Good evening. I want to congratulate all of you for the fortitude and the intelligence to be here at this closing session It's been an incredible conference where we've had an outpouring of terrific ideas and some visions even I I'm struck by the thought that Raymond Aron the great French political scientist Who also wrote op-eds? The opinion pieces and newspapers Said that there are only two sentences that count in any op-ed It is the first one to get the reader into the subject and the last one which is to send the reader away with the message and that's kind of the purpose of our closing panel tonight is To get you into the subject to by summarizing by wrapping up And then to offer you their thoughts about the future and things to come So we will try to follow mr. Raymond Aron's prescriptions very well To save time. I'm going to get straight to our distinguished list of speakers.  We're going to start with madam. I see a bin Salah all the way who is well known in Morocco, of course and Is the ambassador at large for Morocco excellence, but I miss you bonsoir Merci Thierry. Mims. He's not a lot To mow frire le redoubte a ble privilege de tenir ce c'est auditoire prestigieux éveillé après trois jours de débat intense Don't que d'emblée la question qu'impose notre titre Quelle gouvernance globale face aux nombreuses ruptures certaine et au timide Composition qui sont à l'oeuvre sur la scène international Face tout d'abord à l'acharnement de monsieur trump de déconstruire l'état fédéral et de détricoter les accords commerciaux au-delà des interrogations et peut-être le discrédite que ceci vête sur le leadership américain Il y a évidemment les risques aux protectionnismes avec les pertes Importante qui ont été énoncé hier tant pour les américains que pour les partenaires à commencer par le voisin canadien mais surtout le mexique à la lointaine corée face aussi à une chine une chine qui brigue le centre de l'échiquier international forte de la parcroissante de ces Investissements sur la scène mondiale face aussi à la grande capacité de nuisance de la russie et aussi aux incertitudes de la vieille europe Exacerber par la montée de tous les extrémismes du populisme du brexit mais aussi qui a la chance de trouver dans la vigueur du jeune président Macron un souhait de dissiper ces incertitudes bien entendu Grâce aussi au leadership de l'inoxidable Angela Merkel et bien sûr on peut s'interroger revitaliser l'Europe est-ce possible sans la refondation de la Méditerranée une Méditerranée où nous partage on bien plus l'instabilité que la prospérité et la sécurité qui avait été annoncé avec bien entendu la faillite de l'euro Méditerranée donc il est impératif que les de s'attaquer notamment aux puissants réseau transnational je ne dirais très brièvement qu'un mot là dessus on sait qui sont responsables de des liens complexes de tous les trafics notamment des trafics de drogue à ceux des des migrants et et des armes y s'étant malheureusement aux enfants livrés à la prostitution et au travail gratuit et donc il nous faut impérativement nous attaquer aux sources aux facteurs inducteurs de ce crime organisé nous savons que la translation de la pardon de la du Moyen-Orient des groupes terroristes affilé tant al-Qaeda qu'au Daesh et qui ont tissé des liens avec les groupes terroristes locaux à travers l'afrique du nord et notamment en Libye installé en Libye et à travers la zone sahilienne et du qui Déchabab Aboko Haram Evidemment menace une région extrêmement fragile il faudrait donc espérer que la conférence Europe-Afrique va s'attaquer à ces problèmes et notamment au mal-développement au chômage des jeunes qui va leur laisser le choix hélas entre l'embrigadement chez les terroristes ou bien dans les réseaux mafieux ou les migrations par conséquent il est clair que je prends note de la volonté de monsieur Macron de donner 0,55% du piv de la France à l'aide au développement mais il est clair que ce chiffre qui nous renvoie au début des années 70 les 0,7% naissants atteint que par les scandinaves on est loin du compte il faudrait des réponses énergiques pour empêcher que ces acteurs ne prennent racine et multiplier les étapes aillis et les narco-états comme hélas le premier état en afrique donc ce partenariat stratégique est attendu de pied ferme et j'espère que le sommet d'habit j'en ne nous décevra pas trop à cet égard je me réjouis que mon pays est pris à bras-le-corps cette problématique en développant une véritable stratégie globale il en a été question ici et qui bien entendu va s'attaquer aux épicénomènes mais qui va s'attaquer aux racines du mal car il est clair que si vous ne donnez pas aux sociétés de vrais enjeux aux populations dans leur société vous ne leur fournissez pas la base durable de la sécurité c'est ce que nous essayons de faire justement au maroc grâce à l'ambitieux programme de démocratisation mais elle a ce chemin et long est souvent très signeux alors face aussi aux méga tendances les deux qui s'imposent à savoir la montée irrésistible des incertitudes c'est la seule certitude que nous avons et la montée vertigineuse de la vitesse on en a parlé hier avec des bénéfices certains pour les plus puissants les plus performants mais des risques incommensurable pour la plupart et surtout pour les plus fragiles alors qu'elles sont les parades elles sont pas nombreuses il y a bien sûr le revenu universel on sait où il a mené monsieur benoît amont mais aussi il y a l'éducation fondamentale mais quelle éducation quand on sait que les enfants qui entre à l'école aujourd'hui vont pratiquer des métiers qui n'existent pas encore donc quel contenu comment donc préparer ces enfants et comment recycler la moitié des adultes qui sont des alphabets du numérique pour éviter évidemment ce que Marc Benioff a appelé le digital refugees donc ceux qui vont s'exiler parce qu'ils n'ont pas cette capacité numérique de trouver les nouveaux jobs vont aller alourdir le drame et le cauchemar des réfugiés alors il semble que face à l'inévitable et irrésistible Monté de ses extrémies mais bien on ne sent pas des munis tant en afrique que dans le Moyen-Orient et les pays arabaux islamiques nous avons peut-être nous partage on cette prédisposition culturel à faire face à se débrouiller et il est clair que des exemples ont été donnés hier pour l'afrique je voudrais ici parler de toutes les ruptures qui ont lieu à l'heure actuelle et ce matin nous en avons encore la confirmation avec la nouvelle fracassante de ce séisme je vais parler de l'arabicé audite l'arrivée au pouvoir déjà la gerontocratie a passé le témoin au bouillon Prince Héritier 30 nerfs et qui veut instituer une révolution arabicé audite a coup évidemment d'investissement titanique 500 milliards de dollars pour les énergies renouvelables l'eau les smart cities l'intelligence artificielle le divertissement enfin rien n'est oublié mais aussi avec des réformes ambitieuses y compris des réformes sociétales et qui concerne les femmes j'en dirais de mot pour finir et bien entendu le retour à l'islam du juste milieu ce qui est une rupture extraordinaire avec le rigorisme religieux qui caractérisait cet état ultra-conservateur alors bien sûr qu'elle chance de réussir pour mbs et notamment qu'elle risque avec ce que nous avons vu ce matin 11 princes en prison 4 ministres en exercice 10 anciens ministres etc alors est ce que ceci ne va pas déstabiliser davantage en tout cas il en prend le risque et c'est un changement qui est absolument fondamentale avec des résultats incertains alors pour terminer bien sûr un mot sur les femmes vous comprendrez que dans ce domaine les résultats sont hélas elles sont d'ailleurs les grandes absences de notre agenda de cette policy conference mails si leur présence se multiplie et donc cette rupture pour les femmes qui est mitigé avec les mauvaises nouvelles nous savons à quel point le scandale Winston a révélé ce que tout le monde savait mais on détourne le regard à savoir l'extrême vulnérabilité des femmes même chez les plus riches et les plus puissants et bien entendu on attendra 2234 pour que la parité soit achevée selon le dernier rapport de bonne nouvelle quand même d'abord en arabie c'est ou dit je l'ai dit c'est vraiment vraiment ça une vraie nouvelle une autonomisation des femmes à travers conduire ce symbolique mais surtout à travers la levée de la tutelle mais tout le monde aura compris que pour mettre en oeuvre cet ambitieux programme les ambuces sont immense parce que c'est une société tribal où il va être extrêmement difficile de rentrer dans les practicalities comme on dit puisque même les plus courageux ne vont pas oser dénoncer leur propre tribu et leur propre clan alors désavancé certain quand même pour finir sur une note beaucoup plus légère c'est que le scandale Winston a libéré la parole seulement il faut pas que l'insulation verbal vienne décrédibiliser les femmes avec justement des excès et des provocations il faut rassurer le sexe fort c'est-à-dire les hommes pour que les partenariats réels puissent nous conduire à construire nos sociétés meilleurs pour finir sur une note beaucoup plus légère cette libération de parole n'a pas épargné le maroc et nous avons vu nos jeunes ministres ce que nous appelons ici les secrétaires d'état se rebellez contre leurs ministres de tutelle d'ailleurs souvent du même parti parce qu'elles se sont sentis discriminés on leur a pas donné les moyens d'exercer correctement l'émission que leur a confié sa majesté alors c'est vrai c'était amusant mais surtout c'est symbolique parce que les femmes au maroc maintenant ont un vrai enjeu un vrai progrès à préserver car grâce à la rencontre de de légitimité nous avons réussi une véritable révolution culturelle qui reste malheureusement à mettre en place c'est-à-dire la rencontre des de légitimité de bottom-up approach le travail des militants des femmes sur le terrain dès les années 92 avec la création de la première association pour lutter contre le sida par une femme professeur d'infectiologie avec des collectifs de femmes avocates qui défendait les femmes violées avec la fameuse association de madame schna qui hébergait les mers célibataire avec leurs enfants et qui a fait des émules ça s'est propagé ça s'est multiplié on voit un militantisme de femmes absolument extraordinaire et qui va peut-être avoir raison de cette extrême polarisation de nos sociétés où les controverses se multiplient et les vrais débats sont évitées y compris d'ailleurs le débat sur la misère sexuelle dans les pays musulmans où il est interdit d'avoir des rapports hors mariage et donc il faut qu'on prenne un bras-le-corps les vrais sujets et nourrir les vrais débats et j'aimerais saluer pour terminer quand même aussi sur une autre heureuse je voudrais féliciter smal mrabot car là l'activisme des femmes sur le terrain est également épaulé par la recherche et nous avons une femme remarquable qui s'appelle smal mrabot qui dirige le centre sur la femme au sein de l'association d'éolama rabital Mohammedia le centre avait déjà gagné le prix de la meilleure recherche sur les femmes dans le monde musulman 2014 et elle vient d'être couronnée par le prix atlas que l'ambassade de france offre maroc pour son livre l'islam et les femmes dont je vous recommande vivement la lecture pour mieux comprendre les complexités de cet orient qui paraît si simple je vous remercie thank you very much thank you very much ambassador a lui for your concession and for connecting what we're talking about here to the outside world in so many different aspects and offering at the end some hope and some positive developments next we have we're going to shift scenes geographically a little bit and we have Mr crion sock cherry on one sock who is the president of the Institute of future studies for development in Thailand crion sock fire away thank you very much I want to say how much appreciate invitation to be here Terry and also excellencies ladies and gentlemen the state of the world I believe it's a outdated past and a broken present and evolving future let me say it succinctly in this few minutes the three major pillars that we deal with the state of the world one economics to societal and largely political let me start with the economics part I believe that five major key areas in the economic state of the world that we need to look at them as a key examples of what we are at contemporary the first thing would be disparity disparity that of the half and the half not I think it's the wrong slide let me just walk you through without the PowerPoint the first point would be I think the contemporary world is at the state of disparity of the half and I have not what do I mean by that you can see about 15 years ago I create a rule in one of my article would be the rule of 1991 basically the tendency is to have 1% of the people able to accumulate 99% of the wealth and assets these are the disparity tendency without intervention and there's all kind of good and bad interventions bad interventions could even do it work make it worse but good kind interventions need to be thought through but what we have seen is the world with capital half and capital have not education half and education have not skill half and skill have not you also see technological half and technological have not innovation half and innovation have not and this is clearly set the scene for disparity in the world today how do we go through the world when disparity cannot be solved and it's stubborn problem that could not be tackle and you're going to create even more and more problem we've seen some examples of the conducive environment where we see the is at work and this we know there must be underlying problem that disparities will conducive to for example my second thing that I like to mention economically would be the rising of the new CIA let me mention to you the new term I coined some years ago again in my article the rising of the new CIA would be C is China I is India and A is ASEAN and this block of countries comprises more than half of the world population and they are rising though some of you can see clearly the rising China which is almost there the rising India which is follow suit and the clear engine of the ASEAN if they can stay together and integrated and not following by the wayside the three blocks combined ASEAN gluing the not often able to be together of India and China we could be a formidable issue of the future my third ideas I would like to mention in the economic situation would be multinational corporations as kings we have seen this for years now and it's going to be even more prevalent in the coming futures for example just looking at the situation of China and India in the year 2003 we have 19 top 500 corporations that are from these countries but a few years ago 2012 127 of the top 500 are from India and China these are the rising indicators of what is coming now multinational corporations will expand and continue to dominate my fourth key ideas I would like to mention is I call technological convergence innovation I do believe that we are living in a highly technological breakthrough in many spheres but yet to see the real convergence of this technology in combination and once it precipitate in innovations it will drive even more in the coming future last point in the economic sphere would be governance crisis I have noticed in the world in these last many years that the crisis are coming more and more due to the lack of architecture of international governance that cannot be worked out fully not only in each country but in the global scale now let me turn quickly to the second pillar the societal pillar again five key areas I want to mention one I see the issue of aging population coming even more at a front and faster than we think we're going to have a lot of old people over 65 years of age more than roughly 17% soon and very soon and this will present to us a problem we have never experienced in the entire human history the second thing is refugee and migration crisis not only domestic migration due to displacement of people due to internal revolt and shift of power base but also international migration that will take on a major key issues that you already seeing so in the last few years in Europe taking refugees from other parts of the world this is going to be more due to the turbulent world we are living in I also see clearly the urbanization issues that are coming forward recently I wrote an article in my own in my own newspaper column that we need to call a new term called Mackinac City which is going to come urbanization in number has already seen half of the world living in the urban areas it would be 70% in the next few many years but what is more interesting is how do cities of mega size and meta size no longer going to be the issue of the future but the future will be cities what I call Mackinac City which takes on the characteristics of a huge number of people living together more than 15 million people in one continual block that's going to be a land mass of density that we don't know how to manage yet and it's beyond what we have learned in human history urbanization to take on the various dimension would challenge us bring me to the fourth dimension also what I call morality frontiers challenges due to many issues that have emerged technological advancements that bring about issues that we need to crack through ethics morality that's behind those implications it's going to come more and more into the forefront of the liberation of this issue we will see not only the cloning that is an old issue that is going to come back again issue of mercy killing sexual revolution the AI and robotic improvement that goes so far will bring about morality issue that we need to deal with in the coming days we also have a the last five fifth issue of the societal pillars that I see coming clearly seen is terrorism fatigue and this is it's not only is here everywhere we accepted if we don't know how to solve it it's a fatigue which makes it way down the entire world of how to handle this properly let me quickly turn to my last pillar political pillars five things again that I want to mention one we have already passed the age of bipolarity to hegemonia of unit polarity but it's moving to multi-polarity with subgrouping within each of those polars we are seeing this experiencing through the walking through in and out of various blocks and the various alliance going to be rebuilt built again and recreated in a new ways this is the world political world that we're going to live in my second issue in political pillar would be moving from new world order to pause new world order what do I mean by that the liberal order that we have seen in the new world order will be shifted towards I think what I call the pragmatism or pragmatic order what we have seen the announcement that comes through President Trump I concur with Richard Cooper or from Harvard that it wasn't really through protectionism it's actually selective protectionism our pragmatic benefits that you are gaining and this is going to be some issue that would be on the table pragmatism of turkey in EU our EU joining NATO not joining NATO moving in with Russia or India or not those are some pragmatism Brexit we no longer are people who are ideologically consistent we are people who are more and more result or rented and pragmatic result is what we're getting at you can see Trump announcing America first national common good instead of global common goods that is the issue pragmatically being dealt with at hand of desperation because of the government of each country are no longer sovereign as it meant to be the erosion of the sovereignty of each sovereign state has come through the age of globalization that we have never seen like this before and this is the real issue that is changing many things my third point that I want to mention the political pillar will be separatism syndrome you notice that separatists are coming more and more as a reaction to the inability to to solve problem in certain cluster of grouping of affinity be it annex religious or many other groupings you see the self-determination effort to rely on themselves by separate out see the brexit issue the scotland the north island wells and the uk bass from spain and france katalanya and from spain you see in the issue or lombardia from italy and many other places Kurdistan that want to come out from turkey from iran iraq syria tibet ui gu from china taiwan all this issue i call them separatism syndrome as a reaction to try to have some self-determination in a world where they cannot control and cannot rely on a broader grouping my first examples would be what i call non-professional politicians being politician myself for many years i have noticed that you no longer professional politicians that are being called upon the world is deficit grasping for a unconventional way an unconventional style politics anti-establishment that have no hope and they're searching for all kinds you look at the world having trumps having do 30 of philippines having people like jacobi which is unconventional in indonesia all types and the young leaders that emerge which we can never dream of way back are happening being elected everywhere is calling for unprofessional politician who are going to be different from the establishment that they have been used to and finally my last example would be democratic breakdown i have noticed carefully when i was working together with barterman people in germany in the democracy index for many years in the last decade i noticed that countries have turned democratic at least informed democratic election for example are not increasing but decreasing you notice that the year 2120 countries of 192 are democratic by the 12 years later 118 out of 194 are democratic the percentage decrease we are not moving forward we're moving backward we're rolling backward could the tar could never been expected for many places have been experienced even in my own country we was a shining star for democracy in many decades ago we rolled back to the coup d'etat government freedom of the people index have measured the going down of the freedom of the people therefore let me conclude by mentioning these three pillars economic societal and political pillars and of five example i cited for each of these categories or the contemporary world of the state of the world we're living in what am i saying i'm suggesting a definition of what i call thinking revolution that needed what is a revolution in under nutshell it's slightly the thinking revolution what is the thinking revolution it is a change at the foundation and the fundamental with both of our difference until it change a paradigm of economics political and social paradigms without that that's not a revolution indeed indeed i think there is a need for a new revolution coming that will change the entire architecture of the new global order so that economic political and social paradigms will be shifted and changed because today we experience a broken world that we could not repair it need a revolution indeed korean soccer and we now turn to the korean peninsula mr trill key june who is a career diplomat from south korea and was most recently the national security advisor to president park mr june okay thank you i'd like to highlight three major areas in my intervention number one the danger of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction wanting to are given during this forum including the previous session on the north korean nuclear threat the most challenge for world peace and stability at the moment is the threat of proliferation of wmd and mostly nuclear weapons which might trigger nuclear war unless north korean ambition of becoming another nuclear weapon state is stopped and reversed within one two years there is the real danger of nuclear proliferation the global community took measures through a series of un security council resolutions to sanction north korea to accept denuclearization uh entire world should accelerate and to cooperate to bring tangible outcome otherwise more countries may go nuclear to defend against north korean threat it will mean the demise of non-proliferation regime thus the raison d'etre of the iea the permanent members of the un security council must assume the primordial responsibility of stopping proliferation as they have their prime responsibility of and mandate of preserving peace and stability of the world for this they have the bit of power and more authorities they should overcome political power bickering or preoccupation with the real politics they should be really united this time to address north korean nuclear issue otherwise the world will be far more chaotic and volatile the world should join hands to press north korea to change the cap and come back to conference table its human rights situation should also be actively raised and pursued we need a comprehensive package plan to resolve north korean nuclear crisis when north korea comes back to a conference table and achieves full denuclearization there should be enough enough compensatory measures to help build its economy in addition to its own survival we want to see concrete progress be made through ongoing president trump's tour of visit to east asian countries we need peaceful resolution not over we koreans have suffered too much for the past thousand years but we should be brave and determined to tackle this north korean threat but when time comes when conditions are met we need to not be afraid of talking to north korean leadership it is my view that the iranian nuclear deal should be upheld it would be very difficult to envisage another solution i hope personally that the u.s congress will take sound decision on this matter emergence of another nuclear weapon state should be blocked in the name of humanity a european pattern of constant pressure and urgent north korea for kept change and mostly they're giving valuable recommendation and advice to china and russia is necessary to help find the resolution of the current crisis next there is the need of for the promoting of north east asian security structure in east asia tensions go beyond the boundary of north korean peninsula paradox of good economic performance and partnership but lack of any permanent security cooperation mechanism whenever there is a problem we have to go to oris the south asia to discuss our meta there east asia is the only region that lacks security dialogue mechanism our tailor made regional security mechanism should be installed when north korea abandoned nuclear ambitions it may also join in the process for strengthening the basis for for each survival among key partners there is already an annually held assistant minister level meetings and various networks of meetings on sub agenda issues such as climate change nuclear safety and digest the management etc we need enlightened leaders and networks of influential intellectuals for attaining this goal to this goal to prevent the sources of conflict and nurture the habit of cooperation in in this part of the world we need to groom peoples believing in this cause as europe showed good example europe can continue to encourage us east asians for consolidation of more regional cooperation uh then my second point is to uh relating uh is relating to the danger of weakening basis of democracy and how we should address uh after the fall of the berlin world there were euphoria over the success company success of democracy uh but after the arab spring the spread of democracy seems to falter as was discussed during our session as the u.s new government focuses more on america first policy there is the worry of weakening support for global values this might cause less emphasis on universal values across the world and during our discussions on international trade and others and investment and economy some proposals were tabled to address current challenges on multilateralism namely wto etc we need to harness global values what is i hope moderate countries maybe middle countries should endeavor to uphold global values in this regard europe should continue to play a leading role europe has to uphold global values while the united states regain its house in order east asian countries should also join hands in upholding global values south korea and japan should know how to work together what is direction winning over their difference about the past canada and australia may pitch into all the moderate countries such as our host country can register their voices instead of remaining passive like minded countries can collect their wisdom and creative ideas to help amend current problematics in many fields including climate change issue sdg's implementation china will be a key contribute to the global codes and we should not afraid of talking to china my third point is the potential for new tripartite cooperation and burden sharing in the course of providing foreign investment assistance in africa besides europe and the united states china japan and south korea assume growing role likewise north east asian countries can share their burden uh the burden of the world for governors and development assistance it would be good if north east asian countries increase for the mutual communication and policy coordination people once talked about a trilateral governance structure of united states europe and japan prezinski for example in 20 years time ago one could now envisage a new type of trilateral structures among the united states europe and north east asia for better governance and to uphold global values it could be a means to tame down tension among us north east asian states and help nurture the spirit of cooperation instead of individual self assertiveness that many worry about or forming a bloke against each other the current china japan korea trilateral cooperation mechanism need to be revamped constantly by linking india and asian countries and in good years with the other partners one could also vitalize existing multilateral and regional institutions so that these regional summit gatherings such as asia meeting and epic be fully used for change reform and becoming stronger and better structured for promoting peace and stability and economic growth for these all purposes we need our political leaders having wisdom brought the eyesight new vision and leadership and we the intellectuals should educate them to the extent possible if not we should groom future leaders we should groom future leaders like in the previous session i hope that world polish conference will continue to carry out such an endeavor to first a more open and tolerant world thank you and i congratulate you on hitting the eight minute mark precisely well done our next speaker is ashwani kumar a distinguished advocate barrister from india who has been senior advocates for the supreme court and former union minister for law and justice mr kumar thank you jim let me at the very outset thank terry for giving me the opportunity of being here today and let me on behalf of all of us here and perhaps on behalf of all the people in the world who care thank terry and his team who have brought together in this wonderful city of marrakesh a galaxy of global leaders and thinkers who have devoted the last three days of their time to find solutions which we confront in common the grave challenges which all of us face in common which make this world a challenged world i'm a hopeful person by choice and by nature but all hope and all initiatives towards realizing our hopes must begin with the candid acceptance that we are living in a very troubled very challenged conflict driven and violent world we are living in a world which is for a very large number of our people neither just nor stable nor peaceful nor a world that gives hope to future generations but what do we do do we put our hands up and say that all is lost certainly not we know from carlisle's theory of history that the story of human civilization and its progress through the ages could be measured in terms of the contributions of genesis and great world leaders who came for a limited time on this earth but to change the course of history for the better what we see today is not all gloom what we see today is a vastly superior world in the sense of the fastest and the and the most abundant growth of material prosperity we see a world in which there is hope for the very sick people because of technological advancement we see a world which has endless possibilities for better life for a very vast majority of our people but who has got to realize that potential when i come to the conclusion of my presentation i will talk about the way forward but but today let me at this point of time talk about the fears that i have my first and foremost fear is that the trouble spots the potentially volcanic trouble spots in this world are growing we discussed about the situation in the middle east and north korea japan libya afghanistan pakistan iran katar saudi arabia we've discussed all these and these are these are potentially growing areas of conflict the south and east china sea and i think these conflicts are going to exacerbate in the future depending upon the proclivity of the rising powers to assert their expansionist programs we see this phenomena we recognize it as well but sometimes we are diplomatic enough not to assert it in the manner that we ought to as a lawyer i'm extremely worried at the impotency of the international legal order we recently had the hay tribunals judgment about east china territorial claims and china great power in fact in some ways a responsible power too openly defied international legal order and said it does not accept the judgment of the tribe i ask myself the question what is the point of repeatedly asserting that we must live by the international legal order if we have in our midst not one but several powers who if they chose to defy the international rules of the game cannot be held accountable for defiance of the law therefore i think one of the foremost challenges is for global leaders to sit together and to devise rules of engagement that would not depend upon their enforceability upon the sufferance of one or two or three powerful states and i think as somebody rightly pointed out international morality and law are important without the backing of power power is the only constant which defines the contours of international relationships this has been the theory for as long as we have read it we have known from history that at the end of the day the weak must yield what they must and the strong take what they can is that the world we want our children to live in no we need a just fair law-based international order and that and the establishment of that international order is one of the foremost challenges for statesmen of the world the second point that i want to make in this regard is that we are witnessing a sure retreat from multilateralism president trumps walking out of even unesco leave aside the tpp or leave aside the other arrangements but all the paris accord but even from unesco shows an utter contempt for what has been achieved thus far it is not my place to pass judgment on an individual leader of a great country but it is time for us to interrogate ourselves whether collective judgments and democracies are always the right judgments of course some may argue that the collectivity has spoken and democracy is about the rule of majority and so be it yes this is certainly a point of view but does the majority always get it right is the question that we have to ask and the terms of engagement in the debate between right and wrong is what we all know instinctively to be right and what we all know instinctively to be wrong or bad the second takeaway that we can all claim from this conference is that whether we like it or not globalization is in retreat is it necessarily a bad thing i think the jury is out we will have to await the verdict of history but the fact remains that globalization has not necessarily led to a just society or a just world order in an age of rights a great international lawyer professor louis hinken who has described our age as the age of rights what is it that we actually confront we confront the sad and the tragic reality of three billion people by 2020 having to live and subsist in less than two dollars a day 793 million people facing hunger 11 million children dying of hunger every year and 155 million children being undernourished globalization leading to imports from china into the us led to job losses in america to the extent of 2.4 million jobs surely surely americans had the right to challenge the conventional wisdom and the established order we know that drugs and human trafficking continue to be a grave reality and all the laws in the world and all our collective resolve and resolve of leaders in the world has failed to check that menace something is therefore not right and i would like to compliment theory for organizing this conference because as goeth reminded us we must proclaim from time to time what we believe in and reject what we must condemn and i think conferences and platforms like this ought to be used to repeat what we believe to be right and to reject what we believe to be wrong that will be i think the lasting service of conferences of this service that conferences of this kind will make to humanity fundamentalism a rise of identity politics breakdown of interfaith dialogue and as somebody said the failure of happy modernity are inescapable realities of the present world and my very grave doubt about our capacity to we generate failing democracies troubles me a lot i come from a country which has provided itself in the defense of human rights and in this irrevocable commitment to the fundamentals of constitutional democracy democracies but what do i see i see my country rejecting lock stock and barrel the plea of rohingyas for asylum in our country i can understand any government's right to reject one two five ten hundred five hundred people on grounds of suspected involvement in terrorist activity but how can you dub a whole class of helpless people as potential terrorists and deny them the humanitarian relief of asylum and this is a country associated with the mahatma and the buddha who taught us the first principles of humanitarianism as the country that gave to the world the slogan of vasudeva kutumbakam that that is that the whole world is one family and i see this happening we have a stellar record of human rights uh jurisprudence in our country which has been borrowed by many many countries not only in a neighborhood but even in the advanced countries i'm myself fighting a case for the rohingyas in the supreme court of india and on a number of issues i'm myself a public and petition and i find that the rise of a dominant person perhaps in reaction to things that were not so positive does lead to the weakening of the institutions of libertarian democracy this is the lesson of history whether it is in the united states of america or india or or in any other democracy and i think it is absolutely necessary for us to insist on diffused power structures whether that is represented by multilateralism on the global stage or by institutions of constitutional democracy in in in democracies across the world a diffused power structure yeah one a diffused power structure is something that we have to struggle for i will just take one or one minute more technology and ethics yes technology has been a great savior in some respects but technology has defied our humanity it is invading our humanity the right to privacy the right to dignity the right to reputation which are absolute casualties of fake news is something that we have to be concerned about the monster of social media is threatening our family lives it is threatening our social existence and we need to ask ourselves whether in the name of technology we can allow all of that to happen and finally i have to say do we need to barter our freedom to qualify as patriots this is about the assault on liberal democracies are we our freedom and nationalism mutually exclusive do we need to pronounce the demise of reason to appease radical populist demagogues is it fair to invoke moral relativism to eliminate the testing measure of power and can we for and can we afford to forget the caution sounded by james medicine that there are more instances of abridgement of freedom of the people by the gradual and silent encroachments of those in power than by violent and sudden suspicions jim i would like to thank you for giving me the opportunity but let me conclude by what told me my favorite historian reminded us he said civilization moves forward on the basis of challenge and response and each age has to write its own history and martin luther king told us there is no such thing as tomorrow and he said we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now in the unfolding of life and history and let me tell you ladies and gentlemen we are all individually and collectively duty bound not once not twice but over and over again to repeat what we believe is right because as dante cautioned us the hottest places in hell the hottest places in hell said dante are reserved for those who in a period of moral crisis which we face today preserved their neutrality i thank you for your attention thank you very much we'll move along and our next speaker i think is well known to many of us here uh munna macram abeed uh senator uh in egypt and uh a person who's known for saying what she thinks i'm gonna we'll wait eagerly thank you jim and now please allow me role of Egypt today after two revolutions, two revolutions, ladies and gentlemen, in three years, and which is today at the crossroads and which faces huge obstacles, but also huge opportunities. Ladies and gentlemen, I'm delighted to be here today to share some thoughts on where we find ourselves in Egypt, about six years after the first revolution in 2011 and just four years after the second one in 2013. One thing that is sure is that Egyptians are discovering today that there is more to a revolution than toppling a president. In fact, it is hard to believe that six years have already passed since we were down in Tahrir Square full of hope and trepidation that we were making history and were optimistic and an openness system was shaping the political climate. Since the emergence of modern nationalism in Arab-speaking countries, intellectuals and political elites are caught between two options. One is the supremacy of al-Ummal-Islamiyyah, the nation of Islam, and the requirements of the modern secular nation. Just as you know, it's the most populous Arab nation. About 100 million, it was declared only this month. It is a Muslim-majority country with a significant non-Muslim minority, the Christian Cops, who number around 15 percent of the population. Since 1952 and the toppling of the Egyptian monarchy, all the leaders from Nasser to Sadat to Mubarak and now to Sisi have hailed from the military and assumed power at a time of national trauma. They have all used secular nationalist political vehicles to monopolize the power of the state. They all retained military backing through extensive political and financial patronage, demonized Islamist forces and drove them underground, keeping a tight lid on the media, the opposition and all forms of dissent, and thanks to geo-strategic calculations, they all at one point or another enjoyed the support of the United States. On the eve of Egypt's uprising in January 2011, it was an authoritarian state under Mubarak, but it had long ceased to be a military regime. The military was removed from governance and civilian politics and more concentrated on the economic interests of the institution. The uprising, therefore, represented a major political opening for the Egyptian military. And the aftermath of Egypt's failed political transition during the Morsi Muslim Brother period resulted in the military's direct intervention supported by the majority of the people. However, the constricting of space for regional politics boosted the fortunes of political Islam in light of the lack of credible alternatives. In fact, on the evening of the January revolution, the political scene had few ideological stances for mobilization aside from the Muslim Brothers, which helps to explain the inability of many non-Islamist groups, who call themselves liberals or leftists, including the youth, to organize effectively. With the result that the hierarchies within the present regime have evolved in a way that prioritizes the military and the security establishment. The reliance of President Sisi on a close circle of military figures is matched by the regime's distrust of civilian politics and civilian politicians and has instead sought to cultivate a civilian political sphere that would serve as an obedient supporter of government politics exemplified by the present parliament. In fact, this is one reason that you must understand I was kept out. The corollary to the growing influence of the security establishment has been the neutralizing of civilian politics. At the same time, the increasing role of Egypt's military has been driven by a lack of trust in non-military alternatives, but also by the administrative ease and achievement of military-led projects, an immediate focus on job creation and an affinity for mega-projects, the Suez Canal, the new capital, solar energy, infrastructure, etc. As for civil society, it is under relentless pressure and its activities have been severely curtailed. Today, rethinking is taking place among existential fears, both among regime supporters and in a broad cross-section of the population, focusing on the rising threat of radicalization, anti-state violence and terrorism, fears that have gripped the political calculation of the regime, but also the non-Islamist opposition and much of the general public. As a result, non-Islamists have come to see the military and the institutions of the state as the primary defense against Islamic ambitions to remake the state and redefine Egyptian identity. These tendencies fostered support for military intervention and paved the way for the second uprising in 2013. Needless to say, this confluence of events was not conducive to producing an open and pluralistic style of politics. Modern society was also presented with a sense of existential struggle, namely the fears of anti-regime violence, of state collapse as in the neighboring countries. All this has created political caution and an aversion to political tumult, and it also became a key source of legitimacy. The radicalization of certain Islamic groups, particularly in the Sinai, and their brutal attacks against Christian citizens and their churches with their threat of continued violence and terrorism became a first-order priority and emboldened the security establishment that made for a situation that inhibits politics and risk-taking. In other words, regional insecurity limits the possibility for genuine political openings. The generals and their supporters believe that they must destroy the brotherhood or risk the brotherhood, remobilizing and returning to power and seeking vengeance for the overthrow of Mr. Morsi. However, this alliance of civilians with the army against the brotherhood will postpone full democracy and civilian control for some years and will let many of the economic beneficiaries of the Mubarak regime keep their position. However, it may well be the fastest possible path towards sustainable democracy if certain requirements are met. For the past four decades, Egypt has lacked any national project or serious attempt at confronting contradictions in its social fabrics. Two factors could have made a difference this time. The first is demographic. There is a peril in having millions of undereducated, underemployed young women and men with very little to lose, living very difficult lives amid a lack of basic services. That the current transition that started with January uprising was started by neither the military nor the Islamists, but by secular young Egyptians, young women at the forefront. Egyptians have taken an extraordinary position after the two revolutions, participating in every election, in every referendum, et cetera, something they have not done for about 50 years. However, the polarization Egypt has been experiencing in the past four years has marginalized these forces, the young people. The promise of a young generation advancing a national project at a moment of national unity as witnessed in January 2011 is postponed, unfortunately, for another day. Many demographic experts have underlined the enormous impact of those between 20 and 30 years on the Arab Spring. However, they have noticed something very, a new phenomena of the revolutionary moment with an unexpected phenomena, which is the return to high natality, which severely handicaps the economy. Egypt has become a demographic bomb, and insecurity and poverty have become instigators of immigration. The second factor is economics. Egypt confronts acute challenges relating to its fiscal structures, competitiveness, and poor educational system. Lately, the government has cut down food and fuel subsidies, which have caused price hikes and rampant inflation. The economic shock therapy coupled with a steep currency devaluation has rocked the country. Fuel prices went up 50 percent and gas prices have doubled. As savings erode and consumer buying power shrinks, the president is betting that the expected payoff, which is new jobs, foreign investment, and growth will arrive before the economic pain risks another social explosion. On the foreign policy front, President Sisi has made significant steps. With Africa visiting most of the countries, Sheikh Tidian was just telling me that he was there last week in Senegal, before this in Gabon, visiting Asia, Vietnam, Thailand, China, Europe with particularly friendly relations with Mr Macron, who has declared that he will not interfere in Egyptian domestic politics, whereas the media wanted him to. Excellent relations with Germany, and of course Russia and China, and a particular relationship with President Trump, whom the Egyptians see as a good president for Egypt. Analysts have stated that the chemistry between them, between President Sisi and President Trump, is working, for the time being at least. The reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah with Egypt's strong mediation gives hope and opportunity if Mr Netanyahu realizes that this is a historic opportunity today to have a two-state solution. In conclusion, in the years since being elected, Mr Sisi has consolidated a ruling coalition restored economic growth and brought back considerable stability to the country after six years of turmoil. Of course this has come with a harsh crackdown on dissent and abuses by the police and judiciary. In the short term, the combination of nationalism, modest economic growth and highlighting the war on terror is politically sustainable among a broad cross-section of the population frustrated by years of uncertainty and economic decline. But unless a more comprehensive set of economic and political reforms is put in place over time, the long prospect for stability in Egypt will be in jeopardy. On the economy indicators are pointing in a positive direction with GDP growth projected at 5 percent in 2017, and international investors showing a renewed interest in Egypt, especially after the Charmeshech Economic Conference in March. We invite the World Policy Conference to come to Charmeshech next year. Sisi took the long overdue step, as I said, to cut fuel subsidies and so on. However, this economic stabilization and progress, however, is being achieved with exceptional and massive financial support from the Gulf countries, and the push for growth and investment is necessary, but is not trickling down sufficiently to lower income groups. Employment is still high at around 13 percent, and this combination should be able to sustain modest growth rates of around four to six, but this is not enough. They say Egypt is too big to fall, and Egypt is looking for a new savior. This time, waiting for Godot, this time it might be called Trump, we don't know. To create 10 millions of jobs over the next decades, Egypt needs to employ its youth. This will require aiming for the growth rates of the Asian Tigers, not the modest growth of the Mubarak time. And this will require a much bold revamp of the civil service, a scaling back of the public sector, a reduction in the role of the military industrial complex, a reform of the judiciary and legal environment, and serious modernization of the education system. Politically, CC rode a wave of popular support, as many Egyptians desperately sought an alternative to the alarming rule of the Muslim brothers, and yearned for the stability of strong leadership after years of turmoil, particularly as other Arab states and societies have crumbled around them. Going to the end of his third year in office, the president is still in a strong political position. He is likely to finish his first four-year term and might be in a position to win a second term until 2022. Beyond the initial goals of restoring stability, resuming economic growth, and fighting terror, CC must ponder what his long-term goals and legacy will be. In addition to strong economy, which he clearly wants, stability and security, does he wish to hand over power or have power rested from him to another military leader when his term is ended, or can he use his current popularity and external support to define bolder economic and political goals, to encourage the growth of a viable, non-Islamist political alternative, a model of China, and to bequeath a country that hopefully is not only economically viable, but also politically healthy. Thank you for your attention. I want to thank you if Egypt likes Trump so much. There are many Americans who are prepared to give him to you. But our next speaker is from Morocco, Fatala Walalot, who is a senior fellow at the OCP and former economy minister. I would like to thank you for the success of this tenth edition here in Marrakech. My lecture is going to be a reading from a Moroccan group that belongs to three spheres. The Arab-Muslim sphere, the Euro-Miditerranean sphere, and the African sphere. And from these three spheres, I offer you a lecture on three trends. The first trend is related to another world of proximity, which is in crisis, which is blocked. The Mediterranean, already for a long time, has only become a place of passage and has lost its centrality and its settlement. But for ten years, the situation has become worse. In the north, in Europe, ten years of crisis, difficult times, an increase in unemployment, an increase in growth, the rise of populism, and almost a crisis that affects the euro and then the management of a number of new problems, refugees and of course terrorism. All of this has also had a negative effect on what we call the Euro-Miditerranean partnership. And in fact, even more than before, Europe has turned its back on its own neighboring south. In the south, it's even worse. The Palestinian question, forgotten for two decades now, feeds the feeling, the unconscious, of despair.  An Arab spring of insolence, civil wars, even religious wars. And the rise of states that have been disloyalized. A fragmented Arab world, the rise of radicalism, that even disloyalized to Africa. Economies dominated by the whole logic, and this rise has done a lot of harm, as well as on an economic level as the model of political, social and cultural. And at the same time, the absence of regional integration, I think of course, to our region, the one of Maqraib. All of this has contributed to the weakening of our region. And yet, at the end of this year, there are premises of hope. In the north, the return of growth is important for Europe, but I must tell you that it is also important for us. The renewal of the political field. In France, a political field that is now able to adhere to the logic of the reform, facing the requirements of globalization. The premises also, perhaps, of a renewal of the European project, so that Europe can be reassembled, become stronger, more coherent, with the speeches of the President Macron, with also the interest agreed by Mrs. Merkel on the issue of Africa. All of this is important. It is also important to raise the gap of separatism from the question of Catalans. And, despite everything, we see that populism has its limits. It is certain that, after Brexit, Trump, as he is judged, after Obama, that is to say, after the beginning of disengagement, it is perhaps, it is even surely, a chance for Europe. And the gap of separatism is essentially linked to political considerations, to considerations also linked to the logic of European regionalization. In the South, there is also hope. There is hope. I start with this place of hope for reconciliation between Palestinians. It is also the gap in the field. Of course, we all have to be vigilant for what is going to happen after. And then, Mrs. Ambassador said it, in Arabic, despite everything, there is a conscious take to make the status of the woman evolve. Slowly, but surely I hope. And then, we started talking about tolerance in the Middle East. And then, we are also trying to diversify the productive attitude. And I think that Saudi Arabia is going to do it, essentially, with Asians after the trip made by the Sultan of China and Japan. In fact, Mr. Girard said it, it is no longer here, there is also the rise of the national party. And there too, you have to raise the gaps of separatism, essentially in Kurdistan. So from there, there may be premises to rehabilitate our region and give it a certain centrality. The second trend that I propose to you is the distant world, which is imposing itself on us and which interprets us. Of course, we have talked a lot for two days about Russia, its geopolitical return. But in Russia, there is a gap between the geopolitical element and the quantitative and qualitative weakness of its model of development and its economy. The world that interprets us away is that of Asia, and above all, that of China. In 30, 50 years, everyone knows it, China, a country we are developing, has become the second largest power in the world. There is a real G2. But what is important is that today's China is no longer a simple workshop of the world economy. Today's China is a laboratory of the green economy, of the digital economy, just after the United States, in the matter, and even because it has changed, as everyone knows, its model of development. But what interests me is the effect of the rise of China in Africa. We have talked a lot about Africa, the awakening of Africa, since 2000, the growth rate, from 2000 to 2014, which has turned around 5%, even a few times more, but it is essentially due to the Chinese demand in primary matter, in hydrocarbons, that China has essentially become a world workshop. But what is important is that when China has been forced to become more mature, perhaps to reduce its growth rate, around now less than 7%, 6.8%, 6.9%, 6.5%, etc., when it has launched the strategy of the route and the belt, at the same time it has set up a new strategy with Africa, and particularly at Johannesburg in December 2015, and there with two essential proposals. The first is a transfer of capital, aid and investment of 60 billion dollars, but the second and most important qualitatively is the possibility of de-locating a certain number of industries, so to adhere with Africa to a co-production logic. Well, this all interprets us, Africans, Mediterranean, Moroccans, Maghreb, Arabs and Europeans, because this response to this fact, which is today Chinese, tomorrow Indian, without forgetting, of course, the interest that Japan has in Africa, well, this calls for a collective response in the whole region, which first implies a renewal of the European approach, both for the Mediterranean and for Africa, which also implies that the integration of certain bilateral partners, like the French partnership in Africa, in a European logic, both for political considerations, or on the political plan, or on the economic plan, only on the strategic plan. This also implies that relations between Europe, Africa and the Mediterranean adhere to the logic of co-production, in food, in training and in industrialization. Industrialization must be global, it must be designed at the level of all our money. And then it is important, with China, with other countries, Japan, India, etc., that we develop a triangular approach on essential issues, like the food issue that was developed yesterday, or before yesterday by Mr. Tarrab, which means that Africa can become a place of competition, but also a place of triangular partnership. This is what will give a certain centrality to our region, or a rehabilitation of our region. Finally, the third trend, it is global. It is global, it interests the entire world. But what interests us, and perhaps even more so in this regard, is that we who belong to these spaces. The world has become globalized, it is digitized, it is robotized, but it is faced by human societies that hold more and more to defend their culture, their specificities, their religion, their historical depth, which has become, for many societies, an element of balance. Well, from the strangeness between this globalized present and the cultural and historical depths, we must move on to the management of a cohabitation, a cohabitation between modernity and globalization, and the depths of historical and cultural specificities. Today, societies need a return to their depths. They need a return to identities. We must understand that for us, Muslims, we have a duty, a simple effort to live our Islam in serenity. And let us bear in mind that we are going to live it in the 21st century, a tolerant Islam, an open Islam on modernity, and a cohabitation Islam. This is what we have been trying to develop in this country thanks to the role of our sovereign and, more generally, the place of monarchy. The true jihad is not the jihad of terrorists and radicals. The true jihad is a derivative. The true jihad is an effort, an effort on ourselves. It is a jihad that must lead us to do a work of actualization, a jihad that must allow us to use spirituality at the service of modernity. It is this which will allow us to negotiate our cohabitation in this world with others, with other cultures, with other religions, with other civilizations. And it will also allow us to recognize our relationship. Everything indicates, ladies and gentlemen, that the world of tomorrow will be multipolar. But it will not only be multipolar on a strategic economic level, but also on the spiritual level, the multipolarity that recognizes the great civilizations. Of course, the Western civilization with its components and taking into account its history, the Asian civilizations with their components and their stories, the Arab civilization, the Muslims, with its components and its stories, and then the African civilization. It is this which will perhaps allow us to rehabilitate our Mediterranean, which is the center of the world, and allow the Mediterranean to find its centrality. Thank you. Thank you for these percutant ideas. Thank you for these percutant ideas. Our next speaker is Mayesh Shatri, from Israel. He's a member of parliament and has been to this conference before and given us a reason to ask him back. First, I'd like to thank Thierry and every member of the staff of WPC for the extraordinary organization of this conference this time. And thank you for having me here in the panel and in the conference. Yesterday was the memorial day of the assassination of Prime Minister Itzhak Rabin. Itzhak Rabin was assassinated in the 4th of November 1995. He was not assassinated by a terrorist, Islamic terrorist. He was assassinated by a young Jew coming from a radical, extreme part of the society of Israel. The assassination happened after a big demonstration of more than $100,000 people on the square of Tel Aviv municipality. Immediately after Rabin finished the convention, he went down and the guy shot him. The one who shot Rabin wanted to stop the peace process. We had two big leaders in Israel which really changed the history of the Middle East. One of them was Menachem Begin, which make the peace with Egypt. And we draw from old Sinai until the last centimeter and make peace with Anwar Sadat. And the other one is Rabin which signed the Oslo Agreement as well as done peace with Jordan, signed the peace with Jordan and Clinton. And this question is really we arrived to a deadlock. Is the hope for peace in the Middle East between Israel and Palestinian lost? I'm from those who believe that it is not. We are not in a deadlock. That there is hope to arrive peace if we act in the right way. As I will explain right away. First, let me find out why we are stuck. Why we are not making any movement. We have at least twice an opportunity to have peace with the Palestinian, a final peace which had been rejected, I'm sorry, to say by the Palestinian leaders. One of them is when Prime Minister Barak with Clinton suggested to Arafat almost everything that the Palestinians ask for having peace. Palestinian state of the most of the West Bank with the old city of Jerusalem, almost everything, Gaza of course, and Arafat refused. Second time was Prime Minister Ormert which come to an agreement with Abu Mazen. And he signed the agreement. And Abu Mazen asked for a few more days. He didn't come back to sign. And I ask myself, why they're not signing? Why they're not finalizing this peace today? Doesn't they want to have a Palestinian state? My answer to myself having a politics so many years in governments of Israel so many years in different capacities, and the security cabinet and know everything around, my conclusion was that in matter of fact, in order to achieve peace, we need two partners. One of them was demonstrated by the governments of Israel by Prime Ministers, which giving really all the price which supposed to be paid for the peace. But there is another part, which is the Palestinian side. What we expect, what the Palestinians said they have to make a decision in order to have peace is one very tough for them, but it is one that they have to make it, which is to give up what they call the right of return, which means the refugees cannot come back into the territories of Israel after the peace in Palestinians. They can come back to the Palestinian state but not into Israel. No Palestinian leader, in my opinion, will sign, will accept this decision. They cannot do it alone. So how we solve the problem? I believe that the only solution to arrive peace with the Middle East is through what we call the Saudian initiative or the Arab initiative. I'm the biggest supporter of this initiative. Since 2002 when it's come to the world, I'm fighting to try to explain it, to convince the prime ministers of Israel, the government, the Knesset to go on that direction. Why I believe that this is the solution. Let me quote two sentences from the Arab initiative. Arab initiative says, if you make peace with Israel, with the Palestinians, by going back to 67 borders and find a agreeable, justified solution to the Palestinian refugees, we, 57 Islam countries, are willing to make peace with Israel, full normalization, and that will be the end of conflict. Fantastic. I believe in it so strong that when Prime Minister Sharon, I was also minister in his government, want to disengage from Gaza, I was suggesting to him not to disengage from Gaza. And instead pick up the Arab initiative, call Riyadh, and let's talk to them, let's negotiate this initiative because that's really can bring us to peace. Why? Four reasons. First, if really we make peace through the Arab initiative, we are in a situation that we have a guarantee to existence of this peace because we are making peace with 57 Islam countries. Not only with Palestinian, that people say you make with Palestinian peace, somebody tomorrow will come and tear it up like what happened with Gaza when they disengage, they make out of it Hamas time. So it's giving us guarantee to existence of peace. Second, this will be the way, in my opinion, to contain really the problem of Hamas and Fatah, to put them together even now, there is a big progress because of the activity, very positive and really aggressive activity of President, a CC of Egypt, which brought situation that now they're trying to make reconciliation. Third, it is the best way to transfer disagreement in the public of Israel because if you're coming to the people of Israel with agreement, not only with Palestinian authority, but with 57 Islam countries making formalization, it will change the world, it will change the Middle East. It will be much more easier and faster to pass it in the Knesset and in the public. And why I'm positive today and optimistic because many things happen in the Middle East in where we are living. And I want to count them. One, the interest of the Arab states had been changed. They find themselves in the same situation in which we were fighting Islamic terror, radical Islamic terror. Now we find Egypt fighting against the brother of Islam, Islam, Iraq, everybody will go. They find themselves in the same situation with us. That's the reason why we are today connected much more better with the Arab countries, even we don't have a diplomatic relationship with many of them. But we have a very good cooperation today fighting terror. It's hard to believe, but in fact. Second, the threat of Iran. The Iran threat of nuclear weapon is not against Israel. I don't accept it.  They want to have a nuclear weapon in order to be the strongest part of the Arab world. And it is mech all the Arab states around Iran are very worried, including Saudi and Kuwait and all the Gulf countries and others. They don't want Iran to be with nuclear weapon. On that case, our interests are together. Also, we don't want them to have, of course, a nuclear weapon. Secondly, Saudi is changing. You've seen what happens now. The new governor of Saudi, which is going to the Crown Prince, is doing things which we could not imagine just a few weeks ago. Look, the changes he done that shows that he really taking seriously his position as the next king of Saudi. And he changed all the government people. He hospitalized now the Hariri, which ran away from Lebanon because he afraid of his life from what's going on in Lebanon. He want to build a very modern, beautiful city with 500 million. He's changing Saudi. And secondly, he's very supportive. Saudi became very supportive to the peace process. As a matter of fact, it is their initiative. And last but not least, it's funny to say it, but I will say it. There is some contribution of Trump. He did something good. When he came to visit Israel, he passed through Saudi. And he make a change in the attitude of Saudi and other Arab countries toward peace with Israel. He did. So now there are too many elements which support the possibility to achieve peace. Last but not least, people ask themselves, how can we make peace if the prime minister of Israel is so right wing, party, extreme, against peace, don't want to give up anything? And I'm saying, in Israel, we have a paradox that I call it, the hawks of peace and the doves of war. It means that only hawks can make peace with the national consensus. And only left can make war with national consensus. Begin make the greatest peace ever with the biggest country, Arab country, with Egypt. Nobody else. And I have been in the party of Begin. I know him personally. I work with him, again, as with Rabin. Nobody in the liquid, if somebody in the liquid would say, before Begin became prime minister, that he would giving up Sinai, they would trim them out of the politics of the party. And Begin can pass it easily in the liquid. Because automatically get the support of the left and vice versa. The same today. Yes, we have Netanyahu, which is quite extreme. He's not now very comfortable for peace. But if he will be brought, maybe by Trump, to a point in which you have a decision to make peace, he can pass it. Because it's coming from the right wing. It would pass, especially if it will come through the Arab initiative. I believe that the problem with the Palestinians and with the Arab, it's an Israeli Arab problem. It's not American problem. Americans do not understand Arabs. I'm sorry to say it. In my opinion, that totally do not understand. We should solve it ourselves. If we will negotiate Oslo with the Americans, you'll never be Oslo agreement. Oslo succeeded because we negotiate personally Israelis and Palestinians in Oslo without any confidential, without secret, until everything had been signed up. I'm sorry just for one thing, that they did not conclude everything in that agreement. And not making it by stages, which was in my opinion a mistake, the biggest mistake of Oslo. That they didn't finalize from the beginning like we did with Egypt, from the beginning, all the agreement and do it by stages. So I really hope that we will arrive there. At least I'm keeping fighting to arrive there. I believe that we will. Thank you. Myer, thank you for letting us know that there is hope for the Middle East. There is hope for Israel. There is hope even for Bibi and Trump. Our last speaker for the evening is Yokuri Nihwa Yamashita, who is board member, director of the Institute of Energy Economics. The floor is yours, ma'am. Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. It is a great pleasure to be part of this distinguished panel, State of the World, closing session of this very prestigious World Proceed Conference. I would like to also express my appreciation to the office of a prime minister and ministry of foreign affairs of Japan because they support my attendance here today. And, merci Monsieur Thiel de Montréal post cette opportunité. First, I admit that I am a little lost here, not because I am the last speaker of the last session of the last day. It is because I am standing on this podium among an elite group of panelists to talk about the state of the world. Well, my background is not geopolitics or not international relations. I am an economist by training and I am conducting research in the field of energy and climate change. Then I am also a mother of two beautiful daughters and I am also a grandmother of two adorable grandchildren. Therefore, I think I have a perfect excuse to talk about the state of the world because it concerns me. Well, although we have a tendency to think about in terms of months or years, like politicians or journalists, we also need to talk or think in terms of decays. As a young Japanese researcher or economist to decays ago, I remember discussing the details of the Kyoto Protocol. We wanted to believe that we were going forward but also we were aware that we were running out of time. 20 years later, the planet is warmer but it is still here. And we'll most certainly be there for centuries to come. On the other hand, the future generations will inherit the world in the state as we left it for them or as we leave it for them. As long as Paris pushes the world into the future and as long as it goes farther than the Kyoto did, the world we are going to leave to the next generation will be fine, I hope to think. The, on the other hand, the future generations will actually face this world as we leave it. So I hope to believe that the world will be improved in the future, I hope. I choose to believe we do not need more signatures on a place, on a piece of paper but we need far more conviction and actions. 75 years ago, the little prince, Loupe de France, don't want the Saint-Exupéry was already a keen observer of the state of our world. He said, the earth is not just an ordinary planet. Indeed, ladies and gentlemen, the earth is our living space. We should take good care of it. Of course, this may not be a good introduction for discussion on the current state of the world as advised by our moderator, but what does the state of the world mean? Is it like a health check or is it like a report card on what is wrong and what is right? If it is like a summary of the news, what do I know about the current state of the world that you do not know yet? Unfortunately, we rarely get the balanced view of all global events because it is more newsworthy to report on disasters and tragedies than good news. So far, at this conference, I have heard references to issues in the EU, the Balkans, the Middle East or Asia and also heard about wars, refugees, disruptions and growing inequalities. I also heard about tolerance, cooperation, peace and prosperity and I also heard about rising Africa. Looking at the sky, oh, I'm sorry, I would like to say a few things before that. It is easier to remember the unresolved disagreements among us that inevitably affect our perception of the state of the world we live in. But looking at the sky, lying on the ground at night and looking for shooting stars used to carry a touch of romance for everybody, young and old. For many around the world, shooting stars have been replaced by rockets and ballistic missiles. Is that the state of the world we accept to live in? Or just one more example of what is not acceptable. I choose to believe that our world is getting better and better, not worse. But we need to detect the basic vital signs to assess the overall state of our world. Well, ladies and gentlemen, it is easier said than done for a little mother from a little island in the corner of Asia. So I did like our current young generation of students do, I turned to the internet. My two daughters confirm that a smart smartphone can be the source of all real and fake information. Believe it or not, in less than three seconds, the internet made me very happy because I got one million results on state of the world with Bing and 1.7 billion hits with Google. How can I go wrong? To my surprise, Janet Jackson's song, State of the World, is by far a more popular subject, about nine out of 10 research references. I must admit that the song's lyrics confirmed many of our thoughts. What is happening in our home and other lands? Drugs and crime are spreading while people can't find enough to eat. Kids can't go out and play without fear. That's the state of the world today. There's got to be better way, can't give up hope now. I choose to be convinced that the overall state of our world is doing better than that. Two years ago, and just before the COP 21 in Paris, I was on this World Policy Conference podium in Monterey, Switzerland. My presentation highlighted two topics. The first, I emphasize that we are still lacking technologies, finance, and policies to address climate change in a large volume required to decarbonize our energy use. But we can still do it while optimizing the total cost of mitigation, adaptation, and damage. Secondly, in order to meet the two degrees target, though, we need to collect our resources and wisdom to speed up and collaborate. Then in Paris Agreement, when the Paris Agreement was adopted and ratified, actually unexpectedly swiftly, this good news traveled the world. But soon, we faced setbacks and uncertainties that many people have mentioned already so far in three days. Because of political turmoil and geopolitical issues, those are the matters we discussed, as I said, over the last three days. We also need to remember that 1.2 billion people are still without energy access today, and many more to come, probably. And energy is required for economic development. It is not only power generation which requires energy. We also need energy for cement, steel, or petrochemical products for roads, buildings, and infrastructures. All of these need to happen, but they cannot be achieved in a world where neighbors never stop fighting. Unfortunately, I must stress that there is no time to waste. We need astronomical numbers of non-emitting power stations, and they are needed in order to bring down the CO2 emissions to zero. And I stress zero. According to surveys, we continue to express high concerns towards air pollution, water scarcity, and food security. It is mind-boggling to think that only 150 years ago, the world population was 1 billion. 75 years ago, it was 2.5, and now 7 billion, and rising to maybe 9 or 10 billion within the next 75 years. Will the state of our world be accommodating this? Can we make this sustainable in a zero emission world? On the other hand, there is progress on gender gap, health, and education. There are also opportunities for innovations, technologies, economic development, trade, and investments. Ladies and gentlemen, although from time to time, the world faces setbacks caused by the fragility of peace and profound social instabilities, I am very happy to see the world community thus believe in dialogue, and at least can agree on major issues such as climate. As Chilly said, statements such as never can become maybe, or perhaps. I choose to believe that one day, we will report that the state of the world is no longer in intensive care, or nor in critical state, but we will report that it is slowly heading towards a great healthy future. As Prime Minister of Japan, Mr. Abe said recently, now is the time to bring together the wisdom of mankind. I am sure there is enough wisdom in this room to get started, and I sincerely hope that my grand-grandchildren will enjoy looking for shooting stars. Thank you very much. Thank you. You know, the thought crossed my mind last night in the midst of the singing, and dancing, and drumming that Terry de Monbrielle had created a historic moment in think tank life. And tonight, we have cited as our guide for thinking about the world's problems, Janet Jackson. I can't top that, so I think it's time for us to get off the stage with a final word from the man who organized this all, Terry de Monbrielle. Well, my speech will be no longer than 45 minutes, of course, and it could be shorter. And I will say a few words, essentially, of thanks, and I will do it in French now, if you allow me. And if you don't allow me, it's the same, by the way. Voilà. Alors, traditionnellement, je voudrais commencer par mes équipes rapprochées, et évidemment par Sang Nim Kwon, avec laquelle la quasi-totalité d'entre vous avait été en rapport direct, avec parfois des émotions, enfin là, tout ça, est plein de réalité humaine. Nous ne sommes pas dans la robotique avec Sang Nim. Je voudrais remercier aussi avec elle toutes ces collaborateurs qui sont d'ailleurs des collaborateurs et qui vont peut-être se lever quelque part. Voilà. Ce sont les Sang Nim Girls. C'est aussi une autre nouvelle chanson qu'on pourrait... Mais je ne vous la chanterai pas ce soir. Bon. Alors je voudrais remercier Nicolas Germais, qui est le président de la Fondation WPC. Je ne sais pas où il est d'ailleurs. Ah, là-bas. Et les équipes organisationnelles autour de nous, Florence de Chanterac, là-bas, qui veillent à tout. Et il y a une personne avec laquelle beaucoup de gens ont dû être en rapport direct aussi, c'est Marie Lopez. Je dois dire que j'ai beaucoup d'admiration pour Marie Lopez, parce qu'elle s'occupe de ce qu'on appelle le Rooming. Et croyez-moi, ça n'est pas facile. Et pas seulement le Rooming, d'ailleurs le Rooming mais également les transports, les avions, les changements d'avion, les demandes des idératats des uns et des autres, ça suppose un caractère en acier. Donc merci à Marie Lopez. Merci à Claire de Carvalho qui aussi travaille avec nous depuis des années et dans la bonne humeur. Je crois que je n'ai jamais vu énerver. Et à Kasmira Ferkov, vous accueillez ici et que nous appelons ça un peu grandiloquant, mais quand même, le chef du protocole. Donc merci à Kasmira. Merci à Guillaume Foucault et ses équipes qui s'occupent de la presse. Et vous avez beaucoup d'entre vous, ont été interviewés par Guillaume Foucault dans le studio WPC. On était appelés à être interviewés par John Andrews dans le studio WPC TV. Avec une seule demande, naturellement, c'est de dire tout le bien que vous pensez de la WPC. Sinon, vous serez censuré à tous les coups. Donc merci à tous. Et plus généralement, je voudrais remercier les intervenants. Je crois que vous avez tous apprécié la qualité des panels, la qualité des interventions. Mais je dirais les intervenants et les participants qui ne sont pas forcément intervenus. Je voudrais rappeler que la WPC c'est un club, c'est une notion à laquelle je tiens fondamentalement et je crois qu'au fil des ans, nous avons développé des relations très conviviales, très amicales et je pense que pour le présent et l'avenir, c'est très important. Cette notion de club me paraît absolument fondamental et nous ne faisons pas de distinction essentielle entre intervenants et participants sur tous des membres du club. Et donc je les remercie également. Alors maintenant, je voudrais passer à nos partenaires et soutiens. Je ne vais pas vous en donner la liste, elle figure d'ailleurs, dans toutes sortes de documents. Et je vais évidemment parler, enfin parler, je vais pas faire de discours là-dessus, mais remercier le Maroc. Et je dis bien, je dis bien le Maroc, car cette conférence a été placée sous le haut patronage de sa majesté, qui d'ailleurs est en train de nous observer. Enfin, elle vous observe. Moi je suis un petit peu en position de retrait, mais nous avons été reçus extraordinairement et je crois que toutes et tous, comme on dit aujourd'hui, ont été éblouis par la réception d'Irsoir au Palais Bayat. C'est tout à fait extraordinaire et chacun, en tout cas tous ceux dont les oreilles n'ont pas éclaté, en regarderont un souvenir immortel. Mais ce que je viens de dire à propos d'Irsoir est vrai d'ailleurs de toute la conférence. Alors ayant remercié le Maroc en général, vous me permettrez de remercier en particulier l'OCP et l'OCP Palais Sécentaire. L'homme des fosfates est un homme qui fosfore beaucoup et évidemment je remercie Mostafa Terrab, qui n'a, je le connais suffisamment pour l'admirer et l'aimer et insuffisamment pour connaître ses défauts je n'en connais qu'un seul c'est qu'il est parfois un peu trop discret. Voilà, en tout cas Mostafa merci de tout cœur et je voudrais aussi saluer ton directeur de cabinet Hakim Ajoui, je sais pas s'il est ici il devrait y être où est-ce qu'il est Hakim. Il est là? Voilà. Voilà. Dans les tourbillons de la vie du président non stop dans les quatre coins du monde il arrive à conserver une sérénité en tout cas en apparence assez remarquable et une efficacité pour laquelle j'ai la plus grande admiration. Et je passerai maintenant à nos amis de l'OCP Palais Sécentaire de l'installation institutionnelle de Mostafa Terab de l'OCP Palais Sécentaire avec lequel nous avons développé un partenariat d'une extrême richesse et l'OCP Palais Sécentaire est devenu aujourd'hui un grand think tank mondialement reconnu sous la houlette de Karim El-Enawi que je salue également de tout cœur. Je ne peux pas je ne suis pas en mesure de citer toutes les personnes marocaines qui ont travaillé à la réussite de cette conférence mais il y en a deux dont je voudrais citer les noms c'est Siam Sherkawi et Mehdi d'ailleurs je devrais commencer hierarchiquement par Mehdi El-Ratib qui mais comme on a expliqué Asya a expliqué qu'il y a quand même un changement aujourd'hui dans les relations femmes qui étaient attendues depuis quelques milles d'ennemis on pardonnera d'avoir cité une femme d'abord et je voudrais évidemment je ne voudrais pas oublier les interprètes car ce travail Asya était extraordinairement difficile parfois ça va très vite dans la plupart du temps et même toujours d'ailleurs ils n'ont pas eu de documents préalables et je crois qu'ils ont fait aussi un travail tout à fait remarquable et je les en remercie en votre nom alors maintenant je vais demander à ceux que j'ai oublié de citer de bien vouloir se lever Marie-Christine mon épouse c'est très important évidemment et maintenant je vais tout de même conclure en vous disant que pour nous à travail comme ça et quand même à travail d'équipe il faut une équipe très motivée bien sûr il y a des frictions on s'échauffe mais fondamentalement c'est une volonté de réussir cette entreprise et je peux vous dire que cette entreprise cette volonté est extrêmement forte et que nous sommes très encouragés par le succès de cette 10e édition et prêt par conséquent à partir pour un nouveau cycle et je vous donne donc rendez-vous quelque part l'année prochaine en espérant évidemment bien des occasions de nous voir d'ici là d'ailleurs je vous signale que vous pouvez, chacune et chacun d'entre vous peut contribuer sur le site de la WPC nous pouvons prendre des contributions les faire circuler et je serais extrêmement heureux de parler avec les uns ou les autres pour voir comment on peut améliorer tout cela et il y a évidemment beaucoup de manières de le faire de développer en tant que club vers l'Afrique en recrutant si je veux dire comme des membres de club de diverses parties de l'Afrique il faut le faire naturellement avec beaucoup de discernement mais nous le ferons et nous le ferons avec votre aide donc merci à tous et sur un plan tout à fait fondamental je vous signale qu'il y a un buffet à votre disposition à la sortie


The atmosphere in our team is really friendly, you know, I think Scouse is in general very friendly people. Yeah, like the Irish, you know. No, but like, yeah, having each other and then having a team of very friendly people, you know, at the time we lived with Fern Whelan, who has lived here all her life. So she obviously knew the ropes and it's very, very good to us. Showed us around, showed us where to go and places to hang out and stuff. You know, it was the time when Jill Scott and Tony and Rachel Brown were at the club, so some awesome players and awesome people who, you know, it's hard not to feel comfortable in a group of players like that, so, yeah. And then I'm assuming it's just that I've been like, huh? Yeah, I wasn't here for very long, unfortunately. I was off to America for university about nine months later, but Simone's obviously made this her home for quite a while now. We stayed, like, in Liverpool for the first couple of months and then Lizzie went off to Harvard and I went off to Edge Hill. She's got a masters there. You had to go to Harvard, did you? Of all the places in the world, Harvard. So I went to Edge Hill, which is just outside Liverpool, so I moved up there, so it's just outside Liverpool, but obviously then got to know people and I've really settled now in Liverpool. So I've literally only just recently finished doing my masters. We should have a little count in the corner of how many times she says that. Obviously, I don't joke about your masters, but it's a fantastic achievement, considering, you know, you've become a full-time professional. Just tell me about the areas that you've both studied and where the thinking was behind, where that's going to take you. Okay, well, a bit different to me, so I'll go first. So I did an undergrad degree in sports coaching and towards my final year I kind of looked more specifically at, like, basically with being a professional myself, I kind of looked into the effects of receiving video analysis feedback and how as an athlete I perceive it and how coaches are delivering it, so more in towards the coach education to help better educate coaches. So from my undergrad I did a paper on that which got published and then we kind of seen potential to kind of further that research, so that's what led me in to doing my masters. So instead of looking just at how players were receiving it, I kind of went in and looked at how coaches were delivering it on a wider spectrum of athletes. So I've just recently finished that, so that paper is hopefully going to get published as well, so the aim, kind of, of my research was to kind of get stuff out there that coaches can kind of lift it up and be like, oh, I never thought of it this way, maybe it can help me think of how I can deliver my sessions to athletes because this is how they're perceiving it, so that was kind of like the path I kind of chose. I really enjoyed it to be fair. Just a quick one for you, Saib. Seeing your work published, how does that match up to scoring the winner in it again? To be honest, I was really proud of getting a published paper. It's something I never thought I would ever achieve because obviously my whole life's been football for football whereas kind of like the academic side of my life is just not something I, I mean I was always getting good grades and stuff in school but whenever I went to university I really enjoyed my degree and I enjoyed the work and I found it just, I don't know, I just really enjoyed doing it. So then when I went in and they said that they wanted to kind of publish my paper I was like, whoa, I just never imagined that I would ever do something like that so I was really, really proud of it. I mean I printed out the published paper and framed it. I was like, this is going on my wall. I was, I was so proud of that one to be fair. Others are yours as children's cheesed to that level. Here we go. I don't have a master's to be fair. No, I, so yeah, I went off to America, went to Harvard and I studied economics. Didn't think I would study economics when in with the idea of actually going to medical school one day and so I started a biology type degree and then switched up and realised I really enjoyed economics and I have done a finance internship since then in London and really enjoy that sort of atmosphere, the very fast paced, very interesting work so you know, I think for me down the line that might be something I continue with but you know, I've just really enjoyed studying a wide variety of behavioural economics all the way through to finance so that was my thing. Very similar. Very much. I'll be 220. Is this a very obvious deliberate attempt to compare and contrast? That's literally the perfect one. This is one I prepared earlier. I would imagine being able to go over to Harvard, settling to life in there and enjoying it because I know we've had a conversation the way you love it out there would have made it quite easier to then come back here and resettle back into the course. Yeah, it helped and at the same time you know, every time I moved somewhere when I first moved to Harvard it was really hard, when I first came back it was really hard because you sort of learnt to love a place and then yeah, I sort of ripped away from it but yeah, you know, like you said I've moved a few times now so I kind of know that there's a bit of a moving adjustment period but then you really start to love it so it's nice to have that experience to have lived in a few different countries now. And the fact that you've carried on your studies would suggest it? Perhaps both of you have already got one eye on one of the professionals? Yeah, I'd say on a serious note like the reality is we have to. Being, you know, as far as the women's game has come which is great we say 10 years ago we didn't know whether we could even be professional footballers and now there is that path for girls but the reality is we don't know how long we'll be able to play for and any athlete you never know when you could get injured and have to stop playing. But for me personally I definitely see myself having sort of a two stage career of doing my football and using my degree to do something else so I've definitely got that in the pipelines I'm working on. Yeah and I've thought about maybe doing a PhD or something when I finish then I'll be Dr. McGill imagine. She would demand that we call her Dr. McGill as well. I'd be no more Simone. I don't know. I mean I've also thought about opening a coffee shop. I mean I love coffee and like where I live at the minute there's no like kind of speciality coffee shop so that I know it's disaster. So I've thought oh there's the gap you know getting have my own coffee shop no idea what I would call it yeah I mean I've had a few ideas but I know what I kind of want like I went into a coffee shop the other day I had swings as seats. I was like I'm definitely having that in me.  But yeah. Do you have a dog? It's going to be a little picture of Chester in the corner. Now that you're. Just put that. That's amazing. Oh ladies. I'm getting too excited. Obviously when you're part-time players yes young girls are going to look at you and go I want to play football forever. But now that you're professionals do you feel like almost that pressure is intensified? That the women's game has come that far that now it is a very real dream for young girls to make a living out of that football. I think like I think it's fantastic for young girls to be able to look and see that there are people out there that are playing football full-time now. I mean when we were kids we didn't have that and I mean growing up our role models were always male footballers whereas for young kids now they can look and see female footballers and I just think you know it's fantastic that they can do that now and it says how far the games come and the fact that we could potentially be role models for young kids is you know I think it's great. Yeah for us it was such a like a stigmatized or an out of the ordinary thing for girls to go and play football and you know you were doing something very different to what your cohort of girls are doing whereas now it's a pretty you know normal thing you know girls can play football and that's great and they can you know see there's an obvious pathway for them to continue playing football if they want to and that it's absolutely fine to choose to do that instead of you know going off and doing other things that maybe you might feel pressured that you should be doing. So you know it's great to we're really lucky to have been born when we were and have this opportunity to do what we do now so yeah. You've obviously been part of different squads from international squads and they've always been made up of different kinds of people which just shows that if you really want to be a footballer you can do it. Yeah anyone obviously you need to be able to kick a ball but anyone really can do it you know very different people from all walks of life. Different characters everything I mean if it's something that you want bad enough you know going back to the choices that you had to make if you make the right choices and you're really driven and you work hard every day then why can't it be you too do you know what I mean?