Hook, too, of the history of Britain by John Milton. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain, recording by Thomas Copeland. Finding therefore such opposition, the Scots and Irish robbers, for so they are indifferently termed, without delay get them home. The Picts, as before was mentioned, then first began to settle in the utmost parts of the island, using now and then to make inroads upon the Britons. But they in the meanwhile, thus rid of their enemies, begin afresh to till the ground, which after cessation yields their fruit in such abundance as had not formerly been known for many ages. But wantonness and luxury, the wanted companions of plenty, grow up as fast. And with them, if guilders deserve belief, all other vices incident to human corruption. That which he notes especially to be the chief of perverting of all good in the land, and so continued in his days, was the hatred of truth, and all such as durst appear to vindicate and maintain it. Against them, as against the only disturbers, all the malice of the land was bent. Lies and falsities, and such as could best invent them, were only in request. Evil was embraced for good, wickedness honored at esteemed as virtue, and this quality their valor had, against a foreign enemy to be ever backward and heartless, to civil royals eager and prompt. In matters of government, and the search of truth weak and shallow, in falsehood and wicked deeds pregnant and industrious. Pleasing to God, or not pleasing with them way to life, and the worst, most an end, was the weightier. All things were done contrary to public welfare and safety, nor only by secular men. For the clergy also, whose example should have guided others, were as vicious and corrupt. Many of them besotted with continual drunkenness, or swole with pride and willfulness, full of contenture, full of envy, in discreet, incompetent judges to determine what in practice of life is good or evil, what lawful or unlawful. Thus furnished with judgment, and for manners thus qualified, both priests and laymen, they agreed to choose them several kings of their own, as nears might be like as themselves, and the words of my author import as much. Kings were anointed, Sethi, not of God's anointing, but such as were cruelest, and soon after, as inconsiderately, without examining the truth, put to death by their anointers, to set up others more fierce and proud. As for the election of their kings, and that they had not all one monarch appears both in ages past and by the sequel, it began, as nigh as may be guessed, either this year – note, post Christ 447 – returned to text, or the following, when they saw the Romans had quite deserted their claim, about which time also Pelagianism again prevailing by means of some few, the British clergy too weak it seems to dispute and treat the second time Germanus to their assistance. Who, coming with Severus, a disciple of Lupus that was his former associate, stands not now to argue, for the people generally continue pride, but inquiring those authors of new disturbance that judges them to banishment. They, therefore, by consent of all, were delivered to Germanus, who carrying them over with them – note, post Christ 448 – returned to text, disposed of them in such place where neither they could infect others, and were themselves under cure of better instruction. But Germanus the same year died in Italy, and the Britons not long after found themselves again in much perplexity, with no slight rumour that their old troublers the Scots and Picts had prepared a strong invasion, purposing to kill all, and dwell themselves in the land from end to end. But ere they're coming in, as if the instruments of divine justice had been at strife, which of them first should destroy a wicked nation, the pestilence, for stalling the sword, left scarce enough of them alive to bury the dead. And for that time, as one extremity keeps off another, preserved the land from a worse encumbrance of those barbarous dispossessors whom the contagion gave not leave now to enter far. And yet, the Britons, nothing bettered by these heavy judgments, the one threatened, the other felt, instead of acknowledging the hand of heaven, run to the palace of their king Vortigerne with complaints and cries of what they suddenly feared from the Pictish invasion. Vortigerne, who at that time was chief rather than soul king, unless the rest had perhaps left their dominions to the common enemy, is said, by him of Monmouth, to have procured the death first of Constantine, then of Constance his son, who of a monk was made king, and by that means to have usurped the crown. But they who can remember how Constantine, with his son Constance the monk, the one made emperor of the other Caesar, perished in France, made discern the simple fraud of this fable. But Vortigerne, however he may have come to reign, is deciphered by truer stories as a proud, unfortunate tyrant. And yet he is said to have been much beloved of the people, because his vices sorted so well with theirs, for neither was he skilled in war nor wise in counsel, but covetous, lustful, injurious, and prone to all vice, wasting the public treasuring gluttony and riot, careless of the common danger, and, through a haughty ignorance, unapprehensive of his own. Nevertheless, importunate and awakened to length by unusual clamours of the people, he summons a general council to provide some better means than heretofore had been used against these continual annoyances from the north. The Saxons were a barbarous and heathen nation, famous for nothing else but robberies and cruelties done to all their neighbouring, both by sea and land, in particular to this island. Witness that military force, which the Roman emperors maintained to be the most powerful and most powerful, was the Saxons. The Saxons were a barbarous and heathen nation, famous for nothing else but witness that military force, which the Roman emperors maintained here purposely against them, under a special commander whose title, as is found on good record, was Count of the Saxon shore in Britain, and the many mischiefs done by their landing here, both alone and with the pigs, as above had been related, witnessed as much. There were people thought by good writers to be descended of the Sakai, a kind of Scythians in the north of Asia, and to have been then called Sakassons, or Sons of the Sakai, who with the flood of other northern nations came into Europe toward the declining of the Roman Empire, and using piracy from Denmark all along these seas, possessed at length by intrusion all that coast of Germany and the Netherlands, which took thence the name of Old Saxony, lying between the Rhine and El, and from thence north as far as Edora, the river-bounding Halsatian. Though not so firmly or so largely, but that their multitude wandered yet uncertain of an appetite, such guests as these, the Britons resolved now to send forth and entreat into their houses and possessions, at whose very name here before they trembled afar. So much do men through impatience count ever that the heaviest which they bear at present, and to remove the evil which they suffer, care not though they act in such a manner as to pull on a greater, as if variety and change in evil also were acceptable. Or whether it be that men in the despair of better imagine fondly a kind of refuge in a change from one misery to another. The Britons therefore with board adjourned, who was then accounted king over them all, resolved in full counsel to send ambassadors of their choicest men with great gifts, and said the Saxon writer in these words, desiring their aid.  They have a land fertile and spacious which to your commands they bid us surrender. Here to four we have lived with freedom under the obedience and protection of the Roman Empire. Next to them we know none worthier than yourselves, and therefore become suppliants to your valor. Leave us not below our present enemies, and to art by you imposed willingly we shall submit." Yet Ethelward writes not that they promised subjection, but only amity and league. They therefore who had chief rule among them, hearing themselves entreated by the Britons, to that which gladly they would have wished to obtain of them by entreating, to the British Embassy returned this answer. Quote, be assured henceforth of the Saxons as a faithful friend to the Britons, no less ready to stand by them in their need than in their best of fortune. The ambassadors returned joyful, and with news as welcome to their country, whose sinister fate had now blinded them for destruction. The Saxons, insulting first their gods, though they had answered that the land where to they went, they should hold three hundred years, half that time conquering and half quietly possessing. Furnish out three long galleys or queues with a chosen company of warlike youth, under the conduct of two brothers, Hengus and Horsa, descended in the fourth degree from Woden, from whom, deified for the fame of his acts, most kings of those nations derived their pedigree. These, and either mixed with these or soon after by themselves, to other tribes or neighboring people called Jutes and Angles, the one from Jotland, the other from Anglen by the city of Sleswick, both provinces of Denmark, arrive in the first year of Martin the Greek Emperor from the birth of Christ four hundred and fifty years, received with much goodwill of the people first, then of the king, though after some assurances given and taken bestows on them the island of Tannet, where they first landed, hoping they might be made here by more eager against the Picts when they fought as for their own country and more loyal to the Britons from whom they had received a place to dwell in, which before they wanted. The British Neneus writes that these brethren were driven into exile out of Germany, and Duvortegern, who reigned in much fear, one while of the Picts, then of the Romans and Ambrosius, came opportunity into the haven. For it was the custom in old Saxony when their numerous offspring overflowed the narrowness of their bounds to send them out by lot into new dwellings wherever they found room, either vacant or to be fought. But whether sought or unsought, they dwelt not here long without employment. For the Scots and Picts were now come down, some say, as far as Stamford in Lincolnshire, whom perhaps not imagining to meet new opposition, the Saxons, though not till after a sharp encounter, put to flight, and that more than once, slaying in fight, as some Scots writers affirm, their king Eugenius, the son of Fergus. Hengest, receiving the island to be rich and fruitful, but of princes and other inhabitants to be given to vicious ease, sends word home, inviting others to a share of his good success. Who, returning with 17 ships, were grown up now to a sufficient army, and entertained without suspicion on these terms that they, quote, should bear the brunt of war against the Picts, receiving a stipend and some place to inhabit. With these was brought over the daughter of Hengest, a virgin wonderous fair, as is reported. Rowan, the British called her, she by commandment of her father, who had invited the king to a banquet, coming in presence with a bowl of wine to welcome him, and to attend on his cup till the feast ended, won so much upon his fancy, though already wived, as to induce him to demand her in marriage upon any conditions. Hengest at first, though it fell out perhaps according to his drift, held off, excusing his meanness, then obscurely intimating a desire and almost a necessity, by reason of his augmented dumpers, to have his narrow bounds of tannet enlarged to the circuit of Kent, had it straight by donation, though goronganus till then was king of that place, and so as it were overcome by the great munificence of Vortichern, gave him his daughter. And still encroaching on the king's favor, got further leave to call over Octa and Ebesa, his own and his brother's son, pretending that they, if the north were given them, would sit there as a continual defense against the Scots, by himself guarded the east. They therefore sailing with forty ships, even to the Orcades, and every way curbing the Scots and Picts, possessed that part of the Isle which is now Northumberland. Notwithstanding this, they complained that their monthly pay was grown much into a rear, which, when the Britons found means to satisfy, though alleging with all that they to whom promise was made of wages were nothing so many a number, quieted with this a while, but still seeking occasion to fall off, they find fault next that their pay is too small for the danger they undergo, threatening open war unless it be augmented. Vortem of the king's son, perceiving his father and the kingdom thus betrayed, from that time bends his utmost endeavor to drive them out. They, on the other side, making lead with the Picts and Scots and issuing out of Kent, wasted without resistance, almost the whole land, even to the western sea, with such a horrid devastation that towns and colonies overturned priests and people slain, temples and palaces, but with white fire and sword, lay all together heaped in one mixed ruin. Of all which multitude so great was the sinfulness that brought this upon them, build us as, that few or none were likely to be other than lewd and wicked persons. The residue of these, part overtaken the mountains were slain, others subdued with hunger preferred slavery before instant death, some getting to rocks, hills and woods inaccessible preferred the fear and danger of any death before the shame of a secure slavery. Many fled overseas into other countries, some into Holland, where yet remains the ruins of Bittenberg, an old castle on the sea, to be seen at low water, not far from Leiden, either built as writers of their own affirm or seized on by those Britons in their escape from Hengist. Others into Armorica, people does something with Britons long before, either by gift of Constantine the Great or else of Maximus to those British forces which had served them in foreign wars, to whom those also that miscarried not with the latter Constantine Tarot. And lastly, these exiles driven out by Saxons fled for refuge. But the ancient chronicles of those provinces attest their coming thither to be then first when they fled from the Saxons and indeed the name of Britain in France is not read till after that time. Yet how a sort of fugitives who had quitted without stroke their own country should so soon win another appears not unless joined to some party of their own settled there before. Vortigerne, nothing bettered by these calamities, grew at last so obdurate as to commit incest with his daughter, tempted or tempting him out of an ambition to the crown, for which being censured and condemned in a great synod of clerks and lax, partly for fear of the Saxons, according to the council of his peers, he retired into Wales, and built him there a strong castle at Radnyshire by the advice of Ambrosius, a young prophet from others called Merlet. Nevertheless Faustus, who was the son thus incestuously begotten, under the instructions of German, or some of his disciples for German was dead before, proved a religious man and lived in devotion by the river Remnes in Wymorgenshire. But the Saxons, though finding it so easy to subdue the Vile, with most of their forces, uncertain for what cause, returned home, whereas the easiness of their conquest might seem rather likely to have called in more, which makes more probable that which the British write of Portima. For he, coming to reign instead of his father deposed for incest, is said to have thrice driven and besieged the Saxons in the Isle of Tannert, and when they issued out with powerful supplies sent from Saxony to have fought with them four other battles, where of three are named. The first, on the river Darwin, the second at Episford, where in Horsa the brother of Hengis fell, and on the British part Catergion, the other son of Origen. The third, in a field by Stonar, then called Lapis Tituli in Tannert, for he beat them into their ships that bore them home glad to have so escaped, and not venturing to land again for five years after. In the space where of, Portima, dying, commanded that they should bury him in the port of Stonar, persuaded that his bones lying there would be terror enough to keep the Saxons from ever landing in that place.  But concerning these times, the ancientest annals of the Saxons relate in this manner. In the year 455, Hengis and Horsa fought against Vortiturn in a place called Egglestrip, now Asphirred in Kent, where Horsa lost his life, of whom Horses did the place of his burial took its name. After this first battle and the death of his brother, Hengis, with his son Asca, took on him kingly title, and peopled Kent with Jews, who also then, or not long after, possessed the Isle of White and part of Hampshire, lying opposite. Two years after, in a fight at Kregansford of Crawford, note, post Christ, 457, returned to text. Hengis and his son slew of the Britain's four chief commanders and as many thousands men, the rest in great disorder flying to London, with the total loss of Kent. And eight years passing between, note, post Christ, 465, returned to text. He made new war in Britain's, of whom, in a battle at Whippet's Fjord, twelve princes were slain, and Whippet the Saxon Earl, who left his name to that place, though not sufficient to direct us where it now stands. His last encounter was at a place not mentioned. Note, post Christ, 473, returned to text, where he gave them such an overthrow that, flying in great fear, they left the spoil of all to their enemies. And these, perhaps, are the four battles, according to Neneas, fought by Gordimer, though by these writers far differently related, and happening besides many other bickering in the space of twenty years, as Momsbury reckons. Nevertheless, it plainly appears that the Saxons, by whom so ever, were put to hard shifts, being all this while fought with all in Kent, their own allotted dwelling, and sometimes on the very edge of the sea, Whippet's Fjord seems to intimate. But, Gordimer being now dead, and none of courage left to defend the land, Vortigerne, either by the power of his faction or by consent of all, reassumes the government, and Hengest, thus rid of his grand-opposer, hearing gladly the restornment of his old favourite, returns again with great forces. But, to Vortigerne, whom he well knew how to handle without worrying, as to his son-in-law, now that Gordimer, the only author of dissension between them, was removed by death, offers nothing but all terms of new league and amity. Became, both for his wife's sake and his own sawishness, consulting also with his peers, not unlike himself, readily yields, and the place of Parlia's agreed on, to which either side was to repair without weapons. Hengest, whose meaning was not peace but treachery, appointed his men to be secretly armed, and acquainted them to what intent. The watchword was nimet eosaxis, that is, draw your daggers, which they observing when the Britons were thoroughly heated with wine, although the treaty it seems was not without cups, and provoked as was plotted by summer front, dispatched with those pognards and his next man to the number of three hundred, the chief of those that could do ought against him, either in council or in the field. Vortigerne they only bound and kept in custody until he granted them for his ransom three provinces, which were called afterward Essex, Sussex, and Middlesex. Who thus dismissed, retiring again to his solitary abode in the country of Gorthiganion, so called from his name, from thence to the castle of his own building in North Wales by the River Tiedi, and living there obscurely among his wives, was at length burnt in his tower by fire from heaven, at the prayer some say of Germany, but that coheres not. As others, by Ambrosius Aurelian, of whom as we have heard at first he stood in great fear, and partly for that cause invited in the Saxons, who, whether by constraint or of their own accord, after much mischief done, most of them returning back into their own country, left a fair opportunity to the Britons of avenging themselves easier on those who stayed behind. Repending therefore, and with earnest supplication imploring divine help to prevent their final rooting out, they gather from all parts, and under the leading of Ambrosius Aurelianus, a virtuous and modest man, the last here of the Roman stock, advancing now onward against the late victors, defeat them in a memorable battle. Common opinion, but grounded chiefly on the British fables, makes this Ambrosius to be a younger son of that Constantine, whose eldest, as we heard, was Constance the Mum, who both lost their lives abroad usurping the empire. But the express words, both of guildus and bead, assure us that the parents of this Ambrosius, having here borne equal dignity, were slain in these Pictish wars and commotions in the island. And if the fear of Ambros induced Vortigerne to call him the Saxons, it seems Vortigerne usurped his right. I perceive not that Neneus makes any difference between him and Merlin. For that child, without father, the prophesied of Vortigerne, he names not Merlin but Ambros, who makes him the son of a Roman consul, but concealed by his mother is fearing that the king therefore sought his life. Yet the youth no sooner confessed his parentage, but Vortigerne, either in reward of his predictions or as his right, bestowed upon him all the west of Britain, himself retiring to a solid great life. Whosoever son he was, he was the first according to surest offers that led against the Saxons and overthrew them. But whether before this time or after, none have written. This is certain that in a time when most of the Saxon forces would depart at home, the Britons gathered strength, and either against those who were left remaining or against their whole of powers, the second time returning, obtained this victory. Thus Ambros, as chief monarch of the Isle, succeeded Vortigerne, to whose third son, Pascantius, even meted the rule of two regions in Wales, Bulf and Rothiginne. In his days, Seth Nanias, the Saxons prevailed not much, against whom Arthur, as being then chief general of the British kings, made great war, but more renowned in songs of romances than in true stories. And the sequel itself declares much. For in the year 477, Ella, the Saxon, with his three sons, Cymyn, Pletting and Kisa, at a place in Sussex called Cymynshore, arrived in three ships, killed many of the Britons, chasing those that remained into the wood Andred's league. Another battle was fought at Mercrids, Burnhamstead. Note, in 1885, return to text, where Ella had by far the victory. But Huntingdon makes it so doubtful that the Saxons were constrained to send home for supplies. Four years after died Hengast, the first Saxon king of Kent, noted to have attained that dignity by craft, as much as valor, and for giving scope to his own cruel nature, rather than mildness or civility. His son Oric, so named Oisk, of whom the Kentish kings were called Oiskings, succeeded him, and set content with his father's winnings, more desirous to settle and defend than to enlarge his bounds. He reigned 24 years. By this time, note, post Christ 492, return to text. Ella and his son Kisa, including Andrew Chester, supposed now to be new in Kent, take it by force, and all within it put to the sword. Thus Ella, three years after the death of Hengast, began his kingdom of the South Saxons, eepling it with new inhabitants from the country which was then called Old Saxony at this day Holstein and Denmark, and had besides at his command all those provinces which the Saxons had won alongside Humber. Animated with these good successes, as if Britain were become now the field of fortune, Kurdic, another Saxon prince, the Tenth by Linnish from Moden, an old and practiced soldier who in many prosperous conflicts against the enemy in those parts had nursed up a spirit too big to live at home with equals, coming to a certain place which from then took the name of Kurdic shore, note, post Christ 5, return to text. With five ships and Kenrick his son, the very same day overthrew the Britons that opposed him, and so effectually that smaller skirmishes after that day were sufficient to drive them still further off, leaving him a large territory. Note, post Christ 501, return to text. After him, Porta another Saxon with his two sons, Vida and Megala, ships arrive at Portsmouth, that's called, and at their landing slew a young British nobleman with many others who unadvisedly set upon them. The Britons, to recover what they had lost, note, post Christ 508, return to text, draw together all their forces, led by Natanloud, or Nazaloud, a certain king in Britain, and the greatest south one. But within, thousands of his men, Kurdic boots to rout and slaves. From whence the place in Hancher, as far as critics forward, now charred forward, was called Old Nazaloud. End of the second part of Book 3 of The History of Britain by John Milton, recording by Thomas Copland. Part 3 of Book 3 of The History of Britain by John Milton. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain recording by Thomas Copland. Book 3, part 3 Who this king should be hath bred much question. Some think it to be the British name of Ambrose, others to be the right name of his brother, who for the terror of his eagerness in fight became more known by the surname of Uther, which in the Welsh tongue signifies dreadful. And if ever such a king in Britain there was as Uther and dragon, for so also the Monmouth books so names him, this in all likelihood must be he. Kurdic, by so great a blow given to the Britons, had made large room about him, not only for the men he brought with him, but for such also of his friends as he desired to make great. For which cause, and with all the more to strengthen himself, his two nephews, Stuff and Withgar, in three vessels bring him new levies to Kurdic shore. Note, post Christ 514 return to text. Who that they might not come sluggishly to possess what others had won for them, either by their own seeking or by appointment, are set in a place where they could not but at their first coming give proof of themselves upon the enemy. And so well they did it, that the Britons after a hard encounter left them masters of the field. At the same time Ella, the first south Saxon king, died, whom Kissa, his youngest son, succeeded, the other two failing before him. Nor can it be much more or less than about this time, for it was before the west Saxon kingdom that Offa, the eighth from Woden, made himself king of the east Angles, who by their name testify the country above mentioned. From whence they came in such multitudes that their native soil is said to have remained in the days of Beda uninhabited. Huntington deferred the time of their coming in to the ninth year of Kurdic's reign. For, said he, at first many of them strove for principality, seizing everyone his province, and for some while so continued, making petty wars among themselves, till in the end, Offa, of whom these kings were called Uffings, overtopped them all in the year 571, then titillus his son, the father of Redwall, who became potent. And not much after the east Angles began also the east Saxons to erect a kingdom under Sleeda, the tenth from Woden. But Huntington, as before, will have it registered and no more than barely registered in annals later by 11 years and Erkenwind be the first king. Kurdic, the same in power though not so fond of title, forbore the name of king 24 years after his arrival. But then, founded so firmly the kingdom of the west Saxons, note, post Christ, 519, return to text, that it subjected all the rest at length, and became the sole monarchy of England. The same year he had a victory against the Britons at Kurdic's fort by the river Avon, and after 18 years another great fight at Kurdic's lead. But which army won the day is not by any writer set down. Hitherto has been collected what there is of certainty with circumstances of time and place to be found registered, and no more than barely registered in annals of best note, without describing after Huntington the manner of those battles and encounters which they who compare and judge of books may be confident he never found in any current author whom he had to follow. But this disease has been incident to many more historians, and the age whereof we now write hath had the ill-happ more than any since the first fabulous times to be surcharged with all the idle fancies of posterity. Yet, that we may not rely altogether on Saxon invaders, guilders in antiquity far before these, and every way more credible, speaks of these wars in such a manner, though nothing conceited of the British valor as declares the Saxons in his time and before to have been foiled and not seldomer than the Britons. For besides that first victory of Ambrose and the interchangeable success long after, he tells us that the last overthrow which they received at Baddon Hill was not the least, which they in their oldest annals mention not at all. And because the time of this battle, by any who could do more than guess, is not set down, or any foundation given for whence to draw a solid compute, it cannot be much wide to insert it in this place. For such authors as we have to follow give the conduct and praise of this exploit to Arthur, and that this was the last of twelve great battles which he fought victoriously against the Saxons. The several places written by Nannyus in their Welsh names were many hundred years ago unknown, and so are here omitted. But who Arthur was, and whether ever any such person reigned in Britain, have been doubted here before and may again with good reason. For the monk of Momsbury and others whose credit swayed most with the learned resort, we may well perceive to have known no more of this Arthur five hundred years past, nor of his doings, than we now living. And what they had to say transcribed out of Nannyus, a very trivial writer yet extent, which had already been related, or out of a British book the same which he of Monmouth set for, utterly unknown to the world, till more than six hundred years after the days of Arthur, of whom, as Sigurd in his chronicle professes, all other histories were silent, both foreign and domestic, except only that fabulous book. Others of later time have sought to assert him by old legends and cathedral regists. But he who can accept of legends for good story may quickly swell a volume of trash, and had need be furnished with two only necessaries, the writer and belief, whether it be the writer or he that shall read. As to Arthur, no less is in doubt who was his father. For if it be true as Nannyus, or his noticed averse, that Arthur was called Mabuthur, that is to say a cruel son, with a fierceness that men saw in him as a child, and the intent of his name Arturus imports as much. It might well be that him, in after ages who sought to turn him into a fable, rested the word Uther into a proper name, and so feigned him the son of Uther, since we read not in any certain story that ever such person lived, till Geoffrey of Monmouth set him off with the surname of Pendragon. And as we doubted of his parentage, so may we also of his poisons. For whether that victory at Batten Hill, where his uncertain, Gildus not naming him as he did Ambrose in the former. Next, if it be true as Caradoc relates, that Melbus, king of that country which is now called Somerset, kept him from Gwynevere's wife a whole year in the town of Glaston, and restored her at the entreaty of Gildus, rather than for any enforcement that Arthur, with all his chivalry, could make against a small town, depended only by a moory situation, had either his knowledge in war or the force he had to make been answerable to the fame they bear, that petty king would not have dared to put such an affront upon him, nor he had been so long, and at last without effect in revenging it. Considering, lastly, how the Saxons gained upon him everywhere all the time, if he supposed to reign, which began as some right in the tenth year of Kurdic, note, 529, written to text, who rung from him by long war the countries of Somerset and Hampshire, there will remain neither place nor circumstance in story which may administer any likelihood of any of these great acts that are ascribed to it. This only is acknowledged by Nenius and Arthur's behalf, that the Saxons, though vanquished never so often, grew still more numerous upon him by continual supplies out of Germany, and the truth is that Valor may be overtoiled, and overcome at last with endless overcoming. But as for this battle of Mount Baton, where the Saxons were hemmed in or besieged, whether by Arthur I or when so ever, it seems indeed to have given a most undoubted and important blow to the Saxons, and to have stopped their proceedings for a good while after. Gildus himself witnessing that the Britons, having thus compelled them to sit down in peace, fell there upon to civil discord among themselves. Which words may seem to let in some light toward the searching out when this battle was fought? And we shall find no time since the first Saxon war from whence a longer peace ensued than from the fight at Kurdic's league in the year 527, which all the chronicles mention without victory to Kurdic. And give us argument from the custom they have of magnifying their own deeds upon all occasions to presume here is ill-speeding. And if we look still onward even to the forty-fourth year after, wherein Gildus wrote, if his obscure utterance be understood, we shall meet with every little war between the Britons and Saxons. This only remains difficult, that the victory first won by Ambrose was not so long before this at that in siege, but that the same men living might be eyewitnesses of both, and by this rate, hardly can the latter be thought one by Arthur, unless we reckon him a grown youth at least in the days of Ambrose, and much more than a youth if Momsbury be heard, who affirms all the exploits of Ambrose to have been done chiefly by Arthur as his general, which will add much unbelief to the common assertion of his reigning after Ambrose and Uther, especially the fight of Baddon being the last of his twelve battles. But to prove by that which follows that the fight at Cerdic's league, though it differ in name from that of Baddon, may be thought the same by all effects, Cerdic, three years after, note, post-Christ 530 returned to text, not proceeding onward as his manner was on the continent, turns back his forces on the Isle of Wight, which with the slaying of a few only in Withgar borough, he soon masters, and not long surviving, left it to his nephews by the mother's side, Stuff and Withgar, note, post-Christ 534 returned to text, the rest of what he had subdued, Cendric his son held, and reigned twenty-six years, in whose tenth year, Withgar was buried in the town of that island which bore his name, note, post-Christ 554 returned to text, not withstanding all these unlikelihoods of Arthur's reign and great achievements, in a narration, crept in, I know not how, among the laws of Edward the Confessor, Arthur, the famous King of Britons, is said not only to have expelled hence the Saracens, who were not then known in Europe, but to have conquered Friesland, and all the northeast Isles as far as Russia, to have made Lapland the eastern bound of his empire, and Norway the chamber of Britain. When should this be done? From the Saxons, till after twelve battles he had no rest at home, after those the Britons contented with quiet they had from their Saxon enemies, were so far from seeking conquest abroad, that by the report of Gildus above sighted they fell to civil wars at home. Surely Arthur would have done much better to have made war in old Saxony, to repress their flowing hither, than to have won kingdoms as far as Russia, when he was scarce able here to defend his own. Buchanan, our neighbour historian, represents him of Monmouth and others for fabling in the deeds of Arthur, yet what he writes there of himself, as of better credit, shows not whence he had it but from those fables, which he seems content to believe in part, on condition that the Scots and Picts may be thought to have assisted Arthur in all his wars and achievements, whereof appears as little ground by credible story as of that which he most counts fabulous. But not further to contest about such uncertainties I will now go on with the history. In the year 547, Ida the Saxon, sprung also from Woden in the 10th degree, began the kingdom of Berenicea in Northumberland, built the town of Bebenberg, which was after Walt, and had twelve sons, half by wives and half by concubines. Hengest, by leave of Vortiger, and we may remember, had sent Octave and Ibiza to seek them seats in the North, and there by warring on the Picts to secure the southern parts, which they so prudently effected that, but by force and fair proceeding, they well quieted those countries, and though so far distant from Kent, nor without power in their hands, yet kept themselves nigh a hundred and eighty years within moderation, and as inferior governors they and their offspring gave obedience to the kings of Kent as to the elder family. Till at length, following the example of that age, when no less than kingdoms were the prize of every fortunate commander, they thought it but reason as well as others of their nation to assume royalty, of whom Ida was the first, a man in the prime of his years, and of parentage such as we have heard, but how he came to wear the crown, whether by his own aspiring ambition or by the free choice of his followers or subjects is not said. Certain enough it is that his virtues made him not less noble than his birth, in war undaunted and unfoiled, in peace, tempering the awe of magistercy with a natural mildness, he reigned about twelve years. Note, post Christ 552 returned to text. In the meantime, while Kenrick, in a fight near Seresbury, now Salisbury, killed and put to flight many of the Britons, and the fourth year after, at Berenbury, now Banbury is something, note, post Christ 553 returned to text. With Cowlin, his son, put them again to flight. Cowlin, shortly after, succeeded his father in the West Saxons, and Ola, descended also from Woden but of another line, set up a second kingdom in Dara, the south part of Northumberland. Note, post Christ 560 returned to text and held it thirty years, while Adda, the son of Ida, and five more after him, reigned without other memory in Burnishia, and in Kent, Ethelbert, the next year began. Note, post Christ 561 returned to text. But Esca, the son of Hengest, had left Otha and he, Emerick, to rule after him, both which, without adding to their bounds, kept what they had in peace fifty-three years. But Ethelbert, in length of brain, equalled both the progenitors and, as Ida counts, three years exceeded. Note, post Christ 568 returned to text. Young at his first entrance and unexperienced, he was the first razor of civil war among the Saxons, claiming from the priority of time wherein Hengest took possession here a kind of right over the later kingdoms and thereupon was troublesome to their confines. But by them twice defeated, he who but now, thought to seem dreadful, became almost contemptible. For Caradon and Kutah his son, pursuing him into his own territory, slew there in battle at Wibendon's, two of his earls, Ausleip and Knivand. By this means, the Britons, aberchiefly by this victory at Badden, with a space of forty-four years ending in 571, received no great annoyance from the Saxons. But the peace they enjoyed by ill-using it proved more destructive to them than war. For being raised on a sudden by two such eminent successes from the lowest condition of Thralden, they whose eyes had beheld both those deliverances that by Ambrose and this at Badden were taught by the experience of either fortune, both kings, magistrates, priests and private men, to live orderly. But when the next age, unacquainted with past evils, and only sensible of their present ease and quiet, succeeded, straight followed the apparent subversion of all truth and justice in the minds of most men. Scarce the least footstep or impression of goodness left remaining through all ranks and degrees in the lab, except in some so very few as to be hardly visible in a general corruption, which grew in short space not only manifest, but odious to all the neighboring nations, and first their kings.  Whereof to hear some particulars out of Gildus will not be impertinent. They avenge the heath, and they protect, not the innocent, but the guilty. They swear oft, but purger. They wage war, but civil and unjust war. They punish rigorously them that rob by the highway, but those grand robbers that sit with them at table they honor and reward. They give alms largely, but in the face of their alms deeds pile up wickedness to a far higher heap. They sit in the seat of judgment, but go seldom by the rule of right, neglecting and proudly overlooking the modest and harmless, but countenancing the audacious, though guilty of abominable crimes. They stuff their prisons, but with men committed rather by circumvention than by any just cause. Nothing better with a clergy, but at the same pass, or rather worse than when the Saxons came first in, unlearned, unapprehensive, yet imprudent. Subtle prowlers, pastors in name, but indeed wolves, intent upon all occasions not to feed the flock, but to pamper and well-line themselves. Not called, but seizing on the ministry as a trade, not as a spiritual charge. Teaching the people not by sound doctrine, but by evil example, usurping the chair of Peter, but through the blindness of their own worldly lusts, they stumble upon the seat of Judas. Deadly haters of truth, broachers of lies, looking on the poor Christian with eyes of pride and contempt, but fawning on the wickedest rich men without shame. Great promoters of other men's alms with their set exhortations, but themselves contributing ever least, slightly touching the many vices of the age, but preaching without end their own grievances as done to Christ, seeking after preferments and degrees in the church more than after heaven, and so gained, made it their whole study how to keep them by any tyranny. Yet, lest they should be thought things of no use in their eminent places, they have their niceties and trivial points to keep in awe the superstitious multitude, but in true, saving knowledge leave them still as gross and stupid as themselves. Bunglers at the scripture may forbidding and silencing them that know, but in worldly matters, practists and cunning shifters. In that only art and Simonate great clerks and masters, bearing their heads high at their thoughts, abject and low. He taxes them also as gluttonous, incontinent, and daily drunkards. And what shouldst thou expect from these poor laity, so he goes on, these beasts all belly? Shall these amend thee who are themselves laborious in evil doings?  Leave them, rather, as bids are saviour, call both blindfold into the same perdition. Are all thus? Perhaps not all, or not so grossly, but what avail did Eli to be himself blameless while he connived at others that were abominable? Who of them hath been envied for his better life? Who of them hath hated to consort with these, or withstood their entering the ministry, or endeavored zealously their casting out? Yet some of these, perhaps, by others, are legended for great saints. This was the state of government, this of religion among the Britons in that long calm of peace which the fight of bed and hill had brought forth. Whereby it came to pass that so fair a victory came to nothing. Towns and cities were not re-inhabited, but lay ruined at waste. Nor was it long, ere domestic war breaking out wasted them more. For Britain, as at other times, had then also several kings, by of whom Gildas, living then in Armorica, at a safe distance boldly reproves by name.  He got into his power two young princes of the royal blood, uncertain whether before human right or otherwise suspected, and, after solemn oath given of their safety the year that Gildas wrote, slew them with their two governors in the church and in their mother's arms through the abbots' coat which he had thrown over them, the reverence of vesture to have withheld the murderer. These are commonly supposed to be the sons of Mordred, Arthur's nephew, said to have revolted from his uncle, giving him in a battle his death's wound and by him after to have been slain. Which things were they true would much diminish the blame of cruelty in Constantine, avenging Arthur on the sons of so false a Mordred. In another part of Britain, but it is not expressed where, Aurelius Kunanus was king. Him he charges also with adulteries and parasite, cruel he's worse than the former to be a hater of his country's peace, thirsting after civil war and prey. His condition it seems was not very prosperous for Gildas wished him being now left alone of a tree withering in the midst of a barren field to remember the vanity and arrogance of his father and eldest brethren who came all to untimely death in their youth. The third reigning in Dometia or South Wales was Vortipole, the son of a good father. He was when Gildas wrote grown old, not in years only but in adulteries and in governing full of falsehood and cruel actions. In his latter days, putting away his wife who died in divorce, he became if we mistake not Gildas incestuous with his daughter. The fourth was Keneglas, enbrewed in civil war. He also had divorced his wife and taken her sister who had vowed widowhood. He was a great enemy to the clergy, high-minded and trusting to his wealth. The last but greatest of all in power was Maglopean and greatest also in wickedness. He had driven out or slain many other kings or tyrants and was called the island dragon perhaps having his seat in Anglesey, the profuse giver of great warrior and of a goodly stature. While he was yet young, he overthrew his uncle, though in the head of a complete army and took from him the kingdom. Then, touched with the remorse of his doings, not without deliberation, took upon him the profession of a monk. But soon for Sukhi's vow and his wife also which for that vow he had left making love to the wife of his brother's son then living. Puneuf refusing the offer if she were not rather the first that enticed found means both to dispatch her own husband and the former wife of Maglopean to make her marriage within the more unquestionable. Neither did he this for want of better instructions, having had the learnedest and wisest man reputed of all Britain for the institute of his youth. Thus much the utmost that can be learned by truer story of what passed among the Britons from the time of their useless victory at Badden to the time that Gildus wrote that is to say as may be guessed from the year of Christ 527 to the year 571 is here set down altogether not being capable of being reduced under any certainty of years. But now the Saxons who for the most part all this while had been still unless among themselves began afresh to assault them and ere long to drive them out of all which they had maintained on this side Wales. For Cutholf, the brother of Cowlin note, post Christ 571 return to text by a victory obtained in Beddonford now Bedford took from them four good towns Liggenburg, Eaglesburg Benzington, now Benson in Oxfordshire and Ignisham but outlived not many months of good success and after six years more note, post Christ 577 return to text Cowlin and Cuthwin's son gave them a great overthrow at Durham in Gloucestershire slew three of their kings Comal, Condedon and Farry-Mail and took three of their chief cities Gloucester, Scissider and Beddon's sister The Britons notwithstanding after some space of time note, post Christ 584 return to text judging to have outgrown their losses gathered to a head and encountered Cowlin with Cuthwa his son at Feathenmeeg whom valiantly fighting they flew among the thickest and as he said forced the Saxons to retire in the fight put them to a main route and following his advantage took many towns and returned laden with rich booty The last of those Saxons who raised their own achievements to a monarchy was Crada much about this time first founder of the Mercian Kingdom drawing also his pedigree from Wogan of whom all to write the several genealogies though it might be done without long search were in my opinion to encumber the story with a sort of barbarous names to a little purpose this may suffice that of Woden's three sons from the eldest issued Hengist and his accession from the second the kings of Mercia from the third all that reigned in west Saxony and most of the north umpers of whom Allah was one the first king of Dara which after his death the son of Ida seized and made it one kingdom with Brynisha note post Christ 588 returned to text usurping the childhood of Edwin Allah's son whom Ethelric the son of Ida expelled notwithstanding others write of him that from a poor life and beyond hope in his old age coming to the crown he could hardly by the access of a kingdom have overcome his former obscurity had not the fame of his son preserved him once more the Britons note post Christ 588 returned to text ere they quitted all on the side the mountains forgot not to show some manhood for meeting Cowlin in Woden's worth that is to say at Woden's mount in Wiltshire note post Christ 592 returned to text whether it were by their own forces or assisted by the Angles whose hatred Cowlin had incurred they ruined the whole army and chased them out of his kingdom from Wens flying he died the next year in poverty who a little before was the most potent and indeed so king of all the Saxons on this side Humber but who was chief among the Britons in this exploit had been worth remembering whether it was Megalocune of whose prowess had been spoken or Frederick King of Glamorgan whom the Regist of Landaf recounts to have been always victorious in fight or reigned about this time and at length to have exchanged his crown for an hermitage still in the aid of his son Morric whom the Saxons had reduced to extremes taking arms again he defeated them at ten turn by the river Y but himself received a mortal wound note post Christ 593 the same year with Cowlin whom Carol of the son of Cthul Cowlin's brother succeeded Crida also the Merchant King deceased in whose room Wibba succeeded and in Northumberland Ethelfred in the room of Ethelred who had reigned there 24 years thus omitting fables we have the view of what with reason can be relied on for truth done in Britain since the Romans for Sukit wherein we have heard the many miseries and desolations brought by the Divine hand on a perverse nation driven when nothing else would reform them out of a fair country into a mountainous and barren corner by strangers and agons so much more tolerable in the eye of heaven is infidelity professed than Christian faith and religion dishonored by un-Christian works yet they also at length renounce their hedonism which how it came to pass will be the matter next related end of the third book of Milton's history of Britain recording by Thomas Copeland the fourth book of the history of Britain by John Milton this LibriVox recording is in the public domain recording by Thomas Copeland the history of Britain the fourth book the Saxons grown up now to seven absolute kingdoms and the latest of them established by succession finding their power arrived well-nigh at the utmost of what was to be gained upon Britain's and as little fearing to be displanted by them at time now to survey at leisure by another's greatness which quickly prayed among them either envy or mutual jealousies till the west kingdom at length grown over powerful put an end to all the rest meanwhile above others Athelbert of Kent who by this time had well ripened his young ambition with more ability of years and experience in war but before he attempted to his loss now successfully attains and by degrees brought all the other monarchies between Kent and Humber to be at his devotion to which design the kingdom of west Saxons being the firmest of them all taken by their overthrow at Wotan's birth and the death of Kaolin give him no doubt a main advantage the rest yielded not subjection but as he earned it by continual victories but to win him the more regarded broad he marries Bertha the French king's daughter though a Christian and with this condition to have the free exercise of her faith under the care and instruction of the Tartus Bishop sent by her parents along with her the king notwithstanding and his people retaining their old religion Bertha, how to build this blaze it sadly to the Britain's charge that they never would much save their Saxon neighbours the means of conversion but how far to blame they were and what hope there was of converting in the midst of so much hostility or at least falsehood from the first arrival easy to determine how be it, not long after they had the Christian faith preached to them by a nation more remote and as reported when Count Olden beat his time upon this occasion the Northumbrians had a custom at that time and many hundred years after not a polished to sell their children for a small value to any far land of which number two comely youths were brought to Rome whose fair and honest countenances invited Gregory Archdeacon of that city among others that beheld them getting their condition to demand whence they were it was answered by some who stood by that they were ugly of the province Dera subjects to Allah, king of Northumberland and by religion Pagans which last Gregory deploring framed on a sudden this allusion to the three names he heard that the ugly so like to angels should be snatched to Eura that is from the wrath of God to sing hallelujah and forthwith obtaining license of Benedict the Pope would have come and preached here among them had not the Roman people whose love endured not the absence of so vigilant a pastor over them recalled him then on his journey though he did not abandon he endured for a while his pious intention note post Christ 596 return to text for some years after succeeding to the papal seat and now in his fourth year admonished Seth Beda by divine instinct he sent Augusta whom he had designed for bishop of the English nation and other zealous monks with him to preach to them the gospel who being now on their way by some reports or their own carnal fear sent back Austin in the name of all to beseech Gregory that they might return home and not be sent a journey so full of hazard to a fierce and infidel nation whose tongue they understood not Gregory with pious and apostolic persuasion exhorts them not to shrink back from so good a work but cheerfully to go on in the strength of divine assistance the letter itself yet extent among our writers ecclesiastic story I omit here as not professing to relate of those matters more than what mixes after with civil affairs the abbot Austin was so he was ordained over the rest re-encouraged by the exhortations of Gregory and his fellows by the letter which he brought them came safe to the Isle of Thanet post Christ 597 returned to text in number about 40 besides some of the French nation whom they took along as interpreters Alphalbert the king to whom Austin at his landing had sent a new and wondrous message that he came from Rome to cross for heaven and eternal happiness in the knowledge of another God than the Saxons knew appoints them to remain where they had landed and necessaries to be provided them consulting in the meantime what was to be done and after certain days coming into the island chose a place to meet them under the open sky possessed with an old persuasion that all spells if they should use any to deceive him so it were not with indoors would be unavailable they on the other side called to his presence advancing for their standard of silver cross and the fated image of our saviour came slowly forward singing their solemn litanies which brought in Alphalbert more suspicion perhaps that they used enchantments till sitting down as the king willed them they there preached to him and all in that assembly the tidings of salvation whom having heard attentively the king thus answered fair indeed an ample are the promises which he bring and such things as have the appearance in them of much good yet such as being new and uncertain I cannot easily ascend to quitting a religion which my ancestors with all the English nation so many years I have attained nevertheless because you are strangers and have endured so long a journey to impart us the knowledge of things which I've persuade me you believe to be the truest and the best you may be sure we shall not recompense you with any molestation but shall provide rather how we may friendliest entertain you nor do we forbid you to gain whom you can by preaching your belief and accordingly their residents he allotted them in Doroghern or Canterbury his chief city and made provision for their maintenance with free leave to preach their doctrine where they pleased by which and by the example of their older life spent in prayer fasting and continual labour and conversion of souls they won many on whose bounty and the kings receiving only what was necessary they subsisted they stood without the city on the east side an ancient church built in honor of Saint Martin but yet the Romans remained here in which Bertha the Queen went out usually to pray post Christ 598 returned to text and here they also began first to preach baptize and openly to exercise divine worship but when the king himself convinced by their good life and miracles became Christian and was baptized which came to pass in the very first year of their arrival then multitudes daily conforming to their prince thought it an honour to be reckoned among those of his faith to whom Ethelbert indeed principally showed his favour and not compelled none was so he had been taught by them who were both the instructors and authors of his faith that Christian religion ought to be voluntary not compelled about this time Kelwolf, the son of Kutha Calvin's brother reigned over the west Saxons note, post Christ 601 returned to text after his brother Kela either with English, Welsh, Hicks or Scots but Austin, whom with his fellows Ethelbert had now endowed with a better place for their abode in the city and other possessions necessary to livelihood crossing into France was by the Archbishop of Arles at the appointment of Pope Gregory ordained Archbishop of the English and returning sent to Rome Lawrence and Peter two of his associates to acquaint the Pope of his good success in English and to be resolved of certain theological or rather levitical questions with answers to which not properly misplaced Gregory sends also to the great work of converting that went on so happily a supply of labourers Meletus, Justice Alinas, Profinion and many others who what they were may be guessed by the stuff which they brought with them vessels and vestments for the altar copes, relics and for the Archbishop of Austin, a Paul to say Massin to such a rank superstition that age was grown though some of them yet retaining an emulation of apostolic zeal Lastly to Ethelbert they brought a letter with many presents Austin thus exalted to Archibiscopal authority recovered from the ruins and other profane uses a Christian church in Canterbury built of old by the Romans which he dedicated by the name of Christ's church and joining to it built a seat for himself and his successors a monastery also near the city eastward where Ethelbert at his motion built St. Peter's and enriched it with great endowments to be a place of burial for the Archbishops and Kings of Kent quickly did they step up into fellowship of pump with Kings While thus Ethelbert and his people had their minds and tend on religion Ethelfrid the Northumbrian king was not less busy in far different affairs for being altogether warlike and covetous of fame he more wasted the Britons than any Saxon king before winning from them large territories which either he made tributary or planted with his own subjects No, post Christ 603, return to text Whence Eddon king of those Scots that dwelt in Britain jealous of his successors came against him with a mighty army to a place called Degsasta but in the fight losing most of his men himself with a few escaped only Tybald the king's brother and the whole wing which he commanded being unfortunately cut off made the victory to Ethelfrid less in Tyre Yet from that time no king of Scots in hostile manner durst pass into Britain for a hundred and more years and what some years before Kelwolf the West Saxon is annulled to have done against the Scots and Picts passing through the land of Ethelfrid a king so potent unless in his aid and alliance is not likely Buchanan writes as if Ethelfrid hosted by Cowlin whom he mistitles king of East Saxons had a battle before this time with Eddon where in Coutha Cowlin's son was slain but Coutha as above written from better authority was slain in fight against the Welsh 20 years before the number of Christians began now note post Christ 604, return to text to increase so fast that Augustine ordaining bishops under him to his assistants Meletus and Justice sent them out both to the work of their ministry and Meletus by preaching converted the East Saxons over whom Siebert the son of Slida by permission of Ethelfrid being born of his sister Ricula then reigned whose conversion Ethelfrid to graduate built them the great church of St. Paul in London to be their bishops cathedral as Justice also had his built at Rochester and both gifted by the same king with their possessions hitherto Austen labored well among invaders but not with a like commendation soon after among Christians for by means of Ethelfrid summoning the Britain bishops to a place on the edge of Worcestershire called from that time Augustine's oak he requires them to conform with him in the same day of celebrating Easter and many other points wherein they differed from the rights of Rome which when they refused to do not revealing by dispute he appeals to a miracle restoring to sight a blind man whom the Britons could not cure at this something moved though not minded to recede from their own opinions without further consultation they request a second meeting to which came seven Britain bishops with many other learned men especially from the famous monastery of Bangor in which were said to be so many monks living all by their own labor that being divided under seven rectors none had fewer than 300 one man there was who stayed behind a hermit by the life he led who by his wisdom affected more than all the rest went being demanded for they held him as an oracle how they might know Austin to be a man from God that they might follow him he answered that if they found him meek and humble they should be taught by him for it was like list to be the Yoke of Christ both what he bore himself and would have them there but if he bore himself proudly that they should not regard him for he was then certainly of God they took his advice and hasted to the place of meeting whom Austin being already there before them neither arose to meet nor received them in any brotherly sort but sat all the while pontifically in his chair where at the Britons as they were counseled by the holy man neglected him and neither harped to his proposals of conformity nor would acknowledge him for an archbishop and in the name of the rest denotus then avat of bangle he said thus agely to have answered him as to the subjection which you require be thus persuaded of us that in the bond of love and charity we are all subjects and servants to the church of God to the pope of Rome and every good Christian to help them forward by word indeed to be the children of God other obedience this we know not to be due to him whom you turn the pope and this obedience we are ready to give both to him and to every Christian continually besides we are governed under God by the bishop of Calium who is to oversee us in spiritual matters to which Austin thus presaging some say menacing replies since he refused to accept of peace with our brethren he shall have war from your enemies and since you will not with us preach the word of life to whom we ought from their hands you shall receive death this though writers agree not whether Austin spake it as his prophecy or as his plot against the Britons fell out accordingly for many years were not passed note post Christ 607 return to text when Ethelfrid, whether of his own accord or at the request of Ethelfrid incensed by Austin with a powerful host came to Westchester then called Kaleigia where being met by the British forces and both sides in readiness to give the onset he discerns a company of men not habited for war standing together in a place of some safety and by them a squadron armed whom having learned upon some inquiry to be priests and monks assembled bitter after three days fasting to pray for the good success of their forces against him therefore they first said he shall feel our swords for they who pray against us fight heaviest against us by their prayers and are our most dangerous enemies and with that turns his first charge upon the monks the captain said to guard them quickly turns his back and leaves about twelve hundred monks to a sudden massacre where of scarce fifty escaped but not so easy work found Ethelfrid against another part of Britain's the stood in arms whom though at last he overthrew yet it was with slaughter nearly as great of his own soldiers to excuse Austin of this bloodshed lest some might think it his vengeful policy Beda writes that he was dead long before although if the time of his sitting Archbishop be rightly computed to have been sixteen years he must have survived this action other just ground of charging him with this imputation appears not save what evidently we have from Jeffrey of Monmouth we wait we know the same year Cal Wolfe made war on the south Saxons bloody Seth Huntington to both sides but most to them of the south and four years after post Christ 611 returned to text dying left the government of the west Saxons to Kinnigils and Quichel the sons of his brother Keola others as Florence of Wooster and Matthew of Westminster will have Quichel to have been the son of Kinnigils but admitted to reign with his father in whose third year notes post Christ 614 returned to text they are recorded with joint forces of conduct to have fought against the Britons in Beendoon now Bindon in Dorseture and to a slain of them about 2000 more memorable was the second year following note post Christ 616 returned to text the first Christian king of Saxons and no less a favor of all civility in that rude age he gave laws and statutes after the example of Roman emperors which were written with the advice of his wisest counsellors but in the English tongue and were observed long after wherein his special care was to punish those who had stolen from church or church man thereby showing how greatfully he received in their hands which he no sooner did but his son Eidbal took the course as fast to extinguish not only falling back into heathenism but that which heathenism was want to abhor narrowing his father's second wife then soon was perceived what multitudes for fear or countenance of the king had professed Christianity returning now as equally to their old religion nor stayed the apostasy within one province but quickly spread over the east Saxons occasioned there likewise or set forward by the death of their Christian king Siebert whose three sons of whom too are named Sexted and Seward refused in his lifetime to be brought to baptism and after his decease reestablished the free exercise of idolatry nor so content they set themselves in despite to do some open profanation against the other sacrament of the Lord's sufferer coming therefore into the church where Meletus the bishop was ministering they required him in abuse and scorn to deliver to them though they were unbaptised the consecrated bread and upon his refusal to comply with their request they drove him disgracefully out of their dominion who crossed forthwith into Kent where things were in the same plight and then sent to France with justice bishop of Rochester and vengeance deferred not long the punishment of men so impious for Edbald vexed with an evil spirit fell often into foul pits of distraction and the sons of Siebert in a fight against the west Saxons perished with their whole army but Edbald within the year by an extraordinary means became penitent for when Lawrence the archbishop and successor of Austin was preparing to ship for France after justice and Meletus the story goes, if we were believing that Saint Peter in whose church he spent the night before in watching and praying appeared to him and to make the vision more sensible gave him many stripes for offering to desert his flock that sight were of the king doomed next morning he showed the marks of what he had suffered by whom and for what cause relenting and in great fear dissolved his incestuous marriage himself to the Christian faith more sincerely than before with all his people but the Londoners addicted still to paganism would not be persuaded to receive again Meletus for their bishop and to compel them was nothing as power thus post Christ 617 returned to text much through all the south was troubled in religion as much were the north parts of the Christian for Ethelford King of Burnishia as was touched before having thrown Edwin out of Deira and joined that kingdom to his own not content to have bereaved him of his right whose known virtues and high parts gave cause of suspicion to his enemies sends messengers to demand him of Redwall King of the East Angles under whose protection after many years wandering obscurely through all the island in place to safety Redwold though he had promised all defense to Edwin as to a supplement yet being tempted with continual and large offers of gold and not condemning the pleasants of Ethelford yielded at length either to dispatch him or to give him into their hands but being earnestly exhorted by his wife not to betray the faith and inviolable law of hospitality and refuge given the last prefers his first promise as the more religious and not only refuses to deliver him on but since war was there upon denounced determines to be beforehand with the danger and with a sudden army raised surprises Ethelford a little dreaming of an invasion and in a fight near to the east side of the river idle on the merchant border now not unsure slays him dissipating easily his few forces which he had got to march out over hastily with him who yet as a testimony of his fortune not his valor to be blamed slew first with his own hands Reiner the king's son his two sons Oswald and Oswald by Acre Edwin's sister escaped into Scotland by this victory Redwold became so far superior to the other Saxon kings that Vida reckons him the next after Ella and Ethelford who besides this conquest of the north had likewise all on the hither side of the Humber of his obedience he had formally in Kent received baptism but coming home and being persuaded by his wife who still it seems was his chief counselor to good or bad alive relapsed into his old religion yet not willing to forgo his new thought it not the worst way less perhaps he might err in either for more assurance to keep them both and in the same temple erected one altar to Christ and another to his idols but Edwin as with more deliberation he undertook and with more sincerity retained the Christian profession so also in power and extent of dominion far exceeded all before him seduing all Seth Vida English or British even to the Isles then called Ivanian, Anglesey and man settled in this kingdom by Red Bull he sought in marriage Edelberga whom others call Tate the daughter of Ethelford to whose ambassadors Edbald her brother made answer that to wed their daughter to a pagan was not the Christian law Edwin replied that to her religion he would be no hindrance which with her whole household freely exercise and moreover that if when examined it were found the better he would embrace it these ingenuous offers opening so far away to the advancement of truth are accepted note post Christ 625 written to text and Paulinus as a spiritual guardian is sent along with the virgin he being to that purpose made bishop by justice omitted no occasion to plant the gospel in those parts but with small success till the next year which elm at that time one of the two west Saxon kings envious of the greatness which he saw Edwin growing up to sent privately humorous a hired swordsman to assassinate him who under pretence of doing a message from his master with the poisonous weapons stabs at Edwin conferring with him in his house by the river in Yorkshire on an Easter day which Lilla one of the king's attendants at the instant perceiving with a loyalty that stood not then to deliberate abandoned his old body to the blow which notwithstanding made passage through to the king's person with a wound not to be slighted the murderer encompassed now with swords desperate for revenges his own fall with the death of another who has pioneered home Olinus, omitting no opportunity to win the king from his belief obtained at length this promise from him that if Christ would be so magnified would give him to recover of his wound and victory of his enemies who had thus assaulted him he would then become Christian in pledge were of he gave his young daughter in fled to be bred up in religion who with twelve others of his family on the day of Pentecost was baptized and by that time well recovered of his wound to punish the author of so foul a fact he went with an army against the west Saxons whom having quelled by war and of such as had conspired against him put some to death and pardoned others he returned home victorious and from that time worshipped no more his idols yet ventured not rashly into baptism but first took care to be instructed rightly in what he learned examining and still considering with himself and others whom he held wisest though bonafas the pope by large letters of exhortation both to him and his queen was not wanting to quicken his belief but while he still deferred and his deferring might seem now to have passed the maturity of wisdom to a faulty lingering Olinus by revelation as is believed coming to the knowledge of a secret which befell him strangely in the time of his troubles on a certain day went in boldly to him and laying his right hand on the head of the king asked him if he remembered what that sign meant the king trembling and amazed rising up straight fell at his feet behold set Olinus raising him from the ground God hath delivered you from your enemies and given you the kingdom as you desired perform now what long since you promised him to receive his doctrine which I now bring you and the faith which if you accept shall to your temporal felicity add eternal the promise claimed of him by Olinus how and wherefore made though savoring much of legend is thus related Redwald as we heard before dazzled with the gold of Ethelford or by his threatening over odd having promised to yield up Edwin one of his faithful companions of which he had some few with him in the court of Redwald that never shrunk from his adversity about the first hour of night comes in haste to his chamber and calling him forth for better secrecy reveals to him his danger offers him his aid to make his escape but that course not being approved has seeming dishonorable without more manifest commas to begin distrust towards one who had so long been his own refuge the friend departs Edwin left alone without the palace gate full of sadness and perplexed thoughts discerns about the dead of night a man neither by countenance nor by habit to him known approaching towards him who after salutation asked him why at this hour when all others were at rest he alone so sadly sat waking on a cold stone Edwin not a little misdoubting who he might be asked him again what is sitting within doors or without concern him to know to whom he again think not that who thou art or why sitting here or what danger hangs over thee is to me unknown but what would you promise to that man whoever would befriend you out of all these troubles and persuade redwall to the light all that I am able answered Edwin and he what if the same man should promise to make you greater than any English king have been before you I should not doubt both Edwin to be answerably grateful and what if to all this he would inform you said the other in a way to happiness beyond what any of your ancestors have known would you harken to his counsel Edwin without stopping promised he would and the other laying his right hand on Edwin's head when this sign said he shall next befall thee remember this time of night and this discourse to perform what thou has promised and with these words disappearing he left Edwin much revived but not less filled with wonder who this unknown person should be when suddenly the friend who had been gone all this while to listen further what was like to be decreed of Edwin comes back and joyfully bids him rise to his repose for that the king's mind though for a while drawn aside was now fully resolved not only not to betray him but to defend him against all enemies as he had promised this was said to be the cause why Edwin admonished by the bishop of a sign which had befallen him so strangely and as he thought so secretly arose to him with that reverence as to one sent from heaven to claim that promise of him which he perceived well was due to a divine power that had assisted him in his troubles to polite us therefore he makes answer that the Christian belief he himself ought by promise and intended to receive but would confer first with his chief peers and counsellors that if they likewise could be won all at once might be baptized they therefore being asked in council what their opinion was concerning the new doctrine and well perceiving which were the king inclined everyone thereafter shaped his reply the chief priest speaking first discovered an old grudge she had against his gods for advancing others in the king's favor above him their chief priest another hiding his court compliance in a grave sentence commended the choice of certain before uncertain upon due examination to like purpose answered all the rest of his sages none openly dissenting from what was likely to be the king's creed whereas the preaching of Paulinas could work no such effect upon them toiling till that time without success whereupon Edwin renouncing heathenism became Christian and the pagan priests offering himself freely to demolish the altars of his former gods made some amends for his teaching to adorn them with Edwin note post Christ 627 return to text his two sons Osfrid and Infrid born to him by Quinn Berger daughter of Seth Beda of Carroll King of Mercia in the time of his banishment and with them most of the people both nobles and commons easily converted were baptized he with his whole family at York in a church hastily built up of wood the multitude most part in rivers Northumberland thus christened Paulinas crossing the river Humber converted also the province of Lindsay and Blecha the governor of Lincoln with his household in most of that city wherein he built a church of stone curiously wrought but of small continuance for the roof in Beda's time uncertain whether by neglect or by enemies was down the walls only standing meanwhile in Mercia Carroll a kinsman of wither Seth Huntington not a son having long withheld the kingdom from Penda with his son left it now at length to him in the fiftieth year of his age with whom Kinnegill's and Quiche Helm the west Saxon kings two years after note post Christ returned to text having by that time it seems recovered strength since the inroad made upon them by Edwin then made a truce but Edwin seeking every way to propagate the faith which with so much deliberation he had received persuaded airport the son of Redwald King of East Angles to embrace the same belief note post Christ 632 returned to text willingly or in awe is not known retaining under Edwin the name only of King but airport not long survived his conversion having been slain in fight by Rick Bertha Payburn whereby the people having lightly followed the religion of their King as lightly fell back to their own superstitions for above three years after Edwin in the meanwhile to his faith adding virtue by the due demonstration of justice brought such peace over all his territories that from sea to sea man or woman might have traveled in safety his care also was of fountains by the wayside to make them fittest for the use of travelers and not unmindful of regal state whether in war or in peace he had a royal banner carried before him but having reigned with much honor 17 years at length by Kedwalle or Catwallon King of the Britons who with aid of the immersion Penda had rebelled against him slain in a battle with his son Osford at a place called Hethfield and his whole army overthrown or dispersed in the year 633 and the 47th of his age in the eye of man worthy a more peaceful act his head brought to York was there buried in the church by him begun sad was this overthrow both to the church and state of the Northumbrians Penda being heathen and the British king though he named Christian yet indeed more bloody than the bacon nothing was omitted of barbarous cruelty in the slaughter of sex or age Kedwalle threatening to root out the whole nation though then Christian for the Britons and as beater Seth even to his days accounted Saxon Christianity no better than agonism and with them held as little communion from these calamities no refuge being left but flight a Linus taking with him Ethelberger the queen and her children aided by Bassus one of Edwin's captains made escape by sea to Edewald King of Kent bringing his sister with all kindness made Paulinus bishop of Rochester where he ended his days after Edwin the kingdom of Northumberland became divided as before each rightful heir ceasing his part in Deira Osric the son of Elfrid Edwin's uncle by profession Christian and baptized by Paulinus in Brunicia the son of Ethelfrid at the time of Edwin with his brother Oswald and many of the young nobility lived in Scotland exiled and had been there taught baptized no sooner had they gotten each kingdom but both turned recreational sliding back into their old religion and both were the same year slain Osric by a sudden eruption of Kedwalle whom he in a strong town had unadvisively besieged Infrid seeking peace and inconsiderately with a few surrendering himself Kedwalle now ranged at will through both those provinces using cruelly his conquest note post Christ 634 returned to text when Oswald the brother of Infrid with a small but Christian army unexpectedly coming on defeated and destroyed both him and his huge forces which he boasted to be invincible by a little river running into Tyne near the ancient Roman wall then called Dennisburg the place afterwards called Heavenfield from the cross reported to be miraculous for cures which Oswald there erected before the battle in token of his faith against the great number of his enemies obtaining the kingdom he took care to instruct again the people in Christianity sending therefore to the Scottish elders he does so terms them among whom he had received baptism he requested of them some faithful teacher who might again settle religion in his realm which the late troubles had much impaired they as readily hearkening to his request sent Aden, a Scotch monk and Bishop but of singular zeal and meekness with others to assist him whom at their own desire he seated in Lindisfar and being the son of Ethelfrid by the sister of Edwin as right heir others failing easily reduced both kingdoms of North Ambulan as before into one nor of Edwin's dominion lost any part but enlarged it rather over all the four British nations Ingalls, Britons, Picts and Scots exercising regal authority of his devotion humility and alms deeds much as spoken that he disdained not to be the interpreter of Aden reaching in Scotch or bad English to his nobles and household servants and had the poor continually served at his gate after the promiscuous manner of those times his meaning might be upright but the manner more ancient of private or church contribution is doubtless more evangelical End of part one of the History of Britain by John Milton Recording by Thomas Copeland