Delighted to have this opportunity on behalf of the Jefferson Lecture Committee and on behalf of Berkeley's Graduate Council and Graduate Division to welcome today's lecturer Professor Michael McConnell to Berkeley. The Jefferson Memorial Lectures were established in 1944 through a bequest from Elizabeth Bonesteel and her husband Cutler Bonesteel. The Bonesteels were a prominent San Francisco couple who cared deeply for history and who hoped that the lectures would encourage students, faculty, scholars and members of the extended Berkeley community to study the legacy of Thomas Jefferson and in particular to explore the values inherent in American democracy. Never one might observe has their hope been more pressing than in the times in which we currently live. As the lecture series has matured over many years the range of lecture topics has matured with it. Our lecturers have spoken on the subject of Thomas Jefferson himself on early American history but they've also ranged far and wide on American institutions and policy and politics and economics on education and on law. Lecturers have come from all points of the political compass. Many have come from the Academy and many have come from beyond the Academy, from the worlds of politics and law, from media, from active civil and civic engagement. The role of past lecturers stretching back more than 60 years now includes such names as Ambassador Jean Kirkpatrick, Senator Alan Simpson, Representative Thomas Foley, Senator Elizabeth Warren, Richard Hofstadter, Carol Papeman, Walter LaFave, Archibald Cox, Annette Gordon-Reed and most recently Judith Heumann. Now for much of his life Michael McConnell has, if I may put it this way, straddled the worlds of the Academy of the Judiciary and of the Conservative Intelligenceia. Indeed, as I understand it, he is currently co-chair of Facebook's Content Oversight Board so we can claim him for media as well. He's currently Richard and France's Malorie Professor of Law at Stanford Law School where he's also Director of the Constitutional Law Center and a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. From 2002 to 2009 he served as a Circuit Court Judge, as a Circuit Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit. He was nominated to the Tenth Circuit by President George W. Bush, of course a Republican, and confirmed unanimously by a Senate leader that time by the late Harry Reid, a Democrat. That in itself will be recognized by future historians of our times as a notable achievement. As a litigator Professor McConnell has argued 16 cases in the United States Supreme Court, most recently two years ago, incarnated against Adams, a successful defense of a provision of the Delaware Constitution requiring political balance on that state's courts. Earlier in his life Professor McConnell gained access to the other side of the Supreme Court bench as a law clerk to Justice William Brennan. He also clerked for Judge Skelly Wright on the DC Circuit. He has been Assistant General Counsel of the Office of Management and Budget, Assistant to the Solicitor General of the Department of Justice, and he has been a member of the President's Intelligence Oversight Board. This afternoon Professor McConnell will speak to us on the topic Constructing a Republican Executive, and it is my very great pleasure to welcome Michael McConnell. So thank you very much for that introduction, and this is really quite an honor when I read for the first time that list of former Jefferson lecturers. I have to tell you who on that list doesn't quite fit in. It really is an honor, and I do appreciate all of you coming out on such a beautiful Thursday afternoon to hear me. So thank you, Chris. Thank all of you for that. I'm going to speak from down here just because the podium strikes me as a very great distance, and I like to be able to see people's faces. So the most dramatic moment at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787 was on the third day of debate. Now, as you may know, the Constitution got started off. The debates at the convention got started off with a plan. So this is, it's called the Virginia Plan.  But actually it took months for them to hammer out what ultimately would happen. But the Virginia Plan, this is like, you know, these are mostly direct quotes from James Madison's records of the Federal Convention. And Mr. Randolph, one of the deputies of Virginia, he happened to be the governor of the state, laid before the House for their consideration. Sundry propositions love the way they talk, in writing, concerning the American Confederation and the establishment of national government. So Edmund Randolph on the left here. He was about 32 years old. He was a, he was handsome. He was well spoken. He was of, I think, a fifth generation Virginia aristocrat at this time. And he presented the plan, but he didn't write the plan. The main author of the plan, we know now, was James Madison. Madison was short, really quite small. He had his, he had a weak, ready voice. When you read the records of the Virginia Ratifying Convention, not infrequently, you'll see Madison talking, and then it'll say, inaudible. He just, he couldn't project this voice. He was bookish, unlike Governor Randolph. He was not particularly sociable. He spent a month, you know, preparing. He was, he was studious. He would go back to his room and write notes about what happened and make plans and so forth. So I think of like Governor Randolph is like the president of the fraternity. And Madison is like the secretary or treasurer who gets all the work done. So he's primarily the author of this plan. And Randolph presents it. And on the first day, you know, despite, you know, the illustrious character of its author, and despite the considerable enthusiasm that the Project of Constitutional Reform brought to these people to Philadelphia, it was a dog's breakfast of a first day. They couldn't agree on anything.  It was just, it must have been so disappointing. But the most dramatic moment came on the third day of debate when they came to the seventh, there are 15 resolutions. That's how the Virginia plan was organized. And the seventh addressed the executive power. And they come to that. And here are the, this is all that it says about the powers. It has some other things about elections and term of office and pay and stuff like that. But for the powers, this is the whole thing, that a national executive be instituted. You know, by the way, that it doesn't even say it's going to be of one person. And that sounds natural to us because we're so used to a single head of state. But across the ocean and the new republic in France, they're going to have a directory of five, succeeded by a consulate of three, succeeded by an emperor of one. But the, in the Roman Republic, there were two consuls. Sparta had two different kings. It was by no means obvious that there was, that it was going to be a single person. A national executive be instituted, vague about its structure, that in addition to a general authority to execute the laws, it ought to enjoy the executive rights vested in Congress by the confederation. That may sound harmless. The first thing that happens is that James Wilson, delegate from Pennsylvania, later a Supreme Court, one of George Washington's first appointees to the Supreme Court, widely regarded as the best lawyer at the convention, a very active participant in forming the constitution. He makes a motion, very short motion. He says, Mr. Wilson moved that the executive consists of a single person. At this point, Charles Pinckney of South Carolina, one of the youngest, he actually claimed about, he lied about his birthday because he wanted to go down in history as the youngest delegate. That was actually not true. But he was a kind of a pop and j personality, loved to hear himself talk. But he's the first person to interject in the debate. And he says, you can almost hear him gasp at this, that's resolution seven with the Wilson amendment. He was afraid that those executive powers, quote, might extend to peace and war, etc., which would render the executive a monarchy. Why would he think that? Well, first of all, Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England, which was the law book of the day, lots of extremely familiar to lawyers and many other people in the Americas, chapter three of the King and his title, the supreme executive power of these kingdoms is vested by our laws in a single person. And then it goes on. It says, this person is invested with all the enzymes, rights and prerogatives of sovereign power. So James Wilson, who certainly knew his Blackstone, used exactly the same words for the US executive that Blackstone used in defining the title of the king. And if that wasn't bad enough, remember what it says here, the powers of the executive, the general authority to execute the laws plus executive rights vested in Congress by the Confederation. Now, what are we talking about here? This is the articles of Confederation, where an extremely weak government that was set up basically started even before the Revolutionary War was finished. And it was the whole project of the Constitutional Convention to replace it with a stronger, more nationalistic constitution. But the Congress, called the Continental Congress at the time, has certain powers. And all of its executive rights, meaning executive powers, are now going to be transferred to this new constitutional executive. So in order to figure out what that means, we have to open up our copies of the Articles of Confederation. I didn't give you one of those. I thought you had enough reading material with Article 2 itself. So what does the Articles have to say? So here are the executive powers of the Confederation Congress. Determining on peace and war, what did Charles Pankney warn of? He said, uh-oh, this means you can see now what he's thinking. If the Congress had the powers of peace and war, now that will be vested in the executive, what does that mean? That means that the president can take us into war without just on his own. He can make peace just on his own. Sending and receiving ambassadors, that's control over foreign policy, isn't it? Just on his own. Entering into treaties and alliances, regulating captures and prizes, granting letters of mark and reprisal, determining the value of coin and the standards of weights and measures, important powers over the basically the economic infrastructure of the country. Money. Everybody wants to control money. Well, now we know who's going to control it. Dealing with the Indian tribes, establishing post offices, which is like the social media of their day, really the only medium of mass communication. The post offices, we should not just think of them the way we do now. That was how newspapers were sent. That was the only way in which people could communicate from Philadelphia to Boston. Appointing and commissioning army and navy officers, directing the operations of the land and naval forces. Now, the articles of confederation do not actually label these powers executive. There's no section where it says, the executive powers are, that's me. Those are my words. How do we know that those were executive? The answer is that they were all powers that were held by King George III. If you know your English legal history or constitutional history, you'll know that kind of myths of time, 13th century. Chris can probably correct me here. He's the English legal historian. But essentially, the king was absolute. The one power that parliament had from a very early time was the power to tax, the most important power of all. Because if you can control the money, but it takes hundreds of years for Britain to turn into a constitutional monarchy. The king progressively lost a number of powers. He can no longer send people to jail without any trial. He can no longer tax. I mean that he couldn't tax from a very early date. But a number of powers taken away, but those are the ones that were left. And how do we know that they're all in Blackstone? They're all in Blackstone and they're all prerogative powers of the kings. What is a prerogative power? Prerogative power is a power that is held by the entity, usually retirement and executive. You can use the word more loosely. Chris probably has the prerogative to shut me down whenever he wants to. It's the discretion to do something. But without the authorization of anyone else, you have that power. You have a prerogative power by virtue of who you are, what your office is. And the prerogative powers of the king were not subject to the control or regulation of the legislative branch. These are things the king could just do. Blackstone put it, he can coin what money he wants. He can pardon what offenses he wants. He can veto what laws he wants and nobody can control it. That's what a prerogative power is. And if that sounds scary, look at the piece of paper that you were given as you come in. Our president has prerogative powers. The most obvious ones being President Biden can veto any act he wants. Remember the pardon power. He can pardon whatever he wants. He has certain prerogative powers. And that's where the idea comes from. So that list were the prerogative powers of the king. But that's why Charles Pinckney was as upset as he was. Because when you have a single person vested with all of the prerogative powers of the king, what do you call that person? Might as well call him a king. Looks like a monarch. An elective monarch to be sure, but a monarch. And this I think is the most dramatic moment at the entire convention in my opinion is this pause. This is the only time in what three months or so in Philadelphia that there is a pause. Usually they're just jumping up and trying to get the floor and have plenty to say. Nobody wanted to speak. Why? Well, I mean, we don't know, but let me tell you my, I think it's pretty obvious why nobody was willing to speak. The topic was so important, right? Because we had just thought a revolution against a king when we thought was a tyrant. And it's so important that we not just put ourselves back in the same box again. So important, but also so difficult because at that point in world history, there had never been a republic of any considerable extent that had an executive who did not devolve into being an authoritarian tyrant. There were no, the closest thing is going to be the king really, but that's not a good one. The governors of the various states between the revolution and 1787 were the state constitutions of very weak governors. Most of them served for one term. Only I think three of them had a veto power. Most of them couldn't even make appointments. They were really, really weak. Why were they so weak? Well, because they were so frightened of concentrated executive power that they made their governors extremely weak. Look through history. There were no examples of a successful republican executive that had, I mean, you might have tiny states, but of an extended republic, you need an executive, and using their language, you need an executive with the energy to be able to govern that. And energy just means enough authority to actually make it work. So they didn't have any models, scary proposition and no models, and then this is what really I think makes them really scared to speak. George Washington is sitting right there. He's been, he was just elected the chair of the Constitutional Convention. So he's sitting right there. They didn't know much else about the politics of the future. One thing everybody knew, and actually Benjamin Franklin says it a couple days later, everybody knew that George Washington, who was the most trusted man in America, would be the first president. So to talk about the question of executive power and the dangers of executive power devolving into tyranny is to talk about George Washington. It's tough to do. If the law school faculty has a debate about the powers of the dean, do you think Erwin Chemerinsky is going to, like, he's going to read every word it's going to be about him? And so with George Washington president, nobody, nobody speaks. It takes Benjamin Franklin, the oldest and other than maybe Washington, the most respected of all the delegates, he has to coax them into saying anything. And then they do start talking and they do not like Resolution 7. So John Rutledge of South Carolina, who was, by the way, I mean he had lots of, lots of things of faults. He was a slave owner, a defender of slavery and so forth. But let me say something for him. He was the wartime governor in South Carolina and universally regarded as the most effective wartime governor. When the British invaded South Carolina, the legislature couldn't meet. They voted him the dictator of the state. Now don't get too worried about that. We, when we hear dictator, at least when I hear dictator, I think of like Mussolini or, you know, modern dictators. For them the dictator was the title in the Roman Republic. They would give, they would create one of the consuls dictator in times of war and that person had the concentrated executive judicial and legislative powers in order to prosecute the war and at the end of it would step down from it. Think of Cincinnati as the most famous example. George Rutledge was like this. He was a one man governor, I mean one man dictator. He did everything and he had five plantations burned down by the British but he just kept at it and kept things organized when there was nobody else to organize anything. By the way in marked contrast, dare I say it, as part of the Jefferson lecture, in marked contrast to Thomas Jefferson, who was governor of Virginia and fled the capital when the British advanced and basically left the state rudderless, was later impeached by the Virginia legislature for his conduct of the wars. So Rutledge is the first to speak and he has experience of being an executive and he had stepped down from it. He was now a judge at this point in South Carolina. He favors a single executive like Wilson, right, but was not forgiving in the powers of war and peace. James Wilson, who I think probably at this point realized that he had stepped in it, says he did not consider the prerogatives of the British monarch as a proper guide in defining the executive powers. In other words, it wasn't such a great idea to give all the prerogative powers to the executive and Madison proposes letting Congress decide which prerogative powers would be given to the president. And what they vote for, they vote on just a couple of days later for an exceedingly weak executive. The only powers the president was given in this initial vote were to carry into execution the national laws. That was un-triversial. A few appointments, but not ambassadors, wouldn't control foreign appals. Not judges, doesn't have any power over that, but some appointments. And then a veto subject to override. No foreign affairs power, no military power, evidently no control over the administrative bureaucracy if they even knew there would be such a thing. An exceedingly weak president. No power to recommend laws. I could go on and on with all the things that were not there, but that's adopted instead of Madison's proposal, by the way. And then for almost two months it goes like that. And although they debate how the president will be elected and what the terms of impeachment might be, and they debate in them, but they leave the powers like that. They don't touch them until way, until really the end of July, beginning of August, at which point the most misnamed committee in the history of the United States is set up. It's called the Committee of Detail. You would think that they're just working on matters of detail. Well, under, they rewrote the whole thing. Two-thirds of the text, if you just count words of the Constitution at that point came from the Committee of Detail. It was the Committee of Detail who figured out the mechanisms for allocating respective powers between the federal government and the states. It was the Committee of Detail that adds such important provisions as the necessary and proper clause. And for our purposes, most important, it is the Committee of Detail that figures out how to create an effective executive with sufficient energy to do what we need done, but one who would not be equivalent to a king. So what did they do? When you, if you look just glance at the piece of paper you have, this is kind of just a quick summary, quick summary. The beginning, Article 2 is all about the executive powers. It begins with a vesting clause. The executive power should be vested in the President of the United States. Then we have pure prerogative powers in Article 2, Section 2, including Commander-in-Chief, and this is not a complete list, by the way. This is just telling you, giving you a sense of what's in the Constitution. Then there are powers subject to advice and consent. So there's some, one thing they did was some of the important powers that are potentially dangerous have a check so the Senate can, the President acts but the Senate can override him. And then they did a really interesting thing, which is they recast some of the prerogative powers as duties. So it's, which is actually somewhat significant in a number of ways, especially to take care clause next to the last one on here, which says the President of the United States is not just authorized or empowered to execute the laws. He has a duty to execute the laws, but they know that laws can't be executed 100% like all the time. And so his duty is to faithfully execute the laws. And notice also that they recognize that he isn't going to be executing the laws personally. There's a passive voice here. Somebody is going to be executing the laws and it is the President's duty to oversee them and make sure that they execute properly. This is a matter of current constitutional, the implications of this I should say are a matter of current current constitutional debate. The Supreme Court has probably decided 10 cases in the last 20 years in which this is an important part of the argument. So that's the content of the Constitution. I'd like to unpack it a little bit more analytically. This is not what the framers literally said, but if you work your way through, this is what they did. And I think they used three devices. And when I say devices, these are ways to have a powerful President who would not be equivalent to a King. First of all, they vested many of the King's prerogative powers in Congress, rather than in the executive, and a number of them they denied altogether. Then of the prerogative powers left in the President, almost all of them they trimmed down, they made them much less potent and therefore much less dangerous than the corresponding power that the King held. And then finally, they deal with the residue and by giving all the remaining executive power, the things that haven't been given to Congress, haven't been eliminated altogether, haven't been given to the President as a prerogative. They give those to the President in the form of the executive power clause, but, and this is my interpretation, there will be plenty of people who would disagree with this, but it is my contention that the best way to understand what they did is that the powers of this in this third bucket were made subject to the authority of Congress to regulate or control what he was doing. So they made, they demoted them, they're still executive powers, but they demote them from being prerogative powers to being powers that the President does not have to ask for them in advance. They're his by virtue of being President. But if Congress doesn't like it, Congress can pass a law telling them to do it differently. So details of the various prerogative powers of the King, every one of these is in Blackstone. I count, depending on how you count, I think there are about 42 prerogative powers of the King listed in Blackstone. And my theory here is that the members of the Committee of Detail either had a mental list because they were so familiar with Blackstone, or they may have even had Blackstone right there with them to make sure they got them because they treated the prerogative powers of the King as kind of a table of contents for what the various powers that they needed to do something about. Now remember what Wilson said, the prerogative powers of the King should not be the guide for the present, for the executive powers. So they didn't just follow the British model, but they used the British model to make sure they didn't leave anything out, to make sure that they dealt with everything of importance. So look at all the powers that they give to Congress. These are all powers King George had as of 1787 to make war. Letters of Mark and reprisal, that's basically authorizing, this is a type of war where you authorize attacks on private shipping. We could talk about that more, but they did a lot, it's like legalized piracy is what it is. The power to raise and support armies in the Army and the Navy, the power to coin money, a really important power, right? The power to, that's what, I mean, if you think of the federal, if you think of our dollars as being coinage, and that requires an argument, but I think it's persuasive, that's what the Federal Reserve does now is they decide how much money we're going to have and what the value is of it. Regulate weights and measures, establish the post office, patents and copyrights to find the law of nations, establish rules for the military forces, really think of how important that is, because the legislature representing the people get to decide about the behavior of the rules of conduct, like the uniform code of military justice and so forth. We'll talk, I'll give an example a little later, rules for naturalization, calling forth the militias, regulating the militias, regulating federal property, and creating and defining offices. All of those had been prerogative powers of the king, all of them are assigned expressly by the Constitution to Congress. Of the 40, as I count them, of the 42, I think that 41 of them from Blackstone were either explicitly or by very strong implication dealt with in the text of the Constitution. I think that's pretty remarkable. And 13 of the express powers given to Congress in Article 1, Section 8, were in fact royal powers under the British system. So powers are not by their nature necessarily executive or legislative depending upon the circumstances. Then some of the prerogative powers are given to the president to command the Army, Navy and militia in actual service, to demand opinions and writing which has to do with control over the bureaucracy, to issue reprieves and pardons, make appointments, make treaties. There are three of the, three of the prerogatives are limited by advice and consent. And then some of the prerogatives are turned into duties. Some of the prerogatives, do you want to have a slide on this? No, apparently not. So some of the prerogative powers of the king are eliminated altogether. He's the supreme head of the Church of England. Well, we're not going to have a Church of England. So the establishment clause eliminates that. He has the power to create nobility. He can make a new Earl of whatever, right? But we have an express prohibition on titles of nobility to make sure that that doesn't happen. So some of the prerogative powers of the king are simply eliminated. But the rest are divided up between Congress and the president. But I think this is really interesting, though even the prerogative powers are reduced in scope relative to the king in really interesting ways. But you have to, you have to really pay attention to the details. So the president shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy in the United States. So is the king. Blackstone calls him the generalissimo. But in the end of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States. Now we don't think in terms of militias. Our present day National Guard, which was created just after World War II, has some similarities to a militia. But the militia was really important back then. The difference between militia and army are, the army were full-time, usually lifetime. They were career army guys. And militia were part-time soldiers. So that you'd be on your farm. You would go like one day a month to train. And then if there was a war or some need for a militia, you would come out and serve.  And the framing generation regarded this as much safer.  We have a standing army of over three million people now. And we've kind of gotten used to it. And it would be a subject of a lecture in and of itself to say, how did we come to a place where we can have an army of over three million people and not be scared. Because at this time, they were scared because the army was used by the king to put down popular protests and so forth. And they were housed in people's homes. That's what our third amendment prohibits. And what did they do when they were there? Let's just say wives and daughters were not necessarily safe. And there's insult. There was a standing army was a source of enormous abuse. So we actually, our framers wanted not to have one. We wanted to rely on militias, which were safe, not quite as good at fighting, right, because they're amateurs, but still safe. And so but the president, they didn't want the president to control the militias, except when they're called into actual service. And elsewhere in the Constitution, Congress has the power to call them into actual service. And even then, only for three purposes, right, to suppress, respond to an invasion, suppress insurrections, and I forget what the third one is, but in any event, only in certain fixed circumstances by will of Congress, note then that there are and that militia is vastly larger than the standing army. Under Washington, the standing army at the first few years of the administration, it got a little bit larger later, but there were less than a thousand members of the army, most of them posted on the frontier. We were blessed, of course, by not having any dangerous close neighbors. At the same time, there were, I think it was five, I think Madison estimates something like 500,000 militia members, that may be high. I mean, have that number wrong. But it's a very high number. And in one of the Federalist papers, the scariest of all the Federalist papers, Madison actually calculates, what would happen? Who's stronger, federal government or the states? Should we really be fearful that the federal government will take over everything? No, Madison says, because the states have much more military power. Madison calculates that the largest number that could feasibly be in a standing army at the federal level was 25,000 versus half a million men under arms defending their own states. He says it's no contest. By the way, this is what the Second Amendment is really about, where it says the militia being important to the survival of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. It's to make sure that the federal government can't disarm the militias because the militias are a check against a potential military dictator in the person of the president. That's really what the Second Amendment was about. Then so the king controlled the militia too, not here. The largest number of fighting people in the whole country, the largest number, are not under the president's command. Except when they're in actual service, their officers are named by the state governments, not by the president. They're going to follow their own officers. It's an ingenious solution to the double problem of needing to be able to respond to military emergencies with large numbers of personnel, but being scared of the Julius Caesar phenomenon, where the army is loyal to its commander and cross the Rubicon and put an end to the Republic. It would have worked even better if the militias weren't so bad at fighting, but that's a subject for another day. He has the power to grant reprieves and pardons, as did the king, but only for offenses against the United States. In Britain, they don't have federalism, so every offense, every criminal offense is an offense against the king, so he could pardon everything. Roughly the numbers today, I don't know what the numbers would have been. They would have been even more extreme, but even today, about 95% of criminal prosecutions are at the state level, not the federal level. Think of how important this is. Think about our recently departed former president, Trump, and the fact that he is being prosecuted or might be being prosecuted, who knows, by the attorney general of New York and by the DA in Atlanta, he can't be pardoned for those prosecutions. It's only offenses against the United States. Even assuming the president can pardon himself, which I think maybe he can, he could not have protected himself against his legal danger coming from the states. Note also, except in cases of impeachment, so the president can never protect, you know, the impeachment is the stands out there as a potential sanction, no matter what. The power of pardon doesn't do anything about that. Appointments and treaties are made subject to advice and consent of the Senate. That's an important check. Vetoes are subject to congressional override. All of these were royal powers that were unlimited, and then convening and proroguing Congress. This is a huge power of the king. He could send Parliament home so he doesn't have to deal with the pesky legislature, and then he could summon the Parliament. So at his will, enormously important power, well, the president, you have to have somebody summoning, right? But only on extraordinary occasions, it says, and then he can adjourn them only in case of disagreement between the two houses over when to adjourn. So what was a very potent prerogative power of the president is like a tiny, shrunk to a tiny and mostly harmless thing for the president. And so they, so a number of powers are given to Congress all together, or taken out of the national scope all together. The prerogative power is given to the president, or mostly trimmed rather dramatically. And then the last thing that they do is that they provide that the executive power shall be vested in a president of the United States of America. Now I'm going to give you my reading of this, but you should know this is probably the most controversial among us sort of separation of powers, con-law type. So I'm going to give you my view, but don't assume that there's no other side to this. So what does that mean? There are two basic possibilities. One is that it bests certain unallocated powers of an executive nature in the president. That's the substance, and I call that the substantive interpretation. But maybe that isn't what it means. Look at the words themselves. It might just mean that we're going to have one president and his title is president, but his powers aren't, that this doesn't actually allocate any powers in and of itself. The powers are the ones that are set forth in sections two and three. Linguistically, that is perfectly plausible. So either of these interpretations works just as a matter of what the words themselves say. But if it were true that presidents only powers are the ones that are listed in sections two and three, there are all these gaps. It's like many things that you would expect an executive to be able to do aren't mentioned. Who sets foreign policy? There isn't a thing. Sending and receiving ambassadors is all there is, but much of foreign policy is set through means other than just sending and receiving ambassadors, who supervises the bureaucracy, who controls immigration and foreign travel, that there's a naturalization clause, but there's no immigration clause. There's no clause having to do with controlling the borders and who can go here or there. There are huge law interpretation functions in the executive branch not mentioned, who can fire, who gets to remove officers like the director of the FBI. The king had an explicit power discussed in Blackstone to remove officers. There's no explicit discussion of removal. I said that there was one, out of 42, 41 of them were explicit. Power removal was the one that was not explicit. And lo and behold, it is the very first constitutional controversy in the Congress is a debate over who has the power of removal. So it was probably just a mistake. So why else do I think that the substantive interpretation is right? Well, Madison seemed to think so. That counts for something. In his capacity as a member of the House of Representatives, they're debating whether the president can fire the Secretary of State without going to Congress for permission or without Congress having an override, like advice and consent. And Madison says, the Constitution affirms that the executive power shall be vested in the president. So he's quoting the vesting clause. The question now resolves itself into this, is the power of displacing an executive power. So clearly, Madison thinks there are, but this clause invests power. It doesn't tell us what they are. But we know that Madison subscribes to the substantive theory and not to just the nominal theory. Well, so does Thomas Jefferson. Did I promise I would mention him in the Jefferson lecture? He says, and this is a written opinion in his capacity as Secretary of State, he says, the transaction of business with foreign nations is executive altogether. It belongs then to the head of that department, except as to such portions of it as are specially submitted to the Senate as an advice and consent for ambassadors, advice and consent for treaties. The rest of it is executive. Where does that come from? It's not in sections two and three. It's in the vesting clause, the very first sentence of article two. And then we have our friend Alexander Hamilton even before the musical. He says, the general doctrine then of our Constitution is that the executive power of the nation is vested in the president subject only to the exceptions and qualifications which are expressed in the instrument. That means except for the things given to Congress, except for the various ways in which the powers were whittled down. Except for that, the residue is in the president. Now, as you probably remember from fifth grade US history, Jefferson and Hamilton were the heads of the two parties. They're opposite ends of the ideological spectrum. Madison is a close ally of Jefferson, but had been very close to Hamilton. If there's a proposition on which Madison, Hamilton, and Jefferson all agree, that's a pretty likely to show widespread agreement on that point. So the hypothesis here is that all powers of an executive nature, meaning those that aren't either legislative or judicial, that were not already allocated to the Congress or the president are included. And this, the implication of this is that if Congress has an enumerated power and passes a law that this necessarily supersedes the president's residual executive power, that may seem a little complicated, but basically the idea here is Congress's powers aren't all listed. If they are acting within the scope of one of those, and on the other side is one of these non-parrogative presidential powers, Congress wins, in the case of conflict. Here, rather than talking about this because I'm going over my time, let me just give you a couple of examples from recent history. President Obama tried to transfer the detainees from Guantanamo to the continental United States. That's certainly an executive power. It has to do with control over military detainees, and Congress passed a law saying, no, you can't do that. Obama considered, we know there was an internal debate saying, maybe I really do have the power, and he concluded, nope, that was, I have to do what Congress did. So he complied with Congress, evenly disagreed with them. Remember the so-called torture memo? What this is all about was the president in his capacity as commander-in-chief gets to decide how to treat military detainees, but Congress passed two statutes that regulated what could be done. Remember Congress's power to pass rules for the conduct of the armed forces? Well, they passed as one of them sponsored by Senator McCain. I'm guessing you all kind of remember this. This is like the biggest, most controversial thing 10 years ago. The Bush people decided that the president's authority trumped the Congress's authority, and it didn't bring him down, but it was like the biggest disaster, legal disaster, and the president was really forced into bringing in a new head of the office of legal counsel who withdrew the memos, which took that position, and I think most people, not everybody, but most people think that Bush was wrong and Congress had the power, and where does that come from? Well, it's because the power of the president was superseded when Congress passed a law within one of its enumerated powers. I mean, there are moral things one can say about torture, too. I don't want to just, but legally what matters is who has the power to decide these things, not what we think of them, and then you remember Trump's policy about processing alien claims outside the ports of entry. His theory was turn them away before they get here, and that was overturned because Congress had passed a law saying otherwise. Interestingly, there was then the COVID title 42 of the act which established the COVID emergencies, was then interpreted as new authorization to do the same thing, and Biden, the Biden administration, has been back and forth on this. So that issue is still with us, but pursuant to the COVID emergency rules rather than the basic law. So these are all examples of where President's authority is exercising power that he has unless Congress steps in and regulates it, which they did. So I'm going to call that a day, but just to say that on the third day of debate, just to bring it back to Charles Pinkney, third day of debate, Pinkney says, oh no, if we do that, we're going to have a monarchy, something that's effectively a monarchy, and that's what we don't want. And so then the committee of detail has these three devices in which they create quite a powerful executive, but considerably short of being a monarchy. And what I think is so, the thing that makes me animated about this is that we're facing the same questions for ourselves, but not looking forward to the future, but rather the actual experience of politics over the last several decades, because there has been a tendency of presidents of both parties to assert more power than people like me think that they actually have. And I want to stress both parties. And even now, even right now in the Supreme Court, we have some cases in which President Biden has done some things like, Dara, I hope there are no students here with outstanding loans, because they may beat me up. But one question, can the president actually cancel student loans when Congress has not appropriated the money to do that? I'm saying the answer to that is no. I think that's the same kind of principles here, because there are lots of ways you can think about questions of separation of powers. What I have done is to present a theory based upon the text and history of the Constitution. There's political science, there are all kinds of other ways one might do it, but there is one way that I think is not proper, and that's in a partisan way. That is, so many people think, if it's a president I voted for and whom I like, he can do whatever he wants. And if it's the other guy, the other party, well, then we're going to be very careful about constitutional limits. I submit to you that one of the most fundamental principles of constitutional law is what sauce for goo, the goose is sauce for the gander. And we really need to think, when it's a president of our own choosing, our own party, that's the time to be especially vigilant because the precedents are going to be set, and you can be darn sure that the other party is going to use those powers that your president is using for good things, they're going to use for things that you don't think are so good. Well, thank you. Thank you very much, Michael. We have time for some questions. Please go to the microphone stand, sir. At the back. No, you, sir. Please. Yes. Let me thank you for an extraordinarily rich and powerful talk which presented, I thought, a very, very strong critique of unitary executive theory. I thought it really did a terrific job in undermining that. The basic center of gravity of the talk was the division of powers, separation of powers between the Congress and the president. The unitary executive theory also, as I understand, deals with the issue of bundling or unbundling powers within the executive. That is to say, the idea of a single executive who has the capacity to appoint is, some people argue, the source of a power that is far greater than, for example, the power of a governor in a state where the attorney general is elected, other officials are elected. So the question seems to me, how does the Congress, how does the Constitution really resolve this issue? In particular, the issue of other institutions within the executive, which were, to a certain extent, capable of creating a kind of relative autonomy. The type of thing that the Brown Law Committee, for example, during FDR, called a fourth branch of government. The type of thing that, in a way, became important during the Saturday Night Massacre in the Nixon administration, or the attempt of Trump to put Jeffrey Clark in as the attorney general. Seriously, that's, in a way, a crucial issue. The relative autonomy of the Department of Justice, the attorney general, as opposed to the president. And my question really is, what guidance does the Constitution give us to adjudicate that version of the argument? Well, you may not like my answer to this. I'm guessing. So there are three levers of power that the president has, with respect to his own, to the executive branch, with respect to, say, cabinet departments or administrative agencies or the like. One is the power of appointment. So he gets to choose the people who are going to be in office. I don't think anyone doubts that the president has that with respect to all officers of the United States. So that includes so-called the fourth, independent fourth branch, if you believe in it, I'm going to call those independent agencies. They are also appointed. The heads of those are also appointed by the president. And I think that's not controversy. So the second thing that the president has the power to do is to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, which I think means that whoever is executing law is answerable to the president and the president will decide whether that they are doing it the way he wants. And I don't think that that, now maybe this is controversial, but I don't think that that just means are they not violating the law. I think it means are they administering in the way that it ought to be, and that's going to be a policy fraught determination. Joe Biden is going to look at it in one way. Donald Trump would have looked at it in another. Any president is going to look at it in a slightly different way. And then the third thing, the third lever of power is removal. And this was the power of the king that was left not addressed in the constitution. I believe that the president does have the power of removal and that there are no independent fourth branches of government. I think he can fire them all. And I think we should be glad about that because I don't think that we should have bureaucracies with large scale discretionary policy making powers that aren't answerable to somebody who is answerable to the people. Now that's a political science sort of judgment on my part. Some people really believe in independent agencies. They think maybe they have expertise or something. I spent a number of years in the bowels of the bureaucracy and expertise. I don't know. I pardon a little skepticism when they make decisions. I think it's a lot more politics than it is expertise most of the time. But I do not think that this means we have a unitary executive in the way people use that term meaning. But what they mean is they look at that first sentence of article two. The executive power is vested in the president. And I think what they say is everything that goes on in the executive is directly controllable by the president. I think our framers were more subtle than that. And the most important way that you can see that is that the president appoints but only with the advice and consent of the Senate. So he can't just put into office people who will just do the Senate cares both about policy but at least when they're doing their jobs the way I wish they would be doing their job. They also should be looking at issues of character and experience and so forth. And many if you look at maybe not recent history but our lifetime history many times the Senate has danged nominees for reasons that you just they're just not trustworthy people. And that's important. And since officers of the United States I think don't don't take this to the bank but I believe on average they serve just a little bit over two year terms that they know there's a lot of churn. And that means the president is going to be going back to the Senate. And although the Senate often confirms the first raft of people while everybody while the president has a honeymoon and give him his give him his head at the beginning. None of our recent presidents have continued to have a honeymoon for more than a few years. If they if he has to go back every two years that's going to be a very substantial check. And there is also a check from the courts because the agents although you can't really sue the president you can sue the Secretary of Treasury or you know all the various officers of government when they are violating your rights. And that's a very substantial check as well. Maybe even more so. This is a little off topic but since the this started really at the end of the last couple of years of the Obama administration it became very common for state attorneys general of in that case red states to sue using their taxpayer dollars but really and sue on things that is none of their business but where they to challenge executive action they would then have a friendly judge often for when it's the red state suing it's often the northern district of Texas when it's the blues they have the the Democrats have a few have more choices of you know reliable district judges. You go to your reliable district judge you get a nationwide injunction against the president's action and it takes what two years three years four years at least two or three years usually to get up through the court system not infrequently the Supreme Court says no the president had a right to do that right but it's too late most of his presidency is over and there's been an injunction against the thing he's doing so to my mind in in in that sense we have maybe two we have overdone it and there are currently three cases in the Supreme Court in which the authority of state attorneys general to bring this kind of action and get that kind of order is up I don't I really do not know what the Supreme Court is going to do about those but I do think it's a real problem and again a bipartisan problem. Biden is having the problem right now Trump had the problem Obama had the problem it is a recent phenomenon though. Historian Gordon Wood citing the founder of American Studies has suggested that the founders were looking at tyranny anticipated and that they misunderstood the glorious revolution and the actual powers that King George III had and exercised which are demonstrated in the language which they used in the Declaration of Independence. Now notwithstanding that it somehow has worked out after George Washington presidents became partisan and while the English monarch is a sovereign that represents the nation oftentimes the American president is viewed as not only partisan but also the leader of the nation and those two seem to be in conflict with each other. All I can say I think that's almost entirely true I would might maybe add just a little bit to it it is certainly true that you can that the many of the framers did not understand the developments that had happened in Britain between the glorious revolution and 1787 you can some of them some of them were much more au courant than others just a quick example of that is the veto that on paper George III still could veto any act of parliament and he could not be overridden the last time anyone had done that was Queen Anne and I believe it was 1708 okay so and and most I think most historians including Gordon Wood think that if the king had vetoed anything it would have been like a constitutional crisis and he might very well have been been kicked out although there's another view probably true at the same time even though it's the opposite this is David Hume's view is that this was just the lack of vetoes was just a sign that the king had taken over he was using basically the gift of offices and lucrative things had he had all these this corruption was the word they used for it that he was able to use these subtle things to buy off parliaments so effectively that he didn't need to veto anything because nothing was ever passed that he didn't want to begin with who knows maybe both of those things are true and the other thing you said which is so true and so important our framers did not anticipate party politics in our in our way and there are all kinds of things about our constitutional system that work in a different way than they expected I love one of your I think you said luck into or you said something about how we we stumbled into a lot of the things we stumbled into they'll actually work surprisingly well even though they weren't what the people were expecting but wouldn't you think that perhaps they actually understood purposely wanted to not only charge the king with offenses but wanted to make sure that nobody had such a I I do I think I mostly agree with that you showed us all the hard work that the committee of detail in the congress did in dividing up the executive power and and regulating the executive power and you also showed us that some of the founders when questions came about the scope of what was allocated were were very ready and willing to weigh in with their views and opinions on that. You know, I think you didn't say anything about Hamilton or Madison saying well let's go ask the spring court so what did they think who how did they think when there was when the when the executive power isn't vested in a single king and it's divided up and regulated and chopped up who did the founders think would resolve these questions about the scope and who has which so the supreme court the courts had nothing they were not engaged in this for the first decade and a half uh and uh it was these were they were debates in congress Madison make and and debating the bank of constitutionality the bank of the united states as something like uh you know we are we are the body that decides these things and and we'll be setting precedents that will you know last uh the whole time uh I'm afraid I'm about to nerd out is that okay would you so this will take me two minutes to do the do the full nerd uh but you're probably all familiar with Martin's and you're probably all familiar with Martin's two minutes to do the do the full nerd uh but you're probably all familiar with Marbury versus Madison everybody knows it as the first supreme court case that established that the the supreme court or the courts have power to independently judge whether or not acts of congress or constitutional or not that is not true uh plainly not true even though it's taught in almost every law school in america uh the supreme court already did that it was not established it's not that they didn't have the power it's that no everybody knew they had the power there was a case called united states versus hilton about eight years before marbury which was a straightforward constitutional challenge to a statute passed by congress by the way it was a tax on carriages if you're interested and the a prominent framer named luther martin represented the plaintiffs alexander hamilton represented the department of treasury uh the the justices of the supreme court had been right there at the constitutional convention and the court upheld the statute and so we say well but that's the but nobody doubted the only issue was the constitutionality so but what's really important there was something important about and knew and controversial about marbury versus madison but it wasn't judicial review of acts of congress it was judicial review of acts of the president because it was a challenge to the secretary of state's failure to do something and thomas jefferson was president and he took the view he looks at the clause that says the president shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed and he says that means the president is the one who decides whether the law is being faithfully executed or not so if anybody has a problem with what the secretary of state is doing or not doing come to me send me a petition and the court uh says no we have the powered issue a writ of mendamus a mendamus is a as a prerogative writ that tells the officer to the person to whom it is directed to do something as opposed to telling him not to do something that's it's a mandate as opposed to a prohibition and that was what was at issue that's what jefferson he was like through a tantrum about this in marbury versus madison and guess what happened his attorney general named cesar rodney issued an order to all the u.s. attorneys around the country saying do not obey any uh ritz of mendamus against the executive branch because they're unconstitutional and there were the supreme court does not issue another writ of mendamus until the 1840s so uh you ask why doesn't the supreme court involved uh part reason if they aren't aren't involved in the separation of powers things is that there were at least the jeffersonian side of the spectrum thought that they had no business being involved it's it's clear that we could continue for some time um but i want to invite you all instead to a reception which is now about to take place uh and perhaps you can buttonhole michael and uh and ask questions that you might have informally uh in the meantime please would you join me in thanking uh michael mcconnell for his


So, today I am going to discuss a numerical example on design of square footing. Learning outcomes at the end of this session the learners will be able to determine the area of footing, then the effective and overall depth of footing and they are also able to determine the reinforcement required for a footing and they can sketch the reinforcement arrangement in footing. This is a design example design a square footing for a short actually loaded column of size 300 mm by 300 mm carrying 600 kilo Newton load use M 20 concrete and Fe 4 and 5 steel. The safe bearing capacity of the soil is 180 kilo Newton per meter square sketch is the details of the reinforcement solution. The first step we are supposed to find out the size of footing. The size of footing for that we have to consider the load on the column P is the load on the column 600 kilo Newton and the self weight of the column is usually taken 10 percent of the load on the column. So, that is 600 divided by 10 percent of the 600 diverse out to be 60 kilo Newton. So, total load it is 660 kilo Newton. So, the SBC of the soil that is safe bearing capacity of the soil is 180 kilo Newton per meter square. So, if we divide the total load that is 1.1 times P by SBC we get the area of footing as 3.667 meter square. The size of this footing if you take root of it is 1.91 meter by 1.91 meter. So, let us provide a 2 meter by 2 meter footing. Second step so, we have to find out the reaction soil reaction from the factored load. Now, please remember while finding area of the footing we have not taken the factored load we have taken given load as it is with a self weight of footing because the this is a serviceability condition. So, since it is a serviceability condition the factor for serviceability is only 1. So, therefore, here we are not multiplied load by 1.5 we have taken as it is. So, whereas, when we go for design we require a factor load. So, for design soil reaction from the factored load we calculate factor load 1.5 times P it is 1.5 times 600 divided by B square that is the area of the footing it is 2 meter by 2 meter we get 0.225 Newton per mm square as the upward pressure. Now, we shall we should find out the depth of footing from the depth of footing is calculate done from three consideration from the consideration of single shear. The depth will be found and this particular depth will be checked for 2A shear and this is also checked for bending. So, the critical section is at a distance d from the face of the column for as shown in figure for a single shear now this is a plan of the footing. So, here the critical section for the single shear is at a distance d from the face of the column. Now, d is the effective depth of the footing and B is the breadth of the footing which is 2000 mm small b is the width of the column that is 300 mm. Now, v u is the soil pressure from the shaded area. Now, the shaded area is shown in figure here. So, this is the shaded area. So, total distance that is this is 2000 from that I have to 2000 minus I have to make this particular the size of the column which I have considered and then afterwards. So, we have to find out what is this particular shaded area. So, the shaded area is calculated. So, it is 2000 minus 300 divided by 2 minus this particular d that is the distance from the face of the column. So, therefore, here we will get q u into b that is b is the total width of the footing then b minus b divided by 2 minus d. So, that will give you the total this particular soil pressure from the shaded area it was out to be 450 into 180 minus d. So, assuming 0.2 percent steel for m 20 concrete the tau c is determined from table 19 of IS 456 2000 tau c was out to be 0.32 newton per mm square. So, minimum depth required is tau c bd is equal to v u. So, tau c bd if we equate to v u we get minimum depth required will be equal to 351 mm provide a effective depth of 360 mm. So, therefore, so now let us check that particular depth whether it is safe or not from bending moment consideration this is checked from bending consideration.  So, this is as per g 0.1 0.1 c that is maximum moment carrying capacity of the footing in bending. So, x u limit by d is 0.48 for fe 4 and 5. So, therefore, m u limit was out to be 0.138 fck bd square. So, if we substitute 0.138 fck is 20 b is 2000 d square is 360 square. So, it was out to be 815.2 into 10 to the power of 6 Newton mm. So, m u is calculated at the face of the column as shown in figure 2. Now, where will be the maximum bending moment for the footing slab?  So, therefore, can you tell me where will be the maximum bending moment at the footing slab? The maximum bending moment of the footing slab is at the face of the column here at the face of the column it is maximum because it is a cantilever. So, therefore, at the face of the column we have a maximum bending moment. Now, this is a critical section for maximum bending moment. So, m u is calculated it is moment of the forces under shaded area about x x. It is q u into b into b minus b by 2 into b minus b by 4 it is at the center of this b minus b by 2 is this particular distance. So, it is q into b into b minus b square divided by 8. So, that will give us a bending moment of 162.563 into 10 to the power of 6 Newton mm which is less than m u limit which we have calculated. What is m u limit we have calculated? So, m u limit we have calculated is 815.2 into 10 to the power of 6. So, which is greater than this particular value of 162.563. So, therefore, depth provided is sufficient. So, now, let us check for Tuasier. The critical section for Tuasier is at a distance d by 2 from the face of the column. So, it is shown on the in the figure over here figure 3 shows critical section for Tuasier. And the critical section for Tuasier is this one. So, this is critical section for Tuasier. So, here it is at a distance d by 2 from the face of the column here, here also it is at a distance d by 2. So, therefore, the perimeter or the each side of a critical section works out to be b plus d. So, this is also b plus d and this side is also b plus d. Now, this particular to find out what is the shear force along this particular critical section. So, we have to find out the upward pressure in the shaded area for Tuasier stress we have to calculate. The Tuasier stress is given by upward pressure in the shaded area. So, divided by area of the critical section. So, area of the critical section consists of perimeter of the critical section into the depth effective depth. So, it is this is the perimeter that is 4 into b plus d. So, that was what we 26440 mm. So, 2640 mm into effective depth is 360. So, that will give us the this is the perimeter of the critical section into the depth effective depth that will give us the area resisting this particular shear critical shear. So, critical Tuasier is the area shear force in this in this shaded area. Now, that we will calculate so, 0.225 into 2000 by 2000 this is this will give us the total downward load minus 660 into 660 that is the area of the this particular breadth of the inner portion. So, that will give us the total downward load divided by this perimeter into depth that will give us the Tuasier stress as 0.844 Newton per mm square. So, the maximum shear stress permitted for as per to with respect to I is 4562000 is 0.25 times root fck. So, 0.25 times root fck is 20 it is 1.118 Newton per mm square whereas, we are getting 0.844 as Tuasier. So, therefore, this is depth 360 mm is sufficient from consideration of Tuasier. So, now, Mu we have to you use this particular with equation g 0.1.1 b from is 4562000 to find out the area of steel we equate Mu root to the this AST into BD into D into 1 minus AST into Fy upon BD fck. So, we equate it we find out area of steel it is 1299 mm square. And using 12 mm bars spacing of the bars it is area of 1 bar divided by area required into 2000 it was sort to be 174 mm centre to centre. So, provide 12 mm bars at 170 mm centre to centre. So, that is the main steel and since it is a 2 AST provided the percentage steel provided was sort to be 0.185. So, Tuasier as from is 456 Tuasier was sort to be 0.308 Newton per mm square and Tuvi it is VU upon BD it was sort to be 0.306 which is less than the Tuasier max or Tuasier therefore, therefore, no we can provide the reinforcement. The development length also we should check so, which is less than Tuasier 0.3606 is less than Tuasier therefore, development length Tuvi D it is M 20 concrete and Fe 4 and 5 it is 1.2 times 1.6 1.92 so, LD provided it is 564. So, this much length is available beyond the phase of the column hence it is ok. Now, this is the reinforcement arrangement this is the main steel and the perpendicular to it we find the another that is also main steel because it is a 2 way cantilever. So, both are 12 mm torque HYSD bars 170 mm centre to centre both way these are references used for the preparation and thank you one and all.


This is TFNN, the Tiger Financial News Network News Update. Good morning everyone, Basel Chapman here for the 10 o'clock Tiger Financial News Network Market Update. On this Wednesday, the 29th of March, just about a wrap up the month of March, you can see this candle right here, long legged doji candle, we need to see a nice close above the 33,000 level by Friday, that would be really very good for this market. But if a pullback under 32,200 will say not yet ready for prime time, we're looking at the Dow up 243,000 at 32,637, the S&P is also up quite nicely, S&P is up 42,000 and 4,014. As I said, it needs to get to 4,018,425 level to say, hey, I have a chance of making that leg deep over this particular week, and that's really important, that would be over the high that was made on the 22nd of March of 4,039.49, that would be really important to go to a leg deep, looking at the QQQ, now this is fascinating, look, the Dow is up 1.1%, S&P is up 8.8%, S&P is up 1.1%, the QQQs are up 1.4%, up 454, 311.66, so yesterday I was talking about this and then we slid down a little bit deeper and then we came back towards the end, now we're running quite nicely, I like this, I said to subscribers this morning, this is good action so far in the QQQ, if we can tackle and start to close over the next week, above the 317 level, up into the 320s, that's going to be a remarkable, really good action for the QQQ, index 100, the IWM, the small caps, up 1.1%, up $1.19, 175, still lagging desperately, this is really interesting, look, gold is down from the high, but it's still up 10 at 1983, it's stuck in this range, the 9 is way above the 14, that's a really big positive, MACD is good, Stochastic's pulled back to 77%, radical strength has started to weaken, so I'm watching this very closely because if you look at the dollar, the dollar is trying to rally, it's up 31 ticks at 102.74%, but it's really not acting very well, look at bonds, bonds keep pulling back, rates keep running, not much with our running, and crude oil as we go into the break because I'm about to do my show of retirement technicians, our crude oil is up 92 cents, not bad action now in the crude oil.


Hello friends. I'm Sanjay Gupta. I welcome you on Sanjay Gupta Tech School. In this video, I'm going to demonstrate how you can launch screen flow using quick action. And for example, I'm going to create opportunity from a count record phase. So on a count record phase, I will be creating a quick action and that will call or launch your screen flow and an opportunity will be created that will be associated to that account. Before starting, if you want to search, sorry, if you want to watch Salesforce training videos, you can search my name Sanjay Gupta on YouTube and you can follow my YouTube channel. There you will find various playlists related to Salesforce and other programming languages. So you can follow them. Now coming on to the topic. So let me create first screen flow and then we will be creating quick action and then we'll test to create opportunity from a counterpart page. So I have already created one screen. And this is screen flow. So whenever you create new flow, there will be two options, either screen flow or auto launch flow. So select screen flow. This is my first screen. Here I mentioned opportunity name and stage. So for stage I created record, sorry, a pick list choice set. So here it is. So you can create this pick list choice that you need to select the object as opportunity data pick list and field that stage name. And then you can use this pick list choice set in this screen. So on the screen from left hand side, you can search for pick list. You can drag and drop it. And on right hand side, you can select your pick list choice set from here. So this way I created do two components. First is opportunity name that is simple text component and second is pick list component that is using pick list choice set. Now I'm going to create one more screen. So this screen will be receiving date and its label is closed date. It will be required screen label I have to provide some opportunity to done. So this way second screen is also created. So while creating opportunity three things are required. Opportunity name, stage and closed date. So we also we already put all three things. Now while creating quick action on account, we need to pass account ID as well so that we can link account with opportunity. So for that purpose I'm just creating a new resource as variable. It's API will be record ID and it's data type will be text and click on this available for input. So remember that whenever you want ID of a particular record from a record page in your flow. So you just need to create record ID variable and the ID of that record will be automatically available in this variable. So after creating these screens, we need to create one more element that is create record element and here I'm typing label as create opportunity. So how many records one record we need to create. So if you have one record field, sorry, if you have one record, then you can choose first option. If you have separate resources and literal, then you can choose second. So we have different resources. So I'm choosing second option. It will be opportunity because we need to create opportunity record. Now here we need to associate those values with the fields. So first time putting name with opportunity name then add more fields. So stage name. So here screen component as this the list. So here you don't need to select this pick list choice that we need to select this. Then close date ID will be available in record ID. So this way I mapped all four fields with all four different resources. Clicking on done. You can also do one thing like you can all you can set all four values in a single record table or record resource and you can simply assign that into create opportunity as well. So I'm linking these. So this way it is created. I'm sitting this I'm activating this. So it's label is create opportunity record. And here I'm refreshing this page. This flow will be available there. A new version will be available. So create opportunity record. So its version is two. So we created, so we updated that version and activated. Sorry, I clicked here. I need to click here. And you details and so I'm closing this. So here you can see latest version is activated. Now we can use this in protection. So now I'm going to set up in setup. We need to search for account object and inside account object. We need to create a quick action. So from object manager. You can select account object. At left hand side, you will see button links and action. So from here, you need to click on new action. So it is for new action here type you need to select. So you can see from protection or action we can create a record, send email log a call. We can call custom visual code space. We can update a record. We can call lightning component and we can call a flow. So these all operations we can do with this action. So here flow name is available that is created opportunity record. And standard label type. So I'm not choosing anyone here. Label create opportunity record. Its API is created. Now I'm clicking on save. So this way we created action and this action is linked with this flow. Now we're ready to use it. So one more thing that we need to do. So I'm clicking on back going on page layout. So we need to put this quick action on page layout as well. So that it will be visible on the record page. So you need to scroll down. So here you can see Salesforce mobile and lighting experience actions are available. And from here mobile and lightning action you can search for that. Create opportunity record and I'm dragging and dropping it on the first position. Clicking on save. So page layout is modified. So first we created screen flow then we created action. Then we put that action on page layout. Now moving to account record page. Doing a refresh. So after refreshing. That button should be available on the record page so that we can create opportunities. So here it is. So as I click on this button it will launch the screen flow automatically so that we can put all the required details. So here you can see label is available as header. Putter is having next button. So here we can put the opportunity so opportunity to action here. Stages are available. So I'm choosing qualification. Clicking on next. So here I'm choosing date as 31st March and I'm clicking on next. So flow is completed. Now we need to check related opportunities. So here you can see opportunities created automatically stages qualification close date. If I want to open it so it is opened in a new tab. So you can see the details. So opportunity name is opportunity to action close date is available account name is available and stays available. So you can see I didn't pass account record ID. It is passed automatically and it is received in the record ID variable that we created here. So you just need to create this record ID variable record ID will be fast automatically. So this way I demonstrated you how we can launch screen flow using quick action in Salesforce lightning. So I hope you understood whatever I demonstrated in this video. If you want to watch more Salesforce training videos, you can search my name and you can watch various playlists on my YouTube channel. Thank you for watching this video.


Everybody forced here up at 22 23 spectra basketball hobby eight box case number 15 tiered random results on screen can be found at late sports cards commas do this Braxton barrios It's going on Steve Well, at least Lane's not being a not being on the trash Lane hasn't been on the trash since the national I think Wait, let me get there's there's a statue of Lane driving a suburban Yep out front of Lane sports cards at the speedometer says like 95 miles an hour Driving by speed It's a whole statue Oh boy, the abate we've got Quentin Grimes next to 49 I drove with him when he was driving his new car. He drives like this daisy And tonight Alvarado auto pelicans Jones car, come on Nausea report zingus for the wizards and Max Christie on the rookie jersey autograph for the Lakers to 199 Christie yet 87 of 199 Got to 49 is Pascal Siakam for the Raptors, I don't know legal Patriots AJ green bucks auto. I thought I do green just retired today as a bangle AJ green bucks out of the 99 redemption here coming up. Let's go Got Jalen Durand to 149 Herbert Jones for the pelicans And redemption is Jaden Ivy rookie jersey autograph gold big-time card pistons Love to see it go into Kurt congrats Kurt That'll be fire That will be fire Probably just holding every play the raptor is not calling it Exactly what's going on I'm not even gonna really watch Yeah, the way yeah the way get off me This team stinks dude dude Christian Brown, all right Patriots need to start playing like it's like it's the regular season in that preseason right now That's our Eastern rookie to 149 for the Rockets Redemption here is gonna be Paul George color graphs that goes to the Clippers Wow Paul George That's pretty sick actually Harper's getting the Paul George clips redemption. I'm gonna double check that it's clippers. I'm pretty sure that's it That's his first thing auto's in product since what 15 or 16. Yeah, I'm pretty sure it goes to his current team. That's awesome Yeah, it is Clippers confirmed wanted to make sure on that hadn't seen his stuff in And he hits of his in anything recently nice Paul George redemption What loves been fine got to 49 Kenney Martin Jr. For the Rockets. This is terrible man 25 on the autograph T-Wolves and Akilah Alexander Walker Don't do the patch just want to show up at some point tonight. It's embarrassing Who's into the team this trash Psychedelic is Max Christie Lakers rookie Short print Max Christie and color graphs for the Nets is gonna be a Seth Curry 49 nice color gonna color graphs are cool So that's gonna be not this like ice look, but that's gonna be what the Paul George is like To 49 is D'Angelo Russell to 99 D'Angelo Russell for the Lakers And illustrious legends auto to 99 Zach Randolph for the Grizzlies Zebo auto Zebo They're all fast. They gotta be the fastest team. They're all fast them and the chiefs got like the fastest receivers Passive no idea what they're doing out there. Look at this. They don't know what's going on. Well the whistle It's pretty good all day today 249 rookie Orlando Richard Orlando Robinson for the heat James worthy to 99 Lakers auto here. He'll they still have solvent on that. All righty That is a rookie Peyton Watson Denver to 49 and Tim Hardaway, Jr. to 49. That's Mavericks and Nicks Dual team a random at the end there Mavericks Nicks on the hard way Random at the end Sam Mobley, that's Harrison Barnes to 149 for the Kings Touchdown To 25 pill lamp here auto for the Pistons I saw a ball I didn't see Did he just like kind of stumble and then like fall on it weird Like What made him tripped It's a 99 wizards Chris apps for zingus after the drive started I'm feeling a little better now that was ridiculous how it started Agbaji jazz RPA nice. Oh check Baji. That's number to 49 great hit for Utah Utah give me two Times it happens. Hey, at least it wasn't as bad as a butt fumble. At least it wasn't an actual sack and he just threw it away Otherwise otherwise you're going on not top 10 for sure Peyton Watson rookie to 149 nugs God Larry Johnson high flyer sky high signatures not high flyers high flyers of flawless This is sky high signatures to 99 for the Hornets I'm excited to pull some some some high flyers out of flawless football on Wednesday guys Man that checklist is gonna be fun Jamar Chase a lot of Jamar Chase rookies in there Kyle pits has rookies in there A lot of guys like there's the bunty Adams Packers cards in there as well You floss on Wednesday is gonna be by your 299 Tobias Harris for the Sixers Johnny Davis the 50 rookie green aspiring auto for the wizards It's what he's posting. He's posting the trash thing, but it's really a self-reflection on him I think that's just a projection of himself the 25 Johnny think a minga for the Warriors Gary Peyton is 75 illustrious legends auto sonics nice glove on card auto sonics go to okc It's a cool one on card Peyton So 149 Gary Trent for Toronto and a Santi Aldemar to 99 on the Grizzlies auto Then they said they're like sake ones probably knows isn't great, right? Anyone saw that what what did that know if I deleted the notification? What did it say like it's not great? Like he's done poor guy wasted his career with the Giants He's he's the new Barry Sanders except without all the Anthony next to some injuries early There's some if you know how to if you take your time you know how to pick them you can do so well Prop that's the the player props the player prop specifically Valen shewness to 25 for the pelicans Jabari Smith jr. Rookie Jersey autograph Rockets Heck yeah, Jason H with the Rockets to barry Smith jr. Rookie Jersey auto 182 of 199 That one bag for you. All right, and then 12 minutes later. We get the kickoff Was a long drive to three minutes left First quarter That's around like sixth place always run like six point Johnny Davis he got Cade Cunningham number to 149 for the Pistons Mark price to 49 on the Cavaliers auto Yeah, some of the basketball ones you can you can hit on pretty well too for like player props Miles ran out about six weeks Pretty good. So, you know, my team is just totally screwed not my Another two-yard game by the Patriots offense classic 2049 Zion pelicans and a yokim no auto to 49 Not a lot of yokim no autos out there bulls in the deep space Noah.  They just eat a tank Shake one is their offense and he's hurt. So they should tank. This has been a good one Luminance at nine to go next This is exactly how the first drive started though. Oh really? There's a flag. See it was a flag now Use it on Usually it's the Patriots. Oh line. Come on breaking the rules. Are we dolphins? Loft and you got Bogdanovich to 1 to 49 for the pistons. Yeah, Shengyu now sky-high six rockets rockets with a nice break here Shengyu in the 49 This has been nice. We need like a There's like weird These are just base where there's some weird those to the Christian Wood menagerie I felt it when I when I think around the back look at the it's like weird roller damage on the back of these two base cards Harris and Macau bridges I'm I just wanted to point that out I'm not gonna send a box wrapper because they're base cards, but I just wanted to make you guys aware of that that that's You can see the roller there.  Oh wait, that's right We have Ezekiel Elliot now Is equal Elliot has a lot of older stuff and flawless this this Wednesday too. So a lot of cowboys is equal Elliot We should see You'll be tricky to 1 to 49 for the heat Interesting that he's out there right now not Ramon Dre Sadiq Bay color graphs astral. I believe that that should go Hawks. I just want to double check since trade was semi-recent not super recent, but Recent enough Yeah, he's only Hawks in this. So Hawks Sadiq Bay. Oh, yeah, that's right. They could trade for cam makers I just don't know why anyone would anyone would trade for a running back. I just don't understand why you Good ball just good coverage Tell me we don't have we don't have receivers that are gonna go up and get it We don't have those guys Sam will be rookie Jordan Goodwin wizards to 99 99 yeah, and Nicola Jovic to 99 rookie aspiring autograph for Miami Bro, got him. We just got so lucky Oh, he has it, oh, I thought of the the pads guy had it No pads turn over that's how it goes I want the pads to win but like I can't be that seven they lose because that's the status quo That's the status quo, baby 249 is D'Angelo Russell to 149 Lakers coming out of 49 on the rating autograph for the Warriors to show what happened to him Chase the show up. Yeah, dude the the bangles. They looked better on offense today, but the Ravens like you can't Kind of show up for a game against the Ravens or the Ravens have their number especially on defense Yeah, five starters out 49 Chris Paul Sons. That's the thing. That's the thing, right? Yeah, man, Draugage on the bulls. Wow bulls draugage out of the 49. Wow What's up, Chris Sick Yep, that's trash Nikola Jovich to 49 for the heat that's thanks Nikola boots of itch retrospect autographs Ashe also retrospect is gonna be bulls and magic Bulls magic random at the end on the boots of itch retrospect It's true. So the retrospect is like the other that's him hard away. We had earlier. That's um Nixon maverick, so it's similar things there number five of eight is a christian wood A universal die cut five of eight for the mavs Yeah, bangles always start slow. It's because they're coaching stings jaylon duran rookie redemption andrew nemmar rookie jersey autos super nova You go pacer is nice Right about now. Say one's like, why did I sign that deal? You should have just held out Should have just held out All right, last box. Let's see where we're out on luminance next everybody A lot of orders coming in recently. Love to see that NBA has best ball. Oh, I'm all all I'm all over that anthony dude sunday fun day is at three to go everybody Time is coming to get your spots for sunday fun day Uh, luminance is down to four next by the way. We're at four to go on luminance In cases at five nt is at nine with teams on sale plates and patches is at 21 as well A lot a lot of orders coming in That's sick stomped on his legs Rookie number to 49 david roddy for the grizzlies a keegan murray to 199 rookie jersey autograph for sacramento There we go. Sacramento. We'll get that one in a mag for you Lofton smart dyson daniels universal rookie die cut number to eight Appreciate you tyler five of eight Daniels we got sixers d anthony melton catalysts autograph One more big hit here. Come on To 99 Horford to 149 for the seas And warriors rookie auto aspiring ryan rollins to 99 I'll tie her heels again the ball right here That was easy to see Everybody but the defense could see that Got menagerie david roddy for the grizzlies And steve franchise sky high signatures for the rockets It's a cool rockets hits this case 10 of 49 steve francis Okay, two retrospect randoms to do here So again, the first retrospect is a hardaway um nixon maves Tim hardaway jr. And then the next one is a nicola vuchovitch. This is going to be a magic and bulls Magic and bulls you'll go seven times on each top spot. We'll get the cards one two three four five six and seven Mavericks going to get the hardaway And then the vuchovitch one two three four five six and seven The bulls will get the vuchovitch Hit recap Uh, vuchovitch went to the bulls Hardaway went to the maves steve francis ryan rollins d anthony melton goren draguage for the bulls there draguage bulls kaminga Yovitch jibari walker alpren shengun kimba matambo for the hawks Yo kim noa mark price santi aldema gary patin johnny davis larry johnson oh shag bhaji bill lambir james worthy zack randolph will zebo action Well, it's all moving ball again That's set curry nikhil alexander walker aj green max christy Jose alvarado redemption pacers andrew nemard rickie jersey auto supernova And then a color graphs ashile sadeek bay for the hawks God rickie jersey auto keegan murray for the kings 199 to 199 as well jabaris with the junior the rockets He had clippers paul george color graphs redemption PG action there and jaden ivy pistons rickie jersey auto gold redemption. That's a biggie Thank you all very much. We've got football coming up


We have one question from the social media, the Facebook. Amit Madan wants to know, in this materialistic age the real feeling of love is disappearing from our life. Most of the love we receive from others and expressed to others is superficial. How can we reinforce the real feeling of love in our own life and in others? Forget about others. If you… if you learn to be loving by your own nature, not because of somebody else or something else, I know the question is coming from Facebook, there's an enormous possibility. You can even love those people who don't even exist. So I'm saying it's a tremendous possibility. So if you just become love, not love somebody, then you will know the nature of love. If you love somebody, it's a fickle happening because no human being will happen a hundred percent the way you want them. Every human being on this planet is going to disappoint you, believe me. Not because they'll do something wrong, because nobody can fulfill the unrealistic expectation you have of them. It's simply not possible. Have you been able to fulfill anybody's expectation I'm asking you entirely? Partially, but never entirely, isn't it? So nobody else will be able to do it.  That ideal person is going to come from somewhere. No, believe me, whoever comes, I want you to know the ideal people whom you worship, when Krishna was there, his wife's complained. All right. So there is no hope for us. Yes, please remember this.