Today our speaker, whom I suspect is probably known pretty much everyone, except me beforehand, is Annie Danes, who is, she tells me in her seventh and final year here in the Department of Anthropology she's about to file, and she also says she's on the job market. So if anyone has a job that they want to come up and give her after the talk, then she would consider it. And she's going to today talk about, oh she's also from Los Angeles is something else that I learned, and did her BA at Barnard College there, you can get a little bit of geography. She's going to today speak to us about Landscapes of Inequality, which really is about two distinct projects that are both part of her PhD dissertation, one involving self-built structures at the Albany Bulb, so nearby, and the other relating to her association with the Berkeley Abacue Collaborative Archeology, the BACA project, where she also has done some work I guess on irrigation systems and things of the sort, which fit in with her general interests of community-engaged archaeology, landscapes of inequality and materiality of inequality, which you do for a amount of GIS, I would understand as well from your blurb. So let's turn our attention to her and hear what she has to tell us about what she's been laboring on now for I suspect probably a few years. I just realized I forgot to put the mic on, so. Thank you, Ted, and for that introduction, and Sarah, and the ARF team for organizing the Brown Bag series. It's been a central part of my education here. And I'll begin with an acknowledgement that we are gathered on the unceded sovereign lands of the Aloni people. In doing so, I acknowledge the elders of Aloni communities past and present, acknowledge the painful history of genocide-enforced removal from this territory, and recognize the indigenous people still present on this land today. That's the end of the talk. There we go. This acknowledgement is the start of my talk, not a preamble. Today, I will talk about how acknowledgments like this one reference displacement and erasure present in the lives of people in North America today. The histories of colonialism and capitalism are the landscape upon which we stand in the present. Today, I will talk about land, material, and inequality. Inequality is a material phenomenon. It coheres in matter and orients our experience of time and place. Inequality is landscapes, structures, rivers and roads, letters and tin cans and chip stone, as much as it is stories, identities and history, rights, laws and feelings. Inequality is also insidious. It relies on how mundane its places, its tin cans, its laws and its stories can become. In its ubiquity, inequality is normalized. It fades into discourses of the natural or common sense. The anthropological study of landscapes can easily reproduce Inequality's insidious materiality. Indigenous and postcolonial critiques have called out the extractive habits of anthropology. We can fragment landscapes, material culture and communities by removing knowledge for the benefit of largely white upper class academia. To combat this, archaeologies of colonialism, capitalism, racism and other isms must work creatively with an expanded toolkit of collaborative practices. Audre Lorde argued that, quote, the master's tools will never dismantle the master's house. We cannot only use the tools of oppression to dismantle oppression. Rather, we must reflect on what the master's tools do and add something more. In this talk, I describe some of my own attempts to expand the tools of archaeology. Doing so expands its scope and produces better, more ethical and more rigorous narratives of colonialism and capitalism, both historically and in the present day. Methods that address the extractive history of anthropology have over the years been labeled many things in archaeology. Public, participatory, collaborative, postcolonial, Indigenous, community-based, community-initiated, community-anything. And while various, there is a productive connection between these approaches. And that is a willingness to engage. A willingness to engage both the history and shortcomings of scholarly practice and the people who have a stake in the research. I've drawn on methods from a number of these frameworks in the two case studies I'll share here today. Where I engaged members of the Genicero Pueblo of Abacue in New Mexico and residents of the Albany Bulb in California. In these two case studies, I blend what I call engaged research practice, rather than any single one of that list I mentioned before, with the traditional toolkit of anthropological archaeology and with social practice art. Social practice art is research-based, often happens outside the gallery or museum setting, and at its best includes long community engagements. In my understanding of this artistic practice, I share NATO Thompson's view when he highlights how social practice art, quote, emphasizes participation, challenges power, and spans discipline, from urban planning and community work to theater and the visual arts. This talk explores how I've used social practice art and collaborative archaeological practice to study landscapes forged by large-scale phenomena of inequality. To begin, I'll present my two case studies, both attempts to produce ethical collaborative archaeology, one with people from a land grant in New Mexico, and the other with people from a landfill in California. What I claim through this research is that engaged research and social practice art are methods of presencing, and by this I mean that they make sensible and articulate histories in landscapes. In particular, any archaeology in North America necessarily articulates colonialism and capitalism. And so after I introduce my two collaborations, I will show how particular activities of presencing drawn from this expanded toolkit of engaged archaeology make novel narrations of landscapes possible. Finally, I'll discuss how my research includes practices of represencing or representing that form a key component in closing the loop between theory and practice, research and community. So these two sites look very different, at least in these two photographs, and I didn't just artificially produce that. El Pueblo de Abecu is a high-desert landscape. The Albany bulb is right here in the bay, surrounded by water. And their histories are different, but they come together in my multi-sided research around three points. One is that intimate engagement of people and place, the way that people in both these landscapes use the landscape, and the landscape is part of them, the erasure of history through alienation from those places, and a resistance to that erasure. So in New Mexico, the intimacy of people in place is sometimes called querencia. Querencia is a Spanish word that calls up both a sense of place and a love of place, the unique characteristics that make a place recognizable and meaningful, and a deep connection that links identity to location and land. And so El Pueblo de Abecu is on the homelands of the Tehuah Pueblo, Apache, Comanche, and New people. It has also been the ragged edge of the Spanish Empire, briefly a territory of the Mexican Republic, and is now known as Rio Arriba County in the state of New Mexico. And these shifting territorial identities impact both the lines on the map and the material worlds of the people who live along them. These divisions are produced by colonialism. Colonial governments use strategies of exclusion and erasure to divide people from place. And to be precise, settler colonialism is a specific technology of rule based on the occupation of territories and the elimination of indigenous people. So this strategy of rule takes place in the 17th and 18th centuries when the Spanish Empire invades North and South America. And in the 17th and 18th centuries, it justifies its occupation of the land that is now New Mexico through a belief in the inherent differences between indigenous people and those of pure Spanish descent. So at this time, native people were captured or bought into indentured servitude in Spanish homes in an explicit attempt to acculturate them. And these people whose servitude amounted essentially to slavery had the designation of hanisero in the sistema de casta, the system by which racial ethnic identities were defined in a hierarchy. And you can see in this painting here a representation of that system. And although you will see many different ways of categorizing relationships and the offspring that they produce, you won't see hanisero because these types of images were produced at the center of the Spanish Empire. And hanisero is a specifically New Mexican, Northern New Mexican in Southern Colorado, the fringe of the Spanish Empire term. And people on the fringes of the empire were not making this kind of high art that was meant to circulate among the upper class. So the Merced del Pueblo de Abecu was granted in 1754 to hanisero people, those descendants of those indigenous people sold into Spanish homes, likely from Tewa, Hopi, Yud, and Apache communities. And this kind of grant was somewhat unusual because of that system, but in the challenging climate of the high desert borderlands where soil was tough and raids were common, the empire needed a buffer and was willing to move along the edges of this rigid ethnic system. So hanisero families took on the challenges of the landscape in order to gain mobility within the caste system and become a vecino or a landowner. To do so, families had to prove to colonial administrators that they were Spanish enough. And one way they did this was by establishing an Ezekia. And this is a map of the Presidio San Antonio which is in Texas, but it demonstrates how this manifested on the landscape. So in blue you see the river, and in yellow you see these Ezekias that are coming off, and they connect directly to the church and a central plaza. And so Ezekias are these hand-dug irrigation systems that are overseen by a democratically elected association and a mayor domo and maintained by communal effort. And there are social institutions that are still in operation today that ensure the community could grow enough food to support itself and therefore were used as one of the metrics for the viability of a land grant. And so Ezekias are a material trace of Spanish settler colonialism. They mark the landscape as Spanish. And you can find Ezekias in the Iberian Peninsula, in South and Central America, and in North America. And they mark the landscape alongside those other features. But when Ezekias were first built along the rivers of the Southwest, Tehuapueblos were already using a complex combination of dry land farming and ditch irrigation. Some of those ditches looked very much like Spanish Ezekias. This means that the Ezekias at Hanisro Pueblos, like Abacue, were built by Indohispano, indigenous Hispanic people. They are therefore also traces, not just of Spanish settler colonialism, but of survivance, of the ways that Native people adapted, adopted, and subverted colonial practices. Survivance is distinct from survival. It is a concept coined by indigenous scholar Gerald Visner that foregrounds Native peoples' continued existence in a positive sense, rather than focusing exclusively on their life. So El Pueblo de Abacue is unique in that Hanisro people were granted the grant, but also that they maintained hold on the land through the 20 years of Mexican occupation, more than 60 years as an American territory, and more than 100 years of statehood into the present day. And the land grant, and so you can see here the documents for the land petition to the U.S. government, so the land grant patent for El Pueblo de Abacue was signed in 1909 by President Taft to, quote, converted half-breed Indians. And even though Hanisro families knew to greater or lesser degrees their existence as indigenous people, and even though Hanisro children were taken into Federal Bureau of Indian Affairs boarding schools, the authenticity of Hanisro people, their nativeness, has been challenged by historians, anthropologists, and politicians. This has prevented federal or general recognition of the survivance of indigeneity in Abacue to the present day. Abacue is probably more well-known for being the final residence of legendary modernist painter, Georgia O'Keefe. In fact, when driving toward the Pueblo on the highway today, the first thing you see is a brand-new O'Keefe Welcome Center. The existence of Hanisro people in Abacue is an ongoing challenge to the normative understandings of indigeneity in the U.S. A steady revitalization of Hanisro heritage and reclamation of Hanisro identity in the present counters historians and governmental agencies who had once claimed that the Spanish colonial project of acculturation had worked, that there were no more Hanisros. Formal proclamations like the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo that were meant to maintain existing land and water rights of Indio and Hispano people were subverted in the early American period by land speculators. They operated under a capitalistic form of resource allocation and ownership. Capitalism extends the legacies of colonialism into the present. It is an economic system that justifies again the co-opting of land and people under the logic of free enterprise controlled by individuals. Capitalist notions of the value of land grow out of settler colonial beliefs of essentialized difference and profit as the primary motivator of social organization. Abacue Hanisro's practices, especially communally governed and maintained asekias, challenged the normative modes of resource allocation and state power under capitalism. And so these are the context for the research, which I will return to again after I introduce the second case study. So let me move your attention to another place where residents challenge capitalistic forms of land tenure. This is the Albany Bulb, just north of Berkeley on the east shore of the San Francisco Bay, where a group of people who called themselves land fillians lived for decades on public land in a rapidly gentrifying city. That they chose that name references both that the place they called home began as a landfill and that the place is a meaningful part of their identity. It suggests a kind of cadencia, if you'll let me draw that term from New Mexico. So the bulb is so called because of this bulb and neck topography, which was formed through the dumping of construction debris into the San Francisco Bay between 1963 and 1983. And here are some aerial shots from 1969 to the present that I'll just slowly move through so you can see how it got to the present form. So when the dump was decommissioned in the 1980s, it became a site of creative resistance to the forces of displacement in the San Francisco Bay area. People quickly discovered the joy of the bulbs views and the richness of its bedrock, a diverse substrate of past homes and buildings, rebar brick, concrete, and stone, leftovers from the constant remaking of neighborhoods since the early 1900s. And in the early 1990s, people started building homes on the overgrown landfill. The jutting concrete mounds and rocky shores hosted a constantly evolving scene of painting, graffiti, and found object sculpture, humor, politics, and mysticism. A dumping platform became an amphitheater and Jimbo built a library to serve the growing resident population, as well as regular park visitors who walked dogs, hosted raves, and kitesurfed off the beach. By 2014, more than 70 people lived more or less full time on the bulb. And over nearly 30 years of occupation, hundreds of people camped and lived for days, weeks, and months at a time. So in 1995, going back closer to the beginning of this timeline, the city of Albany hoped to transfer the land to the California State Park System, but the park system was reluctant to take on the liabilities of a park filled with construction debris and people who they likewise deemed hazardous. 20 years later, Albany City Council, through a long planning process, finally directed police to rigorously enforce a no camping ordinance and to remove the bulbs encampments and city documents call these evictions cleanups. You can see a language that is being developed to describe this place. So after multiple protests and a lawsuit, the city ultimately conceded to a $3,000 per resident settlement with specific terms. Residents would dismantle and evacuate their homes and sign a one-year stay-away order. And some residents took the deal and moved out, and others remained at the bulb through a long process of conflict. And this is Amber Whitson, who was one of the collaborators on this project. And you can see from the sign that she put in front of her house her feelings about her rights to be in this place and the adequacy of the settlement. But ultimately, by the summer of 2014, all the residents had moved on. So people at the Albany Bulb came to know each other within the conditions of economic inequality produced by capitalism. And I've already mentioned that the logics of settler colonialism are at the heart of this. And so the experience of homelessness is created by these systems, which limit people's access to basic services and as such, the systems that produce wealth. These logics conceive of a public benefit, but a benefit that is directed toward some people and away from others. And this is particularly clear in this image from Redfin, the real estate website, where this is what comes up if you search Albany, well, a couple years ago, actually. So imagine a little increase in prices. But you can see the outline includes the city of Albany and the Albany Bulb, and the city of Albany was a largely middle-class neighborhood until recently when it's become the site of homes that cost well over a million dollars. And the bulb is included in this representation of what Albany is, and even as an asset to people buying those homes. All the while excluding the fact that the Albany Bulb itself includes homes. And then Google Earth inadvertently captures this whole timeline that I've just laid out for you. So what you see here is a composite image produced by Google Earth stitching images together. And on the top half is a satellite image that was taken before the evictions. And at this quality, I'm not sure how much you can see, but the red circles circle areas where home constructions are visible from the air. And the second half is completely absent of those constructions. And through the work that I'll talk about in a minute, we do know that this half of the bulb was actually more populated than the top half of the bulb. So when I go to the Albany Bulb today, I can easily walk around and forget that it's a landfill and that it's not a natural peninsula there for my enjoyment. And I can also, and I did, read every page of planning documents produced by the city over the last 30 years and see a total of three mentions of the people who lived there. And they lived there longer than I myself have lived in any single home. Indeed, most of the understandings of homelessness leave no space for the possibility that people living outside might have homes, despite their lack of deeds or rental agreements, and that they might experience connections to place. And so what my research has demonstrated is that people at the bulb were not homeless, although they were treated as such, and that living outside might be a better way to think about it. So these landscapes of inequality, like the two I've just outlined, persist because the material traces of colonialism and capitalism are normalized and neutralized. Without seeing this talk, you might go to Redfin and not interpret the map in the way that I just did. At both Pueblo de Abacue and Albany Bulb, people who challenged normative assumptions about indigeneity and homelessness have been actively erased or excluded. In both places, they were actively engaged in attempts to be heard, seen, and understood. What I turn to now is how I came to see and narrate these landscapes alongside these people, or as Trin Min Ha would say, nearby. I want to ask how anthropological research can join the practices of presencing already initiated by these communities. And just to return to the idea of presencing, archaeology and art are practices of presencing. They use observation, interaction, and interpretation to create new forms that help us reflect on time and place. They make new connections possible and reveal new knowledge, and they can amplify knowledge known by some but suppressed or dismissed in dominant narratives. Presencing, in the context that I discuss, makes sensible the histories and continued existence of people despite of and because of the forces of inequality. And so both methods that I draw on, both social practice art and this toolkit of engaged archaeology, suggest that a critical understanding of communities and of dynamic collaboration are essential to create ethical and socially conscious knowledge production. Now, people organize very differently at the Hanisro Pueblo of Abaque and the landfillion Albany Bulb. Formal governance in Abaque follows traditions set in place by Spanish colonial land grants and operates under structures necessary to interface with the United States government, whereas the landfillion community had no formal structures of governance, no form of representation or decision making that I encountered. And at the Albany Bulb, evictions had scattered landfillions throughout the Bay Area inside and outside, but in Abaque, a formal Merced governance and the leadership of a library and cultural center shared some ideas about how research should proceed and could articulate them to me with authority, even if they differed on those issues. Nonetheless, it was imperative that my research begin with relationships and what I'm originally called the community. But the word the creates an illusory wholeness out of what is always formal governance or not a fluid and shifting thing. Communities is what I encountered as an engaged researcher and meeting these communities in their plurality was a crucial part of my research process. Now, this required that collaboration become an orienting principle rather than a singular activity, a way of being rather than a thing on a checklist. And at the Albany Bulb, the dispersed nature of landfillions posed a challenge to the kind of collaboration I usually want, close partnership, accountability, the co-construction of knowledge, whereas in Abacue, research was invited and developed over many years, so my research had deeper relationships with individuals and organizations, and my ongoing partnerships have shaped research practice and outcomes over time. Regardless, both cases demanded the expanded toolkit, not just to collect data, which I will move to next, but also to conceive of how community and collaboration might take place. And so this idea of communities and their plurality and dynamic collaboration as a structuring principle is what yielded an expanded understanding of colonialism and capitalism. So at the Albany Bulb, I started the project conceiving of an archaeology of homelessness and an archaeology of the contemporary. But what it turned out to be was an archaeology of homemaking and care that stretched across both the turn of the 21st and the 20th centuries. And talking to residents is what produced this effect, produced the effect of my thinking of landscapes as homes. And by attending to the materiality of these homes, my research was able to demonstrate how the community challenged normative ideas of what homelessness is. So I led a survey of the most inhabited portion of the Bulb and the satellite image you saw cuts pretty much directly down the middle of the neck there. So we worked on both sides of the line. And it documented 42 home sites, collected 2,900 different points of data, and produced a database of 1,200 images. And so the sites that are marked with an R are residential sites that were named by their resident or someone who knew their resident. The sites with an X were sites that we only identified through survey of the materials that were left. And the other sites of other letters include things like artworks and public places like the library and Mad Mark's castle, which is a popular destination. So attending to the Bulb in this way, as an archaeologist, revealed connections to cultural landscapes that are usually denied people experiencing homelessness. So in these images, you can see Stephanie's place in the top two, where she had gardens ringed in brick and she tended succulents and other plants that she collected from the Bulb. And at Pat and Kerry's house and Chet's house, they too had brick lined garden beds with cultivated plants and also decorations with trinkets and jewelry and other small items set up throughout. And one thing that's interesting is that these gardens actually include a lot of the same things as the gardens in the city of Albany. So if you walk through the Albany Bulb, when these gardens were intact, you would see the exact same plant life as those in the front yards of Albany. And what these gardens represent is an investment of time and labor and creativity related to an aesthetic practice of home. These domestic decorative gardens assert a particular practice of care. At the same time, they consolidate a land-fillion aesthetic that symbolically ties its residents together with each other. But more than symbolizing for outsiders a desire for beauty in landscaping, these gardens materially supported the needs of land-fillions for homes that reflect their personality, their creativity, and their identity as a community. And this is a stark contrast to generic shelters and supportive housing. And another way that my research engaged with this idea was at Patton Kerry's house. Now by the time I arrived in the fall of 2014, of course, Patton Kerry were gone. But Pat had lived there for over a decade. And in 2011, he was diagnosed with heart failure and told he only had six months to live. However, he returned to his home at the bulb and lived for two more years. He even invited hospice to come to his home on the bulb in his final days. After he passed in October 2013, a group of friends wrote him a message. And they wrote it in brick in an area just above his house. And it read, we love you, Pat, in the form of a big heart. And so the brick memorial to Pat is a fitting one because one of the striking features of his home was a meticulously laid brick floor. And you can see that in the image here. And the floor was, as far as I understand it, one of Pat's last projects. And it's amazing you can even go today and stand on this platform where the bricks are perfectly aligned and perfectly flat. And it's since weathered six years uncovered. So Pat's floor draws the 20th century when bricks were the building material par excellence of the booming west coast of California into the 21st century. And I know that because of the makers' marks on the bricks. And they tell me that they were made by plants in Richmond just a few miles to the north. That opened to meet the high demand for red paving bricks following the 1906 earthquake that destroyed 80% of San Francisco. And one plant, Stockton Brick, acquired clay from a prolific clay source in the mining town of Tesla just off the 80. Destructive mining and exploitative labor practices there supported the expansion of industry throughout the wider Bay Area including the city of Fremont where today an electric car company coincidentally also named Tesla builds $80,000 cars in a former and ill-reputed General Motors factory. So if you'll take this journey with me Tesla Motors today is a mobile symbol of wealth disparity in the Bay. But it meets the deep history of exploitative labor practices in Tesla clay mining. Which together meet in the bricks of Pat and Carrie's floor at the Albany Bulb. So according to Pat's Facebook page he considered himself an urban archeologist and so does Amber Whitson who I mentioned earlier and both were core figures in the community and avid observers of material at the edges of city life. When Amber gave me a tour of her home she quizzed me on her collections of historic marble and steel and you can see some of these she calls them her nifties in the image there. So my research was prompted by Amber and Pat's interest in materials coupled with my training as a historic archeologist. And our shared attention shows not only that the people living there challenged the normative understanding of homelessness but that the bulb itself is a human artifact contrary to claims by the Sierra Club that the bulb should be restored as a natural habitat when in fact restoration would be dredging the whole thing and turning it back into title marsh. So I've developed this understanding of materiality and landscape using the concept of interaction coined by Karen Barad. Interaction allows material to reach across temporal boundaries and social categories. Interaction asserts that things do not exist separately from the phenomena in which they take place. As opposed to interaction which we're maybe more familiar with using which suggests that agencies are already separate before entanglement. So this model of relationality demonstrates the co-constitution of archeological materials I and my collaborators create our interests and political positions as people engaged in the research process and the variety of historical actors human, mineral and otherwise that congeal together as places, ideas, artifacts, traditions or landscapes. Okay, now I'm going to speed through. So I continued this kind of engagement with material through research with the Berkeley Abacue Collaborative Archeology Project which was a partnership initiated in 2013 by the Abacue Library and Cultural Center and the Merced Del Pueblo de Abacue and our very own June Sincere of UC Berkeley. And through this collaborative partnership June has led a number of graduate students in engagements with research by and for Abacuseños. And so my research developed through a community mandate for Baca to emphasize the sovereignty of Abacuseños over knowledge produced on and about their land, the reinvestment of youth into Hanesero heritage and the meaningful connection of research products to local issues. And my focus on Asakia is likewise developed from community conversations that almost always include issues of water and land rights. You can't really have a single conversation in Abacue without land or water rights coming up. And so as part of this collaboration this talk has been reviewed by our community partners. So everything I share here today is with their blessing. And so the Abacue Grant is 24,000 acres of land just south of the Rio Chama. And the river isn't visible in this image but the grant extends up Amisa from the Rio Chama and we surveyed in 2017 the southeastern portion of the Merced. It's a Hido or communal lands. And so with a crew of undergraduate, graduate and local students, some of whom are here today, I surveyed three branches of the historic Asakia system along by Acitos Creek which you can see here. So these are two creeks that are tributaries to the Rio Chama. And then we surveyed a whole network of historic ditches alongside. And importantly in this research design we also surveyed domestic sites that are associated with the use of these Asakias and we collected 10,000 points of data along five miles of ditch which help us create a landscape scale understanding of the interaction of Hanisaro communities and water. We also employed nine high school interns from Abacue who deepen their connection to the landscape through this field work and oral history collection with their families about these Asakias. And importantly what we learned through collaboration was that Asakias are more than agricultural infrastructure. They're lived relationships with water. And even though since the 1940s this particular area has not been inhabited year round water is present. It's present as history and practice even if it is not present as a liquid. And so the archeological methods that we used presence water informs other than these liquid flows. And this creates a more equitable understanding of Asakia history and its continuance. So to do this I used a couple archeological methods that I'm just going to briefly summarize but I'm essentially out of time. And so we wanted to create Asakia biographies. Given that these systems are still in use in the community we wanted to extend the depth and detail of their biographies through looking at material evidence. So we used micromorphology which takes blocks of sediment out of the side walls to look at the microscopic sedimentation which shows traces of geologic and human forces. So images of these traces like the one on screen tell stories of flooding and drying slow and fast water and the movement of sediments from upstream. And so in this thin section here you can see the ditch as it's visible at eye in a slide and you can see these different layers that start to tell stories about the movement of water and here you can see a much more magnified version of that showing how some basalt has been weathered by being open to the air. The other method that we used was oscillating spectrum luminescence dating which to summarize this complicated diagram essentially relies on the qualities of quartz grains in sand to act as clocks. So quartz crystals react to radiation from the sun and when they're buried they essentially become clocks which count backwards from the last time they have been exposed. And what these dates combined with the information from artifacts at the domestic sites and the micromorphology give us are a narrative of these ditches that reacts with the oral historical evidence and becomes part of Abacuseno's efforts for their water rights in adjudications today. So throughout New Mexico in both activism and scholarship people discuss Asequia culture. Abacuseno's assert that Asequias do not exist separately from the people that use and govern them. And the domestic sites that I documented along the networks evidenced the hydro-sociality of Asequia culture. I'm drawing this word from political ecology and expanding it through an attention to materiality. In its original form hydro-sociality describes a dialectical relationship between people and water. It emphasizes the social construction of what water is and how it is presumed to work. But through engaging this concept with people in Abacuseno and hydro-sociality as the intra-action of people, water, soil, time, law I could go on for a whole other hour of what is included in this intra-action. But importantly thinking this way helps us maintain a commitment to understanding the historical forms of water as part of contemporary challenges to Abacuseno's water rights. This historical approach to hydro-sociality an Abacuseno approach to hydro-sociality extends the states of water beyond solid, liquid and gas to include its historical presences and meanings and its power in the present day. So in three minutes I will cover the last portion of the talk which is the activities of presencing that I've just described being co-constitutive of things like maps and photographs that presence again or re-presence or represent. Now this idea of representation is a challenge for thinking of intra-action and the complexity of materials and phenomena because representationalism is a belief that representations are independent from the phenomena that they represent. So for me that meant I needed another practice to avoid reproducing inequalities through this research separating things and creating those fragmentations. So as an archaeologist I traffic in maps and maps matter. I used maps of both the Albany bulb and Abacuseno to assert presences of material histories and I used them a few times in this talk very strategically to make points. And in Abacuseno authoritative maps that document Asakia networks are crucial ways to negotiate with state engineers to claim water rights. They too traffic maps. But maps can easily fall into the trap of representationalism. They can claim a one-to-one or unmediated relationship to the spatiality that they reference. And maps have long been understood by a major player in the domination of people and landscapes by those in power. Colonial regimes claim land by survey and property under capitalism is bureaucratized through plat maps and the like. So how could I create expert accurate archaeological maps that don't reproduce the inequalities they have been used to support in the past? So I used the work at Albany bulb to make mapping a meaningful practice of represencing and an opportunity for critical reflection. So at the Albany bulb we left the maps in the style of the many hands of the people who made them. So we made extremely detailed sketch maps that took multiple days of field work to complete. But rather than erasing that process we tried to leave that within the image. And I also screen printed them like those things we found at the bulb. So ripstop, nylon, cotton batting, canvas in order to make them something you could hold to remove the page the map from the page or the wall and allow you to have a more embodied experience with that representation. And in Abacue I returned after our summer season of field work with an artist named Bria Weinreb who was also part of the archeological field crew and we reflected on the meaning of field work with our nine high school interns through collage. And collage is a process not unlike the collecting of shape files and layering of visual information in a geographic information system. And the interns in fact had built maps in that geographic information system over the summer. But so what we did was we worked with Georgia O'Keeffe's landscape paintings of Abacue. And those paintings often included things like Sierra Pedernal who watched over us as we did our field work. But absent from these images and most other famous representations by photographers like Paul Strand and Alfred Stieglitz or the US map that you just saw made by surveyors is Hanisaro people. Even our academic narratives of Hanisaro people as not existent or dead and gone leave this out. Not the least to say our GIS maps which you saw earlier in the talk. So to re-presence our collaborative research interns began with a print of an O'Keeffe painting over which they pasted images of themselves during field work. Objects, sites and landscapes we encountered words, images and drawings of Abacue. Through this the students created counter maps that do not follow our Cartesian coordinate logic. They do not tie one event to one place but rather expand the viewer's potential to think temporally and politically. They enact what these Hanisaro students do every day by living where they live and being who they are. They assert a presence. Note in our project statement these maps mobilize O'Keeffe's notoriety to rewrite indigenous bodies into the canon of art history and challenge issues of misrepresentation on native land. And so these collages counter in meaningful ways our archaeological maps and historic visualizations of the area. They are indicative of the ways representations are not separate from their objects but their interaction that make phenomenon. And we did something similar with photographs from the Albany Bulb where in a database that I worked on with undergraduate research apprentices the research apprentices came to me with questions about how our archive would continue some of the practices of displacement and so we chose to tag the photos using three different languages the language of the land fillings themselves where this is an image of Amber's place, a kitchen, and a living room the language of archaeology where this is a home site, a fire ring and construction and the language of real estate development where this is a site with bay views a fixer upper and one that uses sustainable materials and all these represences had their own containers which have their own intra-actions so the material from the Albany Bulb was presented as part of an art exhibition at the somarts gallery in San Francisco and land fillian artists like Jimbo here were exhibited alongside photographic and documentary work and our collages took form in Abacue through a zine where the students themselves represented what the field work had meant and in Abacue the archaeological reporting is very important their community library has collected research that's taken place in Abacue for decades and painstakingly maintains genealogical records but the zine extends the ability of the community to think about what this kind of research does and whose voices are included and I have examples of both of these containers so to speak here today so it's easy to consider these represences as after the facts of research as things which emerge when the process near to close but because of my orientation to engagement these creative practices were very much in the middle of the research process the thinking they engender is part of the expansion necessary to understand how landscapes of inequality are not bounded within the temporal divisions of archaeology and anthropology historic or contemporary they create connections that guided how I interpreted data and ultimately wrote narratives like the one I've given today and these creative practices return me to the initial provocation of the talk the acknowledgement of land and the materiality of inequality these projects demonstrate how the practice of historical archaeology is improved made more ethically and epistemically rigorous through an expanded understanding of what research looks like and who it is for thank you now I went five minutes over so thank you for staying if anybody has questions I'm more than happy to answer them I'd also want to call out the many people that are here of course who initiated the Berkeley Abacue Collaborative Archaeology Project Danny Sosa, Scott Lyons Baca and Albany Bulb respectively questions? so I think that, thank you for that question that's a great question and sort of the embedded narrative so that was one of the challenges in doing both these projects is that the ethical concerns of archaeology are not necessarily as demonstrated for example by the Society for American Anthropology Ethics Principles which are right here stewardship, accountability, commercialization public and educational outreach that one's a big one for me so those don't necessarily represent the ethical concerns of any individual community or the communities within a particular place or history and so while I come at this research with these principles of archaeological ethics but also the ethical concerns of post-colonial research the method that I'm suggesting relies on an engagement with the communities on that very question at the beginning and at the Albany Bulb that was less successful partially because of the historical happenstance of what was going on it was actively being cleaned up and I was a second year graduate student and sort of ethically had to decide whether I would proceed despite not being able to track down every person who had lived there and create a consensus and so in a conversation that's on a more consultative end definitely but in Abacue and June might even be able to speak to this from the very very beginning conversations centered around what research meant and what and who it was for and so the projects the individual seasons of fieldwork the research questions develop from there so for me the ethics are really in thinking of those concerns and orienting research to them rather than fitting research around them we can ask follow-up questions if I didn't touch on all the points you were hoping for the chairs here might they'll just talk yeah I think that's great thank you so much for coming and thank you for bearing with me a little over time I appreciate it thank you


Hey, survivors and frivers. In this video I'm going to be talking about how the Narciss sees you as an object. Please like, comment, share and subscribe. Click the bell icon to receive notifications for my future videos. If you are likely to donate, my PayPal link is in the video description. If you are interested in one-on-one coaching, you can email me at narcisfevercoaching.com. The Narciss sees you as an object. The Narciss sees you as an object or as an extension of them. They only care about what you can give to them or how you make them feel. They do not see you as a separate human being with your own needs or emotions. They don't really care about what you need or how you feel. The Narciss sees you as a material thing that can be seen and touched. You are also a thing to which a specified action or feeling can be directed. Other than Narciss is looking at you, touching you or directing a specified action or feeling towards you. This all revolves around regulating their self-esteem and their emotions. Whether it is positive or negative attention, it has nothing to do with you personally because the Narciss does not see you as a person. They see you as an object. Like any household item, you are there for when they need you. As an object, you are expected to serve them. The Narciss might give you what you need initially to take care of you and ensure that you are operating at peak performance. They don't think of it as developing an emotional connection or doing something beneficial or favourable to you. It's more like a man polishing his new car or putting fuel in the car. The Narciss sees you as a prized possession. You are meant to look good and you are meant to make them look good so that people will admire and compliment you. At the beginning of the relationship, the Narciss will see you as an object but also as a positive extension of them. In their minds, if people are admiring and complimenting you, they are admiring and complimenting them. They use you as a prized possession to extract supply from the people around them. You are providing them with what they need so they are taking care of you, ensuring that you are operating at peak performance. They also recognise from past experiences that unlike a car, you could leave at any moment if they do not give you a certain standard of treatment. But they still see you as an object. As time goes by, they might begin to neglect you or not provide you with the same treatment that they were giving you initially. Like with an object, they may get bored of you. This will affect your performance. You will no longer accomplish or fulfil a certain task or function as efficiently. The Narciss will not assume responsibility for the drop in your performance. They will not recognise that their change in how they treated you or neglected you could be the reason why you are no longer accomplishing or fulfilling a certain task or function. The Narciss will not assume responsibility because that would mean that they made a fault or mistake.  So they are not going to accept that they have made a fault or mistake. If they are not a blame, it must be you. You must be defective or not good enough. This is when they begin to devalue you and give you put downs or backhand compliments. The relationship is no longer performing as well as it did in the beginning. Although it may be due to the Narciss' change in how they treated you or because they neglected you, they are not going to acknowledge this. They are shame based individuals doing everything they can to avoid reflecting on their shame. So they are going to blame you. They are going to start devaluing and degrading you, telling you how you are not good enough for them or you can't do anything right. At this point, deep down they actually believe that they are not good enough for you, but they are doing everything they can to avoid reflecting on their true beliefs about the situation. They are actually envious of you and the qualities, talents and traits that you possess. But they cannot acknowledge this because that would trigger them to reflect on their shame. Instead, they will treat you with contempt and act as though you are worthless or beneath their consideration.   They may also assume that you are going to leave them.  So they will discard you as though you never meant anything to them. It is a matter of how many years you were together or if you were married or had children. The narcissist saw you as an object, in their minds you exist to serve them. The object no longer accomplishes or fulfills a certain task or function, so it has no use to them. They will then look for a new object if they don't already have one, which can accomplish or fulfill the same tasks or functions that you once did when you are expressing your feelings to them. They might pretend as though they care about what you have to say but they really don't. They are imitating what they have seen someone else do or what they have seen on TV or in a movie, whether there was a similar situation, they don't really care about what you are expressing to them. All they care about is what they can get out of you or how you can make them feel but if creating an illusion of love or significance will make you stick around and give them more time to extract what they need from you, they will create an illusion of love or significance. This does not mean that they really love or care about you, although they will say that they do. When they say these things, it's because it helps to secure you as a source of supply. They also expect you to say the same thing to them in return, which makes them feel better about themselves. It's all about them and what they can get out of you or how you can make them feel. They don't even acknowledge that you exist at a human level when they try to fulfill your needs or give you compliments at the beginning of the relationship. This is all designed to either secure you as a source of supply or they are seeking validation or compliments in return from you. The narcissist recognizes your value but they do not appreciate it. They see you as a valuable object rather than a valuable human being. The more time you spend with the narcissist, the more this value will depreciate. The abusive manipulation will also have an effect on you. One day the narcissist will leave as though you never meant anything to them because there was no real attachment. The narcissist cannot emotionally connect to you. They can only plan or coordinate the elements of a situation to produce the effects of an emotional connection. The narcissist does not see you as a human being. They see you as an object. This is how they can leave you as though you never existed or meant anything to them. And then find someone else to replace you no matter how many years you have been together or if you were married or had children. They do not miss you as a person because they see you as an object. They might miss what you provided for them or how you made them feel but they will find someone else to provide for them and regulate their self-esteem and their emotions. There are no real feelings involved. Only the illusion or simulation of feelings. Sometimes it can seem real but narcissists will lie to themselves and act as though they are in love. That's why it may seem like they love you one day and then the next day they're gone. Narcissists are shame-based. They are not capable of experiencing emotional connections or love.  All they can do is feed off your energy and emotional reactions and take whatever it is you have to offer them. They are transactions where you are always given more value to them than they are given to you. And that's why we end up feeling drained and lifeless at the end of these relationships because the narcissist is feeding off us. Filling everything that we have to offer to sustain them but nothing is ever enough because they have a huge void within them that can never be filled. This is why they will constantly change jobs, locations, relationships. They're always seeking attention from people, always wanting to be admired. They are trying to regulate their self-esteem and their feelings of shame. Trying to fill the void within them. The irony is, it is these desperate behaviours which are preventing them from a healing from narcissism. Thank you for watching, please like, comment, share and subscribe. Click the bell icon to receive notifications for my future videos. If you would like to donate, my PayPal link is in the video description. Coaching enquiries you can email me at narcisfivercoaching at gmail.com. You have a private Reddit community where survivors and frivers can share their experiences and knowledge. If you are interested in being a part of this community, you can sign up for our Patreon page, the link is in the video description. Check out the Narcisfiver Mojdy store where you can purchase your own Narcisfiver t-shirt or mug. We have a variety of designs and it is a great way to support the channel. The link to our Narcisfiver Mojdy store is in the video description. Thank you for watching and I will talk to you soon.


G'day viewers, my name is Oren Thomas. I'm a principal hybrid cloud advocate at Microsoft. In this video, I'll cover the steps for securing the Active Directory Domain Services built in Administrator account. This advice is based on the documentation published online.microsoft.com at the link in this video's description. In each domain in an Active Directory forest, an Administrator account is created as part of the creation of the domain. This account is by default a member of the domain admins and administrators groups in the domain. If the domain is a forest root domain, the account is also a member of the enterprise admins group. This makes the account a tenting target for any attacker trying to compromise your organization's ADDS deployment. Use of the domain's administrator account should be reserved only for initial build activities and possibly disaster recovery scenarios. To ensure that an administrator account can be used to affect repairs in the event that no other accounts can be used, you should not change the default membership of the administrator account in any domain in the forest. Instead, you should secure the administrator account in each domain in the forest as described in this video. Some guides recommend disabling the account. You should consider the advice in this video about securing rather than disabling the account as this is the only account that allows ADDS logon without a global catalog server. Controls you should apply to the built-in administrator accounts. Enable the account is sensitive and cannot be delegated option on the account. Enable the smart card is required for interactive logon option on the account. You should also see GPOs to restrict the administrator accounts use on domain join systems. To do this, you should create and link a special GPO to workstation and member server OUs in each domain. Configure this GPO with the following user rights in located in the computer configuration policies. Windows settings, security settings, local policies, user rights assignments, section of the policy. Deny access to this computer from the network. Deny logon as a batch job. Deny logon as a service. Deny logon through remote desktop services. When you add accounts to this setting, you must specify whether you are configuring local administrator accounts or domain administrator accounts. For example, to add the tailspin toys domains administrator account to these deny rights, you must type the account as tailspin toys slash administrator or brass to the administrator account for the tailspin toys domain. A common mistake is just typing administrator in these user rights settings in the group policy object editor. If you do this, you will restrict the local administrator account on each computer to which the GPO is applied but not the built in domain administrator account. Microsoft recommends restricting local administrator accounts on member servers and workstations in the same manner as domain based administrator accounts. Therefore, you should generally add the administrator account for each domain in the forest and the administrator account for the local computers to these user rights settings. These settings will ensure that the domains built in administrator account cannot be used to remotely connect to a domain controller, although the account can log on locally to domain controllers because this account should only be used in disaster recovery scenarios. You need to ensure that physical access to at least one domain controller will be available or that other accounts with the missions to access domain controllers remotely can be used. This access could include logging on directly to a server from a virtualization host that hosts the domain controller through virtual machine connection. The screenshot displayed shows an example of configuring these user rights to block local administrator accounts and a domain's administrator account from performing logons that should not be needed for these accounts. When each domain's administrator account is secure, you should configure auditing to monitor for usage of or changes to the account. If the account is signed into, its password is reset or any other modifications are made to the account, alerts should be sent to the users or teams responsible for administration of active directory in addition to incident response teams in your organization. To do this, you should configure the following auditing policies under computer configuration, window settings, security settings, advanced audit policy configuration, audit policies, audit logon events, success and failure, audit account management, success and failure. Use event log forwarding or log collection software to ensure that the event log data that records this auditing information is not stored on ADDS domain controllers. In this video, you learned about steps you can take to secure the built-in domain administrator account that is created by default in each domain in an active directory forest. The advice in this video is drawn from the article linked in the video description. Increasing the security controls applied to the built-in administrator account will improve your overall ADDS security posture that will not make your systems invulnerable. The built-in administrator account should be considered an option of last resort to disaster recovery scenarios and should not be used for day-to-day active directory operations. Security is always a matter of balancing what can be pragmatically accomplished by administrators in day-to-day operations with an assumed breach philosophy. We are interested in hearing about your experiences as an ADDS administrator. Have you implemented any of the security controls outlined in this video in your environment? What steps do you take in your own active directory domain services environment to secure the built-in administrator account? Have you disabled the domain built-in administrator account entirely? I hope you found this video useful and informative. My name is Oren Thomas. You can find me at aka.ms slash oren. And if you've got any questions or feedback, drop a comment below.


and welcome everybody to SQLite3 Database with Tokyo EdTech, that is me. Today, I'm gonna teach you how to use an SQLite3 database. Basically, we're gonna show you how to create a simple database, how to access it, and how to update the information in that database. Okay, so first I'd like to give a big shout out to my channel members. You can see the snakes on the left, invaders on the right. Thank you so much for supporting the channel. If you'd like to support the channel, click the join button down below. So let's get started. First, what we're gonna look at here is what's called SQLite3. And SQLite3 is a module that comes with Python, so you should already have it installed. And it provides a very simple database interface for you to store information on your computer in a file. So I think the first question you have to ask yourself, if you're not familiar with databases, is what really is a database? And so what I've done is I've created a little spreadsheet here to kind of give you an idea. So your database is a file. It's basically a big file. And in that file, you have multiple tables. And in those tables, you can store information. So we're making a very simple database today called demo.db, I know, very original. And it's going to have three columns, name, phone, and city. Each of these pieces of data is gonna have a type, and they are all three going to be text. And here's the information that I'm going to store into this database, or into this table, I should say. And I'm gonna name this table contacts. Which is, you know, so we're gonna make a very simple contact type app. So the first thing we need to do is to actually just create the basic database structure. Now I'm not an expert on this subject. I did just take a database course. But SQL Lite 3 doesn't do everything that a full-fledged database like MySQL would do. But it does enough, I think, for a simple app for a lot of different games or different types of things you might wanna do. So you can see here, I'm just gonna be following along in the documents. And I'll put a link to that down below. So let's go ahead and start writing some code. And you can see over here, the first thing we need to do is to import SQLite 3. So that will import the module into Python, then we can use it. And then you'll see, the next thing it says, c-o-n-n equals SQLite 3.connect and example.db. So I'm gonna go ahead and try that. I'm gonna say con equals SQLite 3, SQLite 3.connect. And basically what we're doing is we're connecting to a database. Now they have single quotes, it could be double quotes. I usually use double quotes. And if I'm gonna go ahead and use demo.db. So I'm gonna say demo.db. And I'm gonna hit save. And what this will do is this will create, well actually it will look for a file called demo.db in the same folder. So here is what my folder looks like right now. It says SQLite 3.db, underscore demo.py. And I'm using Linux. You may, I don't know how Windows works. You may have to put the full path into that. I don't really know. I know on Linux I don't have to do that. Okay, so it's gonna look for that file. And I think if it doesn't exist, it will create it. Let's go ahead and try it. Let's just go ahead and run it and see what happens. Okay, and oh, it spelled SQLite wrong. Okay, lovely. So let's go ahead and run that again. And you'll see here, okay the program exited, no errors. Let's see what happened in our folder. Okay, so you can see it has created that database file for us. Okay, so the next step we need to do is to create the table. And to do that, we need to create something called a cursor. And we're just gonna use C to represent the cursor. So it equals con.cursor. And this is what we're gonna actually be using to send commands to our database. So I'm gonna just put a little hashtag here. So connect to database. In this case, we're actually opening that file, create a cursor object. And then in here is where we're gonna actually start writing and sending commands to the database. So I'm just gonna go ahead and create the table just like they have here. So going back to my demo database, I've got three columns. Okay, again, name, which is a text field. Phone, which is gonna be a text field. The reason is because I have a dash in there so I can't use an integer, for example. And city, which is also text. So I'm gonna go ahead and type the file. I'm gonna say c.execute. So execute, execute, we'll execute some SQL. So let's do it this way. So make it a little bit more clear. SQL equals, and I'm gonna basically kind of copy this format. So it says create table. And if you recall, I created a table over here called contacts. Note the capitalization. And I wanna create three columns. The first is name and it's text. The second is, I think phone is also text. And the third is, what was it, city. And it is also text. And I'm gonna go ahead and put that in parentheses. Okay, so that is my full SQL statement. Create table contacts. It's gonna have three columns. Name, which is a text field. Phone, which is a text field. And city, which is also a text field. And then I'm gonna go ahead and execute SQL.  Executing doesn't really do anything. You actually need to commit changes and that will save it. So I'm gonna go ahead and do connection.commit. So don't get confused here between the cursor and the connection. The cursor is kind of what you're sending information to the database and then you have to actually commit it. So I'm gonna go ahead and run that. See what happens. Okay, so we didn't get any errors. So I'm going to assume, oh, I forgot to close it. So I'll put that down here at the end. Now, if you don't close it, it closes automatically, but it's probably, it's good practice to do that. So close connection. And you only wanna close the connection at the end of the program. So kind of close or when you're done with that particular connection. So now we are assuming that that has worked. So let's go ahead and try and test it a little bit. So what I wanna do is I'm gonna go ahead and just comment this section of code out. Since we've already created the table, we don't need to create it again. Now there's probably a way to check that. I don't, again, I just started using this myself. So I'm just kind of playing around with it a little bit. But what we wanna do next is we wanna insert those values into the database. So I'm gonna go ahead and insert, we'll go ahead and insert Jenny, all right? So just to kind of get an idea how things work. So insert some values. So I'm gonna do the SQL again, equals. I'm gonna use insert into contacts, the table name. And let's go look at the syntax of it. Okay, I gotta put values and parentheses and quotation marks. So the values that we wanna put in there, they have to be in this order. So I'm gonna go ahead and now because I use double quotation marks here, I have to use single quotation marks here. I'm gonna put Jenny, oops. Her phone number is 8675-5309. And we'll say she lives in Los Angeles. I don't really know where the original Jenny lives, or lived, Angelus, Angelus, okay? So I'm gonna insert. So again, same thing, c.execute SQL. And then we commit the changes and close the connections. Let's go ahead and run that and see if we get any errors, okay? Attribute object, did I spell execute wrong?  So let's go ahead and try that again. And okay, so no errors. So at this point, we're assuming the values are in there. So let's go ahead and see if we can retrieve some values. So let's go ahead and retrieve values. So again, same thing, we're gonna be doing some SQL. And again, all this stuff is here. You just gotta kind of figure out how to use it. And in SQL, we use the select statement. So I'm just gonna keep this really simple. I'm gonna say select, the asterisk is a wildcard. It means select everything. And from, and it's context, context. So for now, we're just gonna do it that way. And then we're gonna say c.execute SQL. Now, here's how I personally do this. We are going to get, this is going to return some objects. So results equal, actually that's not what I'm gonna do that way. I'm gonna do c.execute SQL. I'll do it this way instead. And then what I gotta do is actually fetch. Okay, so what I'm gonna do is I'm gonna say results equal. I'm gonna put this c.fetch all. So this will pool all the different results from the cursor object that we just did. Again, you can see there's a slightly different way they do it over here, but I think this is probably easiest. And then at this point, we can print results. Now, I could have put c.fetch all here and it would have done the same thing. But I think this is probably easier for later. Okay, so I'm gonna go ahead and execute that and see what happens. And you can see we got the value that we had put in there. And again, it's the same order, Jenny, number, and city. So what I could have done is I could say print results zero, or results zero, and then zero is the name. Oops, so this is just, this is a regular list, I believe. Or it could be some kind of weird object, but anyway, we'll just call it a list for now. It functions like a list. And one, and results zero, two.  So let's go ahead and just run that again. And you'll see what happened there. So results zero, zero is Jenny, results zero, one is the number, and results zero, two is that. Now, we can also select specific columns. So let's say, for example, for whatever reason, we just wanna know the names of the people in our list. So instead of an asterisk, we just type name. And then when we do that, results is gonna be just a little bit different. So I'm gonna say print results. So I'm gonna go ahead and hit F5 to run it. And you can see how it gave us Jenny and a comma. That's kind of interesting. So the results zero, see, let's try results zero here. And that gives us a tuple of all the names. Now right now there's only one name. So that's why we only see, we still see this tuple, but we see Jenny and then a comma. So if there were more names in there, we would get more results. So you just gotta be real careful using this index so that you get what you wanted out of that. Now there is also a fetch one, where I think it fetches them one at a time, but I think it's probably just for this purpose of this exercise, we'll just fetch them all and do it that way. Okay, so you can see how we have selected all of the contexts. We can also do the filing. I'll show you this as well. Select name from context. Or actually I could do this. If select phone from context, where name equals Jenny. So let's say we had a thousand names in there and we're looking for Jenny's phone number. And this should give us that name. Or that, oops, number, I did it, I did extra space in there. Okay, so that should give us the phone number. Okay, so you can see we got the phone number of Jenny. Again, this assumes that there's only one Jenny. I'm skipping a lot of SQL stuff, but just to kind of give you an idea of how this works. So you can see how we can retrieve values, we can insert values. Assume that we can update values. I haven't tried it on this because this isn't a full SQL, but let's get a shot here, let's try and update, see what happens. I should tell you what, we'll leave that there and I'll go ahead and put update values. So I'm gonna do SQL equals update. Now, is it, there's an insert. Insert into context. Actually I should have tried this ahead of time but I didn't see, hmm, should I have to Google that one? So SQL update, so I forgot the syntax for that one. Ah, yeah, okay. So it is actually update and some update. The table name is contacts, set, let's just, let's just, let's say Jenny moved from LA to Dallas. So set city equals Dallas, where name equals Jenny, oops, Jenny. Okay, and then again we'll go ahead and do c.execute. And that's the cursor, we'll execute that SQL. And then down here we'll go ahead and select all from contacts where name equals Jenny. And then we'll see if the city name has changed. Okay, and that did do it. So that is the syntax for updating something that already exists. So those are the basic things that you need to do to use a database. So you need to connect to the database, create a cursor. The first time through you're gonna need to create that table so that it has the structure that you want. And then you can start inserting values into it. You can retrieve the values using the wildcard or you can just, you can set conditions like where. And I think normally in SQL you would add a semicolon but it's pretty lax here because we're only doing one statement at a time. Again, databases is a very, very large subject. Databases, modern databases are very impressive with what they can do. But those are the basics of creating a table inside of a database. Now a database can have more than one table. You don't have to have just one. You can insert values as you saw here. You can update values. So using set and where. You can retrieve values by selecting. And again the asterisk is the wildcard or you can just choose a column. So let's say if you wanna know the city. So what's Jenny city? This would give you Jenny city. And then you can use the fetch all. You can also use fetch one. Gives you a slightly different style of result. Let's see what happens there. I'm kinda curious. It's been a while. So I've done this stuff. Okay, so if you do fetch one, it doesn't give you the, it doesn't put it into a list because it's probably just fetching the very first results. So depending on how many results you have, you might wanna use fetch one. You might wanna use fetch all. So something to play around with at least. So yeah, that's about it. I will put a link to this code down below. I'll put it into my GitHub and you can kinda just download it and play around with it. And yeah, and kinda go from there. So that's it. Thanks for watching. Also back to just real quick, this SQLite. There are only four types of data in SQLite as opposed to a regular database. And you have text integer, which are real numbers, or integers, which are like one, two, three, four, five. Real, which is like decimals, like 2.5, 8.6, 3.0. Blob, which is stores, I think, binary data. I never tried that on here, so not 100% sure. And null, meaning that there is no value. The value hasn't been put in yet. So those are the only four or five values that come with SQLite. So SQLite isn't particularly powerful, but it's easy to get started and to learn the basics of databases with that. Okay, so again, thanks to my channel members. Consider subscribing, consider joining, and yeah, clicking a thumbs up, I do appreciate those things. So take care and keep on coding.