Section 8. Book 2, Part 3 of the Histories by Publius Cornelius Tacitus. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Morgan Scorpion. The Histories by Publius Cornelius Tacitus. Translated by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Broderib. Book 2. March to August, AD 69, Part 3. 2.37 I find it stated by some authors that either the dread of or the disgust felt for both emperors, whose wickedness and infamy were coming out every day into more open notoriety, made the two armies hesitate whether they should not seize their strife, and either themselves consult together or allow the senate to choose an emperor, and that, for this reason, authors' generals recommended a certain measure of delay. Paulinus especially entertaining hopes for himself, on the ground that he was the senior among the men of consular rank, that he was well known as a soldier, and had attained great distinction and fame by his campaigns in Britain. Though I would allow that there were some few who in their secret wishes prayed for peace in the stead of disorder, for a worthy and blameless emperor in the room of men utterly worthless and wicked, yet I cannot suppose that Paulinus, wise as he was, could have hoped in an age thoroughly depraved to find such moderation in the common herd, as that men, who in their passion for war had trampled peace under foot, should now in their affection for peace renounce the charms of war. Nor can I think that armies differing in language and in character could have united in such an agreement, all that lieutenants and generals, who were for the most part burdened by the consciousness of proficacy, of poverty and of crime, could have endured any emperor who was not himself stained by vice, as well as bound by obligation to themselves. 2.38 That old passion for power which has ever been innate in man increased and broke out as the empire grew in greatness. In a state of moderate dimensions equality was equally preserved. But when the world had been subdued, when all rival kings and cities had been destroyed, and men had leisure to covet wealth which they might enjoy in security, the early conflicts between the patricians and the people were kindled into flame. At one time the tribunes were factious, at another the consuls had unconstitutional power. It was in the capital and the forum that we first assayed civil wars. Then Rose C. Marius, sprung from the very dregs of the populace, and El Sulla, the most ruthless of the patricians, who perverted into absolute dominion the liberty which had yielded to their arms. After them came C. N. Pompeius, with a character more disguised but no way better. Henceforth men's sole object was supreme power. Legion formed of Roman citizens did not lay down their arms at Fasalia and Philippi, much less where the armies of Otho and Vitaleus likely of their own accord to abandon their strife. They were driven into civil war by the same wrath from heaven, the same madness among men, the same incentives to crime. That these wars were terminated by what we may call single blows, was owing to want of energy in the chiefs. But these reflections on the character of ancient and modern times have carried me too far from my subject. I now return to the course of events. 2.39. Also, having started for Brixellium, the owners of supreme command devolved on his brother Titianus, while the real power and control were in the hands of the prefect Proculus. Celsus and Paulinus, as no one made any use of their skill, did but screen with their idle title of general, the blunders of others. The tribunes and centurions were perplexed to see that better men were despised, and that the most worthless carried the day. The common soldiers were full of eagerness, but liked to criticise rather than to obey the orders of their officers. It was resolved to move the camp forward to the fourth milestone from Bedriacum, but it was done so unskilfully that though it was spring, and there were so many rivers in the neighbourhood, the troops were distressed for want of water. Then the subject of giving battle was discussed. Although in his dispatches ever urging them to make haste, and the soldiers demanding that the emperor should be present at the conflict, many begged that the troops quartered beyond the Paedus should be brought up. It is not so easy to determine what was best to be done, and it is to be sure that what was done was the very worst. 2.40 They started for a campaign rather than for a battle, making for the confluence of the Paedus and Addua, a distance of sixteen miles from their position. Kelsus and Prolinus demonstrated against exposing troops weird with a march and encumbered with baggage to any enemy, who, being himself ready for action and having marched barely four miles, would not fail to attack them, either when they were in the confusion of an advance, or when they were dispersed and busy with the work of entrenchment. Titianus and Proculus, overcome an argument, fell back on the imperial authority. It was true that a new midian had arrived at full gallop with an angry message from Otho, in which the emperor, sick of delay and impatient of suspense, sharply rebuked the inactivity of the generals, and commanded that matters should be brought to an issue. 2.41 The same day, while Caikina was engaged on the construction of a bridge, two tribunes of the Praetorian Guard came to him and begged an interview. He was on the point of hearing their proposals and sending back his own, when the scouts arrived at headlong speed with the news that the enemy were close at hand. The address of the tribunes was thus abruptly terminated. Thus it remained uncertain whether deception or treason, or some honourable arrangement, had been in their thoughts. Caikina dismissed the tribunes and rode back to the camp. There he found that Fabius Valens had given the signal for battle, and that the troops were under arms. While the legions were casting lots for the order of March, the cavalry charged, and, strange to say, were kept only by the courage of the Italian legion from being driven back on the entrenchments by an inferior force of the Othonianists. These men, at the sword's point, compelled the beaten squadron to wheel round and resume the conflict. The line of the Vitellianists was formed without hurry, for though the enemy was close at hand, the sight of their arms was intercepted by the thick brushwood. In Otho's army the generals were full of fear, and the soldiers hated their officers. The baggage wagons and the camp followers were mingled with the troops, and as there were steep ditches on both sides of the road, it would have been found too narrow even for an undisturbed advance. Some were gathering around their standards, others were seeking them. Everywhere was heard the confused shouting of men who were joining the ranks or calling to their comrades, and each, as he was prompted by courage or by cowardice, rushed on to the front or slunk back to the rear. 2.42 From the consternation of panic their feelings passed under the influence of a groundless joy into languid indifference.  Whether this rumour was circulated by the spies of Vitellius, or originated in the treachery or in accident among the partisans of Otho, has never been clearly ascertained. Forgetting their warlike ardour, the Othonianists at once greeted the foe, as they were answered by an angry murmur. They caused apprehensions of treachery in many of their own side, who did not know what the greeting meant. Then the enemy's line charged with its ranks unbroken, in strength and in number superior. The Othonianists, scattered and weary as they were, met the attack with spirit. The ground was so entangled with trees and vineyards that the battle assumed many forms. They met in close and in distant conflict, in line and in column. On the raised road they stood foot to foot. They pushed with their bodies and their shields, and, and, seizing to throw their javelins, they struck through helmets and breastplates with swords and battle-axes. Recognising each other and distinctly seen by the rest of the combatants, they were fighting to decide the whole issue of the war. In an open plain between the Paedus and the Road, two legions happened to meet. On the side of Vitelius was the twenty-first, called the Rapax, a corps of old and distinguished renown. On that of Otho was the first, called Adjutrix, which had never before been wrought into the field, but was high spirited and eager to gain its first triumph. The men of the first, overthrowing the foremost ranks of the twenty-first, carried off the eagle. The twenty-first, infuriated by this loss, not only repulsed the first and slew the legate, or Phidius beninus, but captured many colours and standards from the enemy. In another quarter the thirteenth legion was put to flight by a charge of the fifth. The fourteenth was surrounded by a superior force. Otho's generals had long since fled, and Caikina and Valens strengthened their army with the reserves. New reinforcements were supplied by Varus Alphinius with his Batavians. They had routed the band of gladiators, which had been ferried across the river, and which had been cut to pieces by the opposing cohorts while they were actually in the water. Thus, flushed with victory, they charged the flank of the enemy. 2.44 The centre of their line had been penetrated, and the Othonianists fled on all sides in the direction of Bedriarchum. The distance was very great, and the roads were blocked up with heaps of corpses, thus the slaughter was the greater, for captives taken in civil war can be turned to no profit. Suetonius Paulinus and Lysinius Proculus, taking different roads, avoided the camp. Verdius Aquila, legate of the thirteenth legion in the blindness of fear, fell in the way of the furious soldiery. Late in the day he entered the entrenchments, and found himself the centre of a mob of clamorous and mutinous fugitives. They did not refrain from abuse or actual violence. They reviled him as a deserter and traitor, not having any specific charge against him, but all, after the fashion of the mob, imputing to him their own crimes. Titianus and Celsus were favoured by the darkness. By that time the sentries had been posted, and the soldiers reduced to order. Anius Gallus had prevailed upon them by his prayers, his advice and his personal influence, not to aggravate the disaster of their defeat by mutual slaughter. Whether the war was at an end, or whether they might choose to assume the conflict, the vanquished would find in union the sole mitigation of their lot. The spirit of the rest of the army was broken, but the Praetorians angrily complained that they had been vanquished, not by valor, but by treachery. The Vitellianists, indeed, they said, gained no bloodless victory. Their cavalry was defeated, a legion lost its eagle. We have still the troops beyond the Paedus, and Otho himself. The legions of Mauricia are coming. A great part of the army remained at Bedriacum. These certainly were never vanquished, and if it must be so, it is on the battlefield that we shall fall with most honour. Amid all the exasperation or terror of these thoughts, the extremity of despair yet roused them to fury rather than to fear. 2.45 The army of Vitellius bivouacked at the fifth milestone from Bedriacum. The generals did not venture an assault on the enemy's camp that same day, besides, a capitulation was expected. Though they were without baggage and had marched out only to fight, it was sufficient protection to them that they had arms and were victorious. On the following day, as the feeling of Otho's army was evident, and those who had been most furious were inclined to repent, envoys were sent, nor did the generals of Vitellius hesitate to grant conditions of peace. The envoys, indeed, were detained for some little time, and this circumstance caused some doubt, as it was not known whether they had obtained their object. Before long, however, they returned, and the camp was thrown open. Both victors and vanquished melted into tears, and cursed the fatality of civil strife with a melancholy joy. There, in the same tense, did they dress the wounds of brothers or of kinsmen. Their hopes, their rewards were all uncertain. Death and sorrow were sure, and no one had so escaped misfortune as to have no bereavement to lament. Search was made for the body of the Legate Orphidius, and it was burnt with the customary honours. A few were buried by their friends. The multitude that remained were left above ground. 2.46 Otho was awaiting news of the battle free from alarm and resolved in purpose. First came gloomy tidings, and then fugitives from the field, making known that all was lost. The zeal of the soldiers did not wait for the emperor to speak. They bade him be of good cheer, telling him that he had still fresh forces, and that they would themselves endure and dare to the last. This was no flattery. They were fired by a furious impulse to seek the battlefield, and raise again the fallen fortunes of their party. Those who stood at a distance stretched out their arms, those who were near clasped the emperor's knees, and plotious firmus was the most zealous of them all. This man, who was prefect of the Praetorian Guard, repeatedly besought Otho not to desert an army so loyal and soldiers so deserving. There was more courage in bearing trouble, he said, than in escaping from it. The brave and the energetic cling to hope, even in spite of fortune. The coldly and the indolent are hurried into despair by their fears. While he was thus speaking, as Otho assumed a relenting or a stern expression, the soldiers cheered or ground. Nor was it only the Praetorians who were peculiarly Otho's troops, that thus acted. Those who had been sent on from Mauricio declared that the approaching army was as firmly resolved, and that the legions had entered Aquileia. No one therefore can doubt that the war might have been renewed with its terrible disasters, and its uncertainties both for victors and vanquished. 2.47 Otho himself was opposed to all thoughts of war, he said, I hold that to expose such a spirit, such a courage as yours, to any further risk is to put too higher value on my life. The more help you hold out to me, should I choose to live, the more glorious will be my death. Fortune and I now know each other, you need not reckon for how long, for it is particularly difficult to be moderate with that prosperity which you think you will not long enjoy. The civil war began with Vitelius, he was the first cause of our contending in arms for the throne, the example of not contending more than once shall belong to me. By this let posterity judge of Otho. Vitelius is welcome to his brother, his wife, his children, I need neither revenge nor consolation. Others may have held the throne for a longer time, but no one can have left it with such fortitude. Shall I suffer so large a portion of the youth of Rome and so many noble armies to be again laid low and to be lost to the state? Let this thought go with me, that you were willing to die for me, but live, and let us no longer delay, lest I interfere with your safety, you with my firmness. To say too much about one's end is a mark of cowardice. Take as the strongest proof of my determination the fact that I complain of no one. To accuse either gods or men is only for him who wishes to live. 2.48 After having thus spoken he courageously entreated all in arms befitting their age and rank to go at once and not exasperate the anger of the conqueror by staying. With the young he used his authority, with the old his prayers, and still his look was calm, his speech collected, as he checked the unseasonable tears of his friends. He gave orders that those who were departing should be furnished with boats and carriages. He destroyed all memorials and letters remarkable for the expression of zeal for himself or their abuse of battelius.  Then he even administered consolation to Salveus Coquianus, his brother's son, a very young man who was anxious and sorrowful, praising his affection while he rebuked his fear. Do you think, he said, that battelius will show so ruthless a temper that he will not make even this return for the preservation of his whole family? By hastening my end I earned the clemency of the conqueror. It is not in the extremity of despair, but while my army yet cries for battle, that I have sacrificed to this state my last chance. I have obtained enough reputation myself, enough nobility for my family. Successors of the Julie, the Claudii, the Servii have been the first to bring the imperial dignity into a new family, entered then on life with a brave heart, and never entirely forget, or remember too vividly, that Arthur was your uncle. 2.49 After this he dismissed everyone, and took some repose. He was now pondering in his heart the last cares of life, when his attention was distracted by a sudden tumult, and he was told of the confusion and outrageous conduct of the soldiers. They were threatening with death all who attempted to depart, and were extreme in their violence against Virginius, whose house they had blockaded and were besieging. After rebuking the ringleaders of the tumult, he returned and employed himself in granting interviews to those who were departing, till all had left in safety. Towards evening he quenched his thirst with a draught of cold water. Two daggers were brought to him. He tried the edge of each, and then put one under his head. After satisfying himself that his friends had set out, he passed a tranquil night, and it is even said that he slept.  Hearing a groan from the dying man, his freedmen and slaves, and Plotius Firmus, prefect of the Praetorian Guard, came in. They found but one wound. His funeral was hastily performed. He had made this the subject of earnest entreaties, anxious that his head might not be cut off and subjected to indignities. The Praetorian cohorts carried his body with praises and tears, covering his wound and his hands with kisses. Some of the soldiers killed themselves near the funeral pile, not moved by remorse or by fear, but by the desire to emulate his glory, and by love of their prince. Afterwards this kind of death became a common practice among all ranks at Bedriacum, at Placentia, and in the other camps. Over Ortho was built a tomb unpretending, and therefore likely to stand. 2.50 Thus Ortho ended his life in the 37th year of his age. He came from the municipal town of Farentinum. His father was of Consular, his grandfather of Praetorian rank. His family on the mother's side was of less distinction, but yet respectable. What his boyhood and his youth had been, we have already shown. By two daring acts, one most atrocious, the other singularly noble, he earned in the eyes of posterity about an equal share of infamy and glory. I should think it unbecoming the dignity of the rank which I have undertaken to collect fabulous marvels, and to amuse with fiction the tastes of my readers. At the same time I would not venture to impure in the credit of common report and tradition. The natives of these parts related that on the day when the battle was being fought at Bedriacum, a bird of unfamiliar appearance settled in a much frequented grove near Regium Leopardum, and was not frightened or driven away by the concourse of people, or by the multitude of birds that flocked round it, until Ortho killed himself. Then it vanished. When they came to compute the time, it was found that the commencement and the end of the strange occurrence tallied with the last scenes of Ortho's life. 2.51 At the funeral the mutinous spirit of the soldiers was kindled afresh by their sorrow and regret, and there was no one to check them. They turned to Virginius, and in threatening language, at one time besought him to accept the imperial dignity, at another, to act, as Envoy took Iquina and Valens. Virginius secretly departed by a back way from his house, and thus managed to elude them when they burst in. Rubrius Gallus was charged with the petition of the cohorts which had been quartered at Bixelium, and amnesty was immediately granted to them, while at the same time the forces which had been commanded by Flavius Sabinas signified through him their submission to the conqueror. 2.52 Hostilities had seized everywhere, but a considerable number of the senate, who had accompanied Ortho from Rome and had been afterwards left at Mutina, encountered the utmost peril. News of the defeat was brought to this place. The soldiers, however, rejected it as a false report, and judging the senate to be hostile to Ortho, watched their language, and put an unfavourable construction on their looks and manner. Proceeding at last to abuse and insults, they sought a pretext for beginning a massacre, while a different anxiety also weighed upon the senators, who, knowing that the party of Vitellius was in the ascendant, feared that they might seem to have been tardy in welcoming the conqueror. Thus they met in great alarm and distracted by a twofold apprehension. No one was ready with any advice of his own, but looked for safety in sharing any mistake with many others. The anxieties of the terrified assembly were aggravated when the senate of Mutina made them an offer of arms and money, and, with an ill-timed compliment, styled them conscript fathers. 2.53 3. There then ensued a notable quarrel. Nekinius Chykinna invading against Markelus Eprius for using ambiguous language. The rest indeed did not express their opinions, but the name of Markelus, exposed as it was to odium the hateful recollection of his career as an informer, had roused in Chykinna, who was an unknown man, and had lately been made a senator, the hope of distinguishing himself by making great enemies. The moderation of wiser men put an end to the dispute. They all returned to Bononia, intending there to deliberate again, and expecting further news in the meantime. At Bononia they posted men on the different roads to make inquiries of every newcomer. One of Otho's freedmen, on being questioned as to the cause of his departure, replied that he was entrusted with his master's last commands. Otho was still alive, he said, when he left him, but his only thoughts were for posterity, and he had torn himself from all the fascinations of life. They were struck with admiration and were ashamed to put any more questions, and then the hearts of all turned to Vitelius. 2.54 Lucius Vitelius, the brother of the emperor, was present at their deliberations, and was preparing to receive their flatteries, when, of a sudden, Corinas, a freedman of Nero, threw them all into consternation by an outrageous falsehood. He asserted that, by the arrival of the fourteenth legion, joined to the forces from Bricsellum, the victorious army had been routed and the fortunes of the party changed. The object of this fabrication was that the passports of Otho, which were beginning to be disregarded, might, through more favourable news, recover their validity. Corinas was conveyed with rapidity to the capital, but a few days after suffered the penalty of his crime by the order of Vitelius. The peril of the senators was increased by the soldiers of Otho's army believing that the intelligence thus brought was authentic. Their alarm was heightened by the fact that their departure from Mutina and their desertion of the party had the appearance of a public resolution. They did not meet again for general deliberation, but every man consulted his own safety, till letters arrived from Fabius Valens which removed their fear. Besides, the very glory of Otho's death made the news travel more quickly. 2.55 At Rome, however, there was no alarm. The games of Curies were attended as usual. When trustworthy messengers brought into the theatre the news that Otho was dead and that all the troops in the capital had taken the oath to Vitelius under the direction of Flavius Sabinas, prefect of the city, the spectators greeted the name of Vitelius with applause. The people carried round the temples images of Galba ornamented with laurel leaves and flowers, and piled chaplets in the form of a sepulchral mound near the lake of Cirtius on the very spot which had been stained with the blood of the dying man. In the senate all the customary honours which had been devised during the long reigns of other emperors were forthwith decreed. Public acknowledgments and thanks were also given to the armies of Germany, and envoys were sent charged with congratulations. There was read a letter from Fabius Valens to the consuls, which was written in a not undercoming style, but they liked better the modesty of Cacchina in not writing at all. 2.56 Italy, however, was prostrated under somethings heavier and more terrible than the evils of war. The soldiers of Vitelius, dispersed through the municipal towns and colonies, were robbing and plundering and polluting every place with violence and lust. In the first thing, laurel or unlawful, they were ready to seize or to sell, sparing nothing sacred or profane. Some persons under the soldiers garb murdered their private enemies. The soldiers themselves, who knew the country well, marched out richer states and wealthy owners for plunder, or for death in case of resistance. Their commanders were in their power and dared not check them. Cacchina, indeed, was not so rapacious as he was fond of popularity. Valens was so notorious for his dishonest gains and speculations that he was disposed to conceal the crimes of others. The resources of Italy had long been impaired, and the presence of so vast a force of infantry and cavalry, with the outages, the losses, and the wrongs they inflicted, was more than it could well endure. 2.57 Meanwhile, Vitelius, as yet unaware of his victory, was bringing up the remaining strength of the army of Germany just as if the campaign had yet to be fought. A few of the older soldiers were left in the winter quarters, and the conscription throughout Gaul was hastily proceeded with, in order that the muster rolls of the legions which remained behind might be filled up. The defence of the Bank of the Rhine was entrusted to Hordeonius Flaccus. Vitelius himself added to his own army eight thousand men of the British conscription. He had ceded a few days' march, when he received intelligence of the victory at Bedriacum, and of the termination of the war through Arthur's death. He called an assembly, and heaped praises on the valor of the soldiers. When the army demanded that he should confer a question rank on Asiaticus his freedman, he checked the disgraceful flattery. Then, with his characteristic fickleness, in the privacy of a banquet, he granted the very distinct in which he had publicly refused, and honoured with the ring of knighthood this same Asiaticus, a slave of infamous character, ever seeking power by unprincipled intrigues. End of Book Two, Part Three March to August, AD 69, Part Four About the same time news came to Vitelius that the procurator Albinus had fallen, and that both the provinces of Mauritania had declared for him. Lucceus Albinus, whom Nero had appointed to the government of Mauritania Caesareansis, to which Galba had subsequently added the charge of the province of Tingitana, had the disposal of no contemptible force. He had with him nineteen cohorts of infantry, five squadrons of cavalry, and a vast number of moors, a force trained to war by robbery and plunder. When Galba had fallen, he was strongly disposed in favour of Otto. He even looked beyond Africa, and threatened Spain, which is separated from it only by a narrow strait. This alarmed Cluvius Rufus, who ordered the Tenth Legion to approach the coast as if he intended to send them across. Some of the centurions were sent on before to gain for Vitelius the goodwill of the moors. This was no difficult task, as the fame of the German army was great in the provinces. Besides this, a report was circulating that Albinus, scorning the title of procurator, was assuming the insignia of royalty, and the name of djuba. The tide of feeling turned, and a sinious polo, one of the staunchest friends of Albinus, prefect of one of the squadrons of cavalry, with Festus and Scipio, prefects of two infantry cohorts, were killed. Albinus himself, who was sailing from the province Tingitana to Mauritania Caesareansis, was murdered as he reached the shore. His wife threw herself in the way of the murderers, and was killed with him. Vitelius made no inquiries into what was going on. He dismissed matters of even the greatest importance with brief hearing, and was quite unequal to any serious business. He directed the army to proceed by land, but sailed himself down the river Arra. His progress had nothing of imperial state about it, but was marked by the poverty of his former condition, till Junius Blisus, governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, a man of noble birth, whose munificence was equal to his wealth, furnished him with suitable attendance, and escorted him with a splendid retinue. A service which was of itself displeasing, though Vitelius masked his dislike under servile compliments. At Lugdunum, the generals of the two parties, the conquerors and the conquered, were waiting for him. Valens and Caikina he put by his own chair of state, after celebrating their praises before a general assembly. He then ordered the whole army to come and greet his infant son, he brought him out wrapped in a military cloak, and holding him in his arms gave him the title of Germanicus, and surrounded him with all the insignia of the imperial rank. It was an extravagant distinction for a day of prosperity, but it served as a consolation in adversity. Then the bravest centurions among the Othonianists were put to death. This, more than anything else, alienated from Vitelius the armies of Illyricum. At the same time the other legions, influenced by the contagion of example, and by their dislike of the German troops, were meditating war. Vitelius detained Svetonius Paulinus and Likinius Proculus in all the wretchedness of an odious imprisonment. When they were heard they resorted to a defence, necessary rather than honourable. They actually claimed the merit of having been traitors, attributing to their own dishonest councils the long march before the battle, the fatigue of Otho's troops, the entanglement of the line with the baggage wagons, and many circumstances which were really accidental. Vitelius gave them credit for perfidy, and acquitted them of the crime of loyalty. Salvius Tishianus, the brother of Otho, was never in any peril, for his brotherly affection and his apathetic character screened him from danger. Marius Kelsus had his consulship confirmed to him. It was commonly believed, however, and was afterwards made a matter of accusation in the senate against Caicilius Simplex, that he had sought to purchase this honour, and with it the destruction of Kelsus. Vitelius refused, and afterwards bestowed on Simplex a consulship that had not to be bought with crime or with money. Tracarlus was protected against his accusers by Galeria, the wife of Vitelius. Amid the adventures of these illustrious men, one is ashamed to relate how a certain Maricus, a boyan of the lowest origin, pretending to divine inspiration, ventured to thrust himself into Fortune's game and to challenge the arms of Rome. Calling himself the champion of Gaul, and a god, for he had assumed this title, he had now collected eight thousand men, and was taking possession of the neighbouring villages of the Aedui, when the most formidable state attacked him with a picked force of its native youth, to which Vitelius attached some cohorts, and dispersed the crowd of fanatics. Maricus was captured in the engagement, and was soon after exposed to wild beasts, but not having been torn by them was believed by the senseless multitude to be invulnerable, till he was put to death in the presence of Vitelius. No further severities were exercised on the persons of the opposite faction, or with property in any case, the wills of those who had fallen fighting for Otto were held to be valid, and with those who died in testate the law was carried out. Assuredly could Vitelius have bridled his luxurious tastes, no one need have dreaded his rapacity. He had a scandalous and insatiable passion for feasts, the provocatives of gluttony were conveyed to him from the capital and from Italy till the roads from both seas resounded with traffic. The leading men of the various states were ruined by having to furnish his entertainments, and the states themselves reduced to beggary. The soldiers fast degenerated from their old activity and valour through habitual indulgence and contempt of their leader. He sent on before him to the capital an edict by which he postponed his acceptance of the title of Augustus, and refused that of Caesar, though he relinquished nothing of his actual power. The astrologers were banished from Italy. The Roman knights were forbidden under severe penalties to degrade themselves by appearing in public entertainments or in the arena. Former emperors had encouraged the practice by bribes or more frequently enforced it by compulsion, and many of the towns and colonies had vied with each other in attracting by large pay the most profligate of the youth. Vitellius, however, when his brother joined him, and when those who are skilled in the arts of despotism began to creep into his confidence, grew more arrogant and cruel. He ordered the execution of Dolabella, whose banishment by author to the colonia Aquinas I have before mentioned. Dolabella, on hearing of the death of Otto, had entered the capital. Plankius Varus, who had filled the office of Praetor, and had been one of Dolabella's intimate friends, founded on this a charge which he laid before Flavius Sabinas, prefect of the city, implying that Dolabella had escaped from custody and had offered to put himself at the head of the vanquished party, and he also alleged that the cohort stationed at Ostia had been tampered with. Of these grave accusations he brought no proof, whatever, and then, repenting, sought, when the crime had been consummated, a pardon which could be of no avail. Flavius Sabinas, hesitating to act in a matter of such importance, Triaria, the wife of Lucius Vitellius, with unfeminine ferocity, warned him not to seek a reputation for clemency by imperiling the emperor. Sabinas was naturally of a mild disposition, but under the pressure of fear was easily swayed. Here the danger of another made him tremble for himself, and, lest he might seem to have helped the accused, he precipitated his fall. Upon this, Vitellius, who, besides fearing Dolabella, hated him, because he had married Petronia, his former wife, summoned him by letter, and at the same time gave orders that, without passing along the much-frequented thoroughfare of the Flaminian Road, he should turn aside to Interamna, and there be put to death. This seemed too tedious to the executioner, who in a roadside tavern struck down his prisoner, and cut his throat. The action brought great odium upon the new reign, and was noted as the first indication of its character. Triaria's recklessness was rendered more intolerable by an immediate contrast with the exemplary virtue of Galeria, the emperor's wife, who took no part in these horrors, and with sextilia, the mother of the two Vitelli, a woman equally blameless and of the old type of character. She indeed is said to have exclaimed, on receiving the first letter from her son, I am the mother not of Germanicus, but of Vitellius. And after days no seduction of fortune, no flattery from the state, could move her to exaltation. It was only the misfortunes of her family that she felt. M. Cluvius Rufus, who had left his government in Spain, came up with Vitellius after his departure from Luc Dunum. He wore a look of joy and congratulation, but he was anxious at heart, for he knew that he was the object of accusations. Hilarious the emperor's freedman had indeed brought this charge against him, that on hearing of the contest for the throne between Vitellius and Otho, he had made an attempt to secure power for himself and to obtain possession of Spain, and that with this view he had not headed his passport with the name of any emperor. Some extracts from the speeches of Rufus he represented as insulting to Vitellius and intended to win popularity for himself. So strong, however, was the influence of Cluvius that Vitellius actually ordered the freedman to be punished. Cluvius was attached to the emperor's retinue. Spain, however, was not taken from him. He still governed the province, though not resident, as El Aruntius had done before him, whom Tiberius Caesar detained at home because he feared him. It was not from any apprehension that Vitellius kept Cluvius with him. The same compliment was not paid to Trebellius Maximus. He had fled from Britain because of the exasperation of the soldiery. Vitellius Bolanus, who was then accompanying the emperor, was sent to succeed him. Vitellius was troubled by the spirit of the vanquished legions which was anything but broken. Scattered through all parts of Italy and mingled with the conquerors, they spoke the language of enemies. The soldiers of the fourteenth legion were particularly furious. They said that they had not been vanquished, that at the battle of Bedriacum only the veterans had been beaten and that the strength of the legion had been absent. It was resolved that these troops should be sent back to Britain, from which province Nero had summoned them, and that the Batavian cohorts should in the meantime be quartered with them, because there was an old feud between them and the fourteenth. In the presence of such animosities between these armed masses, harmony did not last long. At Augusta of the Tarini it happened that a Batavian soldier fiercely charged some artisan with having cheated him and that a soldier of the legion took the part of his host. Each man's comrades gathered round him. From words they came to blows, and a fierce battle would have broken out, had not two Praetorian cohorts taken the side of the fourteenth and given confidence to them while they intimidated the Batavians. Vitellius then ordered that these latter troops should be attached to his own force in consideration of their loyalty and that the legion should pass over the Grian Alps and then take that line of road by which they would avoid passing Vienna, for the inhabitants of that place were also suspected. On the night of the departure of the legion a part of the Colonia Tarina was destroyed by the fires which were left in every direction. This loss, like many of the evils of war, was forgotten in their greater disasters which happened to other cities. When the fourteenth had made the descent on the other side of the Alps the most mutinous among them were for carrying the standard to Vienna. They were checked, however, by the united efforts of the better disposed and the legion was transported into Britain. Vitellius found his next cause of apprehension in the Praetorian cohorts they were first divided and then ordered, though with the gratifying complement of an honourable discharge, to give up their arms to their tribunes. But as the arms of Vespasian gathered strength they returned to their old service and constituted the mainstay of the Flavianist party. The first legion from the fleet was sent into Spain that in the peaceful repose of that province their excitement might subside. The seventh and eleventh were sent back to their winter quarters. The thirteenth were ordered to erect amphitheaters for both Chichina at Cremona and Valens at Bononia were preparing to exhibit shows of gladiators. Vitellius, indeed, was never so intent on the cares of empire as to forget his pleasures. Though he had thus quietly divided the conquered party there arose a disturbance among the conquerors. It began in sport, but the number of those who fell aggravated the horrors of the war. Vitellius had sat down to a banquet at Tequinum and had invited Virginius to be his guest. The legots and tribunes always follow the character of the emperor and either imitate his strictness or indulge in early conviviality and the soldiers in like manner are either diligent or lax in their duty. About Vitellius all was disorder and drunkenness more like an octurnal feast and revel than a properly disciplined camp. Thus it happened that two soldiers, one of whom belonged to the fifth legion while the other was one of the Gallic auxiliaries challenged each other in sport to a wrestling match. The legionary was thrown and the gall taunted him. The soldiers who had assembled to witness the contest took different sides till the legionaries made a sudden and murderous attack on the auxiliary troops and destroyed two cohorts. The first disturbance was checked only by a second. A cloud of dust and the glitter of arms were seen at a distance. A sudden cry was raised that the fourteenth legion had retraced its steps and was advancing to the attack. It was in fact the rearguard of the army and their recognition removed the cause of alarm. Meanwhile a slave of Virginia's happened to come in their way. He was charged with having designed the assassination of Vitellius. The soldiers rushed to the scene of the banquet and loudly demanded the death of Virginia's. Even Vitellius, tremblingly alive as he was to all suspicions, had no doubt of his innocence. Yet he could hardly check the troops when they clamoured for the death of a man of consular rank, formerly their own general. Indeed there was no one who was more frequently the object of all kinds of outbreaks than Virginia's.  The next day Vitellius, after giving audience to the envoys from the Senate whom he had ordered to wait for him there, proceeded to the camp and actually bestowed high praise on the loyalty of the soldiers. The auxiliary troops loudly complained that such complete impunity, such privileged arrogance, was accorded to the legions. The Batavian cohorts were sent back to Germany, lest they should venture on further violence. Destiny was thus simultaneously preparing the occasions of civil and of foreign war. The Gallic auxiliaries were sent back to their respective states, a vast body of men which in the very earliest stages of the revolt had been employed to make an idle show of strength. Besides this, in order to eke out the imperial resources which had been impaired by a series of bounties, directions were given that the battalions of the legions and the auxiliary forces should be reduced, all recruiting being forbidden. Discharges were offered without distinction. This measure was disastrous to the state and distasteful to the soldier, who found that the same duty was distributed among a smaller number and that his toils and risks came round in a more frequent succession. Their vigour, too, was undermined by luxury, a luxury that transgressed our ancient discipline and the customs of our ancestors, in whose days the power of Rome found a sureer foundation in Vala than in wealth. Vitellius then directed his course to Cremona, and after witnessing the spectacle exhibited by Chichina, he conceived a desire to visit the plains of Bedriacum and to survey the scene of the recent victory. It was a hideous and terrible sight. Not forty days had passed since the battle and their lay mangled corpses, severed limbs, the putrifying forms of men and horses, the soil was saturated with gore and what with levelled trees and crops, horrible was the desolation. Not less revolting was that portion of the road which the people of Cremona had strewed with laurel leaves and roses and on which they had raised altars and sacrificed victims as if to greet some barbarous desperate festivities in which they delighted for the moment but which were afterwards to work their ruin. Valens and Chichina were present throughout the various localities of the field of battle, showing how from one point the columns of the legions had rushed to the attack, how from another the cavalry had charged, how from a third the auxiliary troops had turned the flank of the enemy. The tribunes and prefects extolled their individual achievements and mixed together fictions, facts and exaggerations. The common soldiers also turned aside from the line of march with joyful shouts and recognized the various scenes of conflict and gazed with wonder on the piles of weapons and the heaps of slain. Some indeed there were whom all this moved to thoughts of the mutability of fortune, to pity and to tears. Vitellius did not turn away his eyes, did not shudder to behold the unburied corpses of so many thousands of his countrymen, nay, in his exultation, in his ignorance of the doom which was so close upon himself, he actually instituted a religious ceremony in honor of the tutelary gods of the place. A show of gladiators was then given by Fabius Valens at Bononia, with all the arrangements introduced from the capital. The nearer the emperor approached to Rome, the greater was the license of his march, accompanied as it was by players and herds of eunuchs, in fact, by all that had characterized the court of Nero. Indeed, Vitellius used to make a display of his admiration for Nero, and had constantly followed him when he sang, not from the compulsion to which the noblest had to yield, but because he was the slave and chattel of profligacy and gluttony. To leave some months of office open for Valens and Chichina, the consulates of others were abridged, that of Martius Marca was ignored on the ground as having been one of Otto's generals. Valerius Maximus, who had been nominated consul by Galba, had his dignity deferred for no offence, but because he was a man of gentle temper, and could submit tamely to an affront. Badania's costa was passed over. The emperor disliked him because he had risen against Nero and roused Virginius to revolt. Other reasons, however, were alleged. Finally, after the servile fashion of the time, thanks were voted to Vitellius. A deception which was started with considerable vigor lasted for a few and but a few days. There had suddenly sprung up a man who gave out that he was Scribonianus Camerinas, that dreading the times of Nero he had concealed himself in history, where the old family of the Crassi still had dependence, estates, and a popular name. He admitted into the secret of his imposture all the most worthless of his followers, and the credulous populace and some of the soldiers, either from not knowing the truth or impatient for revolution, began eagerly to rally round him when he was brought before Vitellius and asked who he was. As his account of himself could not be trusted, and his master recognized him as a runaway slave by name Gaeta, he was executed as slaves usually are. It would almost pass belief were I to tell to what a degree the insolence and sloth of Vitellius grew upon him when messengers from Syria and Judea brought the news that the provinces of the east had sworn allegiance to him. Though as yet all information was but vague and uncertain, Bespasian was the subject of much talk and rumour, and at the mention of his name, Vitellius often roused himself. But now both the emperor and the army, as if they had no rival to fear, indulging in cruelty, lust and rapin, plunged into all the licence of foreign manners. The Bespasian, on the other hand, was taking a general survey of the chances of a campaign and of his resources both immediate and remote. The soldiers were so entirely devoted to him that as he dictated the oath of allegiance and prayed for all prosperity to Vitellius, they listened to him in silence. Mukianus had no dislike to Bespasian and was strongly inclined towards Titus. Already had Alexander, the governor of Egypt, declared his adhesion. The third legion, as it had passed over from Syria to Moesia, Bespasian counted upon as devotee to himself, and it was hoped that the other legions of Illyricum would follow its example. In fact the whole army had been kindled into indignation by the insolence of the soldiers who came among them from Vitellius. Savage in appearance and speaking a rude dialect, they ridiculed everybody else as their inferiors. But in such gigantic preparations for war there is usually delay. Bespasian was at one moment high in hope and at another disposed to reflect on the chances of failure. What a day would that be when he should expose himself with his sixty years upon him and the two young men his sons to the perils of war. In private enterprises men may advance or recede and presume more or less upon fortune as they may choose, whereas they who aim at empire have no alternative between the highest success and utter downfall. The strength of the army of Germany, with which as a military man he was well acquainted, was continually before his eyes. He reflected that his own legions were wholly without experience of a civil war, that those of Vitellius had been victorious and that among the conquered there was more dissatisfaction than real strength. Civil strife had shaken the fidelity of the Roman soldiery and danger was to be apprehended from individuals. What would be the use of infantry and cavalry should one or two men seek the prize with which the enemy would be ready to reward a prompt act of treason? It was thus that Scribonianus had fallen in the days of Claudius and his murderer, Voliginius, had been raised from the ranks to the highest military command. It was easier to move the hearts of the multitude than to avoid the single assassin. Though staggered by these apprehensions he was confirmed in his purpose by others among the legates and among his own friends, and particularly by Muclianus, who, after many conversations with him in private, now publicly addressed him in the following terms. All who enter upon schemes involving great interests should consider whether what they are accomplishing be for the advantage of the state, for their own credit, easy of accomplishment, or at any rate free from serious difficulty. They must also weigh the circumstances of their advisor and see whether he will follow up his advice by imperiling himself, and must know who should fortune-prosper the undertaking is to have the highest honours. I invite you, Vespasian, to a dignity which will be as beneficial to the state as it will be honourable to yourself. Under heaven this dignity lies within your reach, and do not dread what may present the semblance of flattery. To be chosen successor to Vitellius would be more of an insult than a compliment. It is not against the vigorous intellect of the divine Augustus. It is not against the profound subtlety of the aged Tiberius. It is not even against the house of Caius Claudius or Nero, established by a long possession of the empire, that we are rising in revolt. You have already yielded to the prestige even of Galba's family. To persist in inaction and to leave the state to degradation and ruin would look like indolence and cowardice, even supposing that servitude were as safe for you as it would be infamous. The time has gone by and passed away when you might have endured the suspicion of having coveted imperial power. That power is now your only refuge. Have you forgotten how Corbulo was murdered? His origin, I grant, was more illustrious than ours, yet in nobility of birth Nero surpassed Vitellius. The man who is afraid sees distinction enough in any one whom he fears. That an emperor can be created by the army Vitellius is himself a proof, who, though he had seen no service and had no military reputation, was raised to the throne by the unpopularity of Galba. Although, who was overcome not indeed by skillful generalship or by a powerful enemy, but by his own premature despair, this man has made into a great and deservedly regretted emperor, and all the while he is disbanding his legions, disarming his auxiliaries, and sowing every day fresh seeds of civil war. All the energy and high spirit which once belonged to his army is wasted in the revelry of taverns and in aping the debaucheries of their chief. You have, from Judea, Syria and Egypt, nine fresh legions, unexhausted by battle, uncorrupted by dissension. You have a soldiery hardened by habits of warfare and victorious over foreign foes. You have strong fleets, auxiliaries both horse and foot, king's most faithful to your cause, and an experience in which you excel all other men. For myself I will claim nothing more than not to be reckoned inferior to Valens and Caikina. But do not spur on Mucchianus as an associate, because you do not find in him a rival. I count myself better than Vitelius. I count you better than myself. Your house is ennobled by the glories of a triumph. It has two youthful signs, one of whom is already equal to the cares of empire, and in the earliest years of his military career, one renowned with these very armies of Germany. It would be ridiculous in me not to waive my claims to empire in favour of the man whose son I should adopt were I myself emperor. Between us, however, there will not be an equal distribution of the fruits of success or failure. If we are victorious, I shall have whatever honour you think fit to bestow on me. The danger and the peril we shall share alike. Nay, I would rather have you, as is the better policy, direct your armies, and leave to me the conduct of the war and the hazards of battle. At this very moment a stricter discipline prevails among the conquered than among the conquerors. The conquered are fired to valour by anger, by hatred, by the desire of vengeance. While the conquerors are losing their energy in pride and insolence, war will of itself discover and lay open the hidden and rankling wounds of the victorious party. And indeed your vigilance, economy and wisdom do not inspire me with greater confidence of success than do the indolence, ignorance and cruelty of Vitellius. Once at war we have a better cause than we can have in peace for those who deliberate on revolt have revolted already. End of book 2 part 4 Book 2 part 5 of the Histories by Publius Cornelius Testis This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org recording by Anna Simon. The Histories by Publius Cornelius Testis translated by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Broderip Book 2, March to August AD 69 part 2 After this speech from Musianus the other officers crowded round Vespasian with fresh confidence, encouraging him and reminding him of the responses of prophets and the movements of the heavenly bodies. Nor was Vespasian proof against this superstition. For afterwards, when mastered the world he openly retained one Seleucus, an astrologer to direct his councils and to foretell the future. All omens now recurred to his thoughts. A cypress tree of remarkable height on its estate had suddenly fallen and rising again the following day on the very same spot had flourished with majestic beauty and even broader shade. This, as the herespasies agreed, was an omen of brilliant success and the highest distinction seemed prophesied to Vespasian in early youth. At first, however, the honours of a triumph, his consulate and the glory of his victories in Judea appear to have justified the truth of the omen. When he had won these distinctions he began to believe that it pretended the imperial power. Between Judea and Syria is Mount Carmel. This is the name both of the mountain and the deity. They have no image of the god nor any temple. The tradition of antiquity recognises only an altar and its sacred association. While Vespasian was there offering sacrifice and pondering his secret hopes, Basilidas, the priest, after repeated inspections of the entrails, said to him, Whatever be your purposes, Vespasian, whether you think of building a house, of enlarging your estate or augmenting the number of your slaves, there has given you a vast habitation, boundless territory, a multitude of men. These obscure intimations popular rumour had at once caught up and now began to interpret. Nothing was more talked about by the common people. In Vespasian's presence the topic was more frequently discussed because to the aspirant himself men have more to say. With purposes no longer doubtful they parted, Vesianus for Antioch, Vespasian for Caesarea. These cities are the capitals of Syria and Judea, respectively. The initiative in transferring the empire to Vespasian was taken at Alexandria under the prompt direction of Tiberius Alexander, who on the 1st of July made the legions swear allegiance to him. That day was ever after celebrated as the first of his reign. Though the army of Judea on July the 3rd took the oath to Vespasian in person with such eager elecrity that they would not wait for the return of his son Titus, who was then on his way back from Syria acting as the medium between Vesianus and his father for the communication of their plans. All this was done by the impulsive action of the soldiers without the preliminary of a formal harangue or any concentration of the legions. While they were seeking a suitable time and place, and for that which in such an affair is the great difficulty the first man to speak, while hope, fear, the chances of success or of disaster were present to their minds, one day on Vespasian quitting his chamber, a few soldiers who stood near in the usual form in which they would salute their legate suddenly saluted him as emperor. Then all the rest hurried up, called him Caesar and Augustus and heaped on him all the titles of imperial rank. Their minds had passed from apprehension to confidence of success. In Vespasian there appeared no sign of elation or arrogance or of any change rising from his changed fortunes. As soon as he had dispelled the mist with which so astonishing of his attitude had clouded his vision he addressed the troops in a soldier-like style and listened to the joyful intelligence that came pouring in from all quarters. This was the very opportunity for which Musianus had been waiting. He now at once administered to the eager soldiers the oath of allegiance to Vespasian. Then he entered the theatre at Antioch where it is customary for the Vespasian and as they crowded together with profuse expressions of fluttery he addressed them. He could speak Greek with considerable grace and in all that he did and said he had the art of displaying himself to advantage. Nothing excited the provincials and the army so much as the assertion of Musianus that Vitaleus had determined to remove the legions of Germany to Syria to an easy and lucrative service while the armies of Syria were to have given them in exchange for common climate and their harassing toils. On the one hand the provincials from long use felt a pleasure in the companionship of the soldiers with whom many of them were connected by friendship or relationship. On the other the soldiers from the long duration of their service loved the well-known and familiar camp as a home. Before the 15th of July the whole of Syria had adopted the same alliance. They had joined him each with a contemptible army and Antiochus who possessed vast ancestral wealth and was the richest of all the subject kings. Before long Agrippa who had been summoned from the capital by secret dispatches from his friends while as yet Vitaleus knew nothing was crossing the sea with all speed. Queen Baranese too who was then in the prime of youth and beauty and who had charmed even the old Vespasian by the splendor of her presence promoted his cause with equal zeal. All the provinces washed by the sea as far as Asia and Achaea and the whole expanse of country inland towards Pontus and Armenia took the oath of allegiance. The legates however of these provinces were without troops, Cappadocia as yet having had no legions assigned to it. A council was held at Baritas to deliberate on the general conduct of the war. The there came messianes with the legates and tribunes and all the most distinguished centurions and soldiers there also the picked troops of the army of Judea. Such a vast assemblage of cavalry and infantry and the pomp of the kings that strove to rival each other in magnificence presented an appearance of imperial splendor. The first business of the campaign was the levy troops and recalled the veterans to service. The strong cities were set apart for the manufacture of arms as Antioch, gold and silver money was coined, everything being vigorously carried on in its appointed place by federally qualified agents. Festivation himself went everywhere urged to exertion, encouraged the industrious by praise and with the inland used the stimulus of example rather than of compulsion and chose to be blind to the faults rather than to the merits of his friends. Many among them he distinguished with perfectures and governments and several with the honors of senatorial rank. All these were men of eminence who soon reached the highest positions. In some cases the good fortune served instead of merit. Of a donative to the troops, Messianus in his first speech had held out only moderate hopes and even Festivation offered no more in the civil war than others had done in times of peace, thus making a noble stand against all bribery of the sultry and possessing in consequence a better army. Envoys were sent to Parcia and Armenia and precautions were taken that when the legions were engaged in the civil war the country in their rear might not be engaged. It was arranged that Titus should pursue the war in Judea while Fespacian should secure the passes into Egypt. To cope with Vitellius a portion of the army the general ship of Messianus, the prestige of Fespacian's name and the destiny before which all difficulties vanished seemed sufficient. To all the armies and legates ledges were dispatched and instructions were given to them that they were to attach the Praetorians who hated Vitellius by the inducement of military service. Messianus who acted more as a colleague than as a servant of the emperor moved on with some light-armed troops not indeed at a tardy pace so as to give the appearance of delay yet not with extraordinary speed. Thus he allowed rumor to gather fresh strength by distance well aware that his force was but small and that exaggerated notions are formed about what is not seen. Behind him however came in a vast body the sixth legion and thirteen thousand veterans. He had given directions that the fleet from the Pontus should be brought up to Byzantium not having yet made up his mind whether avoiding Muzia he should move on Derechium with his infantry and cavalry and at the same time blockade the sea on the side of Italy with his ships of war thus leaving Asia and Achaea safe in his rear which being bearer of troops would be left at the mercy of Vitellius unless they were occupied with proper garrisons and thus to Vitellius himself finding Brandysium Tarentum and the shores of Calabria and Lucenia managed by hostile fleets would be in utter perplexity as to which part of Italy he should protect. Thus the provinces echoed with a bustle of preparing fleets armies and the implements of war. Nothing however was so vexatious as the raising of money. Machianus with the perpetual assertion that money was the sinews of war looked in all questions not to write or truth but only to the extent of a man's fortune. Informations abounded and all the richest men were fastened on for plunder. These intolerable oppressions which yet found some excuse in the necessities of war were continued even in peace. First patient himself indeed at the beginning of his reign was not so bent on enforcing these iniquitous measures till spoiled by prosperity and evil counselors he learned this policy and ventured to use it. Machianus contributed to the war even from his own purse, liberal with his private means because he helped himself without scruple from the wealth of the state. The rest followed his example in contributing their money. Very few enjoyed the same license in reimbursing themselves. Meanwhile the operations of Vespasian were hastened by the zeal of the army of Illyricum which had come over to his side. The third legion set the example to the other legions of Musia. These were the eighth Claudius who were possessed with a strong liking for Otto though they had not been present at the battle of Bidriacum. They had advanced to Aquileia and by roughly repulsing the messengers who brought the tidings of Otto's defeat by tearing the collars which displayed the name of Vitellius by finally seizing on the military chest and dividing it among themselves had assumed a hostile attitude. Then they began to fear. Fear suggested a new thought that acts might be made a merit of with Vespasian which would have to be excused to Vitellius. Accordingly the three legions of Musia sought by letter to win over the army of Pannonia and prepared to use force if they refused. During this commotion Eponius Saturnius, governor of Musia, ventured on a most atrocious act. He dispatched the centurion to murder Tetsius Julianus, the legate of the seventh legion to gratify a private peak which he sealed beneath the appearance of party Zil. Julianus, having discovered his danger and procured some guides who were acquainted with the country, fled through the pathless wastes of Musia beyond Mount Hamas, nor did he afterwards take any part in the civil war. He set out to join Vespasian but contrived to protect his journey by various pretexts, lingering or hastening on his way according to the intelligence he received. In Pannonia however the 13th legion and the seventh Galbas, which had still retained their vexation and rage at the defeat of Bidiakum, joined Vespasian without hesitation, mainly under the influence of Primus Antonius. This man, though an offender against the law and convicted of fraud in the reign of Nero, had, among the other calamities of war, recovered his rank as a senator. Having been appointed by Galba to command the seventh legion, he was commonly believed to have often written to Otto, offering the party his services as a general. Being slighted however by that prince he found no employment during the war. When the fortunes of Vitellius began to totter, he attached himself to Vespasian and brought a vast accession of strength to his party. He was brave and battle, ready of speech, dexterous in bringing odium upon other men, powerful amidst civil strife and rebellion, rapacious, prodigal, the worst of citizens in peace, but in war no contemptible ally. United by these means the armies of Musia and Pannonia drew with them the soldiery of Dalmatia, though the consular legates took no part in the movement. Titus Ampius Flavianus was the governor of Pannonia, Popius Silvanus of Dalmatia. They were both rich and advanced in years. The imperial procurator however was Cornelius Foscus, a man in the prime of life and of illustrious birth. Though in early youth the desire of repose had led him to resign his senatorial rank, he afterwards put himself at the head of his colony in fighting for Galba, and by this service he obtained his procuratorship. Subsequently embracing the cause of aspation he lent the movement the stimulus of a fiery zeal. Finding his pleasure not so much in the rewards of peril as in peril itself, to assured and long acquired possession he preferred novelty, uncertainty and risk. Accordingly both he and Antonius hesitated to agitate and disturb wherever there was any weak point. Dispatches were sent to the 14th legion in Britain and to the first in Spain, for both these legions had been on the side of Otto against Vitalius. Letters too were scattered through every part of Gaul, and in a moment a mighty war burst into flame, for the armies of Illyricum were already an open revolt, and the rest were waiting only the signal of success. While his patience and the generals of his party were thus occupied in the provinces, Vitalius was daily becoming more contemptible and inland, halting to enjoy the pleasures of every town and villa in his way, as with his cumbers host he advanced towards the capital. He was followed by 60,000 armed soldiers demoralized by license. Still larger was the number of campfollowers, and of all slaves the slaves of soldiers are the most unruly. So numerous a retinue of officers and personal friends would have been difficult to keep under restraint, even if controlled by the strict discipline. The crowd was made more unwieldy by senators and knights who came to meet him from the capital, some moved by fear, many by a spirit of adulation, others, and by degrees all, that they might not be left behind while the rest were going. From the dregs of the people, their thronged buffoons, players and charioteers known to Vitalius from their infamous compliance with his vices, for in such disgraceful friendships he felt a strange pleasure. And now not only were the colonies and towns exhausted by having to furnish the supplies, but the very cultivator of the soil and his lands on which the harvests were now ripe were plundered like an enemy's territory. There were many sanguinary encounters between the soldiers. Forever since the mutiny which broke out at the Sinem, they had lingered a spirit of dissension between the legions and the auxiliary troops, though they could unite whenever they had a drastic population. The most terrible massacre took place at the seventh milestone from Rome. Vitalius was distributing to each soldier provisions ready-dressed on the same abundant scale as the gladiators' rations, and the populace had poured forth and spread themselves throughout the entire camp. Some with the fulcrum humour of slaves robbed the careless soldiers by slyly cutting their belts and then asked them whether they were armed. After the insult, the spirit of the soldiers resented the jest. Sold in hand, they fell upon the unarmed people. Among the slain was the father of a soldier who was with his son. He was afterwards recognised, and as murder becoming generally known they spared the innocent crowd. Yet there was a panic at Rome as the soldiers pressed on in all directions. It was through the forum that they chiefly directed their steps, anxious to behold the spot where Galba had fallen. Nor were the men themselves a less frightful spectacle, bristling as they were with the skins of wild beasts, and armed with huge lances, while in their strangeness to the place they were embarrassed by the crowds of people, or tumbling down in the slippery streets, or from the shock of some casual encounter they fell to quarrelling, and then it recalls the blows in the use of their swords. Besides, the tribunes and prefects were hurrying to and fro with formidable bodies of armed men. Vittarius himself mounted on a splendid charger with military cloak and salt, advanced through the Melvion Bridge, driving the senate and people before him. But deterred by the advice of his friends from marching into Rome as if it were a captured city, he assumed a civil garb, and proceeded with his army in orderly array. The eagles of four legions were born in front, and an equal number of colours from other legions on either side. Then came the standards of twelve auxiliary squadrons, and a cavalry behind the ranks of the infantry. Next came thirty-four auxiliary cohorts, distinguished according to the names or various equipments of the nations. Before each eagle were the prefects of the camp, the tribunes, and the centurions of highest rank in white robes, and the other officers by the side of their respective companies, glittering with arms and decorations. The ornaments and chains of the soldiers presented a brilliant appearance. It was a glorious sight, and the army was worthy of a better emperor than Vitellius. Thus he entered the capital, and he there embraced his mother and honoured her with the title of Augusta. The next day, as if he were addressing the senate and people of another state, he pronounced a high panegyric on himself, extolling his own energy and moderation, though his enormities were known to the very persons who were present and to the whole of Italy, his progress through which had been disgraced by sloth and profligacy. Yet the mob, who had no patriotic anxieties and who, without distinguishing between truth and falsehood, had learned the lesson of habitual flattery, applauded him with shouts and acclamations, and reluctant as he was to assume the name of Augustus, extorted from him a compliance as idle as his previous refusal. The country, ready to find a meaning in every circumstance, regarded as an omen of gloomy import that Vitellius, on obtaining the office of supreme pontiff, should have issued a proclamation concerning the public religious ceremonial on the 18th of July, a day which from old times the disasters of Cremera and Alia had marked as unlucky. Thus, utterly regardless of all law, human and divine, with freedmen and friends as reckless as himself, he lived as if he were among a set of drunkards. Still, at the consular elections, he was present in company with the candidates like an ordinary citizen, and by showing himself as a spectator in the theatre as a partisan in the circus, he courted every breath of applause from the lowest rebel. Agreeable and popular as this conduct would have been, had it been prompted by noble qualities, it was looked upon as undignified and contemptible from the remembrance of his past life. He habitually appeared in the senate even when unimportant matters were under discussion, and it once happened that Priscus Helfidius, the praetor-elect, had spoken against his wishes. Though at that moment provoked, he only called on the tribunes of the people to support his insulted authority. And then, when his friends, who feared his resentment was deeper than it appeared, sought to appease him, he replied that it was nothing strange that two senators in a commonwealth should disagree. He had himself been in the habit of opposing Thrasia. Most of them laughed at the effrontery of such a comparison, though some were pleased that the very circumstance of his having selected not one of the most influential men of the time, but Thrasia as his model of true glory. He had advanced to the command to the praetorian guard Publius Sabanus, a prefect of the cohort, Angelius Priscus, then only a centurion. It was through the influence of Cicina and Valens that they respectively rose to power. Though always at variance these two men left no authority to Vitellius. The functions of empire were discharged by Cicina and Valens. They had long before been left to suspect each other by animosities scarcely concealed amid the cares of the campaign and the camp, and aggravated by unprincipled friends in the state of society calculated to produce such feuds. In their struggles for popularity, in their long retinues and in the vast crowds at their levees, they vied with each other and challenged comparison while the favour of Vitellius inclined first to one and then to the other. There can never be complete confidence in a power which is excessive. Vitellius himself, who was ever varying between sudden irritation and unseasonable fondness, they had once despised and feared. Still, this had not made them less keen to seize on palaces and gardens and all the wealth of the empire while a sad and needy throng of nobles whom with their children Galba had restored to their country received no relief from the compassion of the emperor. By an edict which gratified the leading of the state, while it approved itself even to the populace, Vitellius gave back to the returned exiles their rights over their freedmen although servile ingenuity sought in every way to neutralize the boon, concealing money and quarters which either obscurity or rank rendered secure. Some freedmen had made their way into the palace of the emperor and thus became more powerful even than their patrons. Meanwhile, the soldiers, as their numbers overflowed the crowded camp, dispersed throughout the porticoes, the temples and the whole capital, did not know their own headquarters, kept no watch and seized to brace themselves by toil. Amidst the allurements of the city and all shameful excesses they wasted their strength in idleness and their energies in riot. At last, reckless even of health a large portion of them quartered themselves in the notoriously pestilential neighborhood of the Vatican. Hence ensued a great mortality in the ranks. The Tiber was close at hand and their extreme eagerness for the water and their impatience of the heat weakened the constitutions of the Germans and Gauls, always liable to disease. To make matters worse, the organization of the service was deranged by unprincipled intrigue and favor. Sixteen praetorian and four city cohorts were being raised each to consist of a thousand men. In this levy, Valence ventured to do more than his rival on the pretence of his having rescued Cicina himself from peril. Doubtless his arrival had restored the fortunes of the party and his victory had reversed the unfavorable rumors occasioned by his tardy advance. The entire army, too, of lower Germany was attached to him. This circumstance it is thought first made the allegiance of Cicina waver. Much, however, as Vitalius indulged his generals his soldiers enjoyed yet greater license. Everyone chose his own service. However unfit he might, if he preferred it, be enrolled among the soldiers of the capital. Soldiers again of good character were allowed if they so wished to remain with allegiance or in a cavalry, and this was the choice of many who were worn out with disease or who shrank from the unhealthiness of the climate. But the main strength of allegiance and cavalry was drafted from them, while the old glory of the praetorian camp was destroyed by these twenty thousand men indiscriminately taken rather than chosen out of the whole army. While Vitalius was haranguing the troops the man called out for the execution of Asiaticus and of Flavius and Rufinus, the Gallic chieftains because they had fought for Vindex. He never checked these cries for to say nothing of the cowardice natural to that feeble soul he was aware that the distribution of a donative was imminent and having no money he lavished everything else on the soldiers. Contribution in the form of attacks was exacted from the freedmen of former emperors in proportion to the number of their slaves. Vitalius himself thinking only how to squander was building a stable for his charioteers was filling the circus with shows of gladiators and wild beasts and fooling away his money as if he had the most abundant supplies. Moreover, Cicina and Valens celebrated the birthday of Vitalius by exhibiting in every quarter of the city shows of gladiators on a vast and hitherto unparalleled scale. He pleased the most infamous characters but utterly disgusted all the respectable citizens by building altars in the campus Marcius and performing funeral rides to Nero. Victims were slaughtered and burned in the name of the state. The pile was kindled by the Augustalis an order of the priesthood dedicated by the emperor Tiberius to the Julian family just as Romulus had dedicated one to King Vettelius. Within four months from the victory of Bjerken, Asiaticus, the emperor's freedmen was rivaling the Polycleetai, the Petrobe and all the old hateful names. No one saw promotion in that caught by integrity or diligence. The soul rode to power was to glut the insatiable appetites of Vitalius by prodigal entertainments, extravagance and riot. The emperor himself thinking it enough to enjoy the present without a thought for the future is believed to have squandered 900 million cisterces in a very few months. Rome, as miserable as she was great afflicted in one year by an Otto and a Vitalius. What with the Vinai, the Fabai, the Aesili and the Asiatici passed through all vicissitudes of infamy till there came Lucianus and Marcellus and different man rather than a different morality. Vitalius received tidings was that of the Third Legion, the spatches having been sent by Eponius Saturnianus before he too attached himself to the party of Vespasian. Eponius, however, agitated by the unexpected occurrence, had not written all the particulars and flattering friends softened down its import. It was, they said, a mutiny of only a single Legion. The loyalty of the other armies was unshaken. Vitalius, in addressing the soldiers, spoke to the same effect. He invaded against the lately disbanded Praetorians and asserted that false rumors were circulated by them and that there was no fear of a civil war. The name of Vespasian he suppressed and soldiers were dispersed through the city to check the popular gossip. This, more than anything else, kept these rumors alive. Nevertheless, Vitalius summoned auxiliary troops from Germany, Britain and Spain, tardily, however, and with an attempt to conceal his necessities. The legates and the provinces were equally slow. Hordeonius Flecus, who was beginning to suspect the Batavians, feared that he should have a war on his own hands and Vettius Bellanus had in Britain a province never very quiet and both these officers were wavering in their allegiance. Spain, too, which then was without a governor of consular rank, showed no alacrity. The legates of the three legions, equal in authority and ready, while Vitalius was prosperous, to vie in obedience, stood aloof with one consent from his falling fortunes. In Africa, the legion and the auxiliary infantry levied by Claudius Mesa and soon after disbanded by Galba again entered the service at the order of Vitalius, while all the rest of the youth promptly gave in their names. Vitalius had ruled their province as proconsul with integrity and popularity, Vespasian's government had been infamous and odious. The allies formed conjectures accordingly as to the manner in which each would reign, but the result contradicted them. At first Valerius Festus, the legate loyally seconded the zeal of the provincials. Soon he began to waver, supporting Vitalius in his public dispatches and edicts, Vespasian in his secret correspondence and intending to hold by the one or the other according as they might succeed. Some soldiers and centurions coming through Ricia and Gaul were seized with letters and edicts from Vespasian and on being sent by Vitalius were put to death. More however eluded discovery, escaping either through the faithful protection of friends or by their own tact. Thus the preparations of Vitalius became known, while the plans of Vespasian were for the most part kept secret. At first the subpiners of Vitalius was in fault. Afterwards the occupation of the Pannonian Alps with troops stopped all intelligence, and on the sea the prevalent Etesian winds favoured an eastward voyage, but hindered all return. At length Vitalius, appalled by the eruption of the enemy and by the menacing intelligence from every quarter, ordered Cicina and Valens to take the field. Cicina was sent on in advance. Valens, who was just recovering from a severe illness, was delayed by weakness. Far different was the appearance of the German army as it marched out of the capital. All strength had departed from their bodies, all energy from their spirits. Slowly and with thin ranks the column moved along, their weapons feebly grasped, their horses spiritless. The soldiers, impatient of the heat, the dust and the weather, in proportion as they were less capable of enduring toil, were more ready for mutiny. All this was aggravated by the old vanity of Cicina and by the inalience that had of late crept over him. Presuming on the excessive favour of fortune he had abandoned himself to luxury. Perhaps he meditated perfidy and it was part of his policy to enervate the courage of the army. Many believe that his fidelity had been shaken by the suggestions of flavourous saberness, who employed Ruprius Gallus as the bearer of communications intimating that the conditions of desertion would be held binding by respation. At the same time he was reminded of his hatred and jealousy of Fabius Valens. Being inferior to his rival in influence with Vitellius he should seek to secure favour and power with the new emperor. Cicina, having embraced Vitellius and received tokens of high distinction, left him and sent the detachment of Caveri to occupy Cremona. It was followed by the veteran troops of the 4th, 10th and 16th legions, by the 5th and 22nd legions and the rear was brought up by the 21st, the Rapecs, and the 1st Italian legion with the veteran troops of three British legions and a chosen body of the heirs. After the departure of Cicina Valens sent a dispatch to the army which had been under his own command with directions that it would wait for him on the road. Such he said was his arrangement with Cicina. Cicina however, being with the army in person and consequently having greater influence, pretended that this plan had been changed so that the gathering forces of the enemy might be met with their whole strength. Orders were therefore given to the legions to advance with all upon Cremona while a portion of the force was to proceed to Hestelia. Cicina himself turned aside to Ravenna on the pretext that he wished to address the fleet. Soon however he sought the retirement of Pitaeium there to concert his treachery. The cilius bosses, who had been promoted by Vitaeius from the command of a squadron of Caveri to be admiral of the fleets at Ravenna and Missenum, failing immediately to obtain the command of the Praetorian guard sought to gratify his unreasonable resentment by an atrocious act of perfidy. It cannot be certainly known whether he carried Cicina with him or whether, as is often the case with bad men, that they are like each other, both were actuated by the same evil motives. The historians of the period who during the ascendancy of the Flavian family composed the chronicles of this war have in the distorted representations of flattery assigned as the motives of these men a regard for peace and a love of their country. For my own part I believe that to say nothing of a natural fickleness and an honor which they must have held cheap after the betrayal of Galba. Feelings of rivalry and jealousy less others should outstrip them in the favor of Vitaeus make them accomplish his ruin. Cicina, having overtaken the legions, strove by every species of artifice to undermine the fidelity of the Ceturians and soldiers who were devoted to Vitaeus. Basses, in making the same attempt experienced less difficulty. For the fleet, remembering how recently it had served in the cause of Otho, was ready to change its allegiance. End of Book 2, Part 5 Section 11, Book 3 Part 1 of the Histories by Publius Cornelius Tacitus. This is a Libavox recording. All Libavox recordings are in the public domain. For more information, or to volunteer please visit Libavox.org Recording by Andrew Coleman The Histories by Publius Cornelius Tacitus, translated by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Broderib Book 3 September to December AD 69 Part 1 Under happier auspices and in a more loyal spirit the Flavianist leaders were discussing the plans of the campaign. They had assembled at Petovio, the winter quarters of the 13th Legion. There they debated whether they should blockade the passes of the Panonian Alps till the whole strength of their party should be gathered in their rear, or whether it would be the more vigorous policy to close with the enemy, and to contend for the possession of Italy. Those who thought it advisable to wait for reinforcements and to protract the campaign, dwelt on the strength and reputation of the German legions. Vitellius, they said has now joined them with the flower of the British army. Our numbers are not even equal to those of the legions whom they lately defeated and the conquered, let them talk as fiercely as they will lose something of their courage. But, if we occupy meanwhile the passes of the Alps Mokianus will come up with the forces of the east. Vespasian has in addition to the sea, his fleets and provinces loyal to his cause in which he may collect the vast materials for what may be called another war. A salutary delay will bring us new forces where we shall lose nothing of what we have. In answer to this Antonius Primus, who was the most energetic promoter of the war, declared that prompt action would be advantageous to themselves, and fatal to this. Supeinus, he said, rather than confidence has grown upon the conquerors. They are not even kept under arms or within camps. In every town of Italy, sunk in sloth, formidable only to their entertainers, they have drunk of unaccustomed pleasures with an eagerness equal to the rudeness of their former life. They have been emasculated by the circus, the theatre and the allurements of battle, or they are worn out with sickness. Yet even to these men, if you give them time, their old vigor will return with the preparation for war. Germany, once their strength is drawn, is far away. Britain is separated only by a straight. The provinces of Gaul and Spain are near. On either side they can find troops, horses, tribute. They have the army itself and the resources of the capital. And, should they choose themselves to take the offensive, they have two fleets, and the Allurean Sea opened them. What good, then, will our mountain passes do us? What will be the use of having protracted the war into another summer? Where are we to find in the meanwhile money and supplies? Why not rather avail ourselves of the fact that the armies of Egypt, rather than vanquished, are hastening to rise again for vengeance, and that the army's obmitia have brought us their unimpaired strength? If you reckon the number of soldiers, rather than that of legions, we have greater strength and no vices, for our very humiliation has been most helpful to our discipline. As for the cavalry, they were not vanquished even on that day. Though the cavalry, they penetrated the Vitellianist lines. Two squadrons of Mishin and Pannonian cavalry then broke through the enemy. Now the united standards of sixteen squadrons will bury and overwhelm with the crash and din and storm of their onset, these horses and horsemen that have forgotten how to fight. Unless anyone hinders me, I who suggest will execute the plan. You who's ever suffered a reverse may keep back the legions. The light cohorts will be enough for me. Before long you will hear that Italy has been opened and the power of Vitellius shaken. You will be delighted to follow and to tread in the footsteps of victory. With flashing eyes and in the fierce tones that might be most widely heard for the centurions and some of the common soldiers had intruded them. He poured out such a torrent of these and similar words that he carried away even the cautious and prudent. While the general voice of the multitude extolled him as the one man, the one general in the army, and spurned the inaction of the others. He had raised this reputation for himself at the very first assembly. When, after Vespasian's letters had been read, he had not, like many, language on which he might put this or that construction as might serve his purpose. It was seen that he openly committed himself to the cause and he had therefore greater weight with the soldiers as being associated with them in what was either their crime or their glory. Next to premise in influence was Cornelius Fuscus, the procurator. He also had been accustomed to treacherously against Vitellius and had thus left himself no hope in the event of defeat. Titus Ampius Flavianus, disposed to caution by natural temperament and advanced years, excited in the soldiers a suspicion that he still remembered his relationship to Vitellius, and as he had fled when the movement in the legions began, and had then voluntarily returned, it was believed that he had sought treachery. Flavianus indeed had left Pannonia and had entered Italy and was out of the way of danger when his desire for revolution urged him to resume the title of Legate and to take part in the civil strife. Cornelius Fuscus had advised him to this course, not that he needed the talents of Flavianus, but wishing that a consular name might clothe with its high prestige the first movements of the party. Still, that the passage into Italy might be safe and advantageous, directions were sent to Aponius Saturninus to hasten up with the armies of Mishia, that the provinces might not be exposed without defence to the barbarian tribes, the princes of the Samatai Iazages, who had in their hands the government of that nation were enrolled in the army. The chiefs also offered the service of their people and its force of cavalry, their only effective troops, but the offer was declined, lest in the midst of civil strife they should attempt some hostile enterprise, or influenced by higher offers from other quarters, should cast off all sense of right and duty. Sido and Italicus, kings of the Suevi, were brought over to the cause. Their loyalty to the Roman people was of longstanding, and their nation was more faithful than the other to any trust reposed in them. On the flank of the army were posted some auxiliaries, for right here was hostile. Portius Septimius, the procurator, remaining incorruptibly faithful to Italius. Accordingly, Sextelius Felix, with Aureus's horse, ate cohorts and the native levees of Noricum was sent to occupy the bank of the river Enus, which flows between Rightia and Noricum. Neither hesitated an engagement and the fate of the two parties was decided elsewhere. Antonius, as he hurried with the veteran soldiers of the cohorts and part of the cavalry to invade Italy, was accompanied by Aureus Verus, an energetic soldier, service under Corbulo, and successes in Armenia had gained for him this reputation, yet it was really said that in secret conversations with Nero he had collumniated Corbulo's high qualities. The favour thus infamously acquired made him a centurion of the first rank, yet the ill-gotten prosperity of the moment afterwards turned to his destruction. Primus and Verus, having occupied Aquilia, were joyfully welcomed in the neighbourhood and in the towns of Altinum. At Altinum a force was left to oppose the Revena fleet, the defection of which from Vitellius was not yet known. They next attached to their party Potavium and Attesti. There they learnt that three cohorts belonging to Vitellius and the Sabonian horse had taken up a position at the Forum Aliene, where they had thrown a bridge across the river. It was determined to seize the cross, unprepared as it was, for this fact had likewise been communicated. Coming upon them at dawn they killed many before they could arm. Orders had been given to slay but few, and to constrain the rest by fear to transfer their allegiance. Some indeed at once surrendered, but the greater part broke down the bridge and thus cut off the advance of the pursuing enemy. When this success became known two legions, the seventh Galbas and the 18th the Gamina, finding the campaign opening in favour of the Flavianists repaired with alacrity to Potavium under the command of Vadeus Aquila the Legate. A few days were there taken for rest at Menucius Justus prefect of the camp in the seventh legion, who ruled with more strictness than a civil war will permit was withdrawn from the exasperated soldiery and sent to Vespasian. An act that had been long desired was taken by a flattering construction for more than it was worth when Antonius gave orders that the statues of Galba, which had been thrown down during the troubles of the times, should be restored in all the towns. It would, he supposed, reflect honour on the cause, if it were thought that they had been friendly to Galba's rule, and that his party was again rising into strength. The next question was what place should be selected as the seat of war? Verona seemed the most eligible, surrounded as it was with open planes suitable for the action of cavalry in which they were very strong. At the same time it was thought that in resting from Vitellius a colony so rich in resources there would be both profit and glory. They secured Vichetia by simply passing through it. Though in itself a small gain for the town is but of moderate strength, it was considered an important advantage when they reflected that in this town Caikina was born, and that the general of the enemy had lost his native place. The people of Verona were of valuable aid. They served the cause by the example of their zeal and by their wealth, and the army thus occupied a position between Vitea and the Julian Alps. It was to cut off all passage at this point from the armies of Germany that they had barred this route. All this was done either without the knowledge or against the commands of Vespasian. He gave orders that the army should halt at Aquilia and there await Mochianus and these orders he supported by the argument that as Egypt which commanded the corn supplies and the revenues of the wealthiest provinces were in his hands the army of Vitellius would be compelled to capitulate from the want of pay and provisions. Mochianus in frequent letters advised the same policy. A victory that should cost neither blood nor tears and other objects of the kind were his pretexts. But in truth he was greedy of glory and anxious to keep the whole credit of the war to himself. Owing, however, to the vast distances, the advice came only after the matter was decided. Then Antonius by a sudden movement fell upon the outposts of the enemy and made trial of their courage in a slight skirmish, the competence separating on equal terms. Soon afterwards Caikina strongly fortified a camp in Stylia, a village belonging to Verona, and the marshes of the River Tartarus where his position was secure as his rear was covered by the river and his flank by intervening marshes. Had he only been loyal those two legions which had not been joined by the army of Misha might have been crushed by the united strength of the Vitellianists, or driven back and compelled to evacuate Italy in a disgraceful retreat. Caikina, however, by various delays betrayed to the enemy the early opportunities of the campaign, assailing by letters those whom it was easy to drive out by force of arms, until by his envoys he settled the conditions of his treachery. In this interval Aponia Saturninus came up with the seventh legion, Claudius's. This legion was commanded by the tribune Vipstana's Sala, a man of illustrious family, himself highly distinguished the only man who had brought into that conflict an honest purpose. To this army, which was far from equalling the forces of Vitellius it in fact consisted of three legions Caikina dispatched a letter reproaching them with rashness in again drawing the sword in a vanquished cause. At the same time he extolled the valor of the German army. Of Vitellius he made but some slight and commonplace mention without any abuse of Vespasian. Certainly he said nothing which could either seduce or terrify the enemy. The leaders of the Flavianist party, omitting all apology for their former fortune, at once took up a tone of high praise of Vespasian of confidence in their cause of security as to their army and of hostility to Vitellius. While hopes were held out to the tribunes and centurions of retaining the privileges which Vitellius had granted them and Caikina was himself encouraged in no ambiguous terms to change sides. These letters read to the assembled army increased their confidence for Caikina had written in a humble strain as if he feared to offend while their own generals had used contemptuous language meant it would seem to insult Vitellius. On the subsequent arrival of two legions the third commanded by Dilius Aponeanus the eighth by Numitius Lupus it was resolved to make a demonstration of their strength and to surround Verona with military lines. It so happened that Galba's legion had had their work allotted to them on that side the lines which faced the enemy and that some of the allied cavalry appearing in the distance were taken for the enemy and excited a groundless panic. They flew to arms and as the rage of the soldiers at the supposed treachery fell upon Titus Ampius Flavianus not for many proof of his guilt but because he had been long unpopular the clamoured for his death in a very whirlwind of passion, vociferating that he was the Kinsman of Vitellius that he had betrayed Otho that he had embezzled the Donative. He could get no opportunity of defending himself even though he stretched out his hands in entreaty repeatedly prostrating himself on the ground his garments torn his breast and features convulsed with sobs. This very conduct provoked afresh these furious men for fear so excessive seemed to argue a consciousness of guilt. Aponius was clamoured down by the shouts of the soldiers when he attempted to address them everyone else was repulsed with noisy cries to Antonius alone the soldiers ears were open for he had eloquence the art of soothing an angry crowd and personal influence as the mutiny grew fiercer the soldiers went on from abuse and taunts to use their hands and their weapons he ordered that Flavianus should be put in irons the soldiers saw what a mockery it was and pushing aside those who were guarding the tribunal were about to commit the most outrageous violence Antonius threw himself in the way with his sword drawn protesting that he would die either by the soldiers hands or by his own anyone who was known to him or who was distinguished by any military decoration he summoned him by name to his assistance then he turned to the standards and prayed to the gods of war that they would inspire the armies of the enemy rather than his own with such madness and such strife so the mutiny began to abate and at the close of the day the men dispersed their tents the same night Flavianus set out and being met by letters from Vespasian was relieved from his perilous position the legions had caught the infection of mutiny and next assailed Aponius Saturnius legate of the army of Mishia this time the more furiously because their rage broke out not as before when they were wearied with labour and military toils but at midday some letters had been published and this was believed to have written to Vitellius if once they had emulated each other in valor and obedience so now there was a rivalry in insubordination and insolence till they clamoured as violently for the execution of Aponius as they had for that of Flavianus the legions of Mishia recalled how they had aided the vengeance of the Pannonian army while the soldiers of Pannonia as if they were absolved by the mutiny of others took at a light in repeating their fault they hastened the gardens in which Saturninus was passing his time and it was not the efforts of Primus Antonius Aponianus and Messala though they exerted themselves to the uttermost that saved him so much as the obscurity of the hiding place in which he concealed himself for he was hidden in the furnace of some baths that happened to be out of use in a short time he gave up his Lictus and retired to Petavium after the departure of the two men of Consular Rank all power and authority over the two armies centred in Antonius alone his colleagues giving way to him and the soldiers being strongly biased in his favour there were those who believed that both these mutinies were set on foot by the intrigues of Antonius in order that he might engross all the prizes of the war nor indeed was there less restlessness among the partisans of Vitelius who were distracted by yet more fatal dissensions springing not from the suspicions of the common men but from the treachery of the generals Lucilius Bassus prefect of the Revena fleet finding that the troops wavered in purpose from the fact that many were natives of Dalmatia and Pannonia provinces held for Vespasian had attached them to the Flavianist party the night time was chosen for accomplishing the treason because then, unknown to all the rest the ringleaders alone might assemble at headquarters Bassus moved by shame or perhaps by fear awaited the issue in his house the captains of the triremes rushed with a great outcry in the villages of Vitelius a few who attempted to resist were cut down the great majority with the usual love of change were ready to join Vespasian then Bassus came forward and openly sanctioned the movement the fleet appointed Cornelius Fuscus to be prefect and he hastened to join them Lucilius was put under honourable arrest and conveyed as far as Adria by the Libernian ships to be imprisoned by Vivenius Rufinus prefect of the squadron of Calvary which was there in Garrison his chains however were immediately struck off on the interference of Hormus one of the Empress Freedmen for he too ranked among the generals on the revolt of the fleet becoming known Chiquina called together to headquarters which he purposely selected as being the most retired part of the camp the chief centurions and some few soldiers while the rest were dispersed on various military duties then he extolled the valour of Vespasian and the strength of his party he told them that the fleet had changed sides that they were straightened for supplies that Gaul and Spain were against them that in the capital there was nothing on which to rely thus making the worst of everything that concerned Vitellius then the conspirators present setting the example and the rest being paralysed by the strangeness of the proceeding he made them swear allegiance to Vespasian at the same time the images of Vitellius were torn down and persons were dispatched to convey the intelligence to Antonius but when this treason became noise abroad throughout the camp when the soldiers hurrying back to headquarters saw the name of Vespasian written on the colours and the images of Vitellius thrown upon the ground first there was a gloomy silence then all their rage burst out at once what they cried has the glory of the army of Germany fallen so low that without a battle even without a wound they should yield up hands ready bound at arms resigned to surrender what legions indeed are these against us only the conquered first and the twelfth the sole strength of the Othonianist army are not there and even them we routed and crushed on these very planes only that so many thousands of armed men like herd of slaves for sale might be given as a present the exile Antonius thus for sooth the adhesion of one fleet would be worth eight legions so it pleases Bassus and Caikina after robbing the emperor of palaces gardens and money to rob the soldiers of their emperor but we who have seen nothing of toil and bloodshed we who must be contemptible even to the Flavianists watch a we answer to those who shall ask us of our victories and our defeats joining one and all in these cries by which each expressed his own vexation they proceeded following the lead of the fifth legion to replace the images of Vitellius and to put Caikina in irons they elected to the command Fabius Fabullus Leggett of the fifth legion and Cassius Longus prefect of the camp they massacred the soldiers from three Libernian ships who happened to fall in their way but who were perfectly ignorant of these proceedings they then abandoned the camp and after breaking down the bridge fell back on Hostilia and then Saint Cremona in order to effect a junction with the two legions the first Italica and the 21st Rapax which with a portion of the cavalry Caikina had sent on to occupy Cremona end of book 3 part 1