraca so this educated background who's curious about languages who's curious about talking about how to talk how to read who's not reflecting about it and another study where I did where I was very much doing my Ph.D. from Utsmaas they looked at Moroccan families in Germany and in Morocco and looked at the writings as well so they did the same experiment in letting children and adolescents write down Moroccan Arabic in Morocco and some places in Germany and there the ideologies about Arabic language Arabic dialect, Moroccan and Arabic high Arabic standard Arabic written Arabic however it reveals how different they are in the immigrant context and in the Moroccan context and then again between educational sorry my English layers do you say social layers educational social layers so that's the main difference I should give precedence to the audience but I'm sharing anybody who has a question can I have your idea just a second what implications do you use as for bottom-up development for a person like this to bottom up the authorities of the languages or of the read of the writers in order of the children in a pedagogical way to bottom up I didn't understand it for you so rather than the orthography developed by the state or some similar institution then being imposed on speakers the speakers are in the way that they're doing here okay I got it yeah good question very loud as well I don't know I have maybe different answers my personal answer in terms of research was that I started doing that I thought that teachers know so few about literacies around them and that it is really a shame they don't know very much about their orthography either about the French orthography either and nothing about their home literacies around and so since having finished my Ph.D which is quite a while as well I'm framing on how can we researchers try to modelise orthography in a way that teacher understand the regularities in orthography and do a better teaching first that would be an idea in order to better understand not what does only say what is right but as well to understand transitional norms transitional writings kind of development of writing acquisition and reading acquisition that would be in my way one way because then you reflect then you have the possibility to go beyond the prescriptive norms of French language in the school system and then maybe you can as well reflect on other writings for example at this Moroccan writing or being curious about what happens when these children write some another language and then you can get you can just go beyond these prescriptive norms and try to establish variable norms transitional norms in your classroom and in the schools and yeah reflect much more on what the children are doing what yourself are doing instead of saying that's right that's wrong you're bad you're good that's my opinion okay great I'm very interesting at this finally that's my question so I think what I got from your examples was that the children are versed enough in French spelling rules to pick up those elements of French writing that are phony and then transfer them to kind of phonic encoding of Arabic now of course the literacy acquisition is quite asymmetric because they get a lot more input in French and Arabic but I was wondering if you've ever thought about inversing this and seeing how they write French and Arabic characters that's interesting and whether they then would actually follow Arabic spelling rules so that was kind of the first question idea and then another question I have is but these children are learning modern standard Arabic in a secular setting and if you have any comparable study or ideas of studies that have been done in immigrant settings that the children attend Quranic school two of them go to Quranic classes and I did not see any very difference between the children actually but maybe I did not have the right glasses looking at the differences that's very possible I know that Ulrich Melem my colleague in Germany who's at Frankfurt he does a lot about he did a lot about Moroccans in Moroccan families and children in Germany and he he worked together with Quran Fine Quranic associations and Quranic schools and his results about writing Arabic don't differ from mine so I'm not very sure but the other idea is very, very nice and I didn't think about it I didn't think about it because in the paper that someone about Arabic comes to this volume on African Literacy because it established the concept of lead language for vice-proptil writing in Senegal so it's people are in general when they are exposed to or initiated to writing in the Roman script it's in French when they're initiated to writing in the Arabic script it's in classical Arabic so the language of the Quran in these settings and so that leads to an association of the script with a particular language that then becomes kind of lead language which means that whenever they write in Romanist writing the lead language is French so if you apply French spelling rules and whenever you use Arabic script in writing you use not modern standard Arabic but the particular regional tradition for the writing of the Quran which is different from modern standard Arabic so now, of course here you have a clear alignment between one script and one language but it would be really interesting to look at and vice-proptil children bilingual, modern-script children and vice versa and see what happens if a child, for instance speaks and writes two languages using the same script what happens in authentically transcribed settings is there anything? not in my knowledge, no I don't think so is that really relevant also for your question when you think about writing when you think about languages etc or probably development what happens to bilingual vice-proptil children in these contexts there's a lot of articles at the moment appearing about Arabic writing acquisition and in Morocco something's about between Tamazacht and Arabic but I'm not enough in the field at the moment so I read much more about other things not Arabic at the moment any other questions or burning comments there's one other question maybe it's a good point to conclude on can you put your very last slide your conclusions conclusions on the second so I wonder whether given as you mentioned the highly political nature of this not just in France lots of us work in countries where this is similar but also across Europe whether your last statement couldn't be a little bit stronger so however it did not propose that for the French writing either I mean actually what you have is seems to me a really impressive innovation from these young people what they know of what we have to admit is already a very complex writing system which is French it's by no means one that you can as you pointed out with your example so they've got these rules swimming around plus the Arabic which they get very little exposure to in terms of writing in terms of what was it two hours a week given that not only did it not impose but actually what they do it's really quite impressive so yeah that was a must yeah thank you on this note I should thank the speaker again for a very exciting time thank you for the discussion


could be the purpose of filing a bail application? See in the case of an anticipatory bail, the accused, the offender is apprehending, the alleged offender is apprehending arrest. Therefore the purpose of filing an application for an anticipatory bail is to get an order that in the event of his arrest in that offense he may be granted bail by the arresting officer. Then in the case of a regular bail application, which is for getting released from the arrest already effective, he has already been arrested. He may either be in police custody or in judicial custody. Then he will have to be released from custody. So that is the application for regular bail. These are the need for arresting, for filing a bail application. Now arrest means physical restraint put on a person as a result of allegation or accusation that he has committed a crime for an offense of a quasi-criminal nature. You may refer to State of Punjab versus Ajayip Singh, AIR 1953, Supreme Court 10. State of Punjab versus Ajayip Singh, AIR 1953, Supreme Court page 10. 5 judges, constitution bench. And the procedure for arrest of a person by a police officer and the formality is to be carried out by the police officer are contained in sections 41 and 41A to 41D of CRPC. 41D gives the arrestee a right to meet and advocate of his choice during his investigation by the police. But the said section states that the arrestee shall not be entitled to meet his advocate throughout the process of interrogation. No, he has no such right. He can consult the counsel at this stage during interrogation. That's all. Not throughout. Then section 43 deals with the right of a private person to arrest an offender who commits a non-ailable and cognisable offense in the presence, in his presence, for to arrest any proclaimed offender. A private person can arrest a proclaimed offender. Section 44 gives an executive or judicial magistrate to arrest or order the arrest of a person who commits an offense in the presence of such magistrate. Section 45 CRPC extends a protection from arrest to members of the armed forces. Then section 46 CRPC describes a manner of arrest by a police officer or any other person by actually touching or confining the body of the offender. Unless there is voluntary submission to custody by word or action. These are the formalities regarding arrest. Therefore, once a person is in custody, he will have to file a regular application or application for regular bail for getting his released from custody. Yes.


Thanks for checking this video out. Your mountaintop news video is coming up in just a minute.  Why is it your ad here? Call me. Williamson's Park Commission has begun phase one of upgrading and modernizing their parks. Phase one will include revamping the asphalt on the tennis court, basketball court, and adding an asphalt pad for outdoor pickleball. The people really spoke out with this community meeting on what they would like to see in their community and one of the things was a bike trail and we worked with local nonprofit and some other agencies got a grant to put in a bike trail. Some other things was to put in a splash pad to kind of revamp the parks, better parks. That's what they kept saying. They wanted a place for their families to come and gather and to do picnics and to just have a park that had green space that they could walk into, hang out in, and a park not surrounded by chain link fencing and just only ball fields. From age, wear and tear, and ground settling, the pool has developed major cracks in its structure. The cost to repair the existing structure would have been over $500,000. There's just a lot of infrastructure that would need to be changed here, but when the 77 flood happened, it caused a lot of damage to this pool, just because water is not supposed to be pressurized on the outside walls of the pool, but pressure on the inside. So the engineer's opinion was that this pool was definitely needed to be filled in and another purpose to be done with it. The master plan includes a large green space, a stage, an inclusive playground, an indoor pool, new lighting, and a splash pad. We've started crushing in the bottom of the pool because we are going to fill it in, and one of the really cool things is we're keeping the shape of that pool, kind of a remembrance thing, because the pool was a very important asset to the city and the whole community back when populations were a lot larger, but the tourism industry thankfully is picking up really nice, so we want to create nice parks for even our visitors to come and hang out. The commission is currently working on obtaining grant funding to fund the various phases of the park's upgrades. For updates on the park's renovation, go to Williamson Parks and Recreation on Facebook. For Mountain Top News, I'm Breanna Robinson.


which was a 211 map. Today we are going to try to introduce some tools that are good to study some perturbation of this linear system. Like if you have a nonlinear system very close to this cut map, how can you prove some topological properties? Like for instance, I'm going to prove that if you have a perturbation of the 211, you still have the property of being topologically mixing. So as usual, we always have our favorite 211 map. And it induces a map on the two torus, as we have been seeing all the time. And as it was said repeatedly, if you look at it on the square, at every point we have two eigen directions that are orthogonal. One we denote by the eigen space, which is EU, which is associated to the eigen value, which is bigger than one. And the other one, which is ES. And it has this property that this is the whole space. This is like R2. If you take the subspace generated by the stable and unstable eigen space, they have a direct sum. It's always transverse. They are in particular orthogonal for this map. And it also has this nice property. Why do we call it like a hyperbolic system? We have two eigenvalues, lambda, which was one over lambda R, eigenvalues of A. And we have this property that if we apply dfa at a point x to a vector vsx, it is one over lambda times vs at fax. And dfa x applied to a vector. After I will tell you what these vectors are, because lambda times vu at fax.  In that case, you have a family of vectors, like a vector field that vs defines, v sigma defines a unit vector field in e sigma for sigma equals SU. So this is a very important property in hyperbolic system which is saying that this is an invariant splitting. This is invariant by the dynamics, like invariant splitting. Meaning if I take dfa x applied to e sigma x, I get e sigma at f of x, which is for sigma equals SU. And it has another property which is called hyperbolicity, which is that if I take, so I use here the Euclidean norm that you have here on the square that comes just from the Euclidean from R2. dfa restricted to ES is equals to 1 over lambda, which is less than 1, and 1 is greater than lambda, which is dfa restricted to EU. So these are two properties that are very important in general in our study, which is like invariant splitting and the hyperbolicity of the splitting, like the, yeah. OK. So for me, at least when I see this property for the first time, you see it for the cut map. You can see it easily. But to see that this property is a kind of robust under perturbation, I could not see it just by this definition. At least for me, I could not see like if I perturb fA a little bit, like if I take fA plus some perturbation like Amy did in the class by adding epsilon science or something. So I could not see exactly why I should still preserve, like have invariant splitting for the new dynamics and have hyperbolicity for the new dynamics. Now there is a very interesting tool which I think it helps a lot to see that this is a very robust condition. It is preserved under perturbation. And that leads us to introduce the notion of cone fields. So today we will use tools from invariant cone fields. So let's stick to this map, to the cut map, because we are going to study perturbation of the cut map. So we just define invariant cone fields for the cut map. You will see the definition is very general. So given alpha positive and x in T2, you define the stable cone fields, stable cone at x. So stable cone at x by csx of angle alpha, which is defined to be the set of vector v, which any vector v here, you know that you can write it as a direct sum of vector here and here. So you have vs plus vu. Now you have the condition that it should be in the cone, meaning the vu is less than alpha vs. So you see that this defines a cone of angle alpha. If you take a vector, you multiply by a real number. The vector you get is also in the cone. Similarly, you have unstable. So here I am writing this. I'm just meaning the usual Euclidean norm on R2. It's defined by v vs plus vu. Just the reverse. It will be a cone around the unstable direction alpha vu. So this gives me, for every alpha, I have a family of cone. At every point, I have a cone. Like here, you will have this is a cone, c, u, at a point x of angle alpha. So around es, I have the same. This is csx alpha. I mean, it's clear that you can see this is a cone around the stable, because if vu is 0, this is trivial satisfied. One very important thing about this cone field is invariance by the dynamics, which I said here. So there is this fact. I don't know if I should write it as a lemma or, but it's very simple to see that for every x and t2 and alpha positive, we have what do we have? We have that dfa applied to cux alpha is exactly equal. This has to do with the fact that the map is linear, but I will tell you what we have in the general case. It's cu at fax1 over lambda squared alpha, which is a subset, which is a cone inside the cone. Like it's obvious cu at fax alpha, because this lambda is bigger than 1. Similarly, for the unstable cone, we have the invariance, but in the backward applying backward, it reads the s at f minus 1a x1 over lambda squared alpha, which is inside the cone of angle alpha. Strictly. This is a very important property of this cone, saying that stable cone is invariant in backward and unstable cone is invariant forward. Let me tell you what the picture you have. Let's say here we have x and here we have fax here. I have the unstable direction, which is here. And this is a cone I have of angle alpha. This is alpha. Here also I have the unstable direction, which is here. And here I have the same angle alpha. So the invariance is telling you that if you take this, the image of this by the derivative by the differential of fa, which is just a linear map, it is mapped strictly inside. So this will be mapped to an angle lambda minus 2 times alpha. So this is strictly mapped inside here. So maybe is it clear to everyone that this is true? One could just try to, one could just write, you take a vector v in, OK, proof. You take a vector v in cu x alpha. You write v as vs plus vu using the splitting. And you see that dfa v equals 1 over lambda times vs. I should, I should, I should, I should, OK, I should use the, because I defined this as being the unit vector. So I should use some coefficients here, eta s and eta u. So what you will have is it will be 1 over lambda eta s times vs plus lambda eta u times vu. When you vector, you can do this. And you see clearly that the ratio between this and this, you will have 1 over lambda squared times the original factor. And the other way also is clearly satisfied using the fact that the inverse has the eigenvalues that are just inverse of each other. Is it clear that for the 2 1 1 map, I have invariance of the cones. Given like this here, I have an equality actually because of the linearity. Yes? You apply the Jacobian. Yes? Yes. It does not open it. So it squeeze it around stable and stretch it along unstable. You squeeze around stable. This is squeezing here. And this is stretching. So that's what you see here. This cone will get this and this. That's this hyperbolicity.  This is a very, very, very important. To lies it important now. So now I can study the perturbation of the cut map. Let's consider like let f epsilon is that the norm of f epsilon minus f, c1 norm, is less than epsilon. c1 norm meaning the norm of the c0 norm and the norm of the derivative. Like the maps are closing the c1 norm. So the claim is that I know I have invariant cone field for the cut map. I want to say that the same cone fields are invariant by perturbation of the map. So given alpha positive, there exists epsilon such that there exists epsilon and lambda bar, which is probably not 1 over lambda, such that df epsilon at, yes, yes, yes. So how should I call it? Yeah, but it's not exactly the same. Kappa, OK. df epsilon of c u x alpha is in alpha, f of x, f epsilon x. And can you see here? And df epsilon minus 1 at c s x alpha is in c s f minus 1 x kappa alpha. So I have the cut map. I have the 211 map. I have invariant splitting. I build a cone around this invariant splitting. And I'm claiming that the same cone is invariant by applying the differential of a perturbation of the cut map. But you see this is easy. It just follows from the continuity, right? Because you see what you have. Let me write the picture again. So I'm here at x. I have the cone of angle alpha. I'm here at fa x. I know that this guy is mapped strictly inside. There is a space here. So this is like lambda minus 2 times alpha. So if I take a perturbation of the map, so x will not be mapped exactly to fa x. It will be mapped to somewhere very close. So let's say x is mapped to somewhere f. You can make it as close as you want by choosing epsilon small, in which case, if you draw here also the curve, the cone that you have here, the family of cone is continuous. You can choose them so that it is continuous. So the angle, the cone changes continuously. So what you have, if this guy is mapped strictly inside here, the image of this guy also by, so this was by dfa. And by df epsilon, it will be also strictly mapped inside here. I don't know. My picture is very messy. Guys, forgive me. This follows just because this is continuous. If you look, this is the same. It is a continuous family of cone. And the differential, I change it just a little bit. So I will preserve the invariance of the cone. Is that more or less clear? OK, now what is good now about this, about the invariance of cone? Actually, one can see that it is exactly equivalent to hyperbolicity, what I define here. I will do that. I plan to give that as an exercise in the afternoon. Move that this property here in the claim, let's denote it by star. Star implies that there exists and not, such that for all x in T2, we have Tx T2, the tangent space of the torus, splits into two new bundles. So I will denote it by tilde just because it has to do with the perturbation. I should put an epsilon. And it is invariant, df epsilon applied to e sigma tilde x is exactly e f epsilon x sigma for sigma equals SU. And 2i, if you wait long enough, you will see the same hyperbolicity happening. df and not restricted to e s tilde is strictly less than 1, which is strictly less than df and not restricted to e u. So here we see what I was saying about the fact that the hyperbolicity is robust. Because I have the cut map. I have cone fields. I put up the cut map a little bit. The cone field will remain invariant. And here the exercise is telling you that invariance of cone field like that implies the existence of a splitting, which is invariant and which is hyperbolic. OK. That's good. So this, actually, yes, yes, yes, yes. If you have this for some alpha, just for some alpha, you don't need it for any alpha. You have these two properties. Now you can, yeah? Yes. Can you say louder? Depends on? Yes. Yes. The change is continuous. So this df a minus df epsilon is less than epsilon, the C0 norm. C0 norm. Is that what you're saying? Yes, f epsilon, yes, thank you, yes. Yes, yes. So actually, let me just look at my note to do not mix the step of what I want to say. So actually, this family of map that have this splitting and the hyperbolicity, it belong to a bigger family, what we call the uniform hyperbolic systems or the Anosov systems as well. So invariant splitting plus hyperbolicity, this defines what we call uniform hyperbolic maps or Anosov diffuse. So this what I just sketched for the card map, it tells you that you have two facts. Like the fact that the being Anosov is an open condition is C1 open. That's a very important fact, just using cone fields. Like if I have an Anosov diffimorphism, what I do, you can do it for anyone. Like if you have Anosov diffimorphism, what you just think of, you have the splitting and you have the hyperbolicity, you can build your cone around this invariant splitting and you have the invariance of the cone field. So you will have the invariance of cone field for the perturbation of the map, C1 perturbation, because you see, I use the fact that the differential is closed, like they are closed in the C1 topology. And another property that I want to say, I don't want to forget anything. Yeah, I said, so having invariant cone fields is equivalent to being hyperbolic, like being Anosov. So we come back to the perturbation. Now what we want to prove is that the perturbation is topologically mixing, epsilon, for the cut map. The proof I will give here is, I mean, it has to do with the fact that I am in this square and I am perturbing very specifically. It has to do with the geometry of the domain, but there are also proof using other techniques, just to tell you. So this is our next goal. Yes, yes, yes, yes, yes, yes, yes, yes. Yes, yes, yes, yes. Yeah, yeah, that's a very important point. Thank you for bringing that up. So the thing is, the fact that you have cone fields, just invariant of cone fields doesn't see what is happening inside. It doesn't tell you whether inside you have expansion of contraction, but it just tells you the relative, like, the domination. Like, the vectors in EU, their norm, dominates the vectors in ES. So it doesn't tell you which this one is contracting or expanding, but it tells you that you have what we call dominated splitting. Like, it just tells you this, for instance, without the one. Yeah, for two dimension, it just tells you this, without the one. That's very important. But in our case, since we are perturbing the cut map, we use the fact that it's a C1 perturbation, so you still have the contraction and expansion. Thank you. So our goal is to prove that the perturbation epsilon is topologically mixing.  That was the definition of topologically mixing. Any two open sets you take, there is an iterate after which these two open sets, they always intersect after that iterate. Like, if you iterate one. Yeah. So how do we prove this? To prove this, there is some technicality, some technicality that has to do with the geometry of the space that we're considering that we have to use here. What is the geometric property of the cut map? So I write this fact from the cut map, and after we can discuss how it follows. So there exists a positive such that any piece of stable, unstable manifold FA of the cut map intersect at least, any piece of length at least intersect. Is that any? What am I saying here is that if I consider the cut map, so I have eigenspaces that is doing this and this. This is the unstable eigenspace, and there is the unstable eigenspace, which is also orthogonal to it. I'm saying that you can fix the specific lengths for the piece. I mean, I'm considering these two. It's in the torus. So this is just one piece of unstable manifold. So any two piece that I consider from here, so you see very, very if I go unstable like this, it will intersect. So what I'm basically saying is that there exists a length. It just has to do with the angle, with the angle of the unstable direction, with the angle that it makes here, which is irrational. And yeah, can we believe this? So if you have this fact, now, I'm very slow. So there is also this observation. Observation is that if you take limit when alpha goes to 0 of c s c sigma x alpha, you get exactly e sigma x. This is trivial, right? This is trivial. Like this cone is around for sigma equals SU. So what I derived from this property is that now I can fix an alpha such that any piece of curve that is tangent to the cone, I need two pieces of curve that are tangent to stable and unstable cone respectively of a certain length will intersect. Gamma s and gamma u tangent to stable, tangent to c s. So I should say there exists alpha, tangent to c alpha.  It's not empty. Because what is this basically saying? So if I make alpha very small, what I get is a curve that is very close to being the stable manifold. For instance, if I take a curve in c s alpha, where alpha is very small, I get a curve very close to the c one to the stable manifold. So from this fact, I can choose alpha small enough so that any curve of a certain length will intersect. Any two curves of certain length will intersect. Now having this, I can now come to the perturbation. Because this is a very useful fact for the cones. Because I know the cone holds, like the invariance of cone holds for the perturbation. So what do we have here is that now, so what do I need to prove is that if I take two open sets on my torus, actually there is a picture for this. I should use it. Nice picture. I take two open sets. I want to find one iterate for which this guy, for instance, keeps intersecting the other one. So what do I do? I take a curve. So remember, I want to prove f epsilon. By choosing epsilon small enough, depending on how alpha is, I can guarantee that the vectors, I can guarantee that a curve that is staying inside the stable cone will get stretched like this. Why is that? Because you can just look at what is f minus epsilon, minus of minus 1 epsilon gamma, this curve. Let's say you consider this, you call it gamma 1. You take the gamma inside the stable cone, the stable cone given by alpha. So you can see that the length of this curve is growing. And as the length is growing, the angle, the cone is getting narrower and narrower. So you can still apply this fact. So what will happen is that length of gamma n, there exists some m such that length of gamma m will be bigger than gamma m. Yeah, thank you. So I do this. Gamma is a piece of curve that I consider in the stable cone of angle alpha. So gamma is a starting curve which the tangent vector to the curve is in the stable cone. It's inside of you. Yes, yes, yes, yes. Thank you, yes. So I take a piece of curve inside u because u might be very small. Maybe this curve gamma that I consider doesn't have the length that I want to intersect. So what you do now, you iterate this curve backward and you know the vectors in the stable cone they expand when you go backward. So the curve is growing in length. Like you have the limit of length of gamma n is going to infinity as n goes to prancing. So you see the curve is growing in length because it is in the stable cone when you trade backward. So at some point it will achieve my good length that any other unstable curve in the unstable cone of that length would intersect this one. So here you are lucky. Just here you can see intersection. But you can really go further to see that the other one also will achieve the certain length so that you cannot avoid intersection. And this proves mixing. It proves that whenever you do a perturbation, having this geometry of my space, you remain mixing using cone fields. And yeah, so I have about seven minutes and I wanted to give some kind of motivation. Like why do we care about this mass? Why do we care about having splitting? Why do we care about having cone fields? So for that I would like to just play a video that I like very much that comes from the Lorentz equation. And this famous Lorentz equation that you all know. When we look at the movement of the atmosphere, we quickly realize that it is infinitely more complex than that of the solar system. The atmosphere is a fluid that has at each altitude above each point of the Earth's surface a speed, a density, a pressure, a temperature, and so on. All of this data varies over time. It is, of course, impossible to understand this practically infinite amount of data. It is almost as if we were in a space with an infinite number of dimensions. To understand something about it, we must make approximations. In 1963, Edward Lorentz simplified, then simplified, and simplified the problem again. He simplified it to such a degree that there is no guarantee that his equation has anything to do with reality. His model of the atmosphere was reduced to just three numbers, x, y, and z. The evolution of the atmosphere was reduced to a simple equation. Each point, x, y, z, in space, represents a state of the atmosphere. The evolution follows a vector field. For example, and this is only an example, the first coordinate could represent the temperature, the second, the wind speed, and the third, the humidity. Over here, it is cold, breezy, and rainy. Here, the opposite holds. When we follow a trajectory of the field, we are following the evolution of the weather. The weatherman just needs to solve a differential equation. This is what Lorentz saw when he studied his model. Does this have anything to do with real weather? That is far from clear. This is what physicists often call a toy model, used to try and understand the broad outlines of some complex behavior. In fact, Lorentz only had these sorts of graphs to look at because his computer in 1963 was quite primitive. Let's look at two atmospheres, represented by the centers of these two balls that are extremely close together. So close, they are almost identical. Let's observe what happens to them. At first, the two evolutions are almost indistinguishable, but then, they split up significantly. The two atmospheres become completely different. This, then, is chaos, sensitive dependence on initial conditions. So I wanted to show you this to tell you that this system that we're considering, like the uniform hyperbolic system, they belong to a bigger system, which has a chaotic system, which has this notion of sensitive dependence on initial conditions. Like, if you look at, let's say, two points on the same unstable manifolds, you see that their feature looks very different. They do very different things, even though to start with, they were very, very close. So this system that we're considering, the uniform hyperbolic system, they have the sensitive dependence on initial condition. And actually, for this system, the Lorentz system, maybe time will not allow me because I want to talk about something else very soon. You could, like, what we do in our fields is we introduce what is called the geometric model. And the geometric model is a vector field that looks exactly like the floor near the origin. And you can study what is called the Poincare section. Poincare section will look something like this. So I'm in my three-dimensional space. The geometric model of the Lorentz floor is something like this. And what does it do? It takes, you have here this line, it takes this and maps it to something like this. So this is really, I'm giving a very rough idea of what's going on here to see the invariance of these bundles for the Poincare section. What happened here is that if you take a, here you have the family of, for some parameters, you have a family of these vertical lines. What happened is that these vertical lines, they get maps to vertical lines again. Like, this guy will be mapped to vertical line here for some parameters. And this is really showing you that you have some, some like invariant splitting. And you have also the contraction because also for the parameter for this exact equation, the map is strongly dissipative. You have this area contracting. So you see a lot of hyperbolicity. But nevertheless, there is something more important. Should I say more or should I? Yeah, so there is a lot to say about this, but I think the time will not allow me to elaborate. So I will stop here. If there are questions, okay.


Good afternoon. I'm Dr. Anita Curian, assistant director at MetroHealth and a proud board member of the Bayer County Health Collaborative. It's almost, it's one year ago this week that the world learned about the first COVID-19 death in Wuhan, China. Little did we know then how much our lives would change. We've learned to mask consistently, practice social distancing and have virtual meetings like the one we are having today. And based on the data that we are documenting here in our community related to COVID-19 mortality and morbidity, COVID-19 related deaths is certainly going to be one of the leading causes of deaths here in San Antonio, far exceeding the deaths that we document on annual basis with flu. Historically, pandemics have disproportionately affected the underserved including those in low income and ethnic minorities. It has not been any different with this pandemic. Among many health inequities that have come to the forefront, the digital divide is one of those inequities that we have seen widened by this pandemic. As a majority minority city that recently acknowledged that racial discrimination and social injustice have indeed resulted in harmful impacts on our community's health, we have much work to do towards addressing the existing health disparities in our community. For public health, the approach we take to addressing health disparities or health inequities is rooted in data and research. So we especially value the community-based research projects that will be presented in the report that's being released today. What is interesting or important to well-intentioned public health practitioners like me may not be useful or helpful to persons on the front lines. So these community health projects help prioritize their concerns and help set equitable priorities. Last summer, the champions for health inequity in our community, the city's Community Health and Equity Committee, had strongly advocated to allocate a portion of our CARES funding that the city had received to COVID-19 research with the goal to better understand this pandemic's impact on locally occurring health disparities and provide evidence-based path to improve health equity for San Antonio's most vulnerable residents. So all the projects that are included in this report highlight all the efforts that we as a community have done coming collaboratively, working collaboratively together to ensure our community's network of knowledge and resources is not only rich but resilient when it comes to addressing health disparities in our community. So I want to congratulate and thank all the community research project grantees, the grant review committee, and the health collaborative. We at MetroHealth are extremely pleased to support this work that contributes to the growing knowledge base about COVID-19 and its impact on our community's health. We are also happy that after challenges in the past year, we've seen some light at the end of the tunnel as we are distributing, as COVID-19 vaccines are being distributed. People want to see fairness and transparency with regards to the vaccine administration process and MetroHealth is committed to meeting those expectations. We are currently providing vaccines, COVID-19 vaccines at a mass vaccination event site at Alamo Dome, and we will be gearing up to provide vaccines through a mobile unit to areas that have been hardest hit by this pandemic as vaccine supply improves. People talk about vaccine as being a step towards getting back to normal, that is true, but I want to talk today about going forward to the normal. The new normal that is different because it encompasses the lessons we've learned with regards to societal inequities and commit towards eliminating these inequities by working through policy changes, partnerships, and persistence. Because even after COVID, we will still all be in this together. I want to end here and I want to introduce the next speaker, Elizabeth Lutz, she's the Executive Director of the Health Collaborative. Thank you Dr. Kurian for those encouraging words and definitely thank you to MetroHealth for all of their continued work for their investment and their sacrifice that they've been doing over the course of the last year and ensuring that we continue to stay safe. As Dr. Kurian mentioned, these funds were awarded through CARES funding, but we really want to acknowledge and recognize the leadership of MetroHealth for ensuring that these dollars stayed invested in community. And so with that, we were able to award about $430,000 in community grants to the awardees that included the Children's Rehabilitation Institute, Telethon, USA, Community Information Now, or as we name them in Community See Now, Martina Street Women's Center, UT Health Reach Center, and the UTSA Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering. When you review the report and it is available on our website under the GrowHealthyFund.com, you will be able to review all of the information regarding these projects. While these projects were very, it was a short timeline for the grantees to be able to submit their proposals, all of them really ensured that the voice of community was reflected in the work that they were doing. Not only did they share this information publicly, but many of them used this grant cycle to initiate projects that would have life even after the granting funding cycle had ended. So we are very excited about being able to provide the report, but more so have an opportunity to continue the conversation even after we release this report. Institutions like the UTSA Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Community Information Now, the Children's Rehabilitation Center, and more are ensuring that the surveys, the information that they have been able to collect over the last four months will be the foundation for projects that will continue, and then they will continue the collaboration with others around the community to ensure that those voices and those individuals that they are serving are met with resources that are being developed right now in this community. I will say that although we were only able to provide resources to these grantees, there are many other projects throughout the city that really developed and has been, again, through the strength and leadership of our city, of our city health department, of our county resources, and I think all of us as a whole, to ensure that we learn from some of these effects, but that the learning continues even after. As Dr. Karian said right now, we have made great strides, but we're in the process of ensuring that people are well informed about access to services, COVID education, COVID immunization education, and access points, registration and so forth. So please know that this information report, again, we're using it as a foundation to understand where we have opportunity, where we have opportunity to grow, and where we have opportunities to continue to collaborate. For our community, what this means is that we have a call to action. It means that we need more voices, we need more partners to come together. We need more of you that have been doing your own research projects to really ensure that you are creating a space to share that knowledge base and that together we can provide this information to our leaders to make the proper decision making and to ensure that we're putting policy and process in place that really gives light to the findings that you've provided. All of the funding that was allocated today, again, goes back to prioritizing of projects that address health disparities in San Antonio. They work to improve quality of life for the residents of San Antonio and beyond, and to highlight those populations that have been disproportionately affected by COVID, but the learning will continue. And it is definitely regrettable that it has taken a pandemic of this kind to really influence a lot of decision, but we are in a very fortunate place to be able to have leaders like MetroHealth and our county officials have a listening ear to the community and ensure that we're developing ideas and we're developing solutions so that we can properly begin a healing process for this community. I'm going to ask my colleague, Anel Trevino, who is one of the project leads. Jordan McElven was the second project lead for this initiative. Without them, I think that the project itself would have maybe not been possible. They were the backbone of a lot of the administrative pieces assisting all of the grantees with their projects and ensuring that they were being supportive. And that they had all of the resources available to them as their projects continued. So I want to recognize both Anel and Jordan for all of their hard work and their dedication to this project. Definitely want to acknowledge the leadership at MetroHealth that also allowed for us to be able to move through these projects and to support financially the researchers that provided these reports. So Anel, if you will please join me up and have these comments, we're going to go ahead and do a quick summary of the projects and we'll be doing these in Spanish. Buenos tardes, mi nombre es Anel Trevino. Mi nombre es Anel Trevino y yo les voy a contar un poquito sobre este proyecto. Estos proyectos de investigación comenzaron en septiembre del 2020 al inicio de la temporada de otoño. Durante el siguiente aumento que fue previsto para los casos de COVID aquí en San Antonio. Como nos explicaron ahorita les y la doctora curian este estos proyectos fueron antipisa anticipando que COVID 19 tendría efectos este combinados en los miembros de nuestra comunidad. Y pues que están viendo los que estaban estaban estudiando los que estarían viviendo las consecuencias adversas de los determinantes sociales de la salud salud. Los investigadores de estos proyectos y en este reporte tratan de esclarecer y en forza enfocar en experiencias y necesidades vividas en estas comunidades. Las cuales pueden haber sido desproporcionadamente afectadas por COVID 19 incluyendo niños con necesidades especiales personas indocumentadas y vecinos afectados por la pobreza. Estos fondos este para poder llevar este proyecto acabó vienen de el fondo de ayuda alivio y seguridad económica por el coronavirus también conocido como el CARES Act. El comité de salud y equidad de la ciudad de San Antonio abogó para que estos fondos fueran destinados para avanzar la investigación de COVID 19 en nuestra comunidad. Así que queremos pues agradecer y como ya se mencionó este estamos muy orgullosos de tener un grupo de líderes en nuestra ciudad que han abogado y apoyado para que nuestra ciudad reciba estos fondos. Pero para que estos proyectos se puedan llevar a cabo y podamos comprender un poco más a fondo como esta pandemia está afectando impactando a nuestra comunidad. También queremos agradecer al departamento de Metro Health con quienes hemos trabajado en colaboración de Health Collaborative para poder desarrollar administrar y manejar los fondos de este proyecto de investigación. Y como mencionaba les también este pues para poder apoyar a todos los a las personas que trabajaron en este proyecto de investigación. Los cinco participantes que estuvieron en este proyecto fueron Craig Teletón USA con el proyecto de alza la voz amplificando las voz las voces de las familias de niños con necesidades especiales. See now y su proyecto fue COVID 19 y dispara disparidades o desigualdades de salud. Martina Street Women's Center hizo su proyecto se tituló UndocuFund asistencia de emergencia UT Health Science Center at San Antonio Reach Center calidad de vida y necesidades percibidas de sobrevivientes de infección de COVID 19. UTSA Departamento de Ingeniería Civil y Ambiental Vigilancia Epidemiológica de COVID 19 de Aguas Reciduales en el Condado de Béjar. También queremos compartir con ustedes que the Health Collaborative estará publicando todas las actualizaciones y resultados de los proyectos que seguirán. De la manera en que sean comunicados con nosotros y se pueden encontrar en la página de www.growhealthyfund.com. Si van a nuestra página de Facebook o en esta página de growhealthyfund.com, allí pueden encontrar todos los links para que puedan ver el reporte. El reporte también va a estar allí para que lo puedan accesar. El reporte ahorita no está en español, pero si tienen cualquier pregunta o si quieren saber un poquito más, todos los reportes de las cinco organizaciones que participaron estarán allí. Gracias. Thank you, Enel. And in closing, we just want to remind everyone that again this is not just the final report, but it is a community report that we hope will continue to provide access and information and sharing of findings throughout our community. How to access the report, Enel, thank you for discussing that. You will be able to access the report at www.growhealthyfund.com. The report right now is not published in Spanish, but if there's anyone that has any specific questions that would like to speak to someone in our team, we are very happy to get you connected. You can call us directly at our main line at<PHONE_NUMBER>, or you can also just email us at info at healthcollaborative.net, and we will be happy to provide you the access points and have you speak to one of the members of our leadership team to answer any specific questions you may have. We're also very happy to connect you to any of the researcher partners and get you all of the contact information that you might need, especially if you are interested in any collaboration opportunities with any one of the grantees or even with the health collaborative. So again, in closing, just want to say thank you so much for MetroHealth on behalf of the Health Collaborative, working as a non-profit organization for the past 23 years, and our mission being to improve the health of our community through collaborative means. I want to say that MetroHealth has been one of our strongest supporters and continues to be one of our major leaders, initiating collaborations and ensuring that we as a community are not siloed, but we are working together to create the fabric and network of care that is deserving of this community. So thank you again for taking the time to participate and to be a part of this release. We look forward to seeing you or hearing from you about the results of these grantees and their research projects.