Hi, this is Mary Wisner from the Gallagher Law Library. You know, source gathering used to mean getting piles and piles of books, everything that an author cited. Well, getting the piles of books is a lot harder now that the COVID crisis means that libraries around campus and around the country are shut down. But carry on, there are ways to do it using electronic versions of books. This video will show you how. Thomas Jefferson wrote, a lawyer without books would be like a workman without tools. He was America's first lawyer president. He was also a man who profited from and sustained the institution of slavery. But let's focus during this lesson on the sentiment that a lawyer really needs books to do the lawyer's work. There are many ways to sight check without printed books. There are ebooks that are available through the library catalog. They have different providers, different formats, sometimes different licensing. Ebooks are available on Hine Online. There are treatises and practice guides on Westlaw, Lexis, and Bloomberg Law. Sometimes you can get what you need by using Google Books or Amazon. How can I confirm the Jefferson quotation? I remember reading it in the Oxford Dictionary of American Legal Quotations, but the library is closed. I happen to own a personal copy of the Oxford Dictionary of American Legal Quotations, but it's in my office. I know the library has collections of presidential papers, but they're in print and the library is closed. I went to Google Books, which is just books.google.com, and I searched for lawyer without books, workmen without tools. And right away I got the passage I needed. Up here on the second line, for a lawyer without books would be like a workman without tools. Terrific. That's what I needed. It's from what looks like a pretty good source, Thomas Jefferson Writings from the Library of America. And I can almost cite the whole thing, but I'm missing the page number. Google Books didn't show me the page. I can go to the University Libraries catalog and look for that book. And I see that the library has it as a print book, but notice this line that says there's also online access. The online access is through something called the Hathi Trust Emergency Library. That just means that right now we do have access to it. In the Hathi Trust Digital Library, I can run a search for the terms. I get to the passage and then they give me the page number, and I can read the passage in context. Now I have a citation. Letter from Thomas Jefferson to Thomas Turpin, February 5th, 1779, in Thomas Jefferson Writings, 739, which is the page the letter starts on, comma, 740, the place that I'm quoting. Meryl D. Peterson, Editor, 1984. I went back and forth on whether to give Meryl D. Peterson credit. He or she isn't listed as an editor on the title page, but there is this note on the next page. If you're curious about the Hathi Trust, here's a guide from the University Libraries where you can read about it. Bottom line is right now we have access to this book. Now the library catalog is a great place to go to find print books and also electronic resources. The Gallagher catalog, which is the default when you go to the catalog from our homepage, lists physical items in the law library plus e-books. The University Libraries catalog includes everything in the whole UW system, print and electronic. Let's take a look at Derrick Bell faces at the bottom of the well. This is a classic of critical race theory. Here we are at our library's homepage. I can type in a quick search, Derrick Bell faces. I find three editions, an e-book, a print book with temporary online access, and a print book that is checked out. Let's look at the e-books online access. It includes that Hathi Trust again. One user is the license. This one, ACLS Humanities e-books is a package that the University Libraries bought. The license terms says that we can have unlimited users. That means you can look at it, your editor can look at it, your editor's editor can look at it, your best friend can look at it. That's a really generous license. So we can go through this and we can read or download any of the chapters. Here's another book, Annette Gordon-Reed, The Hemings of Monticello, An American Family. Suppose I'm working on an article whose author quotes this passage. Jefferson came to Paris with a self-image as the revolutionary author of the Declaration of Independence and valued his connection to some of the philosophes of French society who shared his views on the natural liberty of all mankind and took seriously his denunciations of slavery. Let's start by going to the Library Catalog. This time, instead of being at the Law Library homepage, we're in the Library Catalog. I'm going to search for UW Libraries just to show you what that looks like. Annette Gordon-Reed Hemings. We find out that it's available on campus but only in print. Oh man, what do we do? Well, one thing we can do is go to Google Books. In Google Books, we can search for Annette Gordon-Reed Hemings. And since I know I'm looking for that passage that says something about the philosophes and slavery, I can search for that. Annette Gordon-Reed Hemings's Philosophes Slavery. Title page had Hemings's. That page has slavery. And here is our passage. It's page 185. Jefferson came to Paris with a self-image as the revolutionary author of the Declaration of Independence and valued his connection to some of the philosophes of French society, denunciations of slavery, and so on. So we have the passage we need. Google Books doesn't have the whole book. If you go through it, you'll find that it skipped some pages, but it had what we needed. So this is terrific. Another thing we can do is go to Amazon. Here we are in Amazon. And you'll notice that I'm signed in because it says hello, Mary. I can search for Annette Gordon-Reed. And here is her book, The Hemings of Monticello. And Amazon gives us this little promise, look inside. I can search, Philosophes. And it picks up philosophical, which is not what I was looking at for. But then here we go, page 185. Jefferson came to Paris with a self-image as the revolutionary author of the Declaration of Independence. So two different ways I was able to confirm the author's quotation. Just to remind you what we did, we looked in the catalog. There was no e-book available. We looked in Google Books, we found the passage, we looked in Amazon, and we found the passage. Here's another book to try. Barbara Lindemann, Employment Discrimination Law. Let's go to the catalog. And this one has different editions. Let's look at this top one. 2012, it has online access. And there's a note that it's in Bloomberg Law, which is only available to UW Law School students, faculty, and staff. If you haven't already set up your Bloomberg account, I encourage you to do that. So we go here, and if you remember, the catalog said this is the 2012 edition. But let's click on Current Through. This is current through June 2018 with some Supreme Court decisions for the next year, and it's copyright 2020. So even though we were in the catalog and it promised us a 2012 book, we actually have a book that's much more current. Now the catalog does not include everything you have access to. We saw that it included a book that's in Bloomberg Law. It does not include treatises in Lexis. If you know the publisher of a book, watch for books that are published by Lexis or Matthew Bender, which is a publisher that was bought out by Lexis. It does not include treatises in Westlaw. Watch for the publisher Thompson Reuters or West Publishing. It does not include books that are in West Academic Study Aids. Remember, West Academic is not the same as Westlaw. They have the first syllable in common, and years ago the companies were related, but they are not connected. What's in West Academic, Horn Books and Nutshells and Gilberts, is not in Westlaw and vice versa. If you know a publisher, look for West Academic or Foundation Press. Some books that are in Hine Online are in the catalog, and some are not. Look for classics, old books like Blackstone or Oliver Wendell Holmes, and certain others. A major treatise on civil procedure is called Morris Federal Practice. It's published by Matthew Bender, and you'll see most of the volumes say Matthew Bender. But after Matthew Bender was bought out by Lexis, they started putting Lexis on the spine. It's a good way to find treatises that are in Lexis to simply log into Lexis and type it in. Morris Federal, and it comes right up that they have Morris Federal Practice, Civil, and we have a table of contents that we can browse or we could search the treatise. If you cite a treatise from Bloomberg, Lexis, or Westlaw, by the way, be sure to consult the Blue Book, Rule 15.9. Another example, Sheldon Neymod, Civil Rights and Civil Liberties Litigation, the Law of Section 1983. This is published by Thomson Reuters. If you knew that, that would be a hint to try Westlaw. But sometimes you can try and look, is it in Bloomberg? No. Is it in Lexis? No. Is it in Westlaw? Yes. Here's how that goes. So in Westlaw, I have to sign in, and I can search for the title, Civil Rights and Civil Liberties Litigation. And there's our book. And again, we have a table of contents or we could search within the book. So how about this book, Albert J. Beverage, Abraham Lincoln, a classic four-volume biography of our 16th president. It is what you might term a classic, and it's old enough to be out of copyright, which makes it likely that you can find it in various places like Google Books. I'd like to show it to you in Hine Online. There are different ways to get around Hine Online. One way is to use the catalog feature at the top, BEVERIDGEABRAHAMLINKEN. And here we have the four-volume set on Abraham Lincoln. And we find out that it's in different components of Hine Online. It's in the Legal Classics Library. It's in the U.S. Presidential Library. It's in Spinelli's Law Library Reference Shelf. So we can find this book in different ways. Now here's a newer one. Girdle Lerner, the Grim Key Sisters from South Carolina, pioneers for women's rights and abolition. The revised edition was 2004. And ordinarily, you know, that's not out of copyright. But it's in the University of North Carolina Press. Hine Online has licensed a lot of law-related and history-related books from the University of North Carolina Press. So again, let's go to the catalog. And we find that this one is in three different collections. It's in the Women in the Law Collection, the Slavery in America and the World Collection, and the UNC Press Law Publications. And you can read the whole book in Hine Online. So let's recap what we've done today. Not having access to the millions of books in campus libraries is a drag. I agree.  But take heart. You can often find what you need. You can find e-books in the catalog. You can use Google Books and Amazon's Look Inside feature. You can often find books in Bloomberg Law, Lexis, or Westlaw. And there are a lot of e-books in Hine Online. For more about University Libraries e-books, see this guide. This has been Mary Wisner from the Gallagher Law Library. Please see our website for library services, research guides, and more. URL is lib.law.uw.edu.


Hi everyone, Joe for jazby's casegraves.com doing a quick little team random for contenders draft picks football pick your team number nine We're just coming up in a separate video after this. We sold eight spots. We're just randomizing only your names and then matching up with The teams right there Very easy. Let's roll it. Let's randomize it ten times six and a four one two three four five six seven eight Nine and tenth and final time after ten. There you go Wade down to Matthew There you go. Congrats. Wade you have the Chargers Justin Herbert possibilities Put that rooftop next to you Matthew shear with the Packers and Colts David with the Chiefs Matthew with the Patriots Matthew with the Titans Josh with the Falcons and Matthew with the Panthers There you have it Joe for jazby's case breaks calm coming up in a separate video will be the break itself


Good afternoon everybody and welcome to our second CLSA Webinar of 2017. We're going to get started at 12 noon and we want to make sure that we have as much time possible for questions after this webinar. My name is Ina Woben. I'm the managing director of the CLSA and I will facilitate and moderate the webinar today. For some of you who have not attended the webinar before after the webinar and the presentation you can type your questions in the chat function and I will present those questions to the speaker at the end to provide answers to your question and if there are multiple questions in advance my apologies if we can't get to all of them but we will follow up on all your questions after the webinar if they're not addressed. So with this I want to introduce Dr. James Nasru who will be speaking today. James is a professor of sociology and the director of the Center of Dynamics of Ethnicity and co-director of the Manchester Institute for Collaborative Research on Aging at the University of Manchester. He is the principal investigator of the FRAIL program an interdisciplinary study of inequalities in later life and as well co-principal investigator of ELSA which is a multidisciplinary panel study of those aged 50 and older. So today in the webinar Dr. James Nasru will be presenting data from the English longitudinal study of aging to empirically examine the influence of socioeconomic and qualities on transitions and outcomes in later life. So with that I'm going to give the floor to James. Okay, I think I can hear myself, is it working okay? Yes, everything is good, we can hear you. Okay good, it's just turning on the microphone and mute button. I was not sure I was working. Thank you very much for the invitation to give this talk. It's a great pleasure to be able to do this and to be able to do it by webinar which means I can sit comfortably in my office in Manchester. Well, comfortably it's raining and have visible weather outside but nevertheless comfortably in my office in Manchester rather than flying over to Canada to give this talk, which is good. As you can see, the title of my talk is Around Inequalities in Later Life and so the focus is on inequality and particularly inequality in relation to class and processes of retirement. Not entirely, I will kind of flag up other dimensions of inequality but here I think the centre of my argument is that socioeconomic inequalities related to class are crucial in terms of understanding experiences in later life. You see, I've switched the subtitle to A View from England that's simply because of space and attractiveness of slides to put in Finding from the English Longitude Study of Aging that have just ruined the layout of my slides so I've shortened it. I just shortened the title more generally. This is not a specific research paper rather it's a collection of various pieces of evidence that I and my colleagues have been marshalling in a range of research papers in order to present this broader argument around class and retirement and inequality in later life. So it's not a simple research paper as such and the structure I'm going to follow is summarised in this slide. So I'll start off with and perhaps concentrate most on this section in relative time compared to the others describing a context for the work that we've been doing. So in effect how policy responses to the aging of our populations have neglected the question of inequality and how and why we should be thinking about aging differently particularly in relation to inequality but also particularly in relation to important cohort shifts and period shifts in how we might think about aging. I'll then say something about health inequalities in later life. You'll see from the talk that I give that when I talk about inequalities I do embrace the various steps of inequality that operate across people's life but I use health inequalities as in effect ultimate marker of the consequences or processes of inequality. So I will say something about the significance of health inequalities in later life and how and why we should concentrate on health inequalities in later life. Then kind of returning to the theme of how aging might or might not be changing and how patterns of inequality might or might not be changing. I'll spend a little bit of time talking about compression and morbidity and whether we are seeing evidence for this and what that means for inequalities in later life. I'll then say something about the process of aging. I'll then say something about the process of aging, age-related transitions and how they relate to inequality and in particular inequalities around well-being. I'll then say something very specific about, I'll say something about the very specific transition of retirement and how that relates to inequalities. Then I'll move to concluding by saying something about the importance of class and how class might operate in later life and then some summary comments about the findings from our research program and what that means for policy. Okay, so let's just start off by discussing an aging world. Here I'm going to say at least in part some things that you will be very familiar with. The arguments, I think anybody doing policy work or research work in the field of aging will be very familiar with these arguments. This is a quote from the Commission on Global Aging which reported in 1999. It gives you some sense of the period over which we have been concerned about the process of demographic aging. Most important I guess from the 1999 perspective is the focus on Japan, Europe and the United States. Canada and other developed countries are ignored of course here but also importantly less developed countries are ignored here and we know that aging is an issue for all countries around the world so it's a global issue. The argument in this quote is this notion of preserving economic security. To preserve economic security in the context of rapid aging unprecedented change we must adapt the social institutions built around it to these new realities and you can see in the blue boxes that I have on this slide the various commentators reporting on the crisis that we're facing and this is almost like the language that we see around global warming, climate change a real sense of a major problem facing societies and the nature of that problem is kind of framed in this way. Again the Commission on Global Aging, sorry I took these points again from the Commission on Global Aging the concern about reduced labour supply as population ages decreased consumption, reducing tax income and what that means for the public purse increased costs of pensions of health and social care programs and again what that means for the public purse enormous pressure to reduce benefits in order to cope with this to raise taxes in order to cope with this and to reduce spending on other public services in order to cope with this and then reforms of pensions and other forms of benefits and increasing reliance on informal care in order to provide good care for older people. As I say this was highlighted very significantly in 1999 and since 1999 but I think it's really over the last decade that we've seen significant policy moves to begin to address the aging of our population and those have really been focused around this question of extending working lives concentrating on people who are leaving work before state pension age and trying to keep them in work and also on extending state pension age or retirement age into later in life. So in the UK we've seen a move to 67 likely to see a move to 68 pretty soon a very rapid move for women from 60 to 67 and a slower move for men from 65 to 67 and as I say likely to move on to 68 and alongside that an active aging policy agenda where the potential of an under-employed older population to do a whole range of things to help support social and civic life is identified as beneficial both to older people themselves and to broader society and so the aspiration is to promote active aging. If you're not working you should be engaged in social activities and the kind of activities you should be engaged in our grandparenting and so on, other care activities or engaged in civic activities such as volunteer the idea to maximize the potential of an aging population and minimize the risks of an aging population. But the other thing that the Commission on Global Aging said and this has been slightly neglected in fact probably entirely neglected in policy discussions is to point towards the way in which what it means to be older is changing so beneath even the daunting physical projections lies a longer term economic, social and cultural dynamic what it would be like to live in societies that are much older than any we have ever known or imagined what would it be like to live in these societies and this is a crucial question how we understand aging what aging means to us in terms of our own personal identities but also how we understand our societies as they become older the place of older people in our societies and the place of younger people how we think about consumption and so on with our population ages and I'll give you two examples of that drawn from the world of art so this is a painting which I spotted in the Manchester Art Gallery a few years back by Walter Sickert drawn 1901 to 04 and the painting caught my eye because it is of an older woman and it contains of course a depth of meaning, emotion and so on in the frailty of the older woman can be seen very clearly but what then struck my eye was the narrative that went alongside it which I've got on the right-hand side of this slide and particularly this statement that contemporary critics found this image shocking at a time when it was thought that the elderly should be treated represented with respect or with sentiments and then Sickertrends a fine line between complete honesty and brutality and what this meant for me when I was looking at this was the way in which what we would consider to be a relatively standard portrayal of an older frail person was seen as shocking at that particular time the way in which we understand ageing now is quite different from the way in which we represent ageing now is quite different from how it was represented in 1901 the ways in which we understand ageing is different and the other more contemporary challenge the ways in which we think about ageing is in this photograph so this is Erwin Olaf who is a baby boomer born in 1959 a late baby boomer and here is a picture of an older woman on an exercise bike challenging asteriotypes of physical activity and ageing but also dressed in a sexual way and presenting herself in a sexual way in underwear made up hair beautifully done and so on and high heels and so challenging a whole set of notions that we might have about ageing that were represented in the previous picture and I've emphasised at the bottom of this slide on the right hand side again what I have on the right hand side is an account of Olaf's work these aren't my words of course these are words of something who understands art unlike me but the bit I've emphasised here vividly captures the essence of contemporary life and here he is trying to capture the essence of how ageing might be being transformed with baby boomer cohort I would argue at least challenging our notions of ageing in a way that reflects the ways in which contemporary older populations are challenging our notions of ageing so the idea of ageing as a kind of fixed notion rather than a notion that has social meaning and social meaning that transforms over time is really important in terms of trying to understand policy responses to ageing and how we might understand the demography and the challenges of the demography of ageing related to this of course is the question of the third age so we have seen an extensive literature on the third age now developed over the last 15 years or so particularly and the baby boomers are potentially reflecting a new generation who are experiencing ageing in a different way because of the ways in which society has transformed and has been transformed by baby boomers so the idea that this is a group of people who are post retirement, post parenting that aren't dependent either financially or physically or health wise they're in a position to be able to contribute to society so engage in volunteering community activities to engage in civic activities and you can see how this is informing some of the policy responses to ageing populations they're also a group of people who being baby boomers are used to consuming and enjoying life engaged in leisure and pleasure and dominating the cultural mainstream so not older people who are marginal to the cultural mainstream not older people who are marginal to consumption but rather at the centre of it and also older people who are engaged in the self realisation type activity so self fulfilment through having a role having status and having fun and at the core of this baby boomer notion is a generation liberated from the standardised lives of previous cohorts so that instead of making straightforward linear transitions through the life course rather they're disrupting the life course in various ways in this particular instance disrupting the life course in terms of older life in particular ways of course we also see and this is a particularly dominant theme in the UK and perhaps in Europe more generally but also emerging in North America as well this notion of greedy self interested baby boomers so those who took advantage of social welfare post second world war social welfare who are self interested living individualised lives orientates to self satisfaction and also by being a privileged generation generating the risk of intergenerational conflict and this is one of the dominant narratives that we face but what's hidden in the photographs that I've shown you so far and in this presentation of what the third age might be also in discussions of intergenerational conflict is the question of class and so the idea that the opportunity to be a third age to have the resources to be a third age relate very strongly to dimensions of inequality and particularly to socio-economic position and class and you can see this and this is my final slide of introduction you can see this in this comparison of pictures that I have here again drawn from the UK context and the one in right drawn from the Manchester context Manchester is very proud to be an age friendly city one of the first age friendly cities and a whole set of cultural activities organised within the city to try and make it a more age friendly place that place is good to grow older in and one of the things that we've done in the neighbourhood is something we've done I think probably from around 2005 and continuing to do is to hold festivals and cultural activities around the older population and here we have this image of this kind of vibrant young looking baby boomer again out enjoying life contrasted with the image on the left which again is an old image from 2005 when discussions around extending state pension age to 67 were in full flow and a picture of an old woman frail woman walking with a frame coupled with a story that was about older people having to work to the age of 67 before they got state pension and I think what we have here in these contrasting models I think these two pictures do reflect contrasting models of ageing that we have in these pictures is not just age and age difference but we also have class and class difference and I'll try to illustrate that now with the more empirical parts of my presentation so I'll move on to the second part of my talk which is about the significance of health inequalities in later life and here I will show you, those of you who have done stuff on socioeconomic inequalities I'll show you stuff that you may well be familiar with but my focus here really is on socioeconomic inequalities in later life, not socioeconomic inequalities more broadly and the first slide I'll show you is from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing sorry I should have said I'm not going to introduce the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing you had a brief introduction to it from at the beginning of the presentation but I won't describe it but if you do have questions on it I'll be very happy to talk about its design and so on so this is survival rates in the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing stratified by wealth of people age 50 plus and what we have here is a six year period and the proportion of people who remain alive over that six year period and you can see for women the top line is the richest fifth of people the bottom line is the poorest fifth of people with the other three lines being the other three quintiles in order and after six years you can see that just over 96% of women were alive at the end of those six years in the richest quintile whereas for the poorest quintile that number was closer to 84% so I don't know if you can see my point a bit it's now at the 84% for the poorest and now at the approximately 96% for the richest a massive gap and you can see exactly the same for men on the right hand side of the chart very stratified by wealth differences in survival rates with large gaps between the richest and poorest quintiles and remember these are quintiles of the population so these aren't absolute measures these are relative quintiles of the population which I think makes these differences more significant and if you do a survival model where you take into account things like health behaviors pre-existing chronic conditions education and class then these wealth differences are still very large as you can see from the number right at the bottom of the chart 1.7 a hazard ratio of 1.7 but this is significant differences in survival in mid-life onwards and these differences exist into the oldest ages so this is what this chart attempts to show you so what I have here are cross-sectional data showing the association between fair or poor self-reported health rather than good or excellent self-reported health and wealth men on the left this time women on the right and on the left of each of those are younger people age 50 to 59 older people age 75 plus and you can see for each group a clear gradient from the richest quintile on the left-hand side of each of these blocks to the poorest quintile on the right-hand side of each of these blocks what is important here is that the data for those age 50 to 59 is very well known but to remember that these inequalities are present in the oldest age groups as well and some of the other work we've done shows that in fact these are an underestimates of the inequality in later life because they don't account for mortality differences if you model in mortality differences into this these slopes become much steeper older ages but nevertheless older ages we still see these inequalities and just to show you the size of the difference between the different wealth groups these red circles show you that the level of health for the poorest three quintiles sorry for the richest three quintiles for both men and women in the 70 plus age group so the first three bars in the 70 plus age groups is equivalent to the health level in fact probably better than the level of health for the poorest two quintiles in the 50 to 59 year old age group so dramatic differences in health across those groups as well as gradients within the groups so that gives you a kind of illustration of the extent of socioeconomic inequalities in health both in terms of survival and morbidity and we see this for a whole range of health outcomes of course but just to remind you I said it very briefly in my introduction just to remind you of course the socioeconomic position, wealth, education and so on all reflections of class are not the only important indicators of inequality there are others and here I give you a very brief illustration from England in relation to ethnicity and so if you look at the right hand side of this chart I won't go into detail on this chart but if you look at the right hand side of this chart you can see the differences in later life between different ethnic groups are really very very marked Bangladesh represented by the red line Whitingly represented by the black line the size of that gap which that gap has extended across these age groups and for the other ethnic groups ethnic minority groups included here shows in later life ethnic inequalities are really very dramatically in the UK and you can think of other dimensions of inequality that are also important I won't illustrate such as gender and where people live area instead I'm going to move on to talk about compression and mobility and inequality and the question here really is about whether the inequalities that we are seeing might be reducing as a consequence of compression and mobility and the notion of compression and mobility of course is very important to our understanding of ageing and the implications of the ageing of our populations if ageing is being driven by increasing survival rates which of course it is as well as reduced fertility rates but increasing survival rates so if it's being driven by increasing survival rates along with increasing survival rates we also see increasing health and reducing dependency and and therefore reductions in need for health and social care that would be a good news story what would be an even better news story would be of course if that compression and mobility is occurring at a differential rate between richer and poorer people so that the significant mobility that I've just shown you for people is being reduced rapidly so this is what I want to show you and I want to show you this in relation to or whether this is happening is what I want to show you and I want to show you this in terms of frailty so what I have here is not data but a kind of image of what I'm going to be showing you which is slightly complicated so I just show you just guide your way through it so what I have here are two cohorts a cohort that is more distant who became 70 in 2003 and a more recent cohort in red so the blue cohort of the older cohort, the red cohort of the more recent cohort would become 70 in 2010 11 and the red line and the blue line represent the growth in level of frailty as these cohorts get older which of course we would expect to see and if there was no difference if there was no compression and morbidity then we would expect the lines to overlap so at the age of 70 and where there are overlapping lines overlapping ages for these two cohorts as observed they have the same level of frailty and the rate of change in level of frailty within the cohort to be the same so the slope of each of these lines is the same both the slope and the level at a particular age group are the same this of course would not be a particularly good story it would be an okay story we don't see with increasing survival we don't see a compression and morbidity what we would really like to see is this so at the age of 70 the more recent cohort the red line is at a lower level than it than the blue line the more distant cohort lower levels of frailty at the age of 70 for more recent cohorts and also importantly the slope of that line is shallower so the rate of increase in frailty with age is smaller this would imply much lower levels of dependency and morbidity for 70 year olds for more recent cohorts of course we may see something that is not optimistic but something that is pessimistic which is this and here the two lines are in the opposite level so more recent cohorts have higher levels of frailty and increasing rates of frailty in comparison with the more distant cohorts so this is the kind of model that I'm going to show you and this is the actual model so here are the actual data frailty trajectories by cohort so each of these lines is a specific birth cohort observed from a specific age for an 8 year period within the English longitudinal study of aging and confidence in tools around the estimate of the level of frailty in each of these and if you look at the middle part of this graph you can see that the lines overlap and grow at the same rate the suggestion is that the level of frailty is the same for each of these cohorts at a particular age group and will continue to be the same over time but if you look at the right hand side of this graph you see a rather different picture what it seems here is that the more recent cohorts have higher levels of frailty at a particular age point as this blue circle suggests than more distant cohorts more recent cohorts have higher levels of frailty the more distant cohorts suggesting an expansion of morbidity rather than a compression of morbidity this is a really important lesson we haven't replicated this in any other studies yet we may not be able to of course but from the English longitudinal study of aging this is a really important message about the risks of aging populations if you stratify that analysis by wealth you see this and there are two things to say about this chart the first of the two red lines which show that the level of frailty for a relatively young cohort for the poorest third of the population is the same as the level of frailty for a relatively old cohort for the richest third of the population this is the inequality that I've already shown you but importantly this expansion of morbidity the higher lines for the more recent cohorts is occurring in the poorest third of the population and not really in the richest third of the population so expansion of morbidity is strongly related to socio-economic position okay I'm now going to move on and talk about age-related transitions and well-being and so here I want to do a couple of things the first is to actually show the relationship between age and well-being and second to try and explain that and so this is the pattern that I think many of you will have already seen that you shaped relationship or inverted you if you're measuring positive well-being here I'm measuring negative well-being so depress moves so this is a depression score you shaped relationship in age so as the population heads towards their mid to late 60s their well-being improves and then in their late 60s onwards their well-being deteriorates we show this in a longitudinal model as well as cross section if you look at this by wealth then you actually see the age effect is present for all wealth groups so the poorest group are neatly stratified above the next poorest and the next poorest and the next poorest to the richest so this you shaped relationship is present for each of the wealth what's important here to recognize is that wealth is really important for people's wealth well-being across the life course but it's not explaining this age relationship so what's explaining this age relationship and in fact there's a couple of very simple things so here is the age relationship controlling for gender and differences here is what happens when you control for marital status the line, the sharp rise in the line that happens post 70 becomes much shallower doesn't rise very much this is entirely a consequence of widowhood so spouses dying drives a lot of that rise in negative well-being in later life and this is what happens when you control for health a very positive story for those of us who are heading into 60s 70s 80s your well-being should continue to improve just as long as you maintain your health and your spouse spouse relationship is maintained this of course is not sorry, the two events of deteriorating health and your spouse dying are not randomly distributed in the population these are events that happen to poorer people more often than richer people or earlier ages than richer people so this neat line decreasing over time decreasing over age is something that we can't all aspire to something that none of us in the end will aspire to but nevertheless is something that those of us who are in richer positions are more likely to achieve than those of us in poorer positions having made that point I now want to focus on this particular this particular area a couple of slides this particular decrease in negative well-being so this improvement in well-being that's happening leading up to mid to late 60s and what might be driving that and what might be driving that of course is the transitions around work and retirement and what I want to do here is to show you the implications of extending working lives so does getting people to work for longer in their lives improve their well-being and then the implications of retirement what happens when we retire in relation to our well-being and so can we explain some of that U-shape by looking at transitions out of work I won't show you that slide because I'm not going to go through all of that detail so the first thing I want to do is to show you what happens if you keep on working then here we've attempted to do some causal modelling using propensity score matching so to match people who are equivalent in all characteristics apart from the fact that they continue to work post retirement age and here I show changes in levels of depression levels of self-rated health and levels of cognitive function for those who continue to work post retirement age compared with those who retire and what you can see from the I-bars which show confidence intervals there is no meaningful change there might be a bit of a change in cognitive function but the confidence intervals there are very wide there's no meaningful change for depression and self-rated health it looks like post retirement doesn't impact on your health but there are two types of work that people do post retirement and what I've done here is to contrast those people who work in good quality work compared with those who work in poor quality work people continue to work post retirement either because they enjoy working or because they have to work for money and this is an effect those in low quality work who have to work for money contrast those in good quality work who are enjoying their work continue to feel they have something to contribute and here I show changes in depression score self-rated health and cognitive function again and you can see for cognitive function the bar is a little bit higher but the confidence intervals are impossibly wide for me to make any strong assertion about that but what you can see is that both depression and self-rated health get worse for those in high quality work compared to those in low quality work so it's not working post retirement age that's important it's not working in later life that's important but the kind of jobs that we have and you get a similar message in relation to retirement what I've done here is contrasted retirement roots so compared with people who retire at state pension age who say they've got to 65 or 60 for women for some of these analyses and retired because I've got the state pension and it was time to retire compared with those who retire early because they want to and those who retire early because they have to so one two is because you want to have more time you want to spend time with your grandchildren you want to do leisure activities and so on and have to retire is because you're partners because you've been made redundant those kind of things I've got four outcomes here a bit much to show you I know but four outcomes in relation to well-being and for depression you can see that if you retire voluntarily your depression improves compared with those who retire state pension age and if you retire involuntarily it deteriorates compared with those who retire at state pension age and you can see the same for life satisfaction on the right hand side top although the confidence intervals aren't cross one for those who retire voluntarily you can see the same for quality of life and you can see the same for social participation again though they cross one for those who retire voluntarily so the crucial messages here are that both working and retirement are not uniform experience in later life they are patterned by your class position your argument being that the kind of work you get in later life impacts on your well-being but the kind of work is driven by your class position and the way in which you retire relates to your well-being in later life but the way in which you retire is driven by your class position so I'll come to my concluding sections I'll be another five minutes or so I think and talk about class more explicitly now and the importance of class in later life now obviously I've already made what I believe to be a really strong argument about the importance of class in later life how it relates to health and well-being how it relates to the things that happen to us in later life and more specifically how it relates to our work and retirement experiences in later life and then how all that impacts on our health and well-being what I want to do now is just have a discussion or give you a presentation on how we might understand class in later life and just show you a few things in relation to that so one of the things that colleagues and I have tried to do is to reintroduce class analysis into our understanding of later life and I think over the last few decades classes kind of disappeared and it's disappeared for a number of reasons one is because there is a strong interest in cultural gerontology around cultures of aging and then questions of class have become submerged around questions of cultural practice which of course relate to class and the other is because the kind of inequalities in health literature has largely neglected later life and there are a number of reasons why both these things have happened and one is because when we do empirical research we typically operationalize class with measures of occupation and occasionally with measures of education and so then the focus is inevitably going to be on those of working age and when we do that we kind of theorize class in terms of the impact of labour position on material and psychosocial factors which then impact on relevant health related outcomes and you can think of the work that people like Richard Wilkinson, Michael Marmot and so on in terms of that David Blaine, Mel Bartley where the material circumstances driven by class position may impact on our outcomes but also the psychosocial stresses that relate to our class position might impact on our outcomes and of course the psychosocial focus has been very much on work conditions so control, autonomy and effort, reward in work and how that impacts on health outcomes and on relative social positions or how people position themselves or perceive their position in society on their outcomes and in both cases again the emphasis has been very much on working age populations and of course a lot of this work has also been done on men rather than women so the ways in which the conditions of our life control, autonomy and effort, reward type measures might apply to other dimensions of our life has not really been greatly considered in this empirical work part of my argument which is reflected in the cultures of gerontology type literature is that but also in the kind of traditional sociological literature around class is occupational class and education to actually adequately capture stratification in societies in contemporary societies where consumption and practice are particularly important so the things we do the cultural forms we consume the ways in which we live our life become increasingly important markers of our class position of our status so this of course builds on the work of Bordier and those who are followable with Bordier but basically arguing that markers of social and cultural capital are important and my argument is that this may be particularly important for those post retirement where their occupations may have less direct salience rather the ways in which they live their lives might be much more important in terms of understanding their position in society we tried to empirically investigate that in a fairly complex model that I've kind of graphically illustrated here so the detail of the empirical model that's in this paper is not quite the same as the picture but the picture is what we tried to capture and here we've basically argued that there are three broad but interrelated pathways that impact on health and well-being in later life so that connect class and education to health and well-being in later life and one is the material pathway so wealth, pension leading to material circumstances leading to health and well-being but also operating through social status so our material circumstances influencing our social status the other is the psychosocial pathway which is work and work quality but also social status more directly so a direct relationship with social status impacting on our health and well-being but third and crucial and perhaps empirically very under investigated in studies generally but particularly in studies of later life are the kind of social and cultural dimensions of life and how they relate to class how they relate to material circumstances wealth and pensions and how they relate to social status and to health and well-being and here I'm basically arguing that there are a whole set of operationalized through social connections social roles and participation cultural practices and health behaviors in fact reflects social and cultural character and that these are important in determining health and well-being either through social status or directly and we have some empirical evidence to support this model but I think I would say that this model is at least in part theoretical at the moment but I'll give you just some illustration of how this operates and I'll do that in terms of thinking about social connections and social roles and participation and cultural practice and how these might be summarized in a notion of social detachment so in this slide on the left hand side so the four first blocks of bars are different dimensions of social detachment and how they relate to wealth and what you see that for each of these for the first three of these civic, leisure and cultural there is a very strong wealth gradient in detachment from these domains of social life or social and cultural life. The social networks that's not the case but for an overall measure that measures being detached across these domains there is again a very strong social gradient and on the right hand side sorry a very strong wealth gradient and on the right hand side you can see that a longitudinal assessment of risk of becoming detached is also very strongly graded according to wealth so this is your relative risk of being detached compared to the poorest quintile for the subsequent quintiles and again a very strong gradient with the richest quintile having 20% of the risk of the poorest quintile of becoming detached over time and then of course the extension of this argument would be to show how social detachment relates to health and well-being. I'm going to skip over the next slide which is really just an illustration of how this works in practice so it's a qualitative piece of data and instead say something very briefly again about material conditions and that wealth inequalities are marked in later life it's not something that we can ignore it's not just that these quintiles are all nested very close together in terms of absolute wealth very very different mean wealths across so what I show you here are deciles of the population in terms of wealth and the on the left hand side is the amount of wealth in each of these deciles and on the right so the axis on the left and in the blue numbers on the top are the proportion of total wealth owned by each of these deciles it's important to remember that these are survey data so they exclude the poorest of the richest who don't participate in surveys but nevertheless you can see the two fifths of the wealth is owned by the richest tenth of the population and when you add those three numbers together the top the top 30% of the population and I should know the number I've added it together many times but I don't have it immediately on my head it's about 61 plus 12 it's almost three quarters of the wealth and the bottom fifth of the population almost no wealth at all so conclusions and I'll try and go through these reasonably quickly because I'm conscious of time so here are my concluding comments and I might just kind of semi-read these out there are significant class inequalities that continue into later life and I make the points in this bullet point that we should also be studying ethnic gender and area inequalities where the mechanisms might be different but they're nevertheless very important inequalities they're present for all of the outcomes whether these are health and well-being outcomes or one's approximate or two health and well-being there are important variations by cohort if you remember the stuff I was showing you on frailty with a strong indication of increases in levels of morbidity the very best stability in levels of morbidity across cohorts but likely to be increases in levels of morbidity across cohorts a widening of inequalities and the increases are being driven by the increases the kind of transitions that we go through in later life are really important for later life outcomes so marital status the onset of health and disability retirement, status and root and wealth and all of these are strongly patterned by social class so this is my argument for social class is really very very important determining later life outcomes I tried to show you a little bit of this that the inequalities that we observe operate through complex and interrelated mechanisms and processes that operate over time so material well-being social and cultural capital employment quality and retirement and social status and the availability of and performance of valued roles and identities the thing that I haven't really emphasized that though I only talked about a little bit at the beginning I guess I did emphasize a little bit at the beginning is that we are seeing important cohort and period changes that are reshaping later life and I showed you that in terms of the representation of later life but these have also important implications for inequalities so the way occupational structures are changing the way pension arrangements are changing the time and choices are changing the way marriage choices are changing so the meaning of divorce for example will vary dramatically across cohorts and potentially changes in health across cohorts all of these are patterned by class have implications for class inequalities and they all have implications for policies that need to address aging but these discussions of policy neglect class inequalities and my argument here is that we need to address inequalities in later life and this is my final slide so my argument now is that socio-economic inequalities in later life are an absent topic in policy discussion and development and I think that is true in most developed countries including in the UK where we have a strong focus on inequalities but not on inequalities in later life there is almost no consideration of inequalities in discussion around questions of extending working lives around active aging around pensions and around social care and welfare reform all things are very actively being discussed at the moment almost no interventions to address inequalities in later life and interventions that are focused on later life there is no evaluation of their impact on inequalities instead policy discourse and focus is on empowerment of older people, productivity individualization of risk and responsibility think about that in terms of pensions and so on in the context of welfare retrenchment in contemporary neoliberal responses to discussions around public spending all of these reforms are likely to increase inequalities I would argue in fact when we think about the kind of reforms that we are discussing in relation to aging populations there is a policy space for interventions targeted at reducing inequality and increasing social justice so when we talk about pensions and pension reform when we talk about extending working lives and job quality when we talk about housing and when we talk about the social roles that we would like active older people to be engaged in all of those discussions could be framed by the need to address inequality so that was my final point I will end now but just this final slide which you will see lists a number of colleagues, this of course isn't my work it's a work of a number of colleagues lists a large number of colleagues who helped me develop these ideas and I will close now this is an advert I think for the next session Yes, thank you very much Dr. Nasru that was really an excellent presentation where you very well laid out all the challenges and the results of the research from the ELSA I just want to mention to the participants that if you have any questions you can please type them in the chat box and I will present them to Dr. Nasru and while you may be doing that I just wanted to ask you Dr. Nasru you are saying very elegantly that there is a space for intervention that has not been addressed yet so based on your research and your experiences where do you think would be the biggest impact for intervention right now understanding that there is multi-factorism multiple influences on the impact of such interventions you already listed a few such as housing and others but based on your experience where do you feel would be the biggest impact for intervention Yes, so I think the biggest impact is in part where you can get the opportunity to leave a change and in part where you can leave a change that is effective and I think we have lots of opportunities to leave a change around pension reform if we can shift the debate so at the moment the debate is around the kind of individualisation of pension risk at least in Europe and particularly in the UK individualisation of pension risk so pension investment and pension risk and we can see quite clearly I don't need to spell it out how this will amplify inequalities but actually we thought about pension reform so the intention is to reduce the cost of pensions or the relative cost of pensions and if we think about pension reform in a way that redresses income equality post retirement then we could do so in a way that minimises inequality and reduces spend on pensions. Of course those of us who are in very good pension schemes like many academics in the UK would suffer as a consequence but nevertheless that would reduce inequalities in a major way. That's one area I think there are many others of course and I tried to list a few where I thought there was some evidence for action and housing is one of those which I didn't talk about at all but there is some evidence addressing housing poor housing would make a major difference to the lives of poorer older people. Okay great now and I do also know that there's other countries that might have already addressed some of these interventions I think for example in Japan where they are a little bit ahead of the curve. Have you seen any specific actions from in different countries that were effective there and could address these inequalities for example? I'm sorry that's a question that I can't answer without being a little bit invasive because I'm sure there will be. Most of my research where I've looked for evidence I've kind of focused to a large extent and it's been done in the UK policy so I'm making excuses it's been done in the UK policy environment so I've looked for evidence within the UK I don't think there is a huge deal of evidence elsewhere but you can imagine that a good evaluation of some of the things that are happening in Japan as one example would be very useful and also the ways in which later life employment and later life care are being considered differently in different countries might give us some important insights so one of my arguments has always been that we need international studies because we get policy variation and then we can look at policy variation to see whether that gives us clues on how to maximize benefits, minimize inequalities but of course I've made that argument I can't answer that That's okay I just thought to ask you there is one question from Susan McDaniel who says thank you for the very interesting presentation do you have any suggestions on how we can create comparable data from less ideal data Yes there is a set of interesting issues here as people may know the English longitudinal study of aging is a family of studies is part of a family of studies so we also have the founding study the health and retirement survey we have a set of studies actually related to each other across mainland Europe entitled share we have the Charles study in China we have the closest study in Korea and others and of course the Canadian study which I guess the people in this audience are all very familiar with and over time we get increasing amounts of longitudinal data from these studies which then enables us to do some of the kind of things that I've done just to argue the international comparative work is really important so we have done a little bit of work comparing US and UK data which I haven't shown you of course which does point to the importance of trying to understand policy variation around healthcare for example and achieving good outcomes in relation to healthcare if there aren't longitudinal data then I think a lot of my work around ethnicities in this position where there aren't good longitudinal data sets stuck with having to try and develop pseudo cohorts from repeat cross sections and that can work to a certain extent the methodology is complex where you try and basically identify a cohort in one data set and then look at them in a more recent data set and see change over time and then you can compare different cohorts and so on in the kind of way that I did but there's lots of error in that of course and it depends and it requires very careful matching of data so thinking about the ways in which you can use repeat cross sections to do the kind of stuff that we've done using longitudinal data and the other area is increasing availability of administrative data including government data or government generated data across countries that enables us to do some of this kind of work as I understand in Canada you have difficult to access I suppose but nevertheless very rich on data from your statistical government statistical agency which can be used to kind of examine some of these questions Okay, thank you very much and of course there's also the Canadian longitudinal study on aging where there is lots of data available now so I'm shamelessly putting a plug in here for all the attendees to check out our website to see what data we have available We have come to the end of our seminar now Dr. Nazouz, thank you so much for a very well done presentation to us So, again, thank you very much and I also want to remind everybody that our next webinar will be on March 28 which will be presenting data from the Irish longitudinal study on aging by order done to you so we hope you can join us then as well Again, thank you very much everybody and especially thanks to you Dr. Nazouz for your wonderful presentation Thank you, thank you


Well this is a prologue to the time it never rained, which more or less sets the tome for the whole book. It crept up out of Mexico, touching first along the brackish-pacus and spreading in in all directions, a cancerous blight burning a scarf on the land. Just another dry spellmen said at first, ranchers watched waterholes recede the brown puddles of mud that their livestock wouldn't touch. They watched the rankweed shrivel as the west wind relentlessly salt them out and smothered them with its hot breath. They watched the grass slowly lose its green, then curl and fire up like dying cornstalks. Farmers watched their cotton make an early bloom in its stunted top, produce a few half-hearted bowls and then wither. Men grumbled, but you learned to live with the dry spells if you stayed in West Texas. There were more dry spells than wet ones. No one expected another drought like that of 33. And the really big drys like 1918 came once in a lifetime. Why worry they said it would rain this fall, it always had, but it didn't. And many a boy would become a man before the land was green again.


Welcome to Toffy TV, it's the match preview everton vs Manchester United. Gooderson Park, 2 o'clock kick-off. True, 3pm. Just clarifying that. Yeah, very important game. Very important game for both clubs really. Both clubs in the hunt for European football. Obviously Manchester United at the moment, probably still think they can get Champions League football. Why wouldn't he? No, no. Obviously I've just come into a little bit of form as well. Everton obviously set back last week at Arsenal. Very tough run of fixtures now. But within the run of fixtures, we'll find out what this team has really made of and what needs to happen in the summer. Yeah, definitely. I mean, it was tough losing last week but United are home and we were very good against them last season. They're not a great side at the moment. As well as you had Santa Bill, they've got good young players in it. But it isn't a settled team. They're doing okay at the moment. They had some great away results. You know, beat United 2-0. Beat Chelsea 2-0 last week. Followed that up with a 3-0. He recently fell in the league. The home, plus the home, yeah. No, beat City away, didn't he? Yeah, yeah. Beat City away twice this season in the league, on the thing. So quite clearly dangerous on the counter attack. Rashford not being in is a big thing. You should go play, but then we've still got the threat of Martial and Greenwood, who's excellent. So, everything will have to be wary of United on the play. Yeah, they're a bit like us, Andy, in terms of the rebuilding.  They've got a lot of young players like we have. They're trying to build that going forward. It's just about adding next to players. Now, they added, obviously, Maguire, they've just added Bruno Fernandez, he looks really good playing, obviously scored his first goal from the penalty spot. And Martial's backing form as well, scoring a few goals. So, they're looking to hit good form at the right time and push on. They're obviously still in European competition as well, Andy. So, it's going to be a tough game.  But it's going to be a little, I think, a lot closer, obviously, because I just think they're a better player. They've got rid of, I think, where they might have lacked a little bit of quality, they've got rid of a lot of the kind of players that obviously all you're going to sell, so it doesn't run around the club. You know, Lukaku went, Pogba's not playing. Now, he's doing the classic trick, isn't he, have a player who wants to move, talk up your rivals, oh Liverpool are doing great, so that's going to adhere to the fans, exactly. Also, talk to the likes of Jesse Lingard are going to leave as well. So, those guys are just not going to put up with the antics of these players, which shows you that he is serious about the job. And if he's allowed to do that show, he's not going to be serious about backing him and investing in it. You think that, because they've backed him in the summer, pretty much, they can get all the targets. They've just backed him with Fernandez, who they obviously fell like. If you back me now, we can still get champions of the football. They've still got enough quality. I don't know whether they're going to get rash for back this season. He's obviously the talisman now, which again is great. If you have a kid who's come to the ranks, who's a Man United fan, for him to be, the talisman is fantastic. But with Greenwood as well, coming off the bench or even starting games. And they've got all the young players in there who've done really well. They have got a nice core, like I feel like we have, of young players, you can take the club forward, and it's just about adding to it. Yeah, they've got Dan James, who's hot and cold, he's lighting in pace, but he's fine on the ball, isn't he?  Fred's much better this season, he was last season, he struggled a bit last season, but he's been better of late. Still got to move out people like the Man United, you know what? He's so slow. He gave the young kid Williams a go at left back, he's in the side, he's got good prospects. They have got good players in there, like good prospects coming through, and it's just the case of marrying it all together. I suppose for them, they've got people like Alexis Sanchez out the door all out, Salsa said he's coming back in the summer and will be in their squad. Llechachw, like you said, it's gone. They need something, another option up front, it's going to be brilliant. I don't know where they can lie on them all the time. Rashford is obviously injured. It's a third one I think they need. The game is like last week, it'll... Marshale's like one of those players that we faced last week with the Bamiam. He's a quality player. If you're giving the opportunities, you'll take them. It's just about for us not giving the opportunities away.  And I think with them too, I think we can hear them. I think Dominic is fantastic and I think he'll give anyone a game. And Rich Charleston pulling off, playing off him as a number 10, but also playing through the middle as well. He occupies a lot of people as well. They've made up for the lack of forward play from our midfield. There's the centre midfield especially it's been so static recently. I'll say recently. Not having that extra player coming through. Obviously the big change with going to 4-4 to enable to have an extra player going forward, which is mad that we weren't even considering that beforehand. But obviously on Zeigolmes, looks like he'll start the game and hopefully he hasn't had any issues from last week. When it's like issues, what I mean is, you know, pulls or stains linked to the fact that he hasn't played to so long. But he could be huge important to unlocking this Man United defence. That obviously have been doing okay recently. Yeah, he was brilliant against United last year at home. But the thing with having someone like Gomez is that he's able to keep the ball, take the ball, get you up the pitch with it. He's great right and left. And it's having that person, that confidence in his ability, top players have it in the centre of the park. For too long we've been starved of that this season without that. He came in, he got injured on a palace diddli and then he played a couple of games when he was injured and was out and then he was backing and then started getting into it and got injured again. He's been out for four months incredible, he's back. But we've had nobody when he was fit to complement him and we've certainly had nobody to do the job when he was injured. Fabian Delps being a little bit hit and miss. He's had injuries so he's never, you feel like he's never got a run going. And Tom Davis is not informed in the story and he's in the catch when he's too Tom because he can't get again because he's not playing well enough. And when he gets in, he's that rusty that he doesn't perform anyway and give himself a chance where he's just got a knuckle down on the train. But if Gomez will have an impact we'll give him that extra attack and ability. We should have Theo Walcott back as well and Luca Dean. We've got Benardi on either side and we've got Retialis and Calvert Loom through the middle. They can cause you a lot of problems and then Gomez pulling the strings. Which is why I think he may go with Snyddlin. I know you feel I might go with Delph. Either of them will be fine as long as they work and make sure they give Gomez the insurance to get forward a little bit because he's going to be the one that gets us playing. And then obviously we'll have to watch them on the counter attack because that's their big strength, isn't it? Yeah. I think we've seen we've been in a run of form where obviously we've been beaten by since Silver went by obviously Man City, Liverpool in the Cup and Arsenal. So three big games but all away from home. Apart from Arsenal which is Duncan's last game we haven't faced any of those big teams at home. So it will be an interesting test that will be his first big game at home. We've played a lot of what people would say with the Leicester teams but at the same time if you beat all the Leicester teams you can get where Leicester are because at the end of the day Leicester haven't really beaten anyone. I think they beat Tottenham at home and I don't really think they've beaten anyone else. Liverpool have beaten them twice Man City have beaten them twice Chelsea drew with them recently Man United have beaten them at Old Stafford I think as well so they haven't really beaten Wolves drew with them I think so they haven't beaten anyone Wolves drew with them twice that shows if you beat everyone that you're supposed to beat you can get into the Champions League places or high open European places anyway so this will be that real first financiality so number one it's about getting it's about getting a good start crowd going getting gase the crowd earlier get into your rhythm straight away how you want to play the game how you want to dictate the game but we've got to stay away from making poor mistakes because even when the teams were beaten Wafford, Silly Goals Palace of Silly Goals the Arsenal Goals were all avoidable we've given away Silly Goals that we need to get away talking through loads of goals that we've conceded that we shouldn't have that were all poor Newcastle Man City Goals were avoidable so you can talk all day we've got to start getting stronger and start Dictating and start dictating how we want to play the game and not so much reliance on Dom and the Carvel Llewyn because what happens in that case you will get a game like last week where Dom doesn't take all his chances or only takes one and then madly for me he ends up taking part of the blame but alright he should be doing better but it hides the fact that other people aren't doing the work and at the moment it is only for Charleston and Dom and the Carvel Llewyn who are scoring the goals yes she and me and I have got a couple at Wafford and obviously they are woke up to go but it's all on them we want to see more of Bernard obviously you've got to go against Palace we need to start seeing players sitting in the middle of the park any of that sentiment feels scored this season Shagerson has got one in the League Cup no scored against West Ham one League, Premier League Snyddlan obviously hasn't scored Gomez hasn't scored Delfas hasn't scored Davis has got two that's awful isn't it they should all be capable of getting five goals playing the Premier League in midfield why aren't you capable of putting the ball in the net why full backs don't think they've scored have they apart from Baines in the League Cup they haven't scored Parth League Cup Lincoln she's scored in the League don't know this is the problem isn't it last season he scored against United mean he scored a couple so you look through the team and go people have underperformed Llewyn Cadine hasn't been up to how good he was last season you know that and he weighed him it's some massively important goals last season and other players you know Coleman got a couple last year hasn't scored this year he hasn't scored he's allowed that he's got six goals Walcott's got one league so it's simply not enough Bernard's got three so they need to be adding Bernard needs to be adding another three before the end of the season Walcott needs to be adding three or four before the end of the season this is a game which because Calvert Llewyn and the Charleston will occupy United this might be the game where those two are getting the opportunity to score that's almost like the sad thing about Sentiment Field though cos with Gomez and with him being such a good player what we've seen from last week he can play in almost like that quarterback role it should allow whoever's playing next to him to be able to drive on but apart from Tom Davis that kind of player I don't feel like we've got that don't feel like Sigarton there last week he didn't do it walked around Delph naturally goes back off the keeper which is why it's almost like Gomez needs to be the person that drives for and when he did that for Valencia he was an unbelievable player it's going to take time confidence, fitness he's not going to be able to be bouncing up in that way but then again he needs to if he drives on he needs to know that the person behind him he's got the legs to get up and down and that way that's at least when we know where the big problems are Sunday will be a battle engage them in a battle create the players create chances for the Talys and for Dominic Alvalun and I think off set pieces we scored their old trafford off a set piece and I think having the likes of Jerry Meeney well it is something that has massively changed recently scored off two set pieces last week we scored a way at West Ham off a set piece two at Wafford two at Wafford so it's good the ball is in the palace we scored palace as well so it's good movement last week we've seen for the second goal for the Talys and one we'd already seen Meeney och you're pining people for the first goal and causing the problems so it's good because it might beat something tight like that that start it started it last year against United it was a long throw on Talys and done the scissor kick so on Leucadine volleyed one back in off a corner we know that we can get it united that way and you have to be good at set plays because the game might be tight and it's won on that or something to get back in the game one match that, seven of one four of the last seven home games against Manchester United in the Premier League having won three of the first 20 in the Premier League it's physically there isn't it since losing to Norwich haven't been beaten in the last six United have won the last two Premier League games by an aggregate of five nil they won three in a row without conceding it was January 2018 so two years ago haven't scored in the last nine Premier League games under Carlo Ancelotti only Liverpool haven't scored in the last nine Premier League games under Carlo Ancelotti so nine only Liverpool 36 I've got a better record Manchester United have kept three consecutive clean sheets which is many as they've had in the previous 23 so there on a four, Everton's Guilfy Sigurds has directly been involved in nine goals in his last nine games against United five goals and four assists Carlo Ancelotti has lost each of his last three meetings with Manchester United there's many as he's lost in his face 11 against the Red Devils Dominic Arvalun has 12 Premier League goals this season the last English player to score more in a single campaign for Everton was Paul Ryderl in 1994 1995 since his debut for the club Bruno Fernandez has had more shots 10 provided more assists too and created more chances than any other Manchester United player in the Premier League so just going off that quite clearly immediately Bruno Fernandez is the man for stop and what was it 68 million or something he was a good player for sporting I've seen Yannach Balasi talking about him when he left saying he's a great player he'd be brilliant in the Premier League once he gets up to speed he's got his face goal last week in a penalty spot good from set pieces as well but I think it's good that he started well because your indicators are on them whereas sometimes you can be cold with these players he's not playing well so that's good battle of the 40 years playmakers it will be but it's a good Everton are very strong at home they expect us to beat everybody we play with they got our life they'll be fancying us against Liverpool what we don't obviously what we don't want is back to back defeat if you can't win don't lose because United are close to us and what we have shown in recent weeks as well that fighting spirit which is huge important they all seem together yeah well let's just keep going the crowd will be engaged in this one it's man United it's a big game Sunday through o'clock and I think the team have done enough to get the crowd behind them and I think it'll be a good game and hopefully one we can come out on top yeah let's hope so let us know your thoughts in the comments what do you expect them from this one who do you expect to play in our midfield on Jake Gomez straight back in he'll be alongside them and who else would you bring into the side let us know your thoughts in the comments don't forget to give this video a like and if you want more great videos join us over on Patreon the link is in the description thanks for watching see you later


It was a great game. It was a great performance from us, from both teams. It was a sign game full of intensity and quality. Of course the goalkeepers both to make the saves, but yeah, I'm really proud of the players because Liverpool are a top team and they've been a top team for a long time. Well coached, great players. So for moments where you feel like you're okay, they can make you feel not okay very quickly. We dealt with so many of those moments in different ways. So I'm very, very happy with our performance. I'm happy with the point because you look at it and they had good chances, but so did we. So I thought it was an outstanding nil-nil. You went with four at back again. Was there any sense that the gambles there were you always confident that the cycle kind of looked like formation? No, I mean a gamble could also be to let Liverpool control the game and camp out a year and a half. And I thought we made an effort to stop that with how we pressed from central areas, people like Alex Awobi, Tom Davies and Amadou in midfield, trying to get up to people when we could. We had a lot of moments against them in terms of transition, but also in good play. In good play and just working of all well and getting down the sides in the first half of Paterson. And there were a lot of good things about our game. And we played well with our back four the other day. And having an extra body in midfield absolutely helps when you play against the team. Like Liverpool, who will flood that area in their build. And I thought we dealt with them very well. I felt like after the AMA, the first games of the season where I've actually got stronger after half. I mean, did you get that sense and obviously you've reached the point of just having a game with them for very long? Yeah, yeah. And there are options I haven't had, which is great. And as I felt, we were tiring slightly, not just Tom, but the team need an injection. And with Garner, he came in and showed his quality straight away and he hasn't trained that much. So, you know, we know what we expect from him going forward now. But I thought the team generally, we had to suffer in little moments early in the second half. We were off it slightly.  We flipped it and it became a game where we had a lot of really, really good moments. And obviously, second time in a week, we end up with, you know, a few centimetres or whatever it is from three points. But, you know, we have to keep working because eventually, I think if you do the right things and perform with the way we did today, the points and all the wins will come.  Absolutely. I think, I've heard a lot this week of sort of insinuating that time wasting about my players from the game at Leeds, which I spoke about yesterday. And some things last year, which are negative about players and maybe decisions we've got the wrong end of. I love Virgil van Dijk as a player. He's fantastic. Sometimes you miss time tackles and they look bad or they are bad. They potentially are bad. If you look at the moment that he connects with Amadou up on his shin and Amadou's foot's on the ground, then I'm surprised it hasn't gone to bar and the referee hasn't gone to look at it and make what I think was the correct decision. I haven't been asked that much about it in the media. Let's see what, it doesn't matter now. But for me, it was a red card. And of course that changes the face of the last 20 minutes or wherever it was. And are you fully relieved when you've got an arm wrestling card that you've not prepared to work? Sure, sure. And some talk before this, Derby and other Derby's not that long ago recently about bad tackles. And again, I feel like people are going, okay, what are the players? The referee has a job to do and they are the... And I just think they've got that one wrong, in my opinion. Jordan Pickford obviously has got screws in his knee, he's got people, super up to there, what are the key formations? Yeah, I mean, absolutely superb to save from Nunes in the first half, where I think we were as comfortable as you can be against Liverpool up until then. And then the moment of quality of Nunes and then Diaz, but the fingertips he gets to that. And then second half makes a lot of saves, which were just of a world class, extremely high level. And he did it for us at the back end of the last season. He gets scrutiny because he's England's number one, I understand that. But when you deliver like he did today, then everyone understands why he's England's number one and why we appreciate him so much here. Right, do you please, on the online play, if there's an inter-system today, and would you share people who have given you the entire time today? Yeah, absolutely. I thought it was a great shift because to work with the team for a week, to understand how we want to press and to give them those sort of finer details, it's not easy. And he'll just get better and better. And we've missed that in the early parts of the season, and number nine, even in the first half, a couple of moments we ran a box, you can feel he wants to get in positions to score, a little diagonal runs in the box. He gets his chance, which he'll be disappointed about, but there's no worries because those ones will fall and they will come for him. But I thought his work ethic was great. And I think he's going to be a really, really big player for us. Yeah, yeah, James. Yeah, James has had a bit of a, the two weeks of uncertainty in terms of where, you know, leaving Manchester United, and then he ain't coming to us. He hasn't been out of the train at level, and it was like within yesterday, and we decided he needs at least a good week's work. Yeah, I think he's a good player. And I think we have got competition in midfield because we need it because if we look at squads and benches, you know, Liverpool at one moment now can change their fullbacks in an instant. They can bring on and change the face of a game with a different quality of player. Midfield isn't generally an area to picture where you want to gain control of a game, or at least be really competitive in a game, expend a lot of energy in a game. And we've looked at that, and I've looked at that and found it an area that we're wanting to improve. And I'm really impressed with the first shoots of those improvements. And I think we'll see more of that as the younger players and Garner develop and Garner gay, and the players that we've got in there, Alex Awobi, playing like a real top-level midfielder, in my opinion. So it can start to look like a really strong area for us. Yeah, yeah, I think so. The points are unfortunate. It's unfortunate that we aren't... On probably what points we feel we deserve, or what you think you would get off the back of the performances that we've had. We should be able to all double figures, in my opinion. But we're not. But the good thing is, I think you see the fans' reaction at the end of the game and during the game, they see a team that's working really hard, showing the passion that they want, but also playing. I thought we played quite well in phases today, and we'll get much better at that as we go along because we've got players who want to receive the ball and want to play from behind and play through lines. You saw the calmness that Garner gave us when he came on at certain times. So we'll work on that and we'll get better, and we want more points for sure. But the good feeling is a good thing because I think the players should feel that. And if we keep performing near the level, around the level that we did today, and get better, then I think those wins will come.