English, English, English. We are live. Okay, first of all, good morning everybody. I'm pleased to have this talk to you about these matters. I'm so sorry that these difficult times make it impossible to make it more personal. Live, I used to attend all sort of university events, talks, exchange of views. I do pay a lot of tribute to the university as exchange of views in my agenda as member of the European Parliament. But anyhow, I am also pleased to be of service to this gathering, to this talk about memory, memory as a value and guaranteeing memory or civil values and cohesion across the European Union. So if you allow me, I'll exchange some views about the European Parliament experience on the matter because we have actually spent a substantial amount of time caring about citizens' rights and values because we have not forsaken, not for a second, that the European Union is about that, precisely about that. It's about values, it's about principles, it's about common values, it's about citizens' rights. And this is worth noticing because these fundamentals these fundamentals happen to be challenged for the past few years in coincidence, of course, with the European Union submerging itself in the worst crisis ever. Got started precisely when the Lisbon Treaty and the Charter of Fundamental Rights both entered into force, more than 10 years now, but precisely in coincidence, in timely coincidence with this entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, which enshrines finally the so-called Copenhagen criteria, which are the common values, which are binding for all of the member states, including fundamental rights, protection of minorities, separation of powers, independence of judiciary, and of course, rule of law and democracy. Precisely in coincidence with that entry into force, the European Union has been linking one episode of crisis after another. We had the Great Recession, we had the sovereign debt, we had the Brexit, we had the liberal regimes, the liberal regimes challenging common values. And finally this pandemic, which has posed so many troubles for mutual trust and for sticking to those common values when coming up with a common response to these shared challenges of us. But despite all that, we have kept an eye all the way on citizens' rights and that also has an impact on the contribution of the European Parliament to the so-called budgetary making process, the budgetary procedure, the special budgetary procedure. Of course, our consent is required to unleash the MFF, the Multi-Anal Financial Framework, but we are a budgetary authority according to the treaty. So we are heavily involved in discussing with the Council the figures which are to fund this role, which is to be played by citizens' rights and values in the next budget. That was part of the discussion I just heard. And I'm sure you know that the position of the European Parliament is financing the so-called rights and values program which happened to be the rapporteur as chair of the Committee of Liberty Justice and Home Affairs of the European Parliament with one billion half, one and a half billion euros of which citizens' participation, the citizens' participation, the citizens' program is to be funded with an allocation of at least 371 million euros or the coming MFF. And that is why we link with this message that we pay important to citizens' rights with the issue of memory as you have been discussing because we understand that the very idea of financing a special strand, a special program with citizens' participation helps precisely citizens' understanding of EU history, encouraging democratic participation of citizens at a European scale level. And we understand by that that it is important to reflect on European cultural diversity. The European Union is about integrating diversity. It's about united in diversity. And that takes, in my understanding, in my view, that takes a minute of thought to the very idea of contributing to citizens' understanding of European history. Where does the European Union come from? It comes from a series of civil wars at a continental level across the European Union, massacres and disasters, protracted warfare across the European continent. And of course the terrible experience of first world war, the great war, and second world war. And of course the rise of totalitarian regimes of different kinds, Nazism, fascism, but also Stalinism, totalitarian communist regimes. And it takes also a thought to commemorate the victims of those crimes. And that is why we have cared about organizations, activities, research, public debates, which dwell on these matters. And we have adopted throughout the years a number of important resolutions. Although this thought and reflection on the importance of memory and where does the European Union come from and the principles we should stick to, this is not precisely a lawmaking build of competence for the European Parliament as a lawmaker. I happen to chair the committee which has the heaviest workload in the house, the heaviest share, the largest share of the lawmaking files which are dealt with by the European Parliament in all, almost a quarter, 25%, including of course all those fundamental rights files. But the resolutions that we have adopted are not lawmaking pieces, are not acts of legislative acts, acts of legislation, but resolutions in which the majority of the European Parliament has made up its mind as to the importance of caring about historic memory as a milestone to build up a better future for Europe. The latest chance we did that was about the resolution we adopted September 2019, 19 September 2019, about importance of historic memory for the future of Europe. In this resolution, of course, we overview all of the component elements of that record of us of the European Parliament, including the statements being made by those members of the commission, of the college commissioners, which are more heavily involved in these matters. Let's say Frank Stimman's fundamental rights and rule of law, let's say Vera Yurova values and transparency in the latest years, but we remind the resolutions that we have been adopted of the past 15 years at least, ever since 2005 and onwards, but particularly when the Lisbon Treaty entered into force. We, of course, keep an eye on the framework decision which is binding law in criminal matters. Before being Lisbonized, before the Lisbon Treaty entered into force and made the European Parliament a lawmaker in criminal matters more than ever before, there were framework decisions and there is one framework decision devoted to fighting against racism and xenophobia by means of criminal law. There is also a practical declaration on the European conscience onto totalitarian regimes. We also have a directive adopted in 2012 as I was chair of this committee to protect victims of serious crimes. And there is a chapter devoted to the memory of the victims who fought against totalitarian regimes. But having said this, the main component elements of this resolution have to do, of course, with the commemoration of the terrible impact of the notorious so-called Molotov-Rivenrov pact, which was the outset of the Second World War because the Nazi regime and Soviet Union agreed to divide the territory of Poland in terms of their influences. And as a consequence of that Molotov-Rivenrov pact, August the 23rd, 39 came about the invasion of Poland, the Nazi invasion of Poland. And that was of course the signal for the beginning of the Second World War and its terrible disasters. So considering the importance of those milestones in the European history, which are so crucial to understand where does the European Union come from? The resolution condemns all totalitarian regimes, totalitarian regimes that have been taking place on Europe, causing victims and making an influence which has to be fought all the way up until the present, up until the very present day. I would highlight the importance of certain paragraphs of this resolution which I understand might be of particular relevance for the Spanish situation, for the Spanish approach to the scope of this resolution. Paragraph seven condemns historic revisionism and glorifications of those who have cooperated with totalitarian regimes, regression to fascism, the rise of racism, xenophobia and other forms of intolerance across the European Union. And the resolution calls for the resolution of the European Union, and the resolution calls, calls member states to condemn all acts which undermine the values in which the European Union is founded which is tolerance, integration of diversity and respect for individual rights, fundamental rights, including of course, respect for minorities. The same goes as paragraph 10 of this resolution in which the resolution asks on behalf of the European Parliament for a common culture of historic memory, rejecting all crimes of fascist and Stalinist regimes and other totalitarian authoritarian regimes of the past in order to promote in younger generations, particularly in younger generations, a better understanding and resilience it says against the threats that are now haunting European democracy and democracy across the member states, particularly promoting culture, education, education in diversity, the openness of diversity, the understanding of European member states as open societies and including the teaching of the atrocities of Second World War, Holocaust, humanization, systematic humanization of victims of totalitarian regimes of all kinds. There is another paragraph I would like to share with you. Is the one who, which in paragraph 12, the European Parliament asked the commission to finance effectively projects promoting historic memory with all the proper resources, sufficient resources, particularly within the framework of citizens' rights and for citizens, so that values and rights are properly enhanced, not only in the commemoration and remembrance of victims of totalitarianism but also in the teaching of how it was and where do we come from for younger generations? And that's very nature of the program rights and values of which I happen to be the rapporteur and which is now negotiated with the Council in the framework of the unblocking of all these package in which MFF budget, next generation EU, we call it in Spain, the recovery fund and the rule of law conditionality, which is also a regulation which is encompassed in this package, which is to be finally unblocked by the Council in the coming days. Now they are precisely discussing all of these issues and also refer to the importance of paragraphs 18, 17, 19 of this resolution, in which we express as European Parliament our concern about the continued use of symbols, the symbolic dimension of totalitarian regimes in the public sphere. And we encourage all of the member states to remove those symbols and to get rid of them for good. In so far as there are actually a number of member states which have forbidden the public exhibition of totalitarian, fascist or Nazi symbols of all kinds. And in paragraph 18, we remind that some member states have not tackled the issue of public space commemorating or glorifying totalitarian regimes which leads to Amis' understanding, Amis' perception, if not something worse, about the importance of those totalitarian and aggressions against the founding values of the European Union which actually led to Second World War. The same goes with paragraph 19 in which we condemn, strongly condemn, the fact that there are still across the European Union political forces, political platforms, extremists, xenophobes, europhobes, whatever they call themselves which resort more and more so to a systematic distortion of historic facts to the spread of a complete reversal of facts which had been established by historians and promoting symbols and rhetorics which are not only in hindsight the totalitarian propaganda that we have seen 100 years ago and in the 30s of the 20th century as racism and anti-Semitism, but also hatred, hate speech and hate crimes against the current minorities across the European Union. Be them Roma community, be them LGBTI, be them Jewish again, Jewish communities. There is a rise of anti-Semitism also in a number of member states of the European Union which is an issue that we have to take care of for. And finally, we call the member states to guarantee the proper implementation of the framework decision against racism, xenophobia, hate speech and hate crime. We are caring more and more about hate speech and hate crime and we call member states to forbid, to ban for good effectively not only neo-fascist and neo-Nazis group but also foundations or associations aimed to glorify fascism or any form of totalitarianism. Of course, within the parameters of respect of the constitutional dispensations, legal order and national jurisdictions which are to be dealing with these matters. The point here is that we have to promote in European citizens a culture which is consistent with European values which are enshrined as binding in Article II of the Treaty of European Union. That is why the Libyan committee which I chair has put so much energy, so much energy for years to compliment the cumbersome procedure of Article VII to sanction those member states in a backsliding regression against European values. And we have of course noticed the risk of serious breach of European values that has been taking place in some particular member states of the European Union that we all have in mind with the so-called rule of law conditionality precisely to make the point that ever since the Lisbon Treaty and the Charter entered to force those values are no longer wishful thinking, are no longer requirements not only to enter the club and once you enter the club you may get rid of them but they are binding all the way. As long as you are in the European Union you have to stick to those principles. Those are the reflections I wanted to share appreciating the chance to talk to you if I may be of use, it'll be my pleasure. Thank you. Many thanks Mr. Juan Fernando a little bit. From the last year when we proposed this taking stock on European remembrance public policies we fought in terms of intellectual but also acting, interacting with different networks on remembrance and citizenship to mix these values with the uses of the past but in the present and with the challenges on the present and about the future. And we have to thank you for your works of course but also for your work and also for your fight. Because we have some challenges before the summer about this program and they are the many challenges that of course the European Union we are confronted with but we hope that this new budget that is very, very, very real good new in these times of really quite bad news all over and for not only for the program as the people from the commission and the European Parliament we have discussed these days but also for all the citizenship and the future of the democracies in the Europe and all the resolutions and the aspects dealing with historical, not only historical memory but remembrance are a lot to do with public policies nowadays and as you may know of course there is this big low in Spain who is currently being reformed and taking a lot of these points that it has to be shared in many, many, well it's my wish it's the European Observatory Memories Wish you have to be sharing many, many other countries not only in Europe of course to reinforce this system of democracies in these values and we believe on that and we are very, very thanks this year it was, it was, it's time also to say thank you to all the participants also the institutions the House of European History too Marti Grau from Jammonet House also is here I think in connection I can see also Gil Spellairo from the agency Johannes and the others from the commission it was shorter than the other years but I think it's important to keep discussing to keep reflection to repeat next year not online, we hope not online to improve all these discussions to take all these notes to make more questions about that and of course we are here to promote these events to promote these discussions and to help also has a thing done has a not only European also international organization our association and our foundation at the University of Barcelona we are working in this and we have our main tools in this main goals and Marti I give you the floor if you want to add something please from Jammonet House Thank you very much Jordi well again on behalf of the House of European History and the Jammonet House we are administratively together in the same unit the European Parliament but I would like to say thanks to the European Observatory for our memories to be again joining forces in the organization of taking stock year after year it's the third edition as Jordi has pointed out and we do hope that in next year already we'll be able to host again physically the event either in Brussels, House of European History or in the Jammonet House just a couple of very quick ideas just I think it was very important to hear from the different European institutions the programs specifically for commemoration because it's a dimension that has been maybe added more recently to the priorities and it has been very good to know that there has been a raise in the funding sorry that has been allocated to those actions and then in terms of Jammonet House also I would like to remind in our presentation we highlighted the role of Jammonet and of the Superman Declaration but also to highlight the idea that Jammonet of course is a brand it's many things but it's also a brand and it's a brand that is shared also by the institutions the European Commission has the Jammonet actions the Jammonet shares of excellence etc so that is a testimony also on how the memories attached to Jammonet have produced something have produced a brand that is very meaningful today and of course for all people and for organizations and I will maybe end with a quotation from Jammonet he used to say we don't inform coalitions of states we unite people so from that point of view of course is a message that goes directly to the core of our business here which is like remembrance and to unearth the bonds of solidarity and the overcoming of war that has been a trend in the last 70 years I should say well thank you very much Jordi again and I hope we can continue working together and again we'll be happy to accompany all the actions of the observatory thank you thank you, thank you to all the participants thank you Fernanda for your technical support also and all the team and all the colleagues who've been participating as speakers many hugs and let's


Vo'n bwysig i gyfwyrdd y Ffathys i'r union Europeu yn ddefudio addysg iawn i'n defanyddio i'r def Dyma.  At the CBI annual conference in London, earlier this month, I think we were able to do just that. Andy Bagnall and I, and Andy is the author of this report, published a landmark report entitled Our Global Future. The findings show how much British business believes that the best way to maximise the benefits of global trade is to remain part of a reformed European Union. And I want to talk today, Mr Chairman, about some of the findings in that report and where I see the ideal future direction of travel. But first, I think it's important to look at things, how things stand now. The acute crisis in the eurozone might have calmed slightly over the last few months, but it's not disappeared altogether, has it? Eurozone countries continue to transform rapidly. Think of the recent downgrade to France's credit rating by standard and pause, or Germany's huge trade surplus now being looked at by the European Commission, as being linked to the wider eurozone struggle to adjust and rebalance. As it does so, and the broad-based continent-wide downturn in economic activity begins to change direction, the possibility of problems bubbling up is never far away. It serves to remind us that eurozone's economic performance is one of the most significant downside risks to the UK, the Irish and the global recovery. For those in the business world, as Ireland's recent presidency of the European Union made clear, we can't kid ourselves that we're home and dry. This slow recovery that I think we are now into can't be taken for granted at all. But a turnaround has begun to take hold. The eurozone's long-suffering economy is finally showing signs of a creeping... Sorry, a long-standing, long-suffering economy is finally showing signs of a creeping recovery, even though it's very fragile beyond the core. It's edged out of recession and is starting to grow with deficits and borrowing costs, which not so long ago threatened to upend the single currency as a whole, now much reduced even across the weaker states. Finding common ground with other EU member states, taking a lead in helping to restore stability and getting Europe growing again, is critical to the UK national interest. But we need to increase our own UK competitiveness, our productivity and growth just as much as we need these things to be improved in Europe. And here too, after a long period of uncertainty, the UK economy, I think, is now set fair. The confidence we've been lacking is now swinging back into action. In the latest figures, the economy picked up more speed between July and September, growing at its fastest pace in more than three years. Across the purchasing manager index figures and a range of CBI's own surveys, we've seen a significant increase in optimism and growing forward order books, which indicate a broad-based recovery is underway. We expect growth this year to top out at 1.4%, but much more importantly, we see growth of 2.5% in 2014 and in 2015. And as a result, the business investment cycle is now turning and net trade has begun to make a real contribution to growth after many years in which it didn't. Now, our recovery in the UK is not spectacular, but it's solid and it's well-rooted. And I think you have some of the same characteristics here in Ireland. It's not looked as positive for your economy, has it, since 2008. The UK and Ireland economies are historically and currently closely connected. There are many indicators of this association. The movement of goods and services, people and capital, trade and investment, the confluence are striking. As you know, the UK is Ireland's largest export destination. Taking 16% of Ireland's total industrial exports and considering the size of the economy and your population here, it's noteworthy that Ireland is the fifth largest recipient of UK's industrial exports. In the face of an increasingly competitive global market, we're confronting very similar challenges and have sight of the same opportunities. The central challenge for business, I suggest, in Ireland and in the United Kingdom is how we achieve sustainable growth in such a fast-changing world. If we want to earn our way in the world, we need to get conditions right on the ground at home in order to focus our ambitions abroad. The UK frankly needs a workforce that's better equipped with the relevant skills for a productive economic future. We certainly need to invest somewhat immediately in our infrastructure if we want it to be world-class. And I would suggest we need a reinvigorated relationship with a reformed Europe. And it's the reinvigorated relationship with Europe that I want to focus on this afternoon. My Prime Minister's speech in January, which offered the British public an in-out referendum, should the Conservative Party win the next election, has in some ways put a question mark over our membership and has led some commentators in the UK to advocate a straight withdrawal from the European Union. As the voice of UK business, the CBI is determined to help our members navigate what can be an emotional debate with cold, hard facts. Now, while the offering of a referendum is rightly a constitutional matter for government and not something that the CBI, in its own right, would seek to influence, for business, the answer to the question of membership itself is an unequivocal one. Membership of the EU's single market remains fundamental to our economic future. We should remain in a reformed European Union because the alternative is to be outside of it with very little influence. And the report I've referred to, Our Global Future, is the biggest piece of work the CBI has done in many years. It drills down into the narrative that Britain needs to be in a reformed Europe to underpin our global aspirations. That's why it's called Our Global Future. It's not so much a matter of what relationship we've had with Europe in the past, but about where we are now and how we embrace openness and ambition for global opportunities in the future. So if you'll allow me, I'd firstly like to discuss maximising the openness of our trading engagement in Europe and then touch on some of the reforms in the European Union we need to see take hold. Now you know that for centuries the UK has been a melting pot of cultures and traditions and, most importantly, a long-term significant player on the international stage. I think Britain's always been a pioneering nation, a nation of reinvention, our island a place of ideas and innovation, industry and influence, open to trade, open to people, open to investment from all corners of the globe. It may be happening more now, it may be more visible now in the British media, but it's not a new phenomenon. We've always been outward looking and open, helping to shape the global and political and economic landscape, and this has developed and matured over time. And as you know, we English have always done all of this by drawing quite shamelessly on the ideas and skills of the people of Ireland. Whereas in the 19th century, Britain forced openness through industrial dominance, in the 20th century it became increasingly secured through the development of international rules and the founding of multilateral institutions like the Commonwealth, the G8, the UN, with the EU from 1973 as the linchpin for our trading activity. And I think as the world continues to transform and we've seen more globalisation in the last 10 years than in a lifetime, Britain's 21st century global success is about super quick cross-border co-operation, about maximising economic interdependence of people's goods, services, knowledge and ideas. And we're only touching before we came in the room over a drink about the interconnectivity across the Irish sea of people, products, raw materials, all parts of the supply chain every day of the week. And some would say that we should be abandoning the EU and working directly with the superpowers of this new globalisation who principally lie in the eastern rather than western hemisphere. And that's one of the subjects of most debate back in London. If globalisation is the new reality and if Britain remains a global trading nation, why is Europe important? Well, look at the facts. Only 6.8% of UK exports go to the four BRIC countries of Brazil, Russia, India and China. Indeed, until very recently, our exports to the Republic of Ireland were greater than our exports to Brazil, Russia, India and China combined. The reality is that our import, export and investment patterns are just not properly aligned to take full advantage of the power and significance of the new emerging economies. Over time, they will become more important, but it is going to take a long time. In China, for example, we've seen some further signs at the third plenum of a reform agenda, but we don't yet know what that will mean and what prospects it will bring. And CBI companies active in India tell us that alongside the more obvious tariff and non-tariff barriers, substantial obstacles like restrictive labour laws and poor infrastructure are hugely problematic. These markets have enormous potential, but there's a long way to go before they're going to be the predominant place for Britain's goods and service exports. At the same time, the EU accounts for half of UK's trade and around 80% of our exports go either to the EU, the US or other OECD-developed economies. 80%. We have an economy that trades with other advanced economies and it'll be a long while before that changes. Fundamentally, therefore, the first key conclusion of the CBI report is it's not an either-or choice between trading in the bloc called the European Union and trading with the new economic powers of the developing world. We need to do both and we need to do both at the same time. We have to look outwards to the world and fine-tune our ambitions now more than we've ever done before, whilst all the time relying on our relationship with the EU, a relationship which has supported our global engagement for the last 40 years and which, in our opinion, is too important to give up. But to what extent can this relationship with Europe support those global ambitions? Well, it's by facilitating trade through the single market that Europe has and will continue to be our greatest support, the access to the market of 500 million consumers, facilitating international investment to allow the UK to become the world's leading financial centre by providing British business with access to markets around the world worth $24 trillion via more than 30 free trade agreements. Europe makes us more competitive and three-quarters of the companies I represent of all sizes and all sectors say that the creation of a single market has had a positive impact on their business. No alternative option, no different form of trading relationships could come close to matching this balance of benefits or offer greater influence for the United Kingdom. We look very carefully in our report at alternative models. There's a very compelling chapter looking at Norway, looking at Switzerland, looking at Turkey or looking at Britain simply going alone in the World Trade Organization. And we've concluded that whilst the various stages of remove, implicit in these relationships from Europe, might offer some flexibilities, some independence, some advantages, none of the other options other than full membership of the European Union would offer us a better overall balance of advantages against disadvantages. We don't want to be marginalised. We don't want to be on the outside of the tent with limited influence, no European commissioner and no seat around the council table. With any other choice, we lose influence over the completion of rules which we have to apply to our own business to maintain market access. We lose influence over global standards, product standards, technical standards that the EU helps to shape and which we have to implement. These standards and rules affect my company's ability to take advantage of its strengths on the international stage. So that's the case for being in and we calculate in the report that that is worth about £3,000 sterling per household for every household in Britain for every year. That's what it means to the British worker and the British family. But I'm certainly not saying that the EU is perfect. It's not. It has its costs and it has its huge frustrations. And that's why what British business has rallied around in recent months is the notion of remaining in a reformed European Union. We're not talking about remaining in the European Union of the status quo. What are those frustrations? Well, there's a lack of unilateral control over some regulations and for UK firms this is particularly frustrating in the area of employment law. Our labour market has a different model from that of continental Europe. This is an area where one size simply doesn't fit all. There's also a definite sense that the EU's authority is seen to be sneaking into issues unnecessarily like the innumerable commission-led regulations around lifestyle issues. There are many things that don't need European intervention. Many things that simply don't pass a test of the needing to be harmonised. Think of the regulations now thankfully repealed which banned imperfectly shaped fruit and veg. You'll find that still resonates with the British public. So I'm not arguing to maintain the status quo. But a key point here in the CBI's work is that reform from within under the auspices of our current relationship is in our national interest. And what I don't mean here is a special deal for the United Kingdom. I mean the fair agreement on issues for full reform across the board, across the 28 member states, not the repatriation of powers for one country. What we actually want is to get the EU doing more of what it does well and less of what it does badly. More of helping European economies and governments to coordinate with each other to boost the jobs and growth we need in Ireland and in the United Kingdom. To do this, Europe's going to have to reform. It's going to have to renew its priorities and purpose. And there are three major areas of reform that I'd like to see. The first is to ensure that Europe becomes an international 21st century player. More outward looking, more open, breaking down trade barriers where they exist and focusing on signing trade deals like the transatlantic trade and investment partnership with the United States and doing that with developed economies and with emerging markets in Asia Pacific, East Asia and Latin America. Europe must also be more open at home. We really want to complete the European single market which is still far from complete and we need to change the regulatory approach of Brussels. So I would look for a single market in services and I'm particularly excited by the potential for a creation of a digital single market to reduce barriers to e-commerce, keeping competencies at national level where necessary but reaching a point where the European citizen can trade across the boundaries of Europe on the internet without rules getting in the way. So openness has to be the theme for Europe and can't always be taken for granted even in 2013. Second, how the EU operates has to be streamlined not only by organising the processes for assessing new regulations and reducing regulatory burdens, the so-called deregulation initiatives but also by focusing on growth portfolios like external trade rather than maintaining 26 complicated commission portfolios each with a distinct legislative agenda bidding against each other. In addition to this, the EU that emerges from the crisis has to work equally well for all its members. I think this is probably the most key point I wanted to make on the reform agenda. It has to get the right balance between the euro zone and those countries outside of the euro and I don't think, Mr Chairman, there can be any more important issue for Britain and for Ireland, one in the euro and one outside the euro, but with two economies so interrelated and mutually dependent than getting that balance right. Europe has to respect boundaries set by Member States to ensure real safeguards are in place for non-eurozone countries. This is perfectly achievable. We've managed to achieve it on the new regulation for banking union. But we have to commit to making that work. Frankly, I want to be a leading member of the EU of the 28, but I have no intention of being part of the eurozone and have no wish to be part of an ever closer union. And those are the choices that we now face. Can we allow the 17 countries of the eurozone to coexist harmoniously with the 11 countries that are not part of the eurozone, that will change over time? It's not a one-way street, but the tectonic plates of Europe mustn't rub up against each other and create friction. They must find a way of healthfully and healthfully coexisting. Third and crucially, the reform agenda has to begin at home in London. To effect the reforms we want, we must have influence. And contrary to popular belief in the British media, I think the UK has more influence in the European Union than we're often given credit for. We have amongst the highest voting shares in the council and the parliament, but we could be a much more dynamic presence by making efforts to strengthen our links and build even more effective alliances with other member states. No matter how unglamorous the nuts and bolts of making policy in Brussels may be, and I can say I've been in policy making in Brussels for over 30 years, that's where the power lies. And we need more of our own people, British nationals, in key institutional positions to bolster our influence in Brussels. And actually the number of British civil servants operating in the European Commission is now in rapid decline. We must better play our influence in order to engage more effectively, not only to preserve the advantages from which we already benefit, but to reform and create many more. And I'm thinking specifically of better conditions under which businesses have a licence to operate. And to drive these reforms, we need to be in the EU making our case, not watching from the sidelines, ineffective and without a voice. I'd like to see the Westminster Parliament, the mother of parliaments taking more of an interest in what's being done in Brussels, in the way, for example, you see, in the Danish Parliament to take an example, and indeed in European affairs more generally. And I think there is a real opportunity to do that. The more we've looked at this issue, we haven't ended up thinking Britain's on the back foot, Mr Chairman, unable to find its destiny in Europe. We've actually concluded the only thing we lack is confidence and conviction. Lots of our fellow economic liberals in Ireland and across the continent of Europe want to work with the British if the British are serious about being in Europe. But they won't waste time working with the British if we're trying to edge towards the exit door. So in our global future, I think we can properly be on the inside looking out and not on the outside looking in. The EU should thrive and flourish so that all member states can prosper. And this is ultimately how the UK will benefit most from being in Europe in the years to come by harnessing an up-to-date openness for opportunity and ambition and by embracing the global trends reshaping the world economy. And most importantly, I'm convinced that that reform agenda is achievable. Thank you.


Avengers Infinity War just hit theaters and while it absolutely lived up to all the hype, some parts of the film just didn't make the final cut. I'm Ryan from Movie Nerds and let's crack into all the deleted scenes from Avengers Infinity War. This video contains spoilers so if you don't want to hear them, then check out now! Recently, the directors of Infinity War, Anthony and Joe Russo, sat down with Frosty from Collider to discuss the film. There's 10 minutes of footage. So what are those? Let's delve in by first checking out the trailers. Remember this epic shot from the trailers? Well, you might be surprised to hear that it ain't in the movie. There's definitely a similar shot, but it doesn't contain half of the characters and definitely doesn't contain Hulk. Cause that big green mask didn't even want to show his face for over two acts of the film. As to why it was cut, it was probably just a shot for the trailer to show off all the heavy hitters in the team, coming together for one final action sequence. What about this quote? But this... does put a smile on my face. Well, once again, not in the film, so many shots in the trailers had even changed dramatically from the final cut. Like this one, the Doctor Strange, Banner and Tony Stark. While the shot appears in the film, Tony is in full Iron Man armor in the final cut. Or this one. By the time this shot came around, the Mad Titan had four stones, not two. But that's just small stuff. What are we actually missing? What are the 10 minutes of deleted scenes that the directors are talking about? Well, I would expect to half of them would just be alternate lines from the exceptional cast, but the other half, I'm giving to the acquisition of the Power Stone. Last time we saw that sucker was in the hands of the Nova Corps, so how did Thanos get his dirty paws on it? Well, I would expect there to be a few scenes of the Black Order and Thanos tearing down Xander and the Nova Corps. This should have been a pinnacle part of the film, and would have explained how Thanos acquired the first stone. While it wouldn't have been quite as interesting as Thanos decimating Yad's Guardians, it would have been a great way to showcase Thanos' great power before the stones and seeing why he was so worthy. Now while this is all speculation, I would expect this scene to have been in the original draft script. Whether or not it was filmed is something we'll have to wait for the DVD for. Another scene, and character that didn't make the final cut, is Adam Warlock. We see this almighty being created at the very end of Guardians of Galaxy 2. I think I should call him Adam. And screenwriter Christopher Marcus has stated that there was a version of the script that not only had Adam Warlock involved, but also a gigantic snake known as the Midgard Serpent. This would have been an interesting sequence. Warlock is an integral part of the story in the comics, and a lot of fans expected him to appear in the film, but with the film filled to the brim with characters, the addition of a new one just wasn't meant to be. So that brings us to the end of what we know so far about all of the deleted scenes from Avengers Infinity War. Did I miss something? Let me know in the comments below and don't forget to like the video and subscribe to the channel. And while you're at it, just may as well hit that pesky bell notification too. And until next time, I'll catch you nerds at the movies.


How does the CMO add value to the company? Well, that's the question. Elisa Steele on the CMO of Skype. I'm Mark the Grand Prix, head of marketing at Kind Healthy Snacks. Mary Lee Sacks, and I do a lot of things. I'm an author and a marketing consultant. Hi, I'm Michael Snead, and I'm the vice president for Global Corporate Affairs for Johnson & Johnson. I think the best thing that a CMO can do to add value to the company is to give the company insights about the market and about their users. We have so much in the world of digital technology now. We get the direct input from our customers, from other stakeholders. How do you make sure that you can synthesize that and really generate insights that can lead to real actions? If you can do that, then you can turn that into returns in all sorts of ways. Returns on reputation, returns on revenue, and returns on growth for the company. CMOs are really meant to be the growth engine for a company. And more and more, I think that's becoming true for CMOs. I mean, the CMO needs to be the brand steward, ultimately, and it touches every component of the company, right, from operations to product development. They're really there to really kind of bridge between the management function and understanding the outside world. That's sometimes not easy to do at the CMO level, but you have to stay close to the business, close to the customers. A role as a CMO is to make sure that the brands taste through to the ethos, to what it stands for, and ultimately, it's your role to make sure we don't deviate from that.