The next item of business is a debate on motion 333 in the name of Nicola Sturgeon on solidarity with Ukraine. I invite members who wish to speak in the debate to press their request to speak buttons now. I call on Nicola Sturgeon to speak to and move the motion up to 10 minutes, First Minister. Thank you. Today we walked to the horror of an unprovoked invasion of Ukraine and a reality that we all hoped to become unthinkable, a land war in Europe. Today, literally as we speak, that horror in Ukraine is intensifying. Much discussion will focus rightly on the geopolitical impact, but as ever when so-called strong men leaders flex their muscles, it is the innocent and most vulnerable who suffer the most. At the sharp end of any conflict are men, women and children, civilians who have the right to go about their daily lives in peace but who will inevitably bear the brunt of this full-scale invasion. Many will be terrified and are fleeing. Our thoughts are with them in this darkest of hours, and we must provide them with practical support, aid and refuge. This is arguably the most serious moment the world has faced since the end of the Cold War and one of the most dangerous since World War II. By launching this invasion of a sovereign independent nation, Vladimir Putin has committed an illegal act of aggression that has no conceivable justification. His warped rewriting of history underpinning his imperialist delusions is no justification. His claims about the actions of Ukraine's government are false and offer no justification. I am notwithstanding different opinions here and elsewhere about the role and objectives of NATO. His assertions about its so-called eastern expansion and threat to Russian security lack credibility are an excuse, not a reason and certainly not a justification. His motives are simpler, imperialist expansion, coupled with a fear of allowing democracy to flourish on his borders in case it finds its way into Russia. If those are his motives, no one should doubt his ultimate intention. He wants to end Ukraine's very existence as an independent democratic state. That is a moment therefore of genuine peril, first and foremost for the people of Ukraine, but also for the world. It is a time for all democracies and all countries that believe in the rule of international law to stand up for Ukraine's sovereignty and to stand against Russian aggression. That is why I believe that it is important for Parliament today to condemn Russia's actions unreservedly, to show solidarity with the people of Ukraine and to support Ukrainian sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. That, of course, is the right thing to do for all countries, but I know that, in expressing our solidarity with Ukraine, many of us are mindful of the strong ties between Scotland and Ukraine. There is just one example. Our capital city, Edinburgh, is twinned with Ukraine's capital Kiev. Of course, there are several thousand Ukrainian citizens living here in Scotland. They are valued and welcome members of our communities. For all of them, especially those with family and friends still in Ukraine, this will be an especially anxious time, and the Scottish Government will do all that we can to support them. We will work with the Foreign Office to support inquiries from any in Scotland who may be worried about loved ones in Ukraine. We are also working with the UK and other devolved Governments to ensure support is available, if needed, to the UK and British nationals returning to the UK. I discussed the concerns of Ukrainians in Scotland yesterday with both the acting consul general and with Linda Allison, the chair of the Ukrainian community here. I made clear to both of them the Scottish Government's condemnation of Russian actions and our support for and solidarity with the people of Ukraine. In addition, I made it clear that Scotland stands with those members of the international community who have opposed Russian aggression by imposing sanctions. After all, expressions of solidarity with Ukraine, welcome, though they are, are not sufficient in this moment of great peril. Firm and decisive action is needed. It is particularly needed, because this week's atrocities by Russia are not isolated. They are part of a pattern of this Russian regime's aggression, which includes the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the Salisbury poisonings in 2018. I deliberately say the Russian regime, because it is important to be clear that the crimes—and I also used that word deliberately—now being committed by Putin should be laid at his door and at the doors of his kleptocratic cronies. They should not be laid at the door of the people of Russia wholesale, nor should they be laid at the door of Russians or people of Russian background now living here in Scotland. However, those crimes cannot and they must not go unanswered. We cannot have a situation, as arguably did happen with Crimea, where the world expresses shock and outrage for a period of time, but then allows the Russian regime to consolidate its gains with relatively few consequences and then plan further aggression. If we are to deter Putin this time, sanctions must hit him and his allies hard with severe and lasting consequences. He must pay a heavy price for aggression. I therefore welcome the EU's intention to impose a package of what it calls massive targeted sanctions, the detail of which I know we should learn tonight. At the UK, of course, sadly will not now be in the room when those sanctions are being discussed and decided. However, as the Estonian Prime Minister said this morning, the most effective response to Russian aggression is unity. So I hope that we will see co-ordinated action across the international community. We welcomed the sanctions that the UK Government announced on Tuesday, but, as I said at the time, those measures against just five banks and three individuals were too limited. There is no case at all, in my view, to delay tough action now. The experience of recent years shows that softer action does not encourage better behaviour on the part of Putin, it simply emboldens him in his aggressions. The UK Government therefore must announce further much more significant steps as quickly as possible and I am hopeful that it will do so. It must also address the fact, and it is a fact, that the city of London is awash with Russian money. Its response must therefore include a ruthless and comprehensive attack on the wealth and assets of the Russian regime and its backers. That demands a serious and systematic approach, and the Scottish Government will strongly support further moves by the UK Government in that direction. The Scottish Government will also work with the UK Government and other partners, including the UK National Cyber Security Centre, in staying vigilant against any direct threats that Russia might present to Scotland, for example through cyber attacks. The National Cyber Security Centre is closely monitoring the threat to the UK as a priority, and I have in recent weeks, in addition to briefing from the National Security Advisor, been participating in four nations discussions on how we deal with the range of domestic impacts that we may experience. Presiding Officer, the final point that I want to make today is this. This crisis is fundamentally about Russian aggression against Ukraine, but there is also a far wider international and, indeed, moral dimension to this crisis. Putin wants to dismember essentially to obliterate Ukraine as an independent democratic nation. If he is allowed to get away with his aggression, the international community will have failed, and that failure will give encouragement to other countries and other so-called strongmen leaders who consider acts of aggression in future. This crisis is a test for all nations. It is a test of how prepared we are to support not just the principle but the reality of an international order based on law, rules and peaceful coexistence. It is a test of how prepared we are to protect freedom, peace and democracy. All of us must speak out against Putin's aggression and we must stand up for the values of democracy, sovereignty, territorial integrity and peace. First and foremost, as the best chance of deterring aggression against Ukraine and standing in solidarity with the people of Ukraine, but we must do so also for the sake of other countries across the world. We must do so for the sake of our world. We must not accept this as a moment that bloody and prolonged war returns to our continent. Today, the Parliament can add Scotland's voice to all those who are standing up for peace, freedom and democracy. We can add this Parliament and Scotland's voice to all those who are standing with the people of Ukraine in the darkest of hours. For that reason, with a somber sense, but with pride, I move the motion in my name and urge all across Parliament to support it with one voice. Thank you very much, Presiding Officer. I can confirm that Scottish Conservatives will support the Government motion today because it is essential in the times that we come together to condemn Russian aggression. The news that we woke up to this morning that Russian troops had entered Ukraine, that cruise missiles and military aircraft had attacked its major cities and that military and civilian lives had already been lost can only be described as utterly devastating. Utterly devastating for the people of Ukraine who found themselves victims of a erudentist dictatorship and its warp view of the world. Utterly devastating for the rest of our continent as we see peace in Europe that we have all taken for granted shattered by the most serious conflict for decades. There must now be the swiftest and strongest response from the United Kingdom and every nation that values democracy and international law to make this action as costly as possible for Russia and especially for the regime that had ordered this invasion. That is why I welcome the statement by the Prime Minister today that a massive package of further economic sanctions will be introduced by the United Kingdom to hobble the Russian economy. As our debate closes at five o'clock tonight, the Prime Minister will make a statement in the UK Parliament setting this out in more detail. We need to see a similar response from all our allies and partners and I welcome those who have already done so. Beyond this, the United Kingdom Government has provided substantial assistance to Ukraine throughout this crisis, including training for more than 21,000 members of its armed forces, a security assistance package to increase Ukraine's ability to defend itself, including anti-tank missiles, £1.7 billion of financial support to help to develop and expand the Ukrainian navy, £88 million to support the Ukrainian economy and reduce its reliance on Russian gas and £40 million to fight corruption and strengthen the Ukrainian judiciary. However, it is clear that, despite those actions, Putin is determined to continue this conflict, regardless of the cost to the people of Ukraine and, indeed, the cost to the people of Russia. We must realise that we no longer live in a world in which we assume rationality and reason in our international affairs. For years, we believed that conventional warfare between two sovereign countries would never happen again because it was unthinkable that anyone could actually want war. However, as we have seen today, that belief in a rules-based international system in which countries negotiate disputes rather than resort to conflict is no longer an assumption that we can rely on. The world has become a more dangerous place than it was yesterday and we view what tomorrow will bring with trepidation. That is why it is so important that we stand with our NATO allies, particularly those in eastern Europe. Countries such as Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, former parts of the Soviet Union that the Russian regime still considers as part of its fear of influence, and others such as Poland and Romania that border Ukraine, the citizens in those countries are now living in fear of an escalation of this conflict and further Russian aggression. The UK has already made major commitments to the security of those states, but it is important now that we redouble our efforts and reaffirm our article 5 commitment that an attack on any member is an attack on all. Here in the UK, we must also make every effort to tackle Russian disinformation and close down any loopholes in our financial system that allow Russian oligarchs and state-owned companies to circumnavigate sanctions. Other dictatorships across the world will be studying our response to this crisis, testing our resolve. We need to strengthen our military and take difficult decisions economically to isolate rogue states like Russia, because if we and the rest of the democratic world do not defend our rules-based international system and do not champion liberal values, then no one else will. However, it is important today that we do not give any impression that we have written off the Ukrainian people. There can be no hint that we or the rest of the western world have abandoned them to Russian aggression, because at the heart of this conflict it is the right of a democratic country to choose its own destiny. However, we were all shocked by the violence today. We must remember that this conflict has been going on for years. As the First Minister said in 2014 after the Euromadian protests removed a corrupt pro-Kremlin regime, Russia annexed Crimea and supported separatists in the Donbass region in their war with Ukraine. That war alone has claimed 14,000 lives to date and devastated a region that was previously the industrial heartland of the country. Now that Ukrainian people face the darkest day in their history for regeneration, we must continue to offer them our full and unwavering support in any way that we can as this conflict continues. That must mean to continue supplies and equipment to help them to defend themselves and their country. It must also mean humanitarian aid and shelter for those people who we know are already attempting to flee and fleeing the cities. To the 20,000 Ukrainians who call the United Kingdom their home, who may have family and friends at risk because of this truly awful war, please know that you are also in all of our thoughts and prayers. When I woke this morning like many, I felt shocked by what I was seeing on the news, horrific scenes of cruise missiles hitting apartment blocks, tanks rolling over border posts and thousands fleeing in their cars from Kiev. Images that should have been unbelievable in the 21st century that belong in the past but now become a reality again today. I also felt deep sadness. The peace in Europe, won by the bloods of our grandparents, generations that went before us, has broken once more. Our children will grow up in a less secure and less safe world and the people of Ukraine are having their freedom to choose their own national destiny taken away by a foreign autocratic dictatorship. Many of them will lose their lives in this conflict or carry the physical and emotional scars with them forever. We on these benches will join the rest in Parliament and in the United Kingdom Parliament in condemning in the strongest possible terms Vladimir Putin's decision to invade Ukraine. It is important now that the whole of the United Kingdom is united in the action that we will have to take in the coming days, weeks and months to stand up to this new renewed era of aggressive expansionism, of irredentism, of great power politics and ensure, absolutely ensure that liberalism, democracy and international law triumphs once again. We stand with the people of Ukraine and we support the motion from the First Minister. Earlier this afternoon, the leaders of all of Scotland's political parties sent a unified and unambiguous message. Vladimir Putin's attack on Ukraine is unprovoked and unjustifiable. Our solidarity with the Ukrainian people is unconditional. We must stand ready to support Ukraine as it defends itself against Russian aggression. Today is a dark day and it is important that we pause to recognise the scale of what has happened. A hard one and fragile peace in Europe has been shattered by a despotic Russian regime who has made clear that they will disregard the values that we would expect of the international system to advance their imperial ambitions. There are no excuses for Putin's actions. What Putin's regime fears is a democratic Ukraine. He fears a neighbour that makes decisions free from his corrupting influence. The Russian president is attempting to dismember Ukraine and he must fail. The international community must be united in its condemnation and in its action. We must all stand firm in our support for Ukraine and support the freedom of the Ukrainian people. Our first actions now must be to support them with urgent humanitarian assistance. The cost of war in human lives, in unimaginable and preventable human suffering, cannot be wished away. However, we can act to minimise the great evils unleashed by the Russian state aggression. We can help the destitute. Those fleeing violence and those whose health, physical and mental are put at risk by war. Those who flee their homeland to escape the violence unleashed upon them must be able to find sanctuary here. Here in Scotland and across the United Kingdom, we cannot shy away from our moral responsibility to those displaced. Internationally, the UK must urgently reinforce our NATO allies. The hardest possible sanctions must be imposed against all those linked to Putin. Financial sanctions must be swift. Putin's regime is sustained by its access to a global financial system, which allows it to trade its goods and conduct its economic affairs. However, membership of the system is dependent upon being a member of the international community in good standing, one that observes the rules. That is clearly no longer the case. Russia must be immediately excluded from financial mechanisms such as SWIFT, and we should ban trading in Russian sovereign debt. Putin's campaign of disinformation and destabilisation has long sought to undermine our shared public understanding of the world. We know, following the publication of the Russia report by the UK Parliament's Intelligence and Security Committee in 2020, that Russia has interfered in elections and referendums across the United Kingdom. Despite that, too many in Scottish and British public life continue to be comfortable turning a blind eye to the Kremlin's corrosive influence. Shamefully, that list includes a former First Minister of Scotland. The tolerance shown to those operations must end now. This must be a turning point. We need an end to oligarch impunity. We need to draw a line under companies' house, providing easy cover for shell companies. We need to ensure that our money-laundering laws are enforced. We need to crack down on spies, and we have to ensure that money is not pouring into UK politics from abroad. We have failed to stop the illicit flow of Russian finance into Britain and Russian influence and money on our politics and public life. That must end, and it must end now. No doubt, any action will be met with a response from the Russian regime. Vladimir Putin will seek to divide us. He will try to divide allies in Europe from one another. He will try and divide Ukrainians from their neighbours and sow the seeds of ethnic conflict. He will even try to divide us here in the United Kingdom. But we must pull together. Across the world today, the message is clear, and let that message be clear from this Parliament today, too. Peace and democracy will prevail. Vladimir Putin will fail. I rise off the unconditional support of the Scottish Liberal Democrats to the Government motion this afternoon, and I am very grateful to the First Minister for making time for it. The world today is a little darker, the outlook a little bleaker, and our understanding of the future a little less certain, but it is at moments like this when this chamber and this Parliament are at its best. When we speak with one voice in solidarity with sovereign people fighting for their lives and in the condemnation of the expansionist aggression of a hostile power led by a dictator, one that has already perpetrated the first-ever use of chemical weapons on British soil. Today we join parliaments around the world expressing outrage and sharing our commitment to democracy, sovereignty and the rule of law. Today, as every day in this place, we have the immense privilege and the solemn duty to speak on behalf of the Scottish people. As part of that duty, we must now condemn this Russian aggression in the strongest possible terms and say in that shared voice that we stand firmly on the side of the Ukrainian people and against the actions of Vladimir Putin, backed by his host of oligarch puppets. As I dropped my daughter off at school this morning, we stopped to watch her classmates playing in the snow. I was brought up short by the stark contrast of that scene and the threat that now hangs over the heads of every Ukrainian child this day. How fortunate we are to live in a country where parents of those children don't have to wake up to the sound of air raid sirens as they had to in Kiev this morning and fear the threat of bombardment. As we watch the events unfolding in Ukraine over the coming hours and days, let us remember that the thousands of innocent citizens who are endangered, many of them are children. Edinburgh, as we have heard, is twinned with Kiev. Now, in its hour of need, that relationship must stand for something, and we in Scotland must prepare to offer safe harbit to those Ukrainians fleeing their homes in the villages and towns of Scotland. Violating the territorial sovereignty of a democratic state, the Russian regime has broken the very international laws that have prevented multinational conflict on the continent of Europe since World War 2. There is nothing trivial about this, there is nothing legitimate about this, it cannot be justified. It is a grave threat to the safety of the people of Ukraine and to the international order on which the peace of our world depends. This week, the Russian president described Ukraine as an American colony run by a puppet regime. Let us be abundantly clear in this place, in this democracy, that Ukraine is a sovereign democracy with a government legitimately elected by the Ukrainian people. We should be in no doubt with his actions today that Putin and his gangsters are holding us all in contempt. They are treating all that we value most, liberty, democracy, the rule of international law, as if they were immaterial rules in some playground game, rules that in his mind do not apply to him. The Conservative Government at Westminster must now hobble Russian financial interests in the UK. This aggression will not be matched by the confiscation of a football tournament final. This week at Westminster, my colleague Layla Moran used parliamentary privilege to read out the names of 35 Russian oligarchs listed by Alexi Navalny as being linked to this dangerous regime. We believe that it is time for the UK Government to look very closely at that list. Immediate action must be taken to freeze and begin to seize the assets of anyone found to be one of Putin's enablers and then expel them from this country. It is also vital now and more than ever that we do all that we can to push back against the flow of Russian disinformation, so we should all commit to not participating in Russia Today broadcasts or any of those by other Russian state broadcasts. I want to close by recognising that there will be millions of Russians who greet today's news with the same horror that we all do. We must recognise them because they do not enjoy the same rights to demonstrate that horror freely. For 20 years they have been denied freedom of press, freedom of expression and even the most fundamental human rights especially in the LGBTI community. So today let us stand in solidarity with them as well but above all let us say to our brothers and sisters in the sister city of Kiev, we hold you in our hearts, we stand with you and we will not abandon you. Thank you. We now move to the open debate and I call Kenneth Gibson to be followed by Sharon Dowie. Thank you, Presiding Officer. As events in Ukraine unfold minute by minute, the appalling and frankly occasionally unhinged announcements from Russia's capricious president mean we cannot know his endgame. Putin's comments on Ukraine's very right to exist, which mirror those of Hitler decades ago in relation to Czechoslovakia, Poland and the former Soviet Union, make one wonder if it's the very extra patient of Ukrainian sovereignty itself. This is a day of infamy for the people of Ukraine. Putin's tanks are rolling, Russian fighter jets rain down bombs, his navy too is shelling. This is nothing short of a full-scale illegal military invasion, one that the duplicitous Kremlin regime denied would take place. At least 40 Ukrainians have already been killed, including a 15-year-old in his own home. Others are dying as we speak, while Putin lies about only targeting military infrastructure. Footage from Kharkiv shows otherwise. This is a real war with Ukrainian civilians at high risk. Even the Chernobyl nuclear plant is under attack. I know all our thoughts are with the victims and their families, heartbreaking as it is to see the smoke belling on our TV screens, we must watch and we must act, and pay tribute to the resilience, resolve and courage of Ukraine and her people. It is surreal to her academics and professors like Maria Adieva, research director of the European Expert Association, which identifies and analyzes a disinformation sitting in a living room with the greatest dignity, declaring that she will not leave her hometown. Maria and her friends have trained in territorial defence units and will defend their country with everything that they have against this unprovoked attack on their freedom because they must. In addition to physical warfare, there have been disconcerting reports of so-called wiper attacks that hundreds of bank systems and other organisations in Ukraine are being subjected to. Those cyberattacks are designed to completely and irreversibly wipe out Government and financial data, electrical grids and other important infrastructure to completely destabilise all of Ukraine. Putin's ludicrous declarations of independence—I saw no glorious speeches by putative presidents or ceremonies of those supposed events of Lohansk and Donetsk—give the lie that these areas of Ukraine declare independence at the behest of what commentators mistakenly call separatists. In fact, the militias there are inspired, led, armed, trained and funded by Russia not to create new nations but ultimately to annex those regions' integral parts of Ukraine to Russia itself. Sadly, the long-enduring Russian people will suffer from the excesses of the despotic president, from economic hardship to the loss of young Russian soldiers who will inevitably die in Ukraine. The beleaguered, bewildered and terrified communities of Ukraine, suffering will be greatly magnified. Their military is no match for Russia's and Putin had the element of surprise choosing when, where and how hard to strike. However, a protracted guerrilla war is likely. In the 1940s, after the Second World War, anti-Soviet Ukrainian partisans inflicted thousands of casualties on their opponents who suffered higher fatality rates in Afghanistan four decades later and a protracted insurgency, which only ended after 400,000 Ukrainians were deported to Siberia and a further 200,000 executed. After the brutal Nazi occupation, the Ukrainians fought the Soviets because they had vivid memories of Stalin's Holodomor, the genocidal terror famine that killed between four and seven million Ukrainians in the early 1930s, accompanied by the annihilation of Ukraine's intelligentsia, traditional elite and even almost its entire Communist Party leadership. Is it any wonder that on 1 December 1991, 92.3 per cent, 28,804,071 Ukrainian voters and a turnout of 84.2 per cent voted for independence? It's that overwhelming democratic mandate, including an 84 per cent pro-independence vote in both the next and the hands that former KGB man Putin ignores and indeed despises. So, Presiding Officer, what to do? Will the days of sending in the Scots guards are firmly behind us? Clearly strong diplomatic condemnation, accompanied by direct and severe economic sanctions, must be immediately imposed. From a ban on aeroflot flying to western countries to the freezing of assets, Russian state and oligarchic, and a cessation of Russian imports, every piece of Avenue must be brought to bear to pressurise Putin. If the west doesn't stand firm, a watching China could consider a Taiwan fair game, providing humanitarian assistance to Ukraine is essential, and we must be prepared to welcome some of the inevitable tide of Ukrainian refugees who will flee west from the horrors of war. Covid has hit Russia hard with 350,000 deaths officially and falling living standards. No doubt that this has played a part in Putin's worth thinking, despots like foreign adventurers to distract their people and shore up support. As bombs are falling, people die, children are crying, millions are in shock. Russia must cease its attacks. Now, resolute diplomacy, strong sanctions, international law and peace must prevail. Thank you. I now call Sharon Dowey to be followed by Fiona Hyslop. Thank you, Presiding Officer. Like many other members in the chamber, I was shocked and dismayed when I woke this morning to discover the overnight change in the situation in Ukraine. Filling your television screens on every channel were images of Ukrainian refugees fleeing their homes, of Russian tanks crossing the borders into Ukraine, bombers streaming over their cities and children crying in the streets. Those are scenes that we have not seen in Europe for a generation, sites that are sadden and dismayed, which I had hoped we would never have to witness again. The situation is continually evolving and, as I came out of committee, I was made with the news that Putin's missiles were now falling on residential areas, areas that are home to innocent civilians, civilians who did not ask for this war. At the same time, the Russian president warned us away from involvement in Ukraine, with what can only be described as a chilling statement last night. However, if he thinks that those threats will put us off, then he is mistaken. If anything, they make Ukraine's allies more determined than ever. We have seen that in the unified international response last night, with the UK imposing a strict range of sanctions that target the Russian Government and its supporters and are already doing a considerable amount of damage to the Russian economy. It is not often that we agree with her sentiments. The Westminster Security Committee, as has already been alluded to, produced a Russia report that many would see as a blueprint for imposing the very kind of financial sanctions that the member refers to. I wonder whether she supports the implementation of the report's recommendations in full to achieve those aims? I think that you know that we will be putting in more sanctions and there is also a bill that is getting brought through so that they can investigate things further in Parliament. I think that the member might be aware of that. It is not often that we agree on things in this chamber, but today we stand firm in a show of unity to our friends in Ukraine. The links between our two countries are deep and long-running. Ukrainians first arrived in Scotland in the 1750s, many studying at Glasgow and Edinburgh universities. Following them came a wave of their countrymen fleeing the oppression of the Russian Empire, just as they are today. Many of those refugees arrived on Lothian coal company ships, settling in Midlothian, Ayrshire, Lanarkshire and Glasgow. This conflict will only displace more people, some estimate up to £5 million, the largest refugee crisis in Europe since the 1990s. We must offer them our support, just as we did in the 1940s when Ukrainian members of the Polish armed forces came to Scotland, some eventually staying and making their home here. What can we do this time? It is a question that has been asked many times already, and there is an answer that we can supply aid, whether it is financial or otherwise. We could use the humanitarian emergency fund to help here. Those displaced by the conflict will require warm winter clothing, medicines, food, sleeping bags, shelter and all the other things needed to survive the cold. Scotland can play a role here in support of the UK's overall effort. Finally, we must take care not to forget that this is Putin's war, not the Russian people's. This morning, I was contacted by a young Russian man in a city in Russia. He told me that the people of Russia do not approve of what is currently happening in Ukraine. We do not want to live behind an iron curtain for the next 20 years trying to re-establish diplomatic relationships with the West and restore our economy. It is hard to imagine what is happening in Ukraine right now, but it is also not easy to wake up and be on the side of the aggressors in a military conflict, but this is what we now have due to the ambitions of one man who wants to restore the borders of the Soviet Union. Western countries can affect what is happening, but the safety and future wellbeing of the Ukrainian and Russian peoples are worth the effort. His view is shared by hundreds of thousands across Russia, Russians who are sick of the propaganda, the nuclear-saber rattling and the rigged elections and instead just want democracy, something that we take for granted. Those are the Russians who we see bravely filling the streets of Moscow to protest despite the threat of beatings, imprisonment or worse. It is his generation who are the only ones capable of bringing about meaningful change in Russia, a revolution without bloodshed, but for them to do so they need our continued support. In his statement earlier today, the Prime Minister had a clear message for the Ukrainians that deserves repeating in this chamber.  This morning's news of the invasion of Ukraine brings fear to generations who only know of war in Europe as history and we all feel the dread of what will happen and what the response and any further escalation will mean. What it has done in peacetime to shore alliances matters and the strength of that will be proven in the days to come. The invasion of the sovereign internationally recognised territory of Ukraine is a breach of international law and is to be condemned. I want to focus on the people of the Ukraine, the mothers who fear for their sons, the sons who fear for their mothers, for those who face conflict in Dinesk and Lhans since 2014, for those fleeing Kiev this morning, that steady stream of blinking red lights as cars formed the exodus, for the families with children in those cars afraid and in flight. For the many Ukrainians I have met here in Scotland, we want you to know that this Scottish Parliament will stand in support of you. There are an estimated 4 million Ukrainians living in Russia, 2 million permanent residents and 2 million temporary workers who have been told to leave. That is above those in peril living in Ukraine and it needs a massive international response. This Scottish Government has moved swiftly in previous conflicts to offer help to refugees and we must work with the UK and EU to do so again. I would appeal to the UK Government to rethink their nationality and borders bill as it makes it harder for people to threaten Ukraine and other areas to obtain asylum. Humanitarian aid needs to be mobilised and swiftly. Ukraine is the breadbasket of Europe. The realities of food shortages, as grain silos are reported as being bombed today, must be prepared for and planned for now internationally. President Buton's sense of grievance at the collapse of the former Soviet Union is no justification for imperialistic invasion destroying a peace in Europe that however fragile has prevailed for 70 years. This is the Kremlin's war and not the Russian people's war. The Russian people should have freedom and real democracy and we need to support those who seek to champion the people over the Kremlin. Pride and belligerence of empires in decline can prove very dangerous and we must guard against those qualities elsewhere. Democratic interference as evidenced by the Westminster Intelligence and Security Committee's Russia report, financial donations and the hosting of dirty money laundering must be hit head-on. The UK's democratic back door was left open to the Russians but the front door was also opened with generous entrance fees accepted in doing so. It weakens influence just when, in times of crisis, we need the United Kingdom Government to act just at a time that support, respect for the international rule of law needs to be upheld and championed in the strongest terms. Implement that report, expel the oligarchs, freeze the assets, enforce the hardest of economic sanctions and do it swiftly. We need firm diplomacy. NATO's response is of itself loaded with consequences, meaning and interpretation. Its statement from this morning carefully states that Russia will pay a very heavy economic and political price. I want to return to the people of Ukraine. In 2016, I welcomed to this Parliament one hero of the 2014 Ukrainian maiden who galvanised the crowds in that revolution, the actor-turned-activist-turned-culture minister, Yevgen Nyshuk. Where is he, his family today? Wherever he is and they are, we say on this darkest of days and we say together that this Parliament stands by Ukraine. I now call Ross Greer to be followed by Willie Coffey. Today we are witnessing the greatest crisis on our continent since the end of the Second World War. If the story of the latter half of the 20th century was the gradual progress of democracy over various stripes of authoritarianism, then sadly the story so far this century across the globe has been the opposite. One man is responsible for the terrible crime being committed against the people of Ukraine today, but it is a failure of the international community and the structures that we built from the ashes of the Second World War that he has been able to take this catastrophic step. Ukraine is a sovereign democratic nation whose people have the inalienable right to self-determination. It is a European nation, as its people have made clear by majority vote time and time again in recent years.  It was incumbent on Ukraine's allies, like the UK, to object after 2014 when the Azov battalion and explicitly neo-Nazi paramilitary were integrated into the regular Ukrainian army. That was a propaganda coup for the Kremlin, but that does not alter the fact that Ukraine is a liberal democracy with one of the most electorally marginalised far rights in Europe. The real fascists here are in the Kremlin and their puppets in the Donbas. Every democratic nation, especially those in Europe, must stand with Ukraine today. I am proud that the most consequential economic response that has taken so far was by my green colleague Robert Halbeck, Germany's vice chancellor, who has finally terminated the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline. Much of the weakness in Europe's approach to Russia over the last two decades has been driven in part by our dependence on Russian gas, a consequence of the failure to transition to clean green domestic energy production. Transitioning from fossil fuels to renewables is not just about the climate, for our continent, energy independence is a key issue of collective and national security. Far greater sanctions than that are clearly now required. All transactions with Russian state-backed entities or those owned by close Kremlin associates must be banned. Accounts and assets held by Russian elites here in the UK should be audited and those that cannot be legally accounted for seized, something that should have started happening years ago. Any Russian banks or companies connected to their arms industry should also have their assets seized and be banned from operating internationally. We should not just take those steps unilaterally. The UK, France, Germany and others must co-ordinate our diplomatic efforts to persuade other nations across the world to follow us. That is far from an exhaustive list. The UK's attack haven and the centre of global money laundering, as members have already said, domestic anti-corruption efforts here will hurt Putin's associates. We must clean up companies' house, impose transparency on offshore ownership property, resource the agencies, investigate financial crime and audit all foreign donations to political parties. Severe economic sanctions will have consequences here too. We should acknowledge that and plan for how we will support those who are worst affected. However, the consequences of failing to act would be far worse, because that will not stop in Kiev. The UK and the US might be hypocrites when it comes to wars of aggression and respect for sovereignty, but hypocrisy is no excuse for a failure to act when innocent people are dying. The humanitarian catastrophe in Afghanistan last year cannot be repeated in Ukraine. The UK must follow the lead of countries, including Ireland and Moldova, and stand ready to welcome refugees fleeing this conflict, especially those most at risk under a Russian occupation such as journalists and LGBT people. Before closing, I want to raise the case of a constituent who has already caught up in this crisis. Working with Marie McNair and Amy Callaghan MP, we have been trying to arrange the safe return of a mother with settled status and her baby with British citizenship from visiting family in Belarus. They have made it as far as Lithuania but are being denied travel back to the UK, their home, as a result of one of the many administrative deficiencies in the home office system. They cannot return to Belarus for fear of being stuck there indefinitely, given its regime's policies and the extensive involvement of that Government in Russia's current invasion operations. This situation has been highly distressing for my constituent. The mother phoned my team in tears from the airport having been rejected from yet another flight unable to prove her right to be in the UK. The home office has given them appointment to make their case for urgent support in two weeks. Not that they will get urgent support in two weeks, they just have the opportunity to present documents to make the case for it. This is a mother and a baby who are being expected to live in an airport for two weeks until the UK Government considers whether it might help them to return home. This is a legal UK resident and a British citizen. If this is how the UK Government treats a British resident and a one-year-old, it leaves me deeply concerned for how ready we are to support the many Ukrainians who will now, sadly, be forced to flee here. Today's show of solidarity cannot be a one-off. If this conflict becomes drawn out, we cannot become numb to it as too many did with conflicts in Syria, Iraq and elsewhere. Kaiziaf, Eugania, Long live a free and independent Ukraine. Thank you. I now call Willie Coffey to be followed by Martin Whitfield. Thank you very much. I sincerely hope that the Scottish Parliament unites this evening in solidarity with the people of Ukraine after their country was attacked this morning by the sleekest despot Vladimir Putin. Parliaments around the world will no doubt be having similar debates to us and it is important that the voices of the people of Scotland are heard loud and clear that we support Ukraine, we support its independence, its sovereignty and its continuing peaceful journey in democracy. No country, no despot has the right to thwart the will of the Ukrainian people, expressed overwhelmingly in 1991 when 92 per cent of its population supported and endorsed its independence. However, here we are in 2022, with the country almost encircled by Russian forces amidst the pretence that it was all about military exercises and peacekeeping in the region. The cat was finally out of the bag when Putin announced that he supported the independence of two regions of Lohansk and Donetsk, giving him the freedom, he says, to send his forces into those regions of Ukrainian territory and now across the country. Putin's claims that his actions are only about defending his territory from further encircled by NATO countries wears a bit thin when you consider that if he occupies Ukraine, he will immediately be alongside eight other NATO nations, Estonia, Latvia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey and the incredible danger that that poses for the world. His motive is clearly to grab Ukraine and start expanding his Russian empire once again, and the warning signs have been there since MIA was grabbed in 2014. Presiding Officer, the threatening language used by Putin in recent days has shocked people across the world, and I wonder if members in chamber watched his staged press conference with his advisers, all of whom looked extremely uncomfortable, with one being humiliated and bullied into saying what Mr Putin wanted him to say. I found that shocking that a world leader could behave like this with his own trusted advisers and act with such violence against his neighbours. I can only hope that the ordinary Russian people can see through this and challenge this man's authority. Remember, colleagues, the power of the people is always greater than the people and power. What can be done? Sanctions have already begun, but will they be enough? They did not reverse his actions in Crimea, and he got away with that. Surely new sanctions have to be swift and far-reaching and extend beyond targeting a few mega-rich Russians and a handful of banks.  He will have anticipated this and put in countermeasures to make sure that he can bankroll whatever action he wants to take. So, what else can be done? I am no international relations expert, but already I am getting messages from my constituents demanding wider action. Surely there is a case to expel Russia immediately from participating in all sporting events, the world cup, all football competitions, the Olympics and the lot. Should Russian airlines and private jets be banned from landing anywhere in the world, last year there were 10 million tourist visits out of Russia and another 10 million business trips out of the country too, no doubt enjoying their wealthy excesses and in pursuit of their shady deals across the world. Governments everywhere also have to get a grip of the situation where Russian billionaires are eager to use their wealth to buy influence, position and assets, particularly in London. There is no point in some of our colleagues denying that their organisation has been beneficiaries of this in a big way. If you sit with the devil, you should make sure that you have a really long spoon. Finally, to the people of Ukraine, Scotland stands with you and we will do all we can to protect your country, your people and your freedom. Myr, svoboda, ochra, unia. Peace and freedom to Ukraine. I'm very grateful, Presiding Officer, and it's a great pleasure to follow Willie Coffey in this debate. There are days when you wake up where events will stick with you for the rest of your life. I fear this morning that those events are one of those that will stay with us here in this chamber, with everyone around Scotland and indeed everybody around the world. I welcomed the Prime Minister's statement this morning that the UK cannot and will not just look away at Russia's hideous and barbaric attack on the Ukraine. That will be remembered because this is not just a little breakaway republic. Putin is not a peacekeeper. This was an invasion of a sovereign state. Since the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014 and through the Russian Government's on-going support for separatists in the Donbas, Russia has attempted to undermine the Ukrainian Government and disrupt its path to democracy. Ukrainians want a democratic future, and they should be able to determine their own political destiny. Last year, the Secretary-General of the Council of Europe, Margie Burak, said at the Crimea platform summit in Kiev, that we remain steadfast in our support for Ukraine's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and, within its internationally recognised borders, and we support the full implementation of the minxed agreements and the Paris summit conclusions that are crucial to ending the military conflict in Donbas. But today, we find ourselves where we are, and we will stand firm behind the people of Ukraine, supporting their sovereignty, condemning Russian aggression. During this dark moment in history, we must all stand strongly against Russian aggression in solidarity with the Ukraine. Vladimir Putin's attack on Ukraine was unprovoked. It was unjustifiable at an outrage, a heinous violation of international law that will sadly have very tragic consequences. The Scottish Labour Party stands with our allies and partners in condemning it in the strongest possible terms, and we will maintain and strengthen our unity and resolve towards this. That includes a commitment to NATO, which is unshakable. It is Russia's actions that are driving this dangerous escalation of tensions, and we believe in the importance of upholding and defending democracy and the freedom of choice. I would like to spend just one moment concentrating on the refugees and displaced people that I fear will come as a result of the consequences of not just the past 24 hours, but of the build-up over the past years. There are already estimates that some 2.9 million people will be in need, but this number will likely rise and rise fast as areas are targeted. There is a risk of large-scale displacement of people and flows of refugees out of the country fleeing conflict. We need the Conservative Government at Westminster urgently to provide details on the scale of aid that it will provide to support those Ukrainian people at their time of need. I welcomed the comments this morning at First Minister's question about the commitment from here within Scotland to support those who come to us. Russia must grant full and unfettered humanitarian access to the international Red Cross, as is required under the Geneva Convention and abide by the laws of armed conflict. I was contacted by Stefan Kamsas, which I know a number of MSPs will have been done from East Lothian and across the south of Scotland. His grandfather came to Haddington during World War II, and he's written, before the eyes of the world, a nuclear superpower has invaded a sovereign, independent, Western-aligned nation with a show of chilling military force and a callous disregard of the democratic wishes of the citizens of Ukraine. This has been calculated and predicted by some of the most advanced technologies available to Western democracy, but today, at this moment, we stand on the cusp of a humanitarian disaster unseen on our continent since the 1940s. That responsibility lies at the feet of Putin, but how we deal with it lies at our feet. The condemnation of Russia's declaration of war in Ukraine must be absolute, and the reaction must be exceptional. The UK's pit of action thus far in the sanctioning of three individuals in five banks was simply waving a green flag to Putin. Putin will not care about sanctions unless they are so strong as to imperil the Russian economy, including the entirety of these inner-circle oligarchs and their involvement in international corruption and money laundering. Action such as this will also require us to be willing to accept some cost. Furthermore, Russian aggression will see countless innocent people, including women and children, killed, maimed, left homeless and destitute with their future intatters. As declared in my register of interests, I am a director of the revive campaign, which advocates for the victims of conflict and explosive weapons. For some time now, we have been deeply concerned about Ukraine and her people. Parts of Ukraine still remain heavily contaminated with land mines and unexploded ordnants from previous conflicts. The fog of war will make it even more difficult for those of us working in the humanitarian space to have an accurate picture of where the victims are and the extent of harm. Of course, it is always the innocent who suffer most in conflicts. However, UK action thus far has hardly reached the level of feeble. In January 2017, David Leeson and Harold reported on an accusation by Ukraine's Anti-Corruption Bureau that a Scottish limited partnership was at the heart of a major arms scandal. They did so as part of Ukraine's crackdown on corruption. Calls from the then SNP MP Roger Mullin, for security ministers Ben Wallace, to launch a detailed investigation, fell on deaf ears. The UK Government still has no equivalent of Ukraine's Anti-Corruption Bureau and has never launched a major crackdown on corruption money laundering. In earlier debates, I have stated that £119 billion of financial crime plus £100 billion of money laundering occurs each and every year in the UK. I have been wrong in only quoting £290 billion. I have underestimated the amount of money laundering. The UK's own national crime agency has stated that because of the presence of the city of London's financial sector, and I quote, there is a realistic possibility that it is in the hundreds of billions of pounds annually. Money laundering on a gigantic scale, a significant proportion of which will involve Russian institutions and oligarchs, has been met within difference for years. An economic crime bill is talked about and then dropped, and I will watch to see if it now proceeds. Mention has been made of the case of the Russian laundromat scandal, where 113 Scottish limit partnerships were at the heart of more than $20 billion being laundered through Russian banks. That is a direct stain on our international brand. One of those involved was Igor Putin, Vladimir Putin's cousin. The UK Government should have closed down massive corruption and money laundering long before now, and the oligarchs and corrupt institutions have been given a free pass. Real substantive actions must now be taken. We will not be standing with the Ukrainian people if we do not act decisively in this arena now. I am something of an insomnia. Typically, I woke up at 3am this morning and typically turned on my small bedside TV to news 24. I saw almost simultaneously minute by minute the developments at the emergency meeting of the UN Security Council and the invasion and declaration of war by Putin on Ukraine. I listened to the submissions by Ukrainian representative, somber and painful, as he heard of the military attacks in his homeland, but he said something that really caught my attention. He challenged the Russian representative to produce minutes of a meeting in 1991. I had no idea what he was talking about, but I had a look at it. Russia is a permanent member, as we know, of the Security Council, one of the five, a legacy post-war war two, ironically, along with China, France, UK and US. Any member can veto any substantive resolution, so we are stuck there. Also, Russia, along with the four other members, is charged with maintenance of international peace and security, not disrupting it. Obviously, it cannot remain a member, and my understanding is that it takes two-thirds majority of the General Assembly to suspend or expel a country from the UN. That is unlikely. However, there is another avenue to explore. Russia was not always a permanent member of the Security Council. That was the Soviet Union. Was it legal, therefore, for Russia simply to step into the shoes of the Soviet Union in 1991? It is an entirely different country with different territorial boundaries, though Putin obviously has in his political madness plans for other surrounding countries. So there is a precedent. In 1971, Chiang Kai-shek's nationalist government became the Republic of China. It did not include Taiwan, and Taiwan, of course, is not a member of the UN. It came by General Assembly Resolution 2758. The General Assembly recognised the People's Republic as the right vote representative of China in the UN and gave it its seat on the Security Council. I am not an expert in international law, but I am not aware of any such resolution to recognise Russia as a successor to the Soviet Union, whose territory changed considerably. That may seem dry legal stuff, but is this a route to expelling Russia from its permanent seat on the Security Council of the UN? That is a real test for the United Nations. The League of Nations failed. That is a test to see whether legalities can expel the disfaisal and atrocious behaviour of Putin from the Security Council. We will now move to the winding-up speeches. I first call on Sarah Boyack to wind up for Scottish Labour. Today, this Parliament has demonstrated democracy in action. All of our leaders have expressed solidarity with the people of Ukraine and have called for action to stop the military invasion. Colleagues have highlighted across the chamber the peril the world now faces. For days like others, I have now been watching analysis and late-night news night interviews and following the coverage of Putin's statements and the build-ups of troops on the border listening to the ramping-up of aggression. We, our European neighbours and the US and the UN have spoken out on the need for respect of nation-states and called for dialogue to de-escalate the tensions being promoted. We are members of NATO and we have links across the UK, the EU and the US, and they are vital. We need to warn of the cost-off and the consequences of military intervention. Our relations across democracies are never going to be perfect, but we are allies. We should treat each other with respect, co-operation and build work between our parliaments and governments to deliver solidarity. As a student of 20th century history, I have watched the last few weeks filled with dread. We are now in the last place we want to be—a dangerous place—for the people of Ukraine and as colleagues have suggested for the world at large. We need to serve a firm, ambiguous message about our commitment to the security of our allies and the sovereignty of Ukraine. In recent weeks, our Parliament has had excellent debates on the Holocaust Memorial Day and the Nationality and Borders Bill, and those lessons of learning the immediate and long-term costs of people's suffering and having to flee from military aggression are stark. When expressing solidarity with the people of Ukraine, we must do everything that we can to support them in their time of need. That means action, humanitarian support for people who may have to flee from Ukraine with safe routes and good futures—something that we debated on Tuesday this week. As a last hour made clear, we have a moral responsibility to deliver humanitarian support. As many across the chamber have said, sanctions are crucial so that there is a cost to the Russian regime for its aggressive actions and to make clear to Putin that there will be massive costs on his actions. However, there is so much more that the UK Government can do. Our Labour colleagues in the UK Parliament have been holding the UK Government to account on the cost of the lack of action on the Russia report. As Keir Starmer highlighted this week, oligarchs and millionaires have got free deals to come to the UK to buy property and make profits with no tax accountability or transparency. That has to end now. As others have said, Fiona Hyslop said powerfully, we need a crackdown on money laundering and shell companies, and as the article on yesterday's Guardian observed, donations to the Conservative Party. The debate is not whether it happened but how much. We also need to work together to challenge false messaging. We have debated the benefits of the BBC in recent weeks and the standards that we have with our regulated media in public broadcasting and news. We observe that our Governments are not always happy with the media, but we have standards of accuracy that are vital. It is time to challenge our T, which does not apply that rigor and accuracy. It is shocking to think that a former First Minister of Scotland is still spearheading that channel in the UK. We all need to reflect on that. The Russian Government has used false messaging in relation to Donbass and Luhansk in recent days, so there is urgent action required now. Crucially, we need to stand in solidarity with the Ukrainian people and support those who need to flee to safety, to condemn the deliberate escalation and misinformation leading up to the invasion of Ukraine and to work together to tackle Russian money laundering. We need to support every effort to de-escalate the crisis that the world faces now and to call for an end to this military aggression and intimidation. I want to finish by saying that this afternoon I attended a peaceful solidarity demonstration outside the Russian consulate. People in Ukraine with relatives who live in Scotland are worried and fearful for their families and the future of their country. They have said that they have been calling for stronger action and for sanctions against the influence of corrupt Russian money for years. We need to act, we need to reflect, we need to remove Russia from financial mechanisms such as SWIFT and we need to come together this afternoon to do everything that we can together. In his concluding speech, I hope that the cabinet secretary will say what more we can do to stand resolutely with our allies to send a clear message, to protect Scotland from cyberattacks, to see what the Scottish Government is doing to reach out and support people in the event of devastating humanitarian consequences of what is now happening in the Ukraine. Finally, as others have said, we have a growing crisis in Ukraine, but we also need to send a message to leaders across the world that aggression and lack of respect for sovereignty is not acceptable and we need to stand up for democracy across the globe. I think that it is times like these that make you think very carefully about what this place stands for. Members this afternoon have stood together to condemn what is happening in Ukraine at the hands of Vladimir Putin and the absence of any amendments to this afternoon's debate, show just how strong the unity is across the chamber. We may have our very strong party political differences, but the principles of democracy matter far more than that. It is these principles of democracy that are currently at stake in Ukraine and indeed across the world. Like several other members, I too woke this morning to the sounds of air raid sirens and shelling on Nick Robinson's BBC broadcast from Kyve. Not the air raid sirens and shells to which we have become accustomed in historical documentaries, but air raid sirens and shelling, which are for real. It was a chilling report from the BBC, as has been the case throughout today's media broadcasts. Hearing the BBC reporters describing the buildings in the centre of Kyve, made me recall my only visit to the city back in 1991, which followed several visits I had made to Leningrad in Moscow in the late 1980s, as a young teacher interested in Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. Like other Soviet states declaring their independence in 1991, Ukraine was emerging from 70 years of totalitarianism, having suffered civil war in the Bolshevik revolution, famine in the 1930s, the brutal Nazi occupation, the Second World War and then purges an economic stagnation. Our guide, however, told us that there was a very strong reawakening of Ukrainian identity, evident in cafes and bars and the talk of democracy, and also the flying of the Ukrainian flag with its sharp blue and yellow to denote the sky above the golden prairies, in places where it would previously have been banned. The story of Ukraine since is largely the story of its attempts to define a new future for itself in Europe, and Russia's attempts at every turn to obstruct this new direction. Now, that obstruction has turned to unprovoked military aggression, and flagrant disregard for international law. Vladimir Putin's illegal actions in the Nadex and Yuchansk regions violates the Minx agreement, and this morning's military manoeuvres elsewhere, our final proof, if any, was needed that the Russian Government is attend upon expanding its sphere of influence westwards, no doubt with the aid of Belarus. Now, that obstruction has turned to unprovoked military aggression, no doubt with the aid of Belarus. This invasion is, of course, because the Ukrainian people have had the guts to stand up to Russian influence and to declare that they have no wish to be held as Putin's hostages, and, like us, they wish to guard their precious democracy. Russia's actions are repugnant, not just because of the lightly killing of thousands of innocent people, or because of the humanitarian disaster that will inevitably follow, but also because of the fear that Russia could use its recent so-called recognition in Danex and Yuchansk as an excuse for future annexation of other former Soviet states. Of course, as the First Minister said, it may also encourage other dictatorships to do the same. Where are we right now? Firstly, the combined intelligence of the United States, Britain and NATO in recent weeks has proven to be entirely accurate, despite some skepticism in various quarters that this was not the case. To some extent, that accuracy is reassuring and perhaps better helps us to understand exactly what is happening on the ground and therefore to better inform the strategy of what has now become a wholly unified West. We know, too, that the Ukrainian army, whilst not able to take on the military might of Russia, is much bigger and better prepared than it was eight years ago. We know, too, that the recent lessons of history in terms of Afghanistan send a very strong warning signal to Putin that any invasion that could be long and bloody against a country of such size as Ukraine does not end well for the aggressor. This is not Georgia or Chechnya, bad as these situations were, but something much bigger. However, there is something else in this equation, and that is the response of the Russian people themselves who have little appetite for the war or for Putin's aggression. They know that the war would not just bring death to a vast number of Ukrainian citizens but to Russian citizens too. The image of Russian body bags at the door of the Kremlin is something that would not sit well with the Russian public opinion and might have much greater influence on Putin himself than will the economic sanctions imposed by the West. Make no mistake, those sanctions have to happen as part of the punishment of Putin, but we should not be fooled into thinking that they are the only factor that will drive Putin's reactions. The sanctions that are imposed to further curtail the activities of the Russian state and the economy have to happen in conjunction with the agreement of our G7 allies. That joint action is vitally important, as nothing would better be received by Putin than disunity amongst the West. It will inevitably mean that difficult decisions need to be taken, such as restricting the imports of Russian gas for which nations like Germany in particular have been so crucial. However, what is critical about the last 24 hours is the fact that Putin has succeeded in uniting the West at a time when there had been tensions and some division. Sanctions are now agreed that there are more coming, as is the need for them to be focused on Putin's oligarchs and his financial backers, including those who have sought to harbour their wealth in the UK. However, it is also important to increase support to our NATO allies. The UK Government has already doubled the size of its deployment in Estonia, where the British Army leads NATO's battle groups, including tanks and armoured vehicles. As the Prime Minister also said, we have to be supportive of the Baltic states. We must honour these commitments. The current actions by Russia are a very serious threat to world peace and threaten an unprecedented geopolitical realignment since the end of the Cold War. Vladimir Putin is guilty of so many falsehoods to justify his actions, a trademark of dictatorship, and there is no doubt that his actions should be allowed to continue will be catastrophic for his own people as well as for Ukrainian citizens. We cannot, indeed we must not, stand by and watch, because if we do, we will witness the resurgence of authoritarian regimes across the world whose attacks against democracies will only be emboldened. Thank you, Mr Smith. I now call on Angus Robertson, cabinet secretary, to wind up on behalf of the Scottish Government, and if you could please take us to 455. Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. I thank all members for taking part in this debate and highlight the unanimity across the Scottish Parliament in support of Ukraine, its people, its democracy and its territorial integrity. I credit strong speeches of the First Minister and the leaders of all the political parties. To colleagues on all sides, Kenneth Gibson, Sharon Dowie, Fiona Hyslop, Ross Greer, Willie Coffey, Martin Whitfield, Michelle Thompson, Christine Graham, Sarah Boyack and Liz Smith and, note in particular, the points that were made in relation to humanitarian assistance for the welcome and support for refugees who undoubtedly will reach those shores and for the swiftness of sanctions, combating of dirty money and in fighting the subversion of democracy. A number of members have quite rightly stressed the long-standing connections between Scotland and Ukraine, the thousands who have come to this country over previous centuries. Our capital, this capital, is twinned with the capital of Ukraine, Kiev. Today, the flag of Ukraine flies above Edinburgh city chambers. At the heart of our capital on Calton Hill, we have two memorials, more memorials than any other country there in the heart of our capital. Firstly, recognising the importance of St. Volodomir, the Prince of Kiev and secondly, the Holodomor, which has already been referenced, was the forced and genocidal thabon in Ukraine by the Soviet Union. Like many around the world, all of us around this chamber, I watched in horror the unfolding news overnight of Russia's invasion of Ukraine following several weeks of intensifying maneuvers, disinformation and cyberattacks. I am distressed at reports of deaths and my heart goes out, as I know it goes out from all MSPs to every Ukrainian wherever they may be. The Scottish Government unreservedly condemns Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which is a flagrant violation of international law. We call for an immediate cessation of Russia's aggression and express grave concern at reports of civilian casualties across Ukraine. Putin's actions are utterly indefensible. The international community must hold President Putin to account. We offer our unqualified support for Ukrainian sovereignty, for its independence and its territorial integrity, and especially for the people of Ukraine. Thank you for taking the intervention. Obviously, we are two years into a pandemic, and that will undoubtedly be having an effect on the ability of countries round about Ukraine to be able to take people in. I know that Moldova has thrown their doors open, and within Europe are probably the least able to afford to be able to take people in. Could the minister outline what support the Scottish Government is going to be able to provide in terms of humanitarian support to Moldova and to Ukraine itself? I thank our colleague for making the intervention confirmed to her that conversations have already begun within the Scottish Government in relation to humanitarian assistance. We will consider the range in a very fast-moving situation of where humanitarian resource might be best applied, but she makes a good point about the likes of Moldova, Slovakia and Romania, countries that are immediately bordering Ukraine, the fact that there are already tailbacks in all of these countries with people seeking support, and those countries will be deserving of our help. We will make decisions in the coming days and weeks about how we can best do that. Let us be clear, Russia's invasion was unholy provoked, and it deserves the full-throated condemnation of the international community. President Putin's claim that the attack on a sovereign democratic nation is about denazification as deeply offensive to the memory of those who lost their lives in the battle against fascism in World War 2, including tens of millions of Russians. His claim that Russia does not plan to occupy Ukraine rings as hollow as the denials in preceding weeks. I echo the words of Joseph Burrell of the European Union that these are amongst the darkest hours for Europe since World War 2, and we stand steadfast with our European neighbours, the European Union, in our condemnation of this barbaric attack. We, along with our partners across Europe in the United Kingdom and globally, need to stand up for the rule of law for democratic rights and for human dignity—values that, as Putin's actions show, cannot be taken for granted and must be defended. I'd be happy to give away. Paul O'Kee. I hope that he will share with me my horror at the situation that is unfolding for LGBT plus people in Ukraine. Indeed, in today's coverage, I read a statement from an 18-year-old student in Kharkiv who said, if we imagine that Russia occupies Ukraine, it won't allow us to exist and it won't allow us to fight for our rights. Does the cabinet secretary agree that we must do all that we can to support the LGBT plus community in Ukraine and that the UK Government must have a solid plan to welcome refugees who fear for their life? I do unreservedly, as do colleagues across the chamber. We, along with our partners across Europe in the UK and globally, need to stand up for the rule of law for democratic rights and for human dignity, including the likes of the LGBTQ plus community. The values that President Putin's actions have shown cannot be taken for granted and must be defended. Every nation's security is threatened by Russia's aggression. Progressive democratic values cannot be imperiled on the world stage. The international community must strengthen its resolve to co-operate and to stand together against Putin's aggression. Now is the time for the United Kingdom and wider international community to bring the full weight of sanctions to all involved. This action follows a clear pattern of behaviour in recent years and is time for the international community to say enough. The invasion into Ukraine is the latest and most severe example of Russia undermining sovereign states. However, we should not forget Putin's hostile actions against Moldova, Georgia and earlier the annexation of Crimea. Russia has, beyond doubt, carried out state-sponder assassination of dissidents abroad, is a sponsor of cyberattacks globally and is a destabilising factor in conflict zones throughout Africa and throughout the engagement of Russian mercenaries. I will give way for the last time. Do you agree with me that Russia must be expelled as a permanent member of the Security Council of the United Nations? We must find a way of that happening. I agree that all diplomatic considerations should be given to ways in which the Russian regime can be combated in multilateral terms and in bilateral terms. It is not for me to stand here and answer the question in the affirmative, but I think that all efforts and considerations should be made to force Russia to change its course of action. The international community must now show that the behaviour of the Russian Federation cannot be tolerated. I also want to stress, as the First Minister has done, that the quarrel is with President Putin and his cronies. It is not with the people of Russia, nor the Russian community who live and work in Scotland who are a valued part of our national community. I, the First Minister, have in recent days met the acting Ukrainian consul General Evian Mankowski and Linda Allison, who is the chair of the Association of Ukrainians Who Live Here, to pass on the Scottish Government's deepest condolences of the invasion by Russia and to offer any assistance that we can. I would like to reiterate today that our strong offer of support to the Ukrainian community, including those who live in Scotland. I appreciate that this will be a severely worrying time for those with any links to Ukraine or with family and friends who live there. As the First Minister said, we have strong historical ties to Ukraine and those who chose to make Scotland their home and are valued and welcome members of our national community. I also want to raise the issue of those still in Ukraine. Scottish Government officials are in contact with the Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office's consular teams so that we can support inquiries from residents of Scotland concerned about family and friends in Ukraine. For those who have remained in Ukraine, I would urge you to follow Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office travel advice and to leave as soon as it is safe to do so. Like Scotland, Ukraine is a part of the family of European nations. We will not turn our backs on Ukraine and we will do our utmost to support the country during this dark and harrowing time. That concludes the debate on solidarity with Ukraine and we will now move on to the next item of business. The next item of business is consideration of parliamentary bureau motion 3341 on approval of an SSI. I ask George Adam on behalf of the parliamentary bureau to move the motion. I wish to oppose this motion, S6M-03341, which relates to a statutory instrument that extends the Scottish Government's extraordinary emergency powers in response to the Covid pandemic for a period of a further six months, from 1 March until the end of September this year. That will mean that, in total, Scottish ministers will have held those powers for a period of two and a half years. Those powers include the powers to require vaccine passports for entry to certain premises and the making of face masks mandatory. That is, of course, only a precursor to the SNP's intention to make those emergency powers permanent. That cannot be acceptable. We have seen across all parts of the United Kingdom a relaxation of legal restrictions previously imposed to tackle Covid. We saw that in Wales, then last week in Northern Ireland, and on Monday the Prime Minister announced the scrapping of the rules in England. In all those jurisdictions, rules are being ditched. We are at the point at which we move away from legal restrictions and rely instead on sensible behaviours, adaptations and mitigations. Those are not my words, but those of the First Minister in his very chamber on Tuesday afternoon. Why then, if that is the position of the Scottish Government, do we need to have those emergency powers in the hands of ministers for a further six months? Surely it is time to start trusting the people to exercise personal responsibility. Already the Scottish people have demonstrated that they can be trusted to act responsibly. Some members in the chamber were left looking rather foolish earlier in this week with comments about the Prime Minister ditching the rules requiring self-isolation following a positive test in England, seemingly unaware that there had never been a law in Scotland requiring people to self-isolate in those circumstances. Indeed, the only laws on self-isolation here are related to the limited circumstances of international travellers. Instead, we have public health guidance, which has been strongly adhered to by the Scottish public. The Scottish people have already demonstrated their willingness to comply with guidance. We also saw that back in December, when within hours of advice being issued by Public Health Scotland about Christmas parties, the hospitality trade was being deluged with cancellations. It was not the law that forced people to take action but their adherence to public health guidance. We should, in this parliament, be trusting the people to exercise their good sense and judgment, which the Scottish people have demonstrated in spades that they are capable of doing. There is no need to extend those emergency powers for one day longer, and Parliament should reject the instrument that is before us. Thank you, Presiding Officer. Those extension regulations amend the date on which the health protection coronavirus requirements Scotland regulations 2021 expire from 28 February 2022 to 24 September 2022. If that expiry date is not changed, the baseline measures will automatically cease on Monday 28 February. We have started taking steps to remove the baseline measures. The First Minister announced to Parliament on Tuesday that the Covid certification scheme will come to an end on Monday. I have this morning signed regulations that will do just that, so Murdo Fraser was just quite simply plain wrong on what he has said to Parliament on that point. We do expect that the other legal requirements will be converted to guidance on 21 March. Though, as the First Minister said on Tuesday, this is subject to there being no significant adverse developments in the course of the virus. Alex Rowley. I am grateful for Mr Swinney for taking that intervention. We discussed this matter at the Covid committee this morning. It is good that we are starting to see the baseline measures be removed, but we are not yet out of the pandemic. We should not give the impression that, suddenly, everything is back to normal. That is why Labour is willing—we were willing this morning and we will be willing tonight—to support those temporary measures continuing for the next six months. However, I want to be clear that we oppose any move to make any of those permanent, and we will oppose a permanent extension of any powers. Right now, I believe that it is sensible to allow the Government to have the flexibility because we are not out of this pandemic. The Government needs to make that point again and again. I am grateful for the considered point that Mr Rowley has made in his discussion. That point comes down to a fundamental point of legislation as to whether or not there should be in statute provision that enables the Government to take swift measures to control a pandemic, not that it must or that it will, but that it might have to take those powers. Mr Rowley raises fair issues, which the Parliament will consider and scrutinise about the long-term legislative issues. However, at this moment, we still face challenges in relation to Covid, and the extension of the regulations that I am putting to Parliament today, which is about ensuring that the face coverings restrictions can remain in place if necessary until September, but we hope only until 21 March that the Government has the ability to do exactly that. I welcome the contribution that Mr Rowley has made. Of course, the Parliament will debate, as I confirmed to Mr Quickfield in the discussions just yesterday, that we will have full parliamentary scrutiny on all those points. We do not know for sure that it will be appropriate to lift the measures that are included in the regulations from 21 March. We hope that that is the case, but we want to make sure that we have in place the arrangements that enable us to do that. For now, it is really important that we do not allow the remaining baseline measures to expire by default on 28 February. Those regulations will ensure that that does not happen and that those can be removed when the time is right. Subject to the course of the virus of the next few weeks, we expect to be in a position to do that on 21 March. However, the approval of those regulations tonight provides the statutory basis for the Government to be able to act should there be any deterioration in the coronavirus situation. Members will be familiar with the very sharp turn of events that have taken place in the course of the pandemic, where we have gone from a position where we thought we were in a stable and benign position to an acutely difficult position in a very short space in time. I simply counsel Parliament to consider that point, as I invite members to endorse the regulations that are before Parliament this evening. The question on this motion will be put at decision time, and there are two questions to be put as a result of today's business. The first is that motion 3333 in the name of Nicola Sturgeon on solidarity with Ukraine be agreed. Are we all agreed? The motion is therefore agreed. The final question is that motion 3341 in the name of George Adam on approval of an SSI be agreed. Are we all agreed? The Parliament is not agreed, therefore we will move to a vote. There will be a short suspension until our members to access the digital voting system.