Section 1 of TRIPS TO THE MOON. LUCIAN, in Greek Lucianus, was a Syrian, born about the year 120, at Samosita, where a bend of the Euphrates brings that river nearest to the borders of Cilicia, in Asia Minor. He had in him, by nature, a quick flow of wit, with a bent towards Greek literature. It was thought at home that he showed as a boy the artist's nature by his skill in making little waxen images. An uncle on his mother's side happened to be a sculptor. The home was poor. Lucian would have his bread dwerned, and when he was fourteen he was apprenticed to his uncle that he might learn to become a sculptor. Before long, while polishing a marble tablet, he pressed on it too heavily and broke it. His uncle thrashed him. Lucian's spirit rebelled, and he went home giving the comic reason that his uncle beat him because he was jealous of the extraordinary power he showed in his art. After some debate, Lucian abandoned training as a sculptor, studied literature and rhetoric and qualified himself for the career of an advocate and teacher at a time when rhetoric had still achieved place in the schools. He practiced for a short time unsuccessfully at Antioch, and then traveled for the cultivation of his mind in Greece, Italy and Gaul, making his way by use of his wits, as Goldsmith did long afterwards when he started at the outset also of his career as a writer, on a grand tour of the continent with nothing in his pocket. Lucian earned as he went by public use of his skill as a rhetorician. His travel was not unlike the modern American lecturing tour, made also for the money it may bring and for new experience acquired by it. Lucian stayed long enough in Athens to acquire a mastery of Attic Greek, and his public discourses could not have been without full seasoning of Attic salt. In Italy in Gaul his success brought him money beyond his present needs, and he went back to Samoseta when about forty years old, able to choose and follow his own course in life. He then ceased to be a professional talker and became a writer, bold and witty, against everything that seemed him to want foundation for the honor that it claimed. He attacked the gods of Greece and the whole system of mythology when, in its second century, the Christian church was ready to replace the forms of heathen worship. He laughed at the philosophers, confounding together in one century deep conviction with shallow convention. His vigorous winnowing sent chaff to the winds, but not without some scattering of wheat. Delight in the power of satire leads always to some excess in its use, but if the power be used honestly, and even if it be used recklessly, no truth can be destroyed. Only the reckless use of it breeds in minds of the feebler sort mere pleasure and ridicule that weakens them as helpers in the real work of the world, and in that way tends to retard the forward movement. But on the whole ridicule adds more vigor to the strong than it takes from the weak, and has its use even when leveled against what is good and true. In its own way it is a test of truth and may be fearlessly applied to it as jewelers use nitric acid to try gold. If it be uttered for gold and is not gold, let it perish, but if it be true it will stand trial. The best translation of the works of Lucian into English was that by Dr. Thomas Franklin, sometime Greek professor in the University of Cambridge, which was published in two large quarto volumes in the year 1780, and reprinted in four volumes in 1781. Lucian had been translated before in successive volumes by Ferran Spence and others, an edition completed in 1711 for which Dryden had written the author's live. Dr. Franklin, who produced also the best eighteenth-century translation of Sophocles, joined to his translation of Lucian a little apparatus of introductions and notes by which the English reader is often assisted, and he has skillfully avoided the translation of indecencies which never were of any use, and being no longer sources of enjoyment serve only to exclude good wit, with which under different conditions of life they were associated from the welcome due to it in all our homes. There is a just and scholarly, as well as a meddlesome and feeble way of clearing an old writer from uncleannesses that cause him now to be a name only where he should be a power. Dr. Franklin has understood his work in that way better than Dr. Bowder did. He does not bowderize, who uses pumice to a blot, but he who rubs the copy into holes wherever he can find an honest letter with a downstroke thicker than becomes a fine nibbed pen. A trivial play of fancy in one of the pieces in this volume, easily removed, would have been as a dead fly in the pot of ointment, and would have deprived one of Lucian's best works of the currency to which it is entitled. Lucian's works are numerous, and they have been translated into nearly all the languages of Europe. The instructions for writing history was probably one of the earliest pieces written by him after Lucian had settled down at Samoseta to the free use of his pen, and it has been usually regarded as his best critical work, with ridicule of the affectations of historians whose names and whose books have passed into oblivion, he joins sound doctrine upon sincerity of style. Nothing is lasting that is feigned, said Ben Johnson. It will have another face ere long. Long after Lucian's day, an artificial dignity accorded specially to work of the historian bound him by its conventions to an artificial style. He used, as Johnson said of Dr. Robertson, two big words and too many of them. But that was said by Johnson in his latter days, with admission of like fault in the convention to which he had once conformed. If Robertson's style is bad, that is to say, two big words and too many of them, I am afraid he caught it on me. Lucian would have dealt as mercilessly with that later style as Archibald Campbell, ship's purser and son of an Edenborough professor, who used the form of one of Lucian's dialogues, lexiphanies, for an assault of ridicule upon pretentious sentence-making, and helped a little to get rid of it. Lucian laughed in his day at small imitators of the manner of Thucydides, as he would laugh now at the small imitators of the manner of Macaulay. He made the historian first get sure facts, then tell them in due order, simply and without exaggeration or toil after fine writing. Though he should aim not the less at an enduring grace given by nature to the art that does not stray from her, and simply speaks the highest truth it knows. The endeavor of small Greek historians to add interest to their work by magnifying the exploits of their countrymen and piling wonder upon wonder, Lucian first condemned in his instructions for writing history, and then caricatured in his true history, wherein is contained the account of a trip to the moon, a piece which must have been enjoyed by Rabolay, which suggested to Cyrano de Bergerac his voyages to the moon and to the sun, and insensibly contributed, perhaps directly or through Bergerac, to the conception of Gulliver's travels. I have added the Icaro Manipus, because that dialogue describes another trip to the moon, though its satire is more especially directed against the philosophers. Manipus was born at Gadara in Selo, Syria, and from a slave he grew to be a cynic philosopher, chiefly occupied with scornful jests on his neighbors, and a moneylender who made large gains and killed himself when he was cheated of them all. He is said to have written thirteen pieces which are lost, but he has left his name in literature, preserved by important pieces that have taken the name of Manipian satire. Lucian married in middle life and had a son. He was about fifty years old when he went to Aflagonia, and visited a false oracle to detect the tricks of an Alexander who made profit out of it, and who professed to have a daughter by the moon. When the impostor offered Lucian his hand to kiss, Lucian bit his thumb. He also intervened to the destruction of a profitable marriage for the daughter of the moon. Alexander lent Lucian a vessel of his own for the boy, Johnward, and gave instructions to the sailors that they were to find a convenient time and place for throwing their passenger into the sea. But when the convenient time had come, the goodwill of the master of the vessel saved Lucian's life. He was landed, therefore, at A. G. Les, where he found some ambassadors to Jupiter, king of Bethenia, who took him onward upon his way. It is believed that Lucian lived to be ninety, and it is assumed, since he wrote a burlesque drama on Gout, that the cause of his death was not simply old age. Gout may have been the immediate cause of death. Lucian must have spent much time at Athens, and he held office at one time in his later years as procurator of a part of Egypt. The work of Lucian consists largely of dialogues in which he battled against what he considered to be false opinions by bringing the satire of Aristophanes and the sarcasm of Manipus into disputations that sought chiefly to throw down false idols before setting up the true. He made many enemies by bold attacks upon the ancient faiths. His earlier dialogues of the gods only brought out their stories in a way that made them sound ridiculous. Afterwards, he proceeded to direct attack on the belief in them. In one dialogue, Tamakles, a stoic, argues for belief in the bold gods against Damus, an Epicurian, and the gods in order of dignity determined by the worth of the material out of which they are made, assembled to hear the argument. Damus confutes the stoic and laughs him into fury. Zeus is unhappy at all this, but Hermes consoles him with the reflection that although the Epicurian may speak for a few, the mass of greets and all the barbarians remain true to the ancient opinions. Suides, who detested such teaching, wrote a life of him in which he said that Lucian was at last torn to pieces by dogs. Dr. Franklin prefaced his addition with a life written by a friend in the form of a dialogue of the dead in the Elysian fields between Lord Littleton, who had been in his dialogues of the dead an imitator of the dialogue so-called in Lucian, and Lucian himself. By that shambling gate and length of carcass, says Lucian, it must be Lord Littleton coming this way. And by that arch-look and sarcastic smile, says Littleton, you are my old friend, Lucian, whom I have not seen this many a day. Fontanel and I have just now been talking of you, and the obligations we both had to our old master. I assure you that there was not a man in all antiquity for whom whilst on earth I had a greater regard than yourself. After Lucian has told Littleton something about his life, his Lordship thanks Lucian for the little history and says, I wish with all my heart I could convey it to a friend of mine in the other world, meaning Dr. Franklin, to whom at this juncture it would be a particular service. I mean a bold adventurer who has lately undertaken to give a new and complete translation of all your works. It is a noble design, but an arduous one. I own, I tremble for him, Lucian replies. I heard of it the other day from Goldsmith, who knew the man. I think he may easily succeed it at better than any of his countrymen, who hitherto have made but miserable work with me. Nor do I make a much better appearance in my French habit, though that I know has been admired. Dablenkul has made me say a great many things, some good, some bad, which I never thought of, and upon the whole what he has done is more a paraphrase than a translation. Then, says Lord Littleton, all the attempts to represent you, at least in our language, which I have yet seen, have failed, and all from the same cause, by the translators departing from the original and substituting his own manners, phraseology, expression, wit, and humor, instead of yours. Nothing, as it has been observed by one of our best critics, is so grave as true humor, and every line of Lucian is a proof of it. It never laughs itself, whilst it sets the table in a roar, a circumstance which these gentlemen seem all to have forgotten, instead of the set features and serious aspect which you always wear, when most entertaining, they present us forever with a broad grin, and if you have the least smile upon your countenance, make you burst into a vulgar horse laugh. They are generally, indeed, such bad painters that the dobbing would never be taken for you if they had not written Lucian under the picture. I heartily wish the doctor better luck, upon which the doctor's friend makes Lucian reply, and there is some reason to hope it, for I hear he has taken pains about me, has studied my features well before he sat down to trace them on the canvas, and done it con amore. If he brings out a good resemblance I shall excuse the want of grace and beauty in his piece. I assure you I am not without pleasing expectation, especially as my friend Sophocles, who you know sat to him some time ago, tells me though he is no praxiteles, he does not take a bad likeness, but I must be gone, for yonder come swift and rabble-ay whom I have made a little party with this morning, so my good lord, fare you well. Lucian had another translator in 1820 who in no way superseded Dr. Franklin. The reader of this volume is reminded that the notes are Dr. Franklin's, and that any allusion in them to a current topic has to be read as if this present year of grace were 1780. H. M. End of Section 1. Section 2 of Trips to the Moon. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Ralph Snowson. Trips to the Moon by Lucian of Samosita. Translated by Thomas Franklin. Section 2. Instructions for Writing History. Part 1. Lucian, in this letter to his friend Philo, after having with infinite humor, exposed the absurdities of some contemporary historians, whose works being consigned to oblivion have never reached us, proceeds in the latter part of it to lay down most excellent rules and directions for writing history. My readers will find the one to the last degree pleasant and entertaining, and the other no less useful, sensible, and instructive. This is indeed one of Lucian's best pieces. My dear Philo, in the reign of Lycemicus we are told that the people of Abdura were seized with a violent epidemical fever, which raged through the whole city, continuing for seven days, at the expiration of which a copious discharge of blood from the nostrils in some and in others a profuse sweat carried it off. It was attended, however, with a very ridiculous circumstance. Every one of the persons affected by it being suddenly taken with a fit of prejudicing, spouting iambics and roaring out most furiously, particularly the andromeda of Euripides and the speech of Perseus, which they recited in most lamentable accents. The city swarmed with these pale seventh-day patients, who, with loud voices, were perpetually bawling out old tyrant love, or gods and men supreme, and so on. And this they continued every day for a long time, till winter and the cold weather coming on put an end to their delirium. For this disorder they seem, in my opinion, indebted to Archelaus, a tragedian at the time in high estimation, who in the middle of summer, at the very hottest season of the year, exhibited the andromeda, which had such an effect on the spectators that several of them, as soon as they rose up from it, fell insensibly into the tragedizing vein, the andromeda naturally occurring to their memories, and Perseus with his Medusa still hovering round them. Now, if, as they say, one may compare great things with small, this obdarian disorder seems to have seized on many of our literati of the present age, not that it sets them on acting tragedies, for the folly would not be so great in repeating other people's verses, especially if they were good ones, but ever since the war began against the barbarians, the defeat in Armenia and the victories consequent on it, not one is there amongst us who does not write a history, or rather I may say we are all Thucydideses, eroticies, and xenophons. Well, may they say war is the parent of all things when one action can make so many historians. This puts me in mind of what happened at Sinopi. When the Corinthians heard that Philip was going to attack them, they were all alarmed and fell to work, some brushing up their arms, others bringing stones to prop up their walls and defend their bulwarks, everyone in short lending a hand. Diogenes, observing this and having nothing to do, for nobody employed him, tucked up his robe and with all his might fell a rolling his tub, which he lived in, up and down the cranium. What are you about? said one of his friends, rolling my tub, replied he, that whilst everybody is busy around me, I may not be the only idle person in the kingdom. In like manner I, my dear philo, being very low in this noisy age to make no noise at all, or to act a part of a mute in the comedy, think it highly proper that I should roll my tub also, not that I mean to write history myself or be a narrator of facts. You need not fear me, I am not so rash, knowing the danger too well if I roll it amongst the stones, especially such a tub as mine, which is not over-strong, so that the least pebble I strike against would dash it in pieces. I will tell you, however, what my design is, how I mean to be present at the battle and yet keep out of the reach of danger. I intend to shelter myself from the waves and the smoke and the cares that writers are liable to, and only give them a little good advice and a few precepts, to have in short some little hand in the building, though I do not expect my name will be inscribed on it as I shall but just touch the mortar with the tip of my finger. There are many I know who think there is no necessity for instruction at all with regard to this business any more than there is for walking, seeing, or eating, and that it is the easiest thing in the world for a man to write history, if he can but say what comes uppermost. But you, my friend, are convinced that it is no such easy matter, nor should it be negligently and carelessly performed. But that, on the other hand, if there be anything in the whole circle of literature that requires more than ordinary care and attention, it is undoubtedly this. At least if a man would wish, as Thucydides says, to labor for posterity. I very well know that I cannot attack so many without rendering myself obnoxious to some, especially those whose histories are already finished and made public. Even if what I say should be approved by them, it would be madness to expect that they should retract anything or alter that which had been once established, and as it were laid up in royal repositories. It may not be a miss, however, to give them these instructions, that in case of another war, the Getty against the Gauls, or the Indians perhaps against the barbarians, for with regard to ourselves there is no danger, our enemies being all subdued, by applying these rules if they like them they may know better how to write for the future. If they do not choose this, they may even go on by their old measure. The physician will not break his heart if all the people of Abdera follow their own inclination and continue to act the Andromeda. Criticism is twofold, that which teaches us what we are to choose, and that which teaches us what to avoid. We will begin with the last and consider what those faults are which a writer of history should be free from. Next what it is that will lead him into the right path, how he should begin, what order and method he should observe, what he should pass over in silence, and what he should dwell upon, how things may be best illustrated and connected. Of these, and such as these, we will speak hereafter. In the meantime, let us point out the faults which bad writers are most generally guilty of, the blunders which they commit in language, composition, and sentiment, with many other marks of ignorance which it would be tedious to enumerate and belong not to our present argument. The principal faults, as I observe to you, are in the language and composition. You will find on examination that history in general has a great many of this kind, which if you listen to them all you will be sufficiently convinced of, and for this purpose it may not be unseasonable to recollect some of them by way of example. And the first that I shall mention is that intolerable custom which most of them have of omitting facts and dwelling forever on the praises of their generals and commanders, extolling to the skies their own leaders and degrading beyond measure those of their enemies, not knowing how much history differs from Panagiric, that there is a great wall between them, or that to use a musical phrase they are a double octave distant from each other. The sole business of the Panagirist is, at all events and by every means, to extol and delight the object of his praise, and it little concerns him whether it be true or not. But history will not admit the least degree of falsehood any more than as physicians say the windpipe can receive into it any kind of food. These men seem not to know that poetry has its particular rules and precepts, and that history is governed by others directly opposite, that with regard to the former the license is immoderate, and there is scarce any law but what the poet prescribes to himself. When he is full of the deity and possessed as it were by the muses, if he has a mind to put winged horses to his chariot and drive some through the waters, and others over the tops of unbending corn, there is no offense taken. Neither if his Jupiter hangs the earth and sea at the end of a chain, are we afraid that it should break and destroy us all.  But if history admits any adulation of this kind, it becomes a sort of prosaic poetry without its numbers or magnificence, a heap of monstrous stories only more conspicuous by their incredibility. He is unpardonable, therefore, who cannot distinguish one from the other, but lays on history the paint of poetry, its flattery, fable, and hyperbole. It is just as ridiculous as it would be to clothe one of our robust wrestlers, who is as hard as an oak, in fine purple or some such meretricious garb, and put paint on his cheeks. How would such ornaments debase and degrade him? I do not mean by this that in history we are not to praise sometimes, but it must be done at proper seasons and in a proper degree, that it may not offend the readers of future ages. For future ages must be considered in this affair, as I shall endeavor to prove hereafter. Those I must here observe are greatly mistaken who divide history into two parts, the useful and the agreeable, and in consequence of it would introduce panagery, because always delectable and entertaining to the reader. But the division itself is false and delusive, for the great hand and design of history is to be useful, a species of merit which can only arise from its truth. If the agreeable follows so much the better, as there may be beauty and a wrestler, and yet Hercules would esteem the brave, the ugly, Nicostratus, as much as the beautiful Alcheus, and thus history, when she adds pleasure to utility, may attract more admirers, though as long as she is possessed of that greatest of perfections, truth she need not be anxious concerning beauty. In history nothing fabulous can be agreeable, and flattery is disgusting to all readers, except the very dregs of the people. Good judges look with the eyes of Argus on every part, reject everything that is false and adulterated, and will admit nothing but what is true, clear, and well expressed. These are the men you are to have a regard to when you write, rather than the vulgar, though your flattery should delight them ever so much. If you stuff history with fulsome, incomium, and idle tales, you will make her like Hercules in Lydia, as you may have seen him painted, wading upon Amphilée, who is dressed in the lion's skin, with his club in her hand, whilst he is represented clothed in yellow and purple and spinning, and Amphilée beating him with her slipper.  The multitude, perhaps indeed, may admire such things, but the judicious few whose opinion you despise will always laugh at what is absurd, incongruous, and inconsistent. Everything has a beauty peculiar to itself, but if you put one instead of another, the most beautiful becomes ugly, because it is not in its proper place. I need not add that praise is agreeable only to the person praised, and disgustful to everybody else, especially when it is lavishly bestowed, as is the practice of most writers, who are so extremely desirous of recommending themselves by flattery, and dwell so much upon it as to convince the reader it is mere adulation, which they have not art enough to conceal, but heap up together, naked, uncovered, and totally incredible, so that they seldom gain what they expected from it. For the person flattered, if he has anything noble or manly in him, only a pours and despises them for their mean parasites. Aristobulus, after he had written an account of the single combat between Alexander and Porus, showed that monarch a particular part of it, wherein the better to get into his good graces. He had inserted a great deal more than was true. When Alexander seized the book and threw it, for they happened at that time to be sailing on the Hidospies directly into the river, thus said he, ought you to have been served yourself for pretending to describe my battles and killing half a dozen elephants for me with a single spear. This anger was worthy of Alexander, of him who could not bear the adulation of that architect who promised to transform Mount Athos into a statue of him, but he looked upon the man from that time as a base flatterer and never employed him afterwards. What is there in this custom, therefore, that can be agreeable, unless to the proud and vain, to deformed men or ugly women who insist on being painted handsome and think they shall look better if the artist gives them a little more red and white. Such, for the most part, are the historians of our times, who sacrifice everything to the present moment and their own interest and advantage, who can only be despised as ignorant flatterers of the age they live in, and as men who, at the same time, by their extravagant stories make everything which they relate liable to suspicion. If notwithstanding any or still of opinion that the agreeable should be admitted in history, let them join that which is pleasant with that which is true by the beauties of style and diction instead of foisting in, as is commonly done, what is nothing to the purpose. I will now acquaint you with some things I lately picked up in Ionia and Achaea from several historians who gave accounts of this war. By the graces I beseech you to give me credit for what I am going to tell you, as I could swear to the truth of it, if it were polite to swear in a dissertation. One of these gentlemen begins by invoking the muses and entreats the goddesses to assist him in the performance. What an excellent setting out and how properly is this form of speech adapted to history. A little farther on he compares our emperor to Achilles and the Persian king to Thursaites, not considering that his Achilles would have been a much greater man if he had killed Hector rather than Thursaites. If the brave should fly, he who pursues must be braver. Then follows an encomium on himself, showing how worthy he is to recite such noble actions, and when he has got on a little he extols his own country, Miletus, adding that in this he had acted better than Homer, who never tells us where he was born. He informs us, moreover, at the end of his preface, in the most plain and positive terms, that he shall take care to make the best he can of our own affairs, and as far as lies in his power to get the upper hand of our enemies the barbarians. After investigating the cause of the war he begins thus, that vilest of all wretches, biologesis, entered upon the war for these reasons, such as this historian's manner. Another, a close imitator of Thursaitetes, that he may set out as his master does, gives us an exhortium that smells of the true Attic honey, and begins thus. Griperius, Calpernianus, a citizen of Fompia, hath written the history of the war between the Parthians and the Romans, showing how they fought with one another, commencing at the time when it first broke out. After this need I inform you how he harangued in Armenia by another Corsairian orator, or how to be revenged of the Nisibians for not taking part with the Romans. He sent the plague amongst them, taking the whole from Thursaitetes, accepting the long walls of Athens. He had begun from Ethiopia, descended into Egypt, and passed over great part of the royal territory. Well it was that he stopped there. When I left him he was bearing the miserable Athenians at Nisibus, but as I knew what he was going to tell us I took my leave of him. Another thing very common with these historians is by way of imitating Thursaitetes to make use of his phrases, perhaps with a little alteration, to adopt his manner in little modes and expressions such as you must yourself acknowledge, for the same reason a little more and I had forgot and alike. This same writer, when he has occasion to mention bridges, fossils, or any of the machines used in war, gives them Roman names, but how does it suit the dignity of history, or resemble Thursaitetes to mix the Attic and Italian thus, as if it was ornamental and becoming. Another of them gives us a plain simple journal of everything that was done, such as a common soldier might have written, or a settler who followed the camp. This, however, was tolerable, because it pretended to nothing more, and might be useful by supplying materials for some better historian. I only blame him for his pompous introduction. Calimorphous physician to the sixth legion of Spearman, his history of the Parthian War. Then his books are all carefully numbered, and he entertains us with the most frigid preface, which he concludes with saying that a physician must be the fittest of all men to write history, because Iscolopias was the son of Apollo, and Apollo is the leader of the Muses and the great Prince of Letterger. Besides this, after setting out in delicate Ionic, he drops, I know not how, into the most vulgar style and expressions, used only by the very dregs of the people. And here I must not pass over a certain wise man whose name, however, I shall not mention. His work is lately published at Corinth, and is beyond everything one could have conceived. In the very first sentence of his preface he takes his readers to task and convinces them by the most sagacious method of reasoning that none but a wise man should ever attempt to write history. Then comes syllogism upon syllogism. Every kind of argument is, by turns, made use of to introduce the meanest and most fulsome adulation, and even this is brought in by syllogism and interrogation. What appeared to me the most intolerable and unbecoming the long beard of a philosopher was his saying in the preface that our Emperor was above all men most happy, whose actions even philosophers did not disdain to celebrate. Surely this, if it ought to be said at all, should have been left for us to say rather than himself. Neither must we here forget that historian who begins thus. I come to speak of the Romans and Persians, and a little after he says, for the Persians ought to suffer, and in another place there was one Osroas, whom the Greeks called Oxyroas, with many things of this kind. This man is just such a one as him I mentioned before, only that one is like Thucydides and the other the exact resemblance of Herodotus. But there is yet another writer, renowned for eloquence, another Thucydides, or rather superior to him, who most elaborately describes every city, mountain, field, and river, and cries out with all his might, may the great averter of evil turn it all on our enemies. This is colder than Caspian snow or Celtic ice. The Emperor's shield takes up a whole book to describe.  The serpents twine about his hair, and his belt has all the colors of the rainbow. How many thousand lines does it cost him to describe the logisus, breeches, and his horses bridle, and how Osroas's hair looked when he swam over the Tigris? What sort of a cave he fled into, and how it was shaded all over with ivy and myrtle and laurel twine together? You plainly see how necessary this was to the history and that we could not possibly have understood what was going forward without it. From inability and ignorance of everything useful, these men are driven to descriptions of countries and caverns, and when they come into a multiplicity of great and momentous affairs are utterly at a loss. Like a servant enriched on a sudden by coming into his master's estate, who does not know how to put on his clothes or to eat as he should do, but when fine birds, fat sows, and hairs are placed before him, falls to and eats till he bursts of salt, meat, and potage. The writer I just now mentioned describes the strangest wounds and the most extraordinary deaths you ever heard of, tells us of a man's being wounded in the great toe and expiring immediately.  He has told lies more over about the number of the slain, in contradiction to the account given in by the leaders. He will have it that seventy thousand two hundred and thirty-six of the enemy died at Europus, and of the Romans only two, and nine wounded. Surely nobody in their senses can bear this. Another thing should be mentioned here also, which is no little fault. From the affectation of Atticism, and a more than ordinary attention to purity of diction, he has taken the liberty to turn the Roman names into Greek, to call Saturninus, Cronius, Fronto, Frontus, Titianus, Titanius, and others still more ridiculous. With regard to the death of Severian, he informs us that everybody else was mistaken when they imagined that he perished by the sword, for that the man starved himself to death as he thought that the easiest way of dying, not knowing, which was the case, that he could only have fasted three days, whereas many have lived without food for seven, unless we are to suppose that Othroas stood waiting till Severian had starved himself completely, and for that reason he would not live out the whole week. But in what class, my dear Philo, shall we rank those historians who are perpetually making use of poetical expressions such as, the engine crushed the wall thundered, and in another place Odessa resounded with the shock of arms, and all was noise and tumult around. And again, often the leader in his mind revolved how best he might approach the wall. At the same time, amongst these were interspersed some of the meanest and most beggarly phrases, such as, the leader of the army, epistolized his master. The soldiers bought utensils. They washed and waited on them, with many other things of the same kind, like a Tragedian with a high couternous on one foot, and a slipper on the other. You will meet with many of these writers who will give you a fine heroic balm preface that makes you hope for something extraordinary to follow, when, after all, the body of the history shall be idle, weak, and trifling, such as put you in mind of a sporting cupid who covers his head with a mask of an Hercules or Titan. The reader immediately cries out, The mountain has brought forth. Certainly it ought not to be so. Everything should be alike and of the same color. The body fitted to the head, not a golden helmet, with a ridiculous breastplate made of stinking skins, shreds and patches, a basket shield, and hog skin boots, and yet numbers of them put the head of a Rhodian Colossus on the body of a dwarf. Whilst others show you a body without a head, and stepped directly into the midst of things, bringing in Xenophon for their authority, who begins with, Darius and Poricitis had two sons, so likewise of other ancient writers, not considering that the narration itself may sometimes supply the place of preface or exhortium, though it does not appear to the vulgar eye as we shall show hereafter. All this, however, with regard to style and composition, may be born with, but when they misinform us about places and make mistakes, not of a few leagues, but whole days' journeys, what shall we say to such historians? One of them, who never, we may suppose, so much as conversed with a Syrian, or picked up anything concerning them in the barber's shop when he speaks of Europus, tells us it is situated in Mesopotamia, two days' journey from Euphrates, and was built by the Adesines. Not content with this, the same noble writer who's taken away my poor country, Semosita, and carried it off, tower, bulwarks, and all, to Mesopotamia, where he says it is shut up between two rivers, which, at least run close to, if they do not wash the walls of it. After this it would be to no purpose, my dear Philo, for me to assure you that I am not from Parthia, nor do I belong to Mesopotamia, of which this admirable historian has thought fit to make me an inhabitant. What he tells us of Severian, and which he swears he heard from those who were eyewitnesses of it, is no doubt extremely probable, that he did not choose to drink poison, or to hang himself, but was resolved to find out some new and tragical way of dying. That, accordingly, having some large cups of verifying glass, as soon as he had taken the resolution to finish himself, he broke one of them in pieces, and with a fragment of it cut his throat. He would not make use of sword or spear, that his death might be more noble and heroic. To complete all, because Thucydides made a funeral oration on the heroes who fell at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, he also thought something should be said of Severian. These historians, you must know, will always have a little struggle with Thucydides, though he had nothing to do with the war in Armenia. Our writer therefore, after bearing Severian, most magnificently places at his sepulchre one Afranian sidel, a centurion of the rival of Pericles, who spoke so fine a declamation upon him as by heaven made me laugh till I cried again, particularly when the orator seemed deeply affected and with tears in his eyes, lamented the sumptuous entertainments and drinking bouts which he should no more partake of. To crown all with an imitation of Ajax the orator draws his sword, and as it became the noble Afranias, before all the assembly kills himself at the tomb.  When those, as he who were present beheld this, they were filled with admiration, and beyond measure extolled Afranias. For my own part I pitied him for the loss of the capes and dishes which he so lamented, and only blamed him for not destroying the writer of the history before he made an end of himself. II Others there are who, from ignorance and want of skill, not knowing what should be mentioned and what passed over in silence entirely omit or slightly run through things of the greatest consequence and most worthy of attention, whilst they most copiously describe and dwell upon trifles, which is just as absurd as it would be not to take notice of or admire the wonderful beauty of the Olympian Jupiter and at the same time to be lavish in our praises of the fine polish, workmanship, and proportion of the base and pedestal. I remember one of these who dispatches the battle at Europus in seven lines and spends some hundreds in a long frigid narration that is nothing to the purpose, showing how a certain Moorish Cavalier wandering on the mountains in search of water lit on some Syrian rustics who helped him to a dinner, how they were afraid of him at first, but afterwards became intimately acquainted with him and received him with hospitality, for one of them it seems had been in Mauritania where his brother bore arms, then follows a long tale, how he hunted in Mauritania and saw several elephants feeding together, how he had liked to have been devoured by a lion and how many fish he bought at Caesarea. This admirable historian takes no notice of the battle, the attacks or defenses, the truces, the guards on each side or anything else, but stands from morning to night looking upon Malkian, the Syrian, who buys cheap fish at Caesarea. If night had not come on I suppose he would have supp there as the chars were ready. If these things had not been carefully recorded in the history we should have been sadly in the dark, and the Romans would have had an insufferable loss if Masakas, the thirsty Moor, could have found nothing to drink or returned to the camp without a supper. Not to mention here what is still more ridiculous as how a piper came up to them out of the neighbouring village and how they made presents to each other, Masakas giving Malkian a spear, and Malkian presenting Masakas with a buckle. Such are the principal occurrences in the history of the battle of Europus. One may truly say of such writers that they never saw the roses on the tree, but took care to gather the prickles that grew at the bottom of it. Another of them who had never set a foot out of Corinth or seen Syria or Armenia begins thus. It is better to trust our eyes than our ears. I write therefore what I have seen and not what I have heard. He saw everything so extremely well that he tells us the Parthian dragons, which amongst them signifies no more than a great number, for one dragon brings a thousand, are live serpents of a prodigious size that breed in Persia, a little above Iberia, that these are lifted up on long poles and spread terror to a great distance, and that when the battle begins they let them loose on the enemy. Many of our soldiers he tells us were devoured by them, and a vast number pressed to death by being locked in their embraces. This he beheld himself from the top of a high tree to which he had retired for safety. Well, it was for us that he so prudently determined not to come nigh them. We might otherwise have lost this excellent writer who, with his own brave hand, performed such feats in this battle. For he went through many dangers and was wounded somewhere about Susa, I suppose, in his journey from Cranium to Lerna. All this he recited to the Corinthians, who very well knew that he had never so much as seen a view of this battle painted on a wall. Neither did he know anything of arms or military machines, the method of disposing troops, or even the proper names of them. Another famous writer has given an account of everything that passed from beginning to end in Armenia, Syria, Mesopotamia, upon the Tigris, and in media, and all in less than five hundred lines, and when he had done this tells us he has written a history, the title which is almost as long as the work runs thus. A narrative of everything done by the Romans in Armenia, media, and Mesopotamia, by Antiochianus, who gained a prize in the sacred games of Apollo. I suppose when he was a boy he had conquered in a running match. I have heard of another likewise who wrote a history of what was to happen hereafter, and describes the taking of Vologisus' prisoner, the murder of Osreos, and how he was to be given to a lion, and above all our own much to be wished for triumph as things that must come to pass. Thus prophesying away he soon got to the end of the story. He has built, moreover, a new city in Mesopotamia, most magnificently magnificent, and most beautifully beautiful, and is considering with himself whether he shall call it Victoria, from Victory, or the city of Concord, or Peace, which of them, however, is not yet determined, and this fine city must remain without a name, filled, as it is, with nothing but this writer's folly and nonsense. He is now going about a long voyage, and to give us a description of what is to be done in India, and this is more than a promise, for the preface is already made, and the Third Legion, the Gauls, and a small number of Mauritanian forces, under Cassia, have already passed the river. What they will do afterwards, or how they will succeed against the elephants, it will be some time before our wonderful writer can be able to learn, either from Mazarus or the Oxydrassi. Thus do these foolish fellows trifle with us, neither knowing what is fit to be done, nor, if they did, able to execute it, at the same time determined to say anything that comes into their ridiculous heads, affecting to be grand and pompous, even in their titles of the Parthian victories so many books. Parthias, as another, like Attis, another more elegantly calls his book the Parthenesica of Demetrius. I could mention many more of equal merit with these, but shall now proceed to make my promise good, and give some instructions how to write better. I have not produced these examples merely to laugh at and ridicule these noble histories, but with the view of real advantages, that he who avoids their errors may himself learn to write well, if it be true, as the logicians assert, that of two opposites, between which there is no medium, the one being taken away, the other must remain. Somebody, perhaps, will tell me that the field is now cleansed and weeded, that the briars and brambles are cut up, the rubbish cleared off, and the rough path made smooth, that I ought therefore to build something myself, to show that I not only can pull down the structures of others, but am able to raise up and invent a work truly great and excellent, which nobody could find fault with, nor Momas himself turn into ridicule. I say, therefore, that he who would write history well must be possessed of these two principal qualifications, a fine understanding and a good style. One is the gift of nature and cannot be taught, the other may be acquired by frequent exercise, perpetual labor, and an emulation of the ancients. To make men sensible and sagacious, who were not born so, is more than I pretend to. To create and new model things in this manner would be a glorious thing indeed, but one might as easily make gold out of lead, silver out of tin, a tetornus out of a conan, or a milo out of a leotrophides. What, then, is in the power of art or instruction to perform, not to create qualities and perfections already bestowed, but to teach the proper use of them, for as Icus Hereticus, Theon, or any other famous wrestler, would not promise to make Antiochus a conqueror in the Olympic Games, or equal to a theogenes, or polytamus, but only that where a man had natural abilities for this exercise he could, by his instruction, render him a greater proficient in it. Far be it from me also to promise the invention of an art so difficult as this, nor do I say that I can make anybody an historian, but that I will point out to one of good understanding, and who has been in some measure used to writing certain proper paths, if such they appear to him, which if any man shall tread in, he may with greater ease and dispatch do what he ought to do, and attain the end which he is in pursuit of. Neither can it be here asserted, be he ever so sensible or sagacious, that he doth not stand in need of assistance with regard to those things which he is ignorant of. Otherwise he might play on the flute, or any other instrument he had never learned, and perform just as well, but without teaching the hands will do nothing, whereas if there be a master we quickly learn, and are soon able to play by ourselves. Give me a scholar, therefore, who is able to think and to write, to look with an eye of discernment into things, and to do business himself, if called upon, who hath both civil and military knowledge, one moreover who has been in camps, and has seen armies in the field and out of it, knows the use of arms and machines, and warlike engines of every kind, can tell what the front and what the horn is, how the ranks are to be disposed, how the horse is to be directed, and from whence to advance or to retreat, one in short who does not stay at home and trust to the reports of others, but above all let him be of a noble and liberal mind, let him neither fear nor hope for anything, otherwise he will only resemble those unjust judges who determine from partiality or prejudice, and give sentence for hire, but whatever the man is, as such let him be described. The historian must not care for Philip when he loses his eye by the arrow of Aster at Olyntus, nor for Alexander when he so cruelly killed Cletus at the banquet. Cleon must not terrify him, powerful as he was in the senate, and supreme at the tribunal, nor prevent his recording him as a furious and pernicious man. The whole city of Athens must not stop his relation of the Sicilian slaughter, the seizure of Demothinese, the death of Nisius, their violent thirst, the water which they drank, and the death of so many of them whilst they were drinking it, he will imagine which will certainly be the case that no man in his senses will blame him for recording things exactly as they fell out. However some may have miscarried by imprudence or others by ill fortune, he is only the relator not the author of them. If they are beaten in a sea-fight, it is not he who sinks them, if they fly it is not he who pursues them. All he can do is to wish well to and offer up his vows for them, but by passing over or contradicting facts he cannot alter or amend them. It would have been very easy indeed for Thucydides, with a stroke of his pen, who had thrown down the walls of Epipolis, sunk the vessel of Hermocrates, or made an end of the execrable Gallipus, who stopped up all the avenues with his walls and ditches, to have thrown the Syracuseans on the Latumia and let the Athenians go round Sicily and Italy, according to the early hopes of Alcibiades. But what is past and done, clothe cannot weave again, nor atropos recall. The only business of the historian is to relate things exactly as they are. This he can never do, as long as he is afraid of Artaxerxes, whose physician he is, as long as he looks for the purple robe, the golden chain, or the Nicean horse, as the reward of his labors. But Xenophon, that just writer, will not do this, nor Thucydides. The good historian, though he may have private enmity against any man, will esteem the public welfare of more consequence to him, and will prefer truth to resentment. And on the other hand, be he ever so fond of any man, he will not spare him when he is in the wrong. For this, as I before observed, is the most essential thing in history, to sacrifice to truth alone, and cast away all care for everything else. The great universal rule and standard is to have regard not to those who read now, but to those who are to peruse our works hereafter. To speak impartially, the historians of former times were too often guilty of flattery, and their works were little better than games and sports, the effects of art. Of Alexander this memorable saying is recorded, I should be glad, said he, on a secretus after my death, to come to life again for a little time, only to hear what the people been living will say of me. For I am not surprised that they praise and caress me now, as everyone hopes by baiting well to catch my favor. Though Homer wrote a great many fabulous things concerning Achilles, the world was induced to believe him, for this only reason, because they were written long after his death, and no cause could be assigned why he should tell lies about him. The good historian then must be thus described. He must be fearless, uncorrupted, free, the friend of truth and of liberty. One who, to use the words of the comic poet, calls a fig a fig, and a skiff a skiff, neither giving nor withholding from any, from favor or from enmity, not influenced by pity, by shame, or by remorse, a just judge so far benevolent to all is never to give more than is due to any in his work, a stranger to all, of no country, bound only by his own laws, acknowledging no sovereign, never considering what this or that man may say of him, but relating faithfully everything as it happened. This rule, therefore, Thucydides observed, distinguishing properly the faults and perfections of history, not unmindful of the great reputation which Herodotus had acquired in so much that his books were called by the names of the muses. Thucydides tells us that he wrote for posterity and not for present delight, that he by no means approved of the fabulous, but was desirous of delivering down the truth alone to future ages. It is the useful, he adds, which must constitute the merit of history that by the retrospection of what is past, when similar events occur, men may know how to act in present exigencies. Such an historian would I wish to have under my care, with regard to language and expression I would not have it rough and vehement, consisting of long periods or complex arguments, but soft, quiet, smooth, and peaceable, the reflection short and frequent, the style clear and perspicuous. For as freedom and truth should be the principal perfections of the writer's mind, so with regard to language the great point is to make everything plain and intelligible, not to use remote and far-fetched phrases or expressions, at the same time avoiding such as are mean and vulgar. Let it be and short what the lowest may understand, and at the same time the most learned cannot but approve. The whole may be adorned with figure and metaphor, provided they are not turgid or bombust nor seem stiff and labored, which like meat too highly seasoned always give disgust. History may sometimes assume a poetical form, and rise into a magnificence of expression when the subject demands it, and especially when it is describing armies, battles, and sea-fights. The Perian spirit is wanting then to swell the sails with a propitious breeze, and carry the lofty ship over the tops of the waves. In general, the diction should creep humbly on the ground, and only be raised as the grand and beautiful occurring shall require it, keeping in the meantime within proper bounds, and never soaring into enthusiasm, for then it is in danger of ranging beyond its limits into poetic fury we must then pull in the rain and act with caution, well knowing that it is the worst vice of a writer as well as of a horse to be wanton and unmanageable. The best way therefore is, whilst the mind of historian is on horseback, for his style to walk on foot, and take hold of the rain that it may not be left behind. With regard to composition the words should not be so blended and transposed as to appear harsh and uncouth, nor should you, as some do, subject them entirely to the rithmas. One is always faulty, and the other disagreeable to the reader. Facts must not be carelessly put together, but with great labor and attention. If possible, let the historian be an eyewitness of everything he means to record, or, if that cannot be, rely on those only who are incorrupt and who have no bias from passion or prejudice to add or to diminish anything, and here much sagacity will be requisite to find out the real truth. When he has collected all or most of his materials, he will first make a kind of diary, a body whose members are not yet distinct. He will then bring it into order and beautify it, add the coloring of style and language, adopt his expression to the subject, and harmonize the several parts of it, then, like Homer's Jupiter, who casts his eye sometimes on the Threshen and sometimes on the Mission forces. He beholds now the Roman and now the Persian armies, now both if they are engaged and relates what passes in them. Whilst they are embattled, his eye is not fixed on any particular part, nor on any one leader, unless perhaps a Bresidus steps forth to scale the walls or a Demosthenes to prevent him. To the generals he gives his first attention, listens to their commands, their councils and their determination, and when they come to the engagement he weighs in equal scale the actions of both and closely attends the pursuer and the pursued, the conqueror and the conquered. All this must be done with temper and moderation so as not to satiate or tire, not inartificially, not childishly, but with ease and grace. When these things are properly taken care of he may turn aside to others, ever ready and prepared for the present event, keeping time, as it were, with every circumstance and event, flying from Armenia to media, and from vents with clattering wings to Italy or to Iberia, that not a moment may escape him. The mind of the historian should resemble a looking glass, shining clear and exactly true, representing everything as it really is, and nothing distorted, or of a different form or color. He writes not to the masters of eloquence, but simply relates what is done. It is not his to consider what he shall say, but only how it is to be said. He may be compared to Phidias, Praxiteles, Alcamanus, or other eminent artists, for neither did they make the gold, the silver, the ivory, or any of the materials which they worked upon. These were supplied by the aliens, the Athenians, and the Argives. Their only business was to cut and polish the ivory, to spread the gold into various forms and join them together. Their art was properly to dispose what was put into their hands, and such is the work of the historians, to dispose and adorn the actions of man, and to make them known with clearness and precision, to represent what he hath heard as if he had been himself an eyewitness of it. To perform this well and gain the praise resulting from it is the business of our historical Phidias. When everything is thus prepared, he may begin, if he pleases, without preface or exhortium, unless the subject particularly demands it. He may supply the place of one by informing us what he intends to write upon in the beginning of the work itself. If, however, he makes use of any preface, he need not divide it, as our orators do, into three parts, but confine it to two, leaving out his address to the benevolence of his readers, and only soliciting their attention and complacency. Their attention, he may be a short of, if he can convince them that he is about to speak of things great or necessary or interesting or useful, nor need he fear their want of complacency if he clearly explains to them the causes of things, and gives them the heads of what he intends to treat of. Such are the exhortiums which our best historians have made use of. Herodotus tells us, he wrote his history, lest in process of time the memory should be lost of those things which in themselves were great and wonderful, which showed forth the victories of Greece and the slaughter of the barbarians. And Thucydides sets out with saying, he thought that were most worthy to be recorded as greater than any which had before happened, and that, moreover, some of the greatest misfortunes had accompanied it. The exhortium in short may be lengthened or contracted according to the subject matter, and the transition from thence to the narration easy and natural. The body of the history is only a long narrative, and as such it must go on with a soft and even motion, alike in every part, so that nothing should stand too forward or retreat too far behind. Above all, the style should be clear and perspicuous, which can only arise, as I before observed, from a harmony in the composition. One thing perfected, the next which succeeds should be coherent with it, knit together as it were by one common chain, which must never be broken. They must not be so many separate and distinct narratives, but each so closely united to what follows as to appear one continued series. Brevity is always necessary, especially when you have a great deal to say, and this must be proportioned to the facts and circumstances which you have to relate. In general, you must slightly run through little things and dwell longer on great ones. When you treat your friends you give them bores, hares, and other dainties. You would not offer them beans, seperta, or any other common food. When you describe mountains, rivers, and bulwarks, avoid all pomp and ostentation, as if you meant to show your own eloquence. Pass over these things as slightly as you can, and rather aim at being useful and intelligible. Observe how the great and sublime homer acts on these occasions. As great a poet as he is, he says nothing about tantalists—Ixion, Titius, and the rest of them—but if Parthenius, Euphorion, or Calimachus had treated this subject, what a number of verses they would have spent enrolling Ixion's wheel and bringing the water up to the very lips of the tantalists. Mark also how quickly Thucydides, who is very sparing of his descriptions, breaks off when he gives an account of any military machine, explains the manner of a siege, even though it be ever so useful and necessary, or describes cities or the port of Syracuse. Even in his narrative of the plague, which seems so long, if you consider the multiplicity of events, you will find he makes as much haste as possible and omits many circumstances, though he was obliged to retain so many more. When it is necessary to make any one speak, you must take care to let him say nothing but what is suitable to the person and to what he speaks about, and let everything be clear and intelligible. Here indeed you may be permitted to play the orator and show the power of eloquence. With regard to praise or dispraise, you cannot be too modest and circumspect. They should be strictly just and impartial, short and seasonable. Your evidence otherwise will not be considered as legal, and you will incur the same censure as Theopumpus did, who finds fault with everybody from enmity and ill-nature, and dwells so perpetually on this that he seems rather to be an accuser than an historian. If anything occurs that is very extraordinary or incredible, you may mention without vouching for the truth of it, leaving everybody to judge for themselves concerning it. By taking no part yourself, you will remain safe. Remember above all, and throughout your work again and again, I must repeat it, that you write not with a view to the present times only, that the aid you live in may applaud and esteem you, but with an eye fixed on posterity. From future ages expect your reward, that men may say of you, that man was full of honest freedom, never flattering or servile, but in all things the friend of truth. This commendation the wise man will prefer to all the vain hopes of this life, which are but of short duration. Recollect the story of the Snedian architect when he built the tower in Ferris, where the fire is kindled to prevent mariners from running on the dangerous rocks of Perotonia, that most noble and most beautiful of all works. He carved his own name on a part of the rock on the inside, then covered it over with mortar, and inscribed on it the name of the reigning sovereign, well-knowing that, as it afterwards happened, in a short space of time these letters would drop off with the mortar and discover under it this inscription, Sostrutus the Snedian, son of Dexiphanes, to those gods who preserved the mariner. Thus had he regard not to the times he lived in, not to his own short existence, but to the present period, and to all future ages, even as long as his tower shall stand, and his art remain upon earth. Thus also should history be written, rather anxious to gain the approbation of posterity by truth and merit, than to acquire present applause by adulation and falsehood. Such are the rules which I would prescribe to the historian, and which will contribute to the perfection of his work, if he thinks proper to observe them. If not, at least I have rolled my tub.


Hello and welcome to the STM32L for MOOC online training. My name is André Barata and this is the dedicated session for the Flash Memory. In this session we will learn how to handle option byte settings from the source code level. We will modify the brownout reset level from default to level 2. And then we will verify the option byte settings in ST-Link. All option bytes are available in the flash memory to configure certain specific features of the device. We will now open STM32QBmx to generate our project. As a first step we will click on new project. On the open window we will type our part number STM32L476VG and we will double click on the desired part. Remember that in this project we will modify the level of the brownout reset in the option bytes. So we will initialize the green LED on PE8 to make it visible when the new brownout reset level takes effect. In the clock configuration tab we will leave everything as default. And in the configuration tab we will leave everything as default as well. As everything is set we can just save our project and generate the code using system workbench for STM32 as our IDE. After the code is generated by STM32QBmx and our project is fully loaded on system workbench for STM32 we will open our main.c file stored inside of the source folder. In the main.c file you can see the initialization of all the peripherals defined in STM32QBmx. In this specific case we will just see the system clock and GPIO configuration. As a first step in the user code private variables section we will initialize a structure which contains the option bytes area and related values. So static flash underscore ob programming in it type def flash ob. Then we will proceed to the user code begin to section and we will start by unlocking the flash and the option bytes area. So for this we will use the hl flash and lock function. And additionally hl underscore flash underscore option bytes and lock. As a safety procedure we will implement the functions to lock both the flash and the option bytes just to prevent us from forgetting to do it at the end of the program. So as you might be guessing we will use hl underscore flash underscore option bytes underscore lock functions. And additionally hl underscore flash underscore lock. Now that we have our framework template we can start modifying our brownout reset settings. As every MCU has a different option bytes implementation we need to use the function described in the extension files. So the function will be hl flash ex ob get config. And the input parameter will be the handler for the structure previously initialized. From this structure we will need to modify two parameters. As we intend to modify the user option bytes let's select flash ob dot option bytes equal option byte underscore user. In the user option bytes we need to modify the brownout protection level. So flash ob dot user type equal ob underscore user underscore bor underscore level. After these two steps we know exactly in which area the bytes are and what bytes we want to modify. So here is the general area we are modifying. And here we can see the particular value to be modified. But first we need to check the current configuration of the brownout level and if it's different from our desired level 2 we need to modify it to the level by using flash dot ob dot user config equal ob underscore bor underscore level underscore 2. Then we will proceed to program the new option byte configuration. And as it is common in hl implementations we need to check for the result of the previous operation. So if the result is different from hl underscore ok we will need to call an error handler and in this case we will use the error handler generated by stm32qmx. And by copying it from some other hl function we can reuse the code. So the final step of programming the option bytes is to use the hl underscore flash underscore launch which will reset the microcontroller. Again the status is checked if the operation was completed successfully. After the reset the brownout reset level is set to level 2 and the green LED will be turned on on the evl statement. To do so we will use the hl underscore gpio underscore write pin and the input parameters will be the gpioe port, gpio pin 8 and gpio level which will be set. This will be all from the source code so we can build the project. And then we will be ready to upload the binary file of the project to our discovery board as we are not going to enter the debug mode in this example. Before starting our application let's open the stlink utility and connect to our board. On the target we wish to see the option bytes. Now we can see that the b or r level is equal to 0. Then we will upload and run the application and the green LED will be turned on which means that we successfully wrote to the option bytes. By connecting once more the stlink and by going once more to the option bytes menu we will see that the b or r level was modified from the default level 0 to level 2. So to fully revert the board we need first to erase the chip. Then back to the option byte menu we will enter level 0 and apply the changes. The board is fully set to stock and ready to be reprogrammed. We just finished our flash option bytes head and zone. Thank you for your attention.