Good afternoon. My name is Michael Collins, and I'm the Director General of the IIEA, and I'm very pleased to welcome you to this Institute webinar as part of the Global Europe project, which is supported by the Department of Foreign Affairs. This project aims to address, analyze and communicate to a wider audience the debate on the EU's role in the world and Ireland's role in the multilateral order, with a particular focus of course on Ireland's term as an elected member of the UN Security Council, which began on the 1st of January 2021, and comes to an end in December 2022. We're delighted to be joined this afternoon by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and indeed Minister for Defence, Simon Coveney, who has taken time out of his busy schedule to share with us. And the work that Ireland has been doing in the Security Council and the Security Council activity generally in the course of the last 12 months. Minister Coveney will speak to us for 20 minutes or so, and then we'll go to Q&A with your audience in the usual way. I think everybody is very familiar with this at this stage and you'll be able to join the discussion using the Q&A function on Zoom, which of course you will see on your screen. So please feel free to send your questions in throughout the session, no need to wait until the Minister has finished his remarks. If you've got questions to ask and in preparation, please let them, please send them in as they occur to you. And we will come to them once Minister Coveney has finished his presentation. A reminder that today's presentation and the Q&A are both on the record and please feel free to join the discussion on Twitter, using the handle at IIEA. And we're also live streaming this afternoon's discussion. So a very warm welcome to all of you joining via YouTube. Minister Coveney, my notes say here to introduce the Minister, but the Minister really does need no further introduction. So with that, I'm going to hand straight over to you for your remarks and I look forward to those and the Q&A session that will follow. Thank you. Thanks very much, Michael. And in January I spoke at the IIEA event shortly after we took up our seat as an elected member of the Security Council. I set out the principles and priorities for our term. And so it's a pleasure to return today, albeit virtually, to update you on our work on the Council since then, and to look to our plans for the year ahead. The timing of your event is fitting. Yesterday was the 66th anniversary of Ireland joining the United Nations in 1955. The UN has been very much at the heart of Irish foreign policy since then. We've been an active and committed member, not least through the remarkable service of members of our Defence Forces in peacekeeping operations for more than 60 years uninterrupted. And this commitment to the UN is a matter of both values and of interests. As a small country, Ireland depends on international law and a values-based strong multilateral system to uphold our own sovereignty. We ran for election to the Security Council because the Council, despite its shortcomings, and it does have shortcomings, continues to perform a crucial function at the centre of that multilateral system. In our seat, we've played, I hope, a constructive role, bringing pragmatism and principle to the Council table. This hasn't been easy, and it's not without its frustrations in terms of getting things done. There have been times when we would have liked the Council to do a lot more and to speak out more bluntly and more clearly. Progress on the Council is slow and it's incremental at times. Sometimes it is much too slow and much too incremental. But we have seen success also through patient and painstaking diplomacy at times. We have delivered results that are making a crucial difference to ordinary civilians, often very vulnerable people, caught up in conflict. That is the fundamental reason why we competed for the Security Council in the first place. Nowhere has this been more true than relating to Syria. Earlier this year, Ireland and Norway successfully led negotiations on the renewal of the critical Syrian humanitarian cross-border resolution. It ensured that lifesaving humanitarian aid was able to continue to reach 3.4 million Syrian men, women and children in the northwest of the country. The month renewal in July was supported by all Council members, and I think it is worth noting that this was the first time in five years that the Council unanimously renewed the resolution. We'll continue to prioritize this in the months ahead, working to ensure that humanitarian aid can reach all those in need across Syria. We're more than aware that humanitarian aid alone will not solve the deep divisions or address accountability and the need for political transition in Syria. But it is essential to limit suffering among the Syrian people, and we'll also keep pressure on for a just and sustainable solution to the horrors perpetrated on people there. When we were elected to the Council last year, we certainly didn't expect Ethiopia to be at the center of our work. But the deteriorating conflict and the immense human suffering that it has wrought has compelled Ireland to act, and we certainly have been clear and vocal and at times in the spotlight on this issue. We've worked hard since the start of the year to ensure that the Security Council's attention has remained on Ethiopia and on the catastrophic humanitarian and human rights situation there. There are currently more than 6 million people in under threat of famine right now. We have convened public and private meetings on the issue, lobbied for engagement by the UN Secretary General and the African Union and secured the Council's agreement on two separate statements. I've personally spoken to the Secretary General on a number of occasions on the issue, as well as to President Kenyatta in Kenya, Secretary of State Blinken and other regional and international leaders. Working in close cooperation with African partners and others, we have ensured that the Council has united in calling for a cessation of hostilities and of course fully humanitarian access for those who need it also. However, the conflict in Ethiopia continues, and our work on the Council will also continue. Ireland's partnership with Ethiopia is long standing. In 1936, it was Ireland as chair of the League of Nations, which defended the independence sovereignty and territorial integrity of what was then Abyssinian in the face of an invasion by Mussolini's forces. We have worked in friendship and partnership with the people of Ethiopia for many years, supporting their social and economic development. We opened an embassy in Addis Ababa in 1994. Ethiopia has been our largest bilateral development partner in recent years. So I very much regret the decision recently by the Ethiopian government to reduce the number of diplomats in our embassy by two thirds. We had six diplomats there. They effectively have asked four of those to leave. And Ireland's commitment to and friendship with the people of Ethiopia remains steadfast. It is rooted in the principles which informed us 85 years ago, and which continue to inform us today. Our relationship with Ethiopia is one of a network of deep and long standing partnerships with countries in Africa that have informed our work on the Council. We've prioritized engagement with African partners of the Council and consistently supported strengthened cooperation with the African Union. The AU and regional organizations in Africa have an instrumental role in responding to crises and of course building lasting peace. We've worked in close partnership with Niger to support the UN Office for West Africa and the Sahel's work on conflict prevention, democracy and human rights, and on issues of hunger and conflict and climate and security. Much of our work with African partners has had women, peace and security at its core. We know from our own experience on this island that peace must be inclusive, if it is to be sustainable, and women must have a place at the table and participate fully and equally in decision making. During our presidency of the Security Council in September, we brought 16 women civil society briefers to the Council table. That was a record by the way, in terms of women's participation. This reflected our belief that if the Security Council is not hearing directly from those most affected by conflict and those most likely to drive lasting change, it's not doing its job properly. As co-chairs with Mexico of the Council's informal expert group on women, peace and security. We have turned principles into practice every day quietly without fanfare, but on file after file we integrate women, peace and security as an agenda into the Council's work. We established the first WPS presidency trio with Kenya and Mexico acting together in a cross regional alliance to help close the gap between rhetoric and reality. This made WPS a concrete and tangible priority during three consecutive Security Council Presidencies in September, October and again in November. Our commitment to women, peace and security agenda was central to our response to events in Afghanistan. As the crisis there escalated so quickly and so tragically in the summer, Ireland ensured that the crucial issue of the fundamental rights of women and girls was central to the Council's actions. We convened meetings on the crisis facing Afghan women, speaking out to focus the world's attention on the specific risks facing them. We ensured that the situation facing them was addressed in the Security Council resolution, renewing the mandate of the UN mission in Afghanistan. I chaired a debate on Afghanistan during Ireland's presidency of the Security Council in September and invited civil society briefers, Wasmath Brog and Malala Yusafi to participate and they gave powerful testimony of the devastating impacts of the current crisis on the Afghan people. When Ireland held the presidency of the Security Council in September, our primary responsibility was to manage the agenda for that month as you would expect. We steered the Council through complex discussions on a range of important and urgent issues, including Afghanistan, Libya, Sudan, South Sudan, Syria, Yemen, and of course the Middle East peace process. Presidency also presented an important opportunity to advance our own priorities. We convened three high level signature meetings over the course of that month. The first of these took place on the 8th of September, when Ireland chaired an open debate of Security Council on peacekeeping operations. Within three years of Ireland joining the UN in 1955, our peacekeepers had commenced at what is today the longest continuous UN service of any member state when it comes to peacekeeping. The support for peacekeeping extends beyond deployments, strengthening UN peacekeeping operations has been at the heart of our efforts on the Security Council. And it was an honor for me to chair the Council meeting on the 9th of September, when the UN Security Council resolution 2594 on peacekeeping transitions was unanimously adopted. In Ireland, this resolution recognizes that peace is not a moment in time, but a process. It highlights that the transition from peacekeeping operations to peace building programs must be responsive to conditions on the ground, and inclusive of the views of local Resolution 2594 was just the second Security Council resolution on which Ireland has led the negotiations in our history on the council. More importantly, it provides a framework and a set of principles that will endure long beyond our council term. It will guide you admissions current and in the future for the years to come, as they make the challenging but essential transition transition from peacekeeping to peace building. Our second signature presidency event took place on the 23rd of September, when the Taoiseach chaired a high level meeting on climate and security. This meeting brought together heads of state and governments from across the council, as well as the UN Secretary General to discuss the linkages between climate change and security and conflict. At that meeting, the Taoiseach announced Ireland's intention, along with Niger to convene discussions with all council members on a thematic resolution on climate and security. Our teams in New York and Dublin have worked tirelessly in the last two months since that meeting to craft a resolution that could garner maximum support from council members and from the wider UN membership. As some of you will know, 113 UN member states ultimately formally co-sponsored that draft resolution. On Monday, 12 council members voted in favour of the resolution India voted against and China abstained. Russia decided to use its veto to prevent the resolution being adopted. Let me be clear, the veto is an anachronism, no member state, no matter how powerful, how large should be able to override the will of the vast majority of council members and the large majority of EU members. And so Ireland regrets the use of the veto. In all circumstances of the council, we deeply regret the decision of Russia to use its veto to block the adoption of this important resolution. We believed over the last year that the weight of evidence and clarity of argument would bring the council to consensus. However, despite months of consultation, resulting in a draft resolution that was relatively modest in its scope would clear in its ambition to put climate and security firmly on the council's agenda was sadly not the case. Despite this result earlier this week, climate and security will inevitably continue in Security Council discussions. The adverse effects of climate change are only going to get worse, contributing to insecurity and exacerbating conflict. Anybody who suggests that climate change is not an accelerator of tension and conflict, in my view, is not realistic in terms of their understanding of the impacts of climate change. As our ambassador in New York put it, we remain undaunted. Ireland will continue to press for a robust approach on climate and security for the remainder of our time on the Security Council. Ireland is another long standing priority for Ireland. Since the early days of our membership of the UN, we have been constantly vocal on this file. Our third signature event during our council presidency marked the 25th anniversary of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. We have also taken on one of the most difficult roles on the council as facilitator for the Iran Nuclear Non-Proliferation Deal, the JCPOA as it's called. This is an agreement that is of the utmost importance to regional and international peace and security. I visited Tehran in March this year. I first Irish Foreign Minister, by the way, to do so in over 20 years. And I hosted the former Iranian Foreign Minister in Dublin last May. I believe it is incumbent on Ireland to do everything possible to persuade all parties to return to full compliance with the JCPOA. But make no mistake, this is an enormously difficult task. And while I'm encouraged that the talks in Vienna started again in late November. There is no real progress on this. And we need to see it fast. It's been a very busy year more generally. I've addressed the Security Council virtually in person on 16 different occasions. President Higgins, the Taoiseach, Minister Ryan, Minister of State Brophy and Minister of State Bern have all participated in different council meetings at different times. Higgins in New York, Dublin and across our mission network have worked tirelessly and other government departments have supported us throughout. We've benefited in particular from the insight and the day to day experience of the defence forces as we have worked to shape the mandates given to UN peacekeeping operations by the council. And if ever there was a reminder of the connection between the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Defence, I think our time in the Security Council has confirmed that. And that work will continue. As we enter the second half of our tenure on the council, we will be guided by the principles of the government agreed at the start of our term, building peace, strengthening conflict prevention and ensuring accountability. The promotion and protection of international human rights law and international human and international human rights law has been integral to our approach across the Security Council agenda and this will remain of course the case for the next 12 months. We'll continue to play an active role on issues across the council's agenda. The Middle East peace process is foremost in my mind, as you are aware, there are divergent views on this issue among Security Council members. And it's vital that we continue to use our seat on the council, productively engaging with like minded partners, as well as those holding different views, so that we can try to build consensus on a way forward. To the council in May, I made it clear that the council had a collective responsibility to speak out in response to the escalation of violence. We will continue to insist on the need for a negotiated to state solution adherence to international law and respect for people's human rights. Like a dim prospect for now, but they are simple, but we have simply no other option, but to continue to advocate in this space. We cannot allow expediency or international fatigue to replace the fundamental need to end the occupation that began in 1967. To meet Israeli and Palestinian security needs, and to deliver the aspirations of the Palestinian people for statehood and sovereignty, while of course respecting the right of Israel to defend itself and protect its own state. The deteriorating situation in Myanmar is also deeply concerning. It is almost a year since the coup began. We will continue to use our seat on the council to call for unhindered humanitarian access and full respect of human rights and international humanitarian law. Ireland has a history of engagement on peace in Colombia. We have focused on work on the council to promote a lasting and just peace as you would expect, ensuring that victims and vulnerable groups continue to be placed at the center of the peace process and of course to support the work of the UN verification mission also these efforts will continue throughout the rest of our term. Libya is due to hold elections on the 24th of December, despite the fact that many predicted they wouldn't happen. And it's a pivotal moment in the Libyan peace process. The UN is playing a central role in supporting the political process and ceasefire implementation, and we will continue to support on the council, the Libyan people in their challenging path towards achieving a sustainable and lasting peace. And on Afghanistan, we are working with partners on the council and elsewhere to avert a humanitarian catastrophe. We are closely involved in ongoing council negotiations with the view to securing humanitarian exemptions to the Taliban sanctions regime, which should help to ensure the direct provision of aid to the Afghan people via UN agencies and NGOs. And let's be in no doubt as to the task here as credible reports are now predicting that up to 23 million people could face challenging famine like conditions in the winter months ahead. We are matching our words with action. We have substantially increased our own humanitarian aid to UN agencies and NGOs working in Afghanistan. More than 500 vulnerable and at risk Afghans have been offered refuge and resettlement status in Ireland, and almost 400 have already arrived. They include journalists, human rights defenders, particularly women, judges members of minority ethnic communities and members of the LGBTI community. The composition of the council will change next year. And we have been meeting and speaking with the five incoming elected members Albania, Brazil, Gabon, Ghana, and United Arab Emirates. As with other elected and permanent members, we will engage openly and constructively with all of them. The council has a responsibility to fulfill its mandate and to reach agreement on even the most difficult of issues on its agenda. That's not easy. And it sometimes requires painful compromise, but it is worth it. In the words of Dag Hammersgold, who as Secretary General admitted Ireland to the UN and first called on our peacekeepers to serve. He said the UN was not created in order to bring us to heaven, but to save us from hell. And I'm proud of what we have achieved in our first year on the Security Council. And I'm determined that we will build on our achievements and do I hope even more next year. So I look forward to hearing your views and comments and to answer your questions. I know we have a very well informed audience here. Hopefully, I can give you straight answers to straight questions and obviously respond to your comments as well. Thank you for taking the time to listen and I look forward to hearing what you have to say. Thank you very much minister for that. I have a hugely comprehensive overview of the work of the of Ireland's work in Security Council of course last year and also as you say looking forward into 2022 I'm going to go straight to questions if I may. There's so many of them that I think we just need to get going at it. And surprisingly, a number of questions here on the Russia, the Russian Russian veto, so two questions on that maybe to start with minister if I may. And one is from Paul Hossford from the Irish examiner. And it is, is the minister concerned that the intransigence from China and Russia puts Ireland's priority of linking climate change global security at the UN Security Council at risk of failure. And the second question from burnt. Mr diamond from the development policy coordinator of hell betas. He asks, in view of Russia's recent veto against making climate change and security a standing issue of the UN Security Council how optimistic. Are you that this topic can nonetheless gain momentum at the UN Security Council, and what options are there to keep pushing this topic in 2022. So maybe just start with those two questions. Yeah, no I mean to two I think very fair questions so you know I think people also who are who are listening may ask the question why do we choose to push this to a vote now. And why do we not keep working to try to get consensus with the with with Russia and China I mean. The first thing I would say is that China didn't vote against here. They abstained. And I think that was it that was an achievement in itself. And they chose not to to support the Russian approach, which was to, which was to veto this, this resolution. I mean look, we felt that that it was, it was, it was right to basically bring this issue to a head. The makeup of the council next year and the the timing of the debate in a post cop environment. We felt that it was probably the most opportune time to actually put the question to the council in a resolution. We knew that there was a risk that that it could be vetoed, but I think it was still worth doing you know we we managed to galvanize 113 member states of the UN to be co sponsors for this resolution. I think that's a big statement in itself it's very rare that that happens in terms of that kind of number. So we managed to get 12 of the 15 permanent, sorry, 12 of the 15 members of the Security Council to vote in favor, and we only had one permanent member states that was willing to to vote against so I think this sends out a very clear signal that the UN more generally recognizes that there is absolutely a risk between or sorry absolutely a connection between between climate change and the risks that it poses and the pressures that it puts on communities and conflict. And if you look at the the areas where the EU has a peace keep where the UN I should say has a peacekeeping presence around the world. You will see that in many of those countries. They are also really at the cold face in terms of trying to manage the fallout from, from climate change so if you take the Sahel for example, around the lake Chad region and so on. The pressures on a changing of a changing climate, the, the competition for scarce resources land water and so on, which is driving tensions driving conflict. You see a very practical, you know, manifestation of climate change contributing to tension and conflict. And really that's all we were trying to get established. The Council has a different perspective. They believe that the climate issues should be discussed elsewhere, and that the Security Council should be focusing on on other drivers of conflict. We don't agree with them on that. The vast majority of UN member states don't agree with them on that and the vast majority of Security Council member states don't agree with them either. I think I think this was worth doing, despite the fact that it had a frustrating end. I don't think there's likely to be a resolution put to a vote anytime soon in terms of the weeks and potentially months ahead. But certainly there are many other like minded countries that will want to work with Ireland to try and find a way of bringing forward a resolution at some point in the future. Without a resolution, I think you're going to see climate and climate related issues be part of Security Council debates and press statements and discussion in the months ahead and certainly Ireland will be part of that discussion so you know all is not lost here. It would be great to have a formal recognition of climate being part of the security discussion on the Security Council and a resolution that could reinforce that. But even without that resolution, I don't think anybody doubts that that climate is now very much part of the security discussion on the Council and will continue to be. But I know many others as well I mean you know we're going to have a Norwegian presidency in the first month of next year. I know they're also very very strong in this space. So, you know, you haven't heard the last of this just because it's been vetoed by by one country. Thank you, Minister. In fact, there are more questions on this than any other than any other area and I see one just came in since I asked the initial to from Sean current of trooper up. And, you know, just asking for what do you envisage as the next steps towards the US Security Council resolution on time at insecurity. And the other one is that you think Ireland can secure in 2022 I think you've addressed that, but actually just as you just in the interest of sharing this question with you from the Russian Embassy indeed Igor Alexev asks, Excellency what arguments presented by the Russian side on climate and security draft resolution do you consider irrelevant incorrect or false, and which of them do you understand and share. I addressed that to some extent but maybe you'd like to more and maybe also Minister, obviously, you know, India and China obviously had views that were clearly contrary to ours but it's not just obviously Russia vetoed, but India and China obviously didn't support either. Yeah, and look, I mean, what I would say about Russia is that they have been remarkably consistent on this issue. You know they, they, they said that if we bring this resolution forward they won't support it. You know, so in our relationship with the, the Russian team in New York is a good one we speak to them all the time. They were very clear that they wouldn't be supporting this and would vote against us if it came forward. We hoped we could change their mind on that. It didn't happen, but that doesn't mean that we don't continue to talk to Russia about this issue. They believe that that my understanding of the of the Russian position is that they believe climate issues should be dealt with elsewhere in the UN system and that the Security Council should remain focused on, if you like more traditional drivers of conflict, as they may see it. They were willing to, to look at, at a statement that involved a geographical statement around climate change and pressures in, in, in the Sahel region, and around the Lake Chad region. And that wasn't something that, that, that gained a lot of support because what people wanted was a more general resolution, which, which accepted the principle of climate change as a driver, and as an accelerator of conflict, and, and, you know, undermining security. And, you know, to be fair to Russia, their, their view on this hasn't changed. It is, it has been consistent, and they voted on that basis. That being said, it is disappointing that any country would choose to use a veto, any one of the P five would choose to use a veto on a thematic resolution like this which is doesn't happen that often, the focus on climate this autumn with COP 26 with the level of ambition that people are setting now. The idea that we effectively continue to formally ignore the relationship between climate change and security is regrettable from my perspective, but I, I don't want to pretend that Russia surprised us to be fair to them they didn't they signaled that they would vote against them they did. I still think it was worth pursuing though, and we'll continue to talk to Russia in that regard. You know, India's, India's perspective on this is somewhat different in terms of their own views on on climate and you know economic development and so on in India. We also had a view that impacted on the final wording that was agreed in in COP 26. If you can remember, there was a very strong, you know, Indian push in relation to to coal at the very end. So, again, that wasn't a big surprise, but you know, we, we also have a good relationship with India on the Security Council and we'll continue to talk to them. The reason this wasn't as strategically important as Russia's of course because they're not a P5 member. Therefore, they can vote against something without vetoing. So, so you know our, our focus with both China and Russia was was intense in the build up to this vote. And I think it's, it's a testament actually to our team in New York that China decided to abstain rather than vote against. But unfortunately that result wasn't, wasn't achievable with Russia this time. Thank you Minister, just to say to the audience we have at least 25 questions in at the moment, we're not going to get them all so some of them will be grouped obviously to the best of our ability but I do want to come to the other, another dominant theme in those questions and that's the issue of Syria, which of course you alluded to in your speech you addressed in your speech, and a question from Guffran Kulani and please accept my apologies if I didn't pronounce that correctly but who's a Syrian refugee and following my presentation to the eruptus joint foreign affairs committee at the end of April committee members including deputy Charlie Flanagan chair of the committee highlighted the need for prioritization of the issue of forcible for some and of course they disappeared as Syrians, but there has not been any progress on this issue at all, while daily Syrians are disappeared with impunity might minister coveny please comment on this issue, and a second question on this issue here from Leonie O'Dowd, who asks the immense effort by the Irish team to ensure the continuation of the aid crossing into northwest Syria is appreciated, including within Syria. However, the threat by Russia to veto the continuation of this crossing continues, as well as their insistence on closing all other crossings. What is minister coven is you on the need for cancer reform, and a potential mechanism to bypass the veto in the future. And I think there's one other question as well minister while I'm at it on Syria. And indeed it's from Ronan Tynan, who's a member of the Institute here who asked as Russia and China have vetoed the referral of Syria in the UN Security Council to the ICC. Would you consider proposing a resolution in the General Assembly to refer the country to the ICC. Yeah, so a number of a number of questions there. First of all, some of the ICC I mean Ireland are big supporters of the ICC and continue to speak up to to protect that structure. It's important to do so because, you know, even countries that we're close to are some of whom are not supportive of the ICC are not doing that. And I think, certainly we would be very supportive of an ICC role in terms of accountability for for many of the atrocities and war crimes across Syria. That's for sure. And certainly I'm open to to looking at any ways in which we could progress that comments in relation to the use of the veto. I mean I think it's important for us to be both honest and realistic here. The veto didn't exist. And I wish that the Security Council could make decisions without the frustration of the veto being used at times and at times inappropriately. But the veto does exist. And I don't see that any changing anytime soon. I know France led efforts a number of years ago to try to get agreement on limiting the use of the veto. Particularly in cases when there are breaches of international humanitarian law or atrocities being committed. And I, you know, I would really like to see that discussion reemerging again next year but I think the idea that that P5 countries are going to voluntarily give up the use of the veto I just don't think that's realistic. And instead, I think we should be trying to look at more modest reform of the Security Council that may actually be achievable, rather than sort of the perfect solution, which certainly for now isn't achievable. And I also think by the way that the Security Council doesn't reflect the, or doesn't reflect accurately at least global politics right now, you know, there are there are enormous countries that aren't that don't have a permanent seat on Security Council that aren't represented in the way that they should be. And you know, I think Ireland has been very upfront about that reform agenda and where we stand out. But again, I think we are both pragmatic and realistic in terms of both the pace of change and the level of ambition of that change in the short term. In relation to the Babahawa crossing. Yeah, so, you know, I visited that crossing at the start of the year, which was hugely helpful actually to get our, certainly to get my head around why this crossing is so important. It effectively is a vehicle to support about three and a half million people who rely on aid and support that comes through the only international crossing into Syria, which is into the Idlib province of Syria. So different countries have different perspectives in relation to to this crossing. And I know that the Russian and the Iranian and the Syrian view is that there are dangers with facilitating this crossing, because in some ways it's it's supporting a continuing opposition to the Assad regime. We see it as a humanitarian necessity. And that's why I'm glad to say we managed to win the argument with the help of Norway and many others to keep it open for at least another 12 months. That agreement was essentially six months and six months. So in the next few weeks, we will need to get agreement in the Security Council to extend for the full 12 months after a an assessment of the first six months. I'm hopeful and confident that we'll be able to do that. But you know, we have had very direct discussions with with Russia in relation to their, their concerns here and those discussions will will will continue. But I certainly hope that that we'll be able to continue to to facilitate a hugely significant border crossing for for many, many families. And by the way, I think it's also important to say that we are insisting on as much transparency as is possible in terms of what is actually shipped across that border. And I do believe that having the UN at the center of responsibility in terms of the Babel Howe crossing gives as much transparency as as is possible on a crossing like this where you have hundreds of trucks a day crossing the border. And so even from a from a Russian perspective, you know, I think there is a lot of sense in this being a UN managed operation where UN transparency and credibility is, is part of what's happening there. But as I say, Ireland's approach on this, and I think most countries would agree with this, is that this is a humanitarian necessity that needs to be kept in place. By the way, in, in June, we got unanimous agreement for an extension for six months and six months, including the support of Russia, which I think is important to recognize, given the fact that they had grave reservations in relation to it in advance of that. In terms of forced disappearance in Syria. Yeah, I mean this is just a horror, you know, I mean the number of people who have disappeared without any form of trial or, or legal process in Syria is, is a source of enormous concern. You know, Ireland, of course, will want to play its part in highlighting that. The real question is though how do we change it, you know, and, and how does the, the UN system actually deal with a an ongoing conflict in Syria, a regime that most countries want to recognize, understandably so, and how do we, how do we progress in a way that that reduces the extraordinary misery that continues to be inflicted on on Syrian people. And that is something that Ireland will, I hope be in the center of, you know, over the next 12 months, in terms of debates at the Security Council on Syria, and I know different countries have very different perspectives on this and how we got to where we are today. But I hope Ireland can be somewhat of a bridge, while remaining very much consistent with an EU position in relation to how we should approach the ongoing Syrian conflict. But, but if your, if your caller wants to send me any details of individuals who have disappeared or or have been imprisoned, we can certainly try to follow up for him on on those cases. I'm sure that's very much appreciated. And just to change maybe to to Ethiopia, and I think you said in your speech that when we were elected to the council last year. We didn't expect Ethiopia to be the center of our work. There's a question in here from Sulanya Mitra and again, give me if I got the pronunciation wrong but she's a lecturer in UCD. And the question is, in the context of the Ethiopian conflict, has Ireland's role on behalf of the UN Security Council eroded some of the diplomatic capital Ireland had with the Ethiopian government, which might have helped in gaining humanitarian access to people in need. Maybe. But I think, you know, I think our role on Security Council has probably been to be arguably the most proactive country in relation to shining a spotlight on what has been happening for a year now in Ethiopia. We know and it's been backed up by by independent reports since you know we know that there have been very significant atrocities, including the use of sexual violence as a tool of intimidation and conflict in in Tigray but not only in the Tigray region in other parts of Ethiopia as well. You know, our, you know, our fear here is that Ethiopia that has, and it's a country of 150 and 120 million people it's Africa's second largest country in population terms. And it has been a source of stability on the Horn of Africa for the last number of decades and of course has been a fantastic partner for Ireland with me we've spent more in Africa and invested more in the part, sorry, in Ethiopia and invested more in a partnership with in any other African country in recent, in recent years. But having said that, we felt we had to simply call out the truth of what was happening, particularly in the context of, you know, blockades that have been imposed to prevent humanitarian aid and assistance getting to people who desperately need us. And the, the, and atrocities that have been committed by by soldiers and by paramilitary groups. And of course, with a view to not taking sides, but simply calling out the truth of what was happening and, and we continue to do that today. As a result of that approach, the, the Ethiopian government has taken accession to that. In terms of some of the things that we've been saying, and of our six Irish diplomats in the embassy in Addis Ababa, four of them have been asked to leave. So I think that is absolutely regrettable. But there, there have been UN diplomats that have been asked to leave as well. You know that Ireland isn't isn't alone in being targeted. But look, we continue to reach out to all sides in the Ethiopian conflict. We've invested a lot of time in that. In that outreach, I met the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister in New York. A few months ago, we actually had a very long, and I think a very useful meeting. We did agree on everything but we certainly I think had an understanding of each other's perspectives, and we continue now to to within the UN Security Council system to try to do everything we can to bring about a ceasefire to bring about a removal of the blockade that prevents international humanitarian assistance getting to literally millions of people now that need it. And of course to promote an inclusive political dialogue between the warring parties, so that we can focus on protecting Ethiopia's sovereign integrity as a country. And we can look ahead to to a political process that can resolve outstanding issues as opposed to military interventions we don't believe that there is a military solution to the to the deep animosity and differences between the warring parties at the moment in Ethiopia. And so we want to work with all sides, including the Ethiopian government to to try and bring about a peaceful resolution. But at the moment, the prospects of that look look quite remote and this conflict may get unfortunately worse before it gets better. So I'm just going to take one question maybe two questions here on me and our one from now no key from trochera and wonders by not the pen holder on me and our back in Ireland in the UN Security Council is due to avert the rapidly deteriorating human humanitarian crisis in me and our following the coup. And I think the second question here if I can find it. Just one moment now on me and our yes it's from quiva de bara is the CEO of trochera. It's, she says will Ireland press for a resolution on me and our next year, including condemning both attacks on civil society, and the very high levels of gender based violence perpetrated by the me and our security forces so just those two questions on me and our ministry. But first of all, we're, we're very concerned at what's happening in in Myanmar. Given a note here. Let me just give you the official position and then I'll give you a, I'll give you a sort of a personal view on it. The voice remains on the agenda of Security Council and will continue and we'll continue to continue to follow developments closely as you'd expect. Council has spoken as one in condemning the violence against peaceful protesters, including against women, young people and children. I would express deep concern at restrictions on medical personnel, civil society, labor union members, journalists and media workers and called for the immediate release of all those detained arbitrarily. This unity sends a clear message I think to the military. However, I would like to see the Security Council move beyond a simple expression of concern and hoping for change. The Security Council agree more tangible actions to ensure peace and democracy in in Myanmar. Ireland has used our position on Security Council to highlight the targeting of women by the Myanmar military and to promote the inclusion and meaningful participation of women in dialogue and negotiations for peace. I was pleased to be a member of the core group of nations who proposed the June 2021 UN General Assembly resolution that called for a stop to the flow of arms to Myanmar. We've also been working with the EU at the third committee of the UN General Assembly session. That's the 76th session to address the persistence of human rights violations and abuses and consider the progress towards restoring civilian government. We look forward to working with the new UN Special Envoy as she commences her role this week. I've had some very interesting discussions with the Chinese Foreign Minister on this issue. I think it would be accepted that China probably has more influence on Myanmar than any other country. We've also spoken to many other partners on the Security Council in terms of what could actually trigger a real change in approach from the military leaders in Myanmar as opposed to simply making statements that are useful in themselves but don't actually bring about real change on the ground. So really this is about trying to be persuasive and building pressure on a military leadership that need at some point in the future to facilitate a return to civilian led government in their country. And of course a release of political prisoners who should be very much part of that process. But we will very much be part of those discussions. And if Nile or or Quiva want to make contact with me in relation to that, if they have thinking that that they think we'd be helped be more than happy to have that conversation with them. I've taken quite an interest in, in Burma, Myanmar. In the past when I was in the, the European Parliament, and since, and this is a, this is an issue that I think Irish people would like us to be involved in, in advocating for solutions on in the Security Council so that's very much the space we're in but not easy. And actually the more advice you take from people who know the military leadership, the more complex actually this challenge becomes because I think standard pressure won't work. We need to look at other ways of, of facilitating that change and I think, I think China are really important part of that pressure. Thank you minister we're just coming towards the end now and I'm just going to maybe reference a number of questions here, not necessarily in any way related, but just with a few to maybe giving you the opportunity to touch on them because I think that's all maybe we'll have time for a question here from Anya Kenny of the Irish Times. I think you've addressed the first part of our question which is do you think the veto system needs to be changed needs to change the light of recent events. Do you think it will can be changed with second question from ours. How has having a seat on the UN Security Council benefited Ireland. My question was how has Ireland seat benefited other countries. A separate question here from from Paul Gillespie in again member of the Institute of course formerly the Irish Times wants to know how effectively does the minister think Irish media, the Irish media have covered the first year of Ireland's ownership of the Security Council. And then a question here just to wrap up maybe and I appreciate you can really touch on these are very diverse question here from Michael Becker School of Law and Trinity College. And he asked a question I suppose about the in around the efficacy of sanctions to what extent, you know, the UN Security Council sanctions. So how they might be made a more effective and meaningful tool, and is Ireland engaged in any initiative on this issue. And one further question from Michael Becker, again, is, and I just don't want to leave it on spoken I suppose because it is of concern to many people, and that's in relation to Yemen, and what, if anything can be done to alleviate the situation there. So I suppose, which replies these questions minister with wrap it up okay. You're on mute. Sorry you'd, you think I'd. You think I'd know that at this stage. Yeah, I mean, first of all just on on Yemen because, you know, and I, I would have spoken to Mark Griffith, many times on on Yemen when when he was the UN special representative on that file and I've spoken to his successor. We met, we met in in a man in Jordan, a few weeks ago. But we do have to make sure that Yemen stays on the agenda, because there's so many other conflicts ongoing that sometimes Yemen can be sort of the forgotten conflict and the scale of the misery in Yemen is enormous. The, the ongoing consequences of of conflict there from humanitarian point of view are just off the scale. So, in truth, I wouldn't be predicting any major breakthrough in terms of peace breaking out and a ceasefire anytime soon as in in the coming weeks. But I, I certainly think that that in the medium term, there can be a basis for agreement, but, but again, like so many conflicts, the conflict in Yemen will be determined by by actors, not in Yemen at all. And that's in Saudi Arabia, or whether it's in Iran, or indeed other sponsors of conflict and their influence on on who these and, and others in the Yemeni conflict. And the Security Council has to apply pressure there. And I think it will. The use of the veto system. Yeah, look, I mean, for, for a non permit member state on the Security Council. You know, the use of the veto is is extraordinarily frustrating. But I think as I said at the start, you know, it's important to be realistic here rather than idealist. The use of the veto is not going to change anytime soon. And I think our focus should be on trying to talk to permanent members of the Security Council about how we could limit the use of the veto in certain circumstances, which I think would be a huge step forward if we could even do that. I think it's a power that that the P five member states hold on to very closely, which is why it was interesting that France was actually leading the efforts to try to limit the use of the veto in certain circumstances. And I think that thinking should be very much supported by non permanent member states of the security. How has the Security Council benefit on Ireland. I mean, to be honest with you, I've never really looked at it through that prism. I mean, I think it probably has benefited Ireland in terms of our profile internationally. Every 20 years or so we've had the privilege of being on the Security Council. I think it's, it reinforces the point that small countries matter in a multilateral system. And one of the reasons why Ireland was successful in terms of getting enough votes to be on the Security Council and we got what was it 128 votes to get on the Security Council. It's because a lot of other small countries trust Ireland to be a country that they can talk to, and a country that will listen to them and reflect their concerns in a way that is not necessarily influenced by by larger countries which is why, you know, and we've seen it with Ethiopia, you know, Ireland will will call out breaches of international law when we when we believe it's the right thing to do and sometimes that means that that countries we have close relationships with are unhappy with what we're saying. But I think that is the kind of approach that that means that Ireland is on the Security Council because of the support of lots of other small countries that want that kind of voice representing them on the Security Council. So I think I think it is a benefit for Ireland in terms of of our voice internationally and I don't forget for the last number of years, you know, our foreign policy has very much been about increasing Ireland's impact internationally. We've opened lots of new embassies, lots of new consulates. We've invested heavily in expertise, more staff. I mean, the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs has been in expansion mode and continues to be and the Security Council is very much part of that in terms of magnifying our voice. And is it beneficial for other countries? I certainly hope so. And I certainly hope we can be a voice for for many countries that feel that that they don't have one internationally, particularly in the context of conflict situations. The media coverage of our role on the Security Council. I mean, I think it's been reasonably positive. You know, given the magnitude of the other issues that are impacting on Irish people and their families and their businesses and their livelihoods, particularly linked to COVID and to a lesser extent maybe Brexit and other issues. You know, I think that when something of significant happens of significance happens on the Security Council and Ireland is involved in that it does get a bit of coverage. And I'd like to see a bit more of that if we could, but but to be fair, when we got the resolution agreed on the Babel Howe crossing, there was good coverage across the Irish media. And I think when we fell short this week, because Russia decided to veto the Irish and Niger led resolution on climate and security. I think there was there was public commentary and some media coverage around that. So, hopefully, we can generate interesting interventions that matter to people, and that that will get coverage as we move into next year. And then just on the efficacy of of of sanctions. I mean our focus is very much on ensuring that both UN and EU sanctions are targeted on specific individuals and entities, and not on societies or a general populations or economies as a whole. The appropriate approach to have proper workable humanitarian exemptions. And that's been a big focus of this year at the Council and I think we'll continue to be next year so I mean a good example of that is obviously on Afghanistan. We, while nobody wants to recognize the Taliban as the legitimate government of Afghanistan, while there will continue to be sanctions against individuals, individual leaders of the Taliban. We very much need to get and wants to get supports to people who need it in Afghanistan, we need a banking system to work to do that. And of course we need to make exemptions to to sanctions regimes that that allow us to get support and aid to people who desperately needed whether that's paying the salaries of teachers and doctors and nurses, or, or indeed just access for physical humanitarian assistance into parts of Afghanistan and that goes for many other countries as well including Syria by the way, where there is a desperate need for humanitarian assistance I think about 13 million Syrians rely on the international community for for humanitarian support and assistance So, sanctions are a very difficult thing to get right. But I think they aren't, there is a role for sanctions, you know, the international community has got to be able to respond in a real way to create a consequence for breaches of international law. But, you know, we need to make sure that that we are not taking decisions that mean that ordinary people suffer, because their leaders are are irresponsible. And there's so many examples of trying to get that balance right, whether it's Belarus, whether it's Yemen, whether it's Syria, whether it's Ethiopia, Somalia, so many. Certainly our perspective is as I, as I outlined earlier, let's hold individuals responsible for the decisions they make, but not necessarily the populations that they, that they rule. So look, I think that's answer. Thanks to everybody, by the way, and wish you all a happy Christmas. We've been through an extraordinary year in Ireland, and I suspect next year will be, hopefully not as extraordinary but certainly will be challenging as well. But we're halfway through our term on Security Council. And actually, we had a meeting this morning on setting targets and ambitions for action for next year in terms of how we use this extraordinary privileged position on the Security Council to be as impactful as we can be. So hopefully we'll have an opportunity to meet again in a few months time to assess how we're getting on. I look forward to that very much Minister and thank you very much for your generous responses that we've trespassed on your time in ways that we normally don't do. Yeah, but we've gone beyond they are really, really appreciated. Lots of questions that we haven't been able to get to. But I think you've covered more than more than sufficient amount in the time available, and there's always next year, and we look forward to be able to welcome you back to the IAA next year maybe in person but if not in person then on zoom. We can pick up some of the issues that are current then, but maybe also some of the issues which obviously we haven't been able to address fully today, given the kind of constraints on time but wish you and your team, and particularly your team in New York, led by Ambassador Burn-Nason, obviously the very best and just salute the work of Ireland in the multilateral field and obviously we very much appreciate the comprehensive briefing that you've given today.


I think we have to wait while some still photographers come in here. The room is full. Maybe I have to wait for this place to be weird.  Do you all want to be ready for me? I don't know. We'll be getting a picture together in a second. The board is still going to get you. Well, I'd like to welcome my private sector missionaries, the board of advisors, and you other volunteer leaders to the White House today if you haven't been well, I'm not sure you have. The floor I signed is a proclamation officially making this national volunteer week on the methodology of the fine job you're doing to promote volunteerism. As you know, encouraging volunteerism has been an important priority for me, and I'm very pleased with the progress that we've been able to make. We've been American, we've seen Americans at all ages, actively volunteering in service to their communities. Just last weekend in California, I visited Camp Goodtimes, on the hills of both Santa Barbara. It's a very unique camp that gives children with cancer the chance to camp on something that ordinary kids are accustomed to having. It's a very special place, and one special thing about it is that it's all privately funded and fully staffed by volunteers. Even more important, just a few years ago, it started, it was started by a young mother whose son lived in Kenya, and today there are some 250 such good time camps throughout the United States and already in several other nations abroad. I know that thanks to you, this bottom-of-your-concept is spreading internationally. It was part of the Agenda for Paris Conference, and will also be discussed at the Italian American Conference on Privacy Sector Initiatives. I'm looking forward to participating in that conference while I'm in Italy for the annual Economic Summit. You know, such that just a few years ago, I think it was Midland, Texas, don't hold me to that, but I think that's it. They had started a thing locally called the Christmas Enable, which volunteers, and not only volunteers, supplies, and so forth, but individuals. Has this been talked about already? Sure, no. Well, this was to repair.  But she goes down the roof and all of that, and they do it. And already, it's spread so far, but yesterday, people, volunteers, professional people, people like yourselves, out there in work clothes doing this work. Yesterday, it was Christmas in April, in Washington, D.C., and very many homes were fixed up, and so forth, and about 1,500 volunteers were doing the work. Now, I'm going to stop talking and sign this declaration about tourism. There's $5,000 a year.  Robert Reynolds from Houston, Illinois. Well, thank you very much. We have lots of time for you. I'm going to talk to him. Thank you very much. Well. Good to see you again. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. It's good to see you. We have done it? Yes. Am I supposed to be sitting here? That's what you think, seated or standing? I think standing. Excuse me. Let me see your hand. Can you move just a little bit here? Yes, please. That's enough. Ma'am, why don't you come around to this, and I can barely see you. Thank you very much. Thank you. Ma'am, I want to thank you for everything that you're doing and all the continuous support you've done here. Absolutely. There have been broken presidents for 26 years and Democratic presidents for 32. And the Democratic presidents for 32 years have always had a Democratic Congress. And the Republican presidents, have only had a Republican Congress in their 26 years for one two-year term. The Democrats in 32 years, they had one two-year period of 88, six years for one house. That's over now. And then, before the full thing, the Democrats would have had 48 years out of the 48 with the Democratic presidents. No, I don't think that would happen. No, I don't think that would happen. No, I don't think that would happen. No, I don't think that would happen. No, I don't think that would happen. I'm just going to say yeah, I'm going to say yeah I'm going to say, thank you. I'm going to say yes, thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. And in the 66th campaign, we held two, the only campaign against the other party, and their candidates came out against each other. And it worked. And it was wonderful. The point I came into being was because of the 66th following the 64th Goldwater campaign, the party, as it were, was just a fraction. It was so good, and it came all back together again. And one last, I'll tell you one reason why it came together and worked. The federal and the Republican men signed a resolution, passed a resolution. They would not support any Republican candidate by the end of the campaign. Our convention is in October. We'll see if we can work up a resolution. I just knew that the ladies in their resolution had an awful lot to do with us sticking to that letter. We appreciate it. We appreciate it. I'm going to share it with you. Thank you so much. Thank you all very much. I admire your sticking to your principles. All the pressures that you have about people who would have you compromise those principles. I know you don't have a Washington Post in it in the locker room. I admire your principles. That's one advantage of my age. If I start trying to change my name, my mind now I get confused. If you ever had to refer to the Iranian incident again, would you consider referring to who it is, the Iranian freedom incident? It was for freedom, and the pressures made it all so negative and scandalous. And everybody loves freedom, like I do. I mean, I say it to people, and say, it's the Iranian freedom incident. And God bless him. You all burned waters on that battle between them. He, I heard him in the air, and some of his neighbors, and they asked him about the Iranian incident. And then he just very simply told people that it was an effort to establish a relationship for the future. And we've got him there. And he said, that was an experiment. Freedom for the country, for Nicaragua, and freedom for the refugees. And ultimately, freedom for Iran, for the Russians. President, I just returned from the South, and I wanted you to know that they started supporting the Nicaragua situation. And I wanted you to know that. I'm sorry, I know one of the ladies came in a little late. I think she talked the game into her picture. We're out on Sunday. We'll be touching on you guys. And we'll be touching on all of Europe. And I got on a tour, and they really freaking used that. And I'm sorry. Ready? Very nice to see you. I think they want us seated over here. So we'll look after doing what we've already done. I want to be here. You want to be here? Yes. I appreciate very much for taking this time. We should do it. Tomorrow, and last night, and I'm leaving tomorrow morning. I flew in just 15 hours. Oh, that flight because of the economic summit just a year ago. And I remember the jet lag when the train was getting straightened out on the time. But if you've only been here this short time, though, you haven't had time to get adjusted to ours. So you'll be on your time when you get back. Mr. President, are you looking for Prime Minister Nakasone to visit here? And what do you wish to have come to see this U.S. jet lag sign? Well, I must tell you that I treasure my friendship with Prime Minister. We've been on the same side many times in little controversies in the economic summits. I think, well, this latest thing, the problem we're having with the semiconductor, I would hope that we could work out a solution to that. We've most cooperated with it. I think we've made great progress with some of our trade problems. Thank you. I think they're never beautiful. Oh, good one. The Japanese paper published this painting, a sort of painting of Japan by Seisone. It's not a long available, but it's a company published in 10 years. Thank you very much. You passed away 10 years ago at the age of 92. Well, I thank you, Masho. Look forward to it. And I would hope that you look at it and enjoy it, and you'll enjoy it too. I know I will look at it and appreciate it and enjoy it, and I know for sure I hope for the other way. Thank you very much. Thank you very much.


U.S. missile destroyed Russian command and control vehicle. Special Operations Forces fighters of Ukraine discovered and targeted a Russian command and control vehicle deploying Himmars in southern Ukraine according to the Special Operations Forces. The operators from the 73rd Marine Center of the Special Operations Forces identified an enemy command and control vehicle during reconnaissance operations on the southern front. The Russians were using it to manage their units. Aerial reconnaissance specialists adjusted the fire of the Ukrainian artillery onto the enemy vehicle. The American Himmars' multiple rocket launcher system destroyed the Russian command and control vehicle. As a result of a precise strike, the enemy command and control vehicle is not subject to recovery, in other words, destroyed. Note the Special Operations Forces fighters. Currently, the Ukrainian military offensive is concentrated on two fronts, Bakhmut and Melitopol. The armed forces of Ukraine are attacking south of Bakhmut and conducting an offensive operation in the Zaporizia region. Additionally, Ukrainian forces are consolidating their positions on the left bank of the Kursan region. In addition, heavy fighting continues near Avdiivka, which the Russians are attempting to encircle and capture in the areas of Mariinka and Bakhmut. The Russian army is trying to regain lost positions.


three arrested for numerous thefts, a new voting location approved in the city of Sheboygan. These and other local stories are coming up on this edition of Community News Review. This is Community News Review, a service WSES-TV news content divided by WHBL. I'm Maddie Fister and this is Community News Review for Tuesday, November 19, 2019. Sheboygan police made three arrests regarding several overnight car entries at approximately 2.45 a.m. An off-duty Sheboygan police officer reported witnessing subjects breaking into a vehicle in the fellowship neighborhood on the city's northwest side. He was able to obtain a description of the vehicle and license plate number as the suspects fled the area. About a half hour later, other officers located the vehicle parked at the Meyer gas station occupied by three Milwaukee men, all of who are 18 years old. The officers observed property consistent with thefts from vehicles and upon questioning, the men admitted that they had come to Sheboygan overnight to steal from vehicles. Officers are in inventorying dozens of items of property seized from the subjects and based on the items discovered, it appears that multiple thefts have occurred in many neighborhoods across the city. Officers will be contacting owners of the property that could be identified, but any other residents who become the victim of the theft from the vehicle are encouraged to contact the police department at<PHONE_NUMBER> with any description of any missing property. All three men were referred to the district attorney's office for charges of theft and attempted theft as party to a crime and were taken to the Sheboygan County Detention Center in lieu of bond. A man who allegedly took part in several vehicle break-ins and manner to walk is due back in court. 18-year-old Jesse Garcia is due in court later today and he is accused, he and two other suspects are accused of breaking into vehicles on the Manitowox Northside. Garcia faces charges of theft from a vehicle and felony bail jumping. One of the other suspects is 37-year-old Jesse Helling who is charged with a theft from a vehicle carrying a concealed knife and receiving stolen property from a child. A third suspect was also taken into custody last week. Helling is due back in court on December 2nd. Voters in the city of Sheboygan 24th Ward will have a new polling location. The Licensing, Hearing and Public Safety Committee last week voted to approve an amendment in the city's municipal code that will relocate the polling place from Senior Activity Center to Bethany Reformed Church. That location, according to the city officials, is closer in proximity to the Ward 24 and last night the move was approved by the city common council. Eligible donors are being offered a $5 Amazon.com gift card for those donating blood now through December 18th. The card delivered via mail will be made available thanks to Suburban Propane, a nationwide marketer and distributor of propane products. Donations take about an hour and you can save about 15 minutes by using Red Cross online rapid pass system in advance. You can sign up for that, find nearby blood drives and make appointments by visiting Red Cross blood.org. The next local blood drive is scheduled for this coming Friday from 10 until 3 at the Sheboygan Trades and Labor Hall. Kohler's Historic House in the Woods, the Valder House will display many other houses and artworks beginning Friday, November 29th during its 23rd annual Gingerbread Festival. Over 8,000 are expected to view the creations all handmade by local schools and community groups while musical performances add to the atmosphere on Saturdays and Sundays during the event which runs through December 30th. The events sponsored by the Kohler Foundation are free to attend and the gingerbread houses, sculptures and artworks will be awarded prizes based upon visitors' votes. The 23rd annual Gingerbread Festival is the Valder House located on 1100th West Riverside Drive in Kohler from November 29th through December 30th. Sunday through Friday is 1 o'clock p.m. to 5 o'clock p.m. and Saturday is 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. All events and activities are at the Valder House are free to the public. Tours are offered daily at 2 p.m. to 3 p.m. and 4 p.m. throughout the month of December. Valder House is closed on Christmas Eve, Christmas Day, New Year's Eve and New Year's Day. Group tours are available by appointment by calling<PHONE_NUMBER>. Visit KohlerFoundation.org for more information. And finally repairs on Sheboygan's 8th Street Bridge begin today. The city of Sheboygan in cooperation with Piper Electric Inc. will be repairing a faulty underground electrical feeder that feeds the 8th Street Bridge. This requires the 8th Street to be closed between Riverfront Drive and Indiana Avenue. The suggested detour is to use the reopened Pennsylvania Avenue, 14th Street and Indiana Avenue to get around. Work is scheduled to start today and be complete by the week of December 2nd 2019. And that is our report for today. Join me again on Thursday for more local news and information on Community News Review.


In this lesson, I'm going to teach you the quick and easy difference between I, my, me, mine, and myself. First, let's look at I and me. I is the subject of the sentence, and me is the object. The subject of the sentence is the person who does the action. For example, I gave John the book. The object of the sentence is the person who receives the action. For example, John gave me the book, or John gave the book to me. This rule is still true with multiple subjects. For example, Dana and I saw Jim at the party. Dana and I is the subject. It would be incorrect to say Dana and me. The teacher called Sarah and me. Sarah and me is the object. It would be incorrect to say Sarah and I. Now let's look at my and mine. This rule is very easy. Use my before the word, and use mine after the word. For example, these are my glasses. These glasses are mine. The word myself is used in two cases. First, as a reflexive pronoun. That's when I is both the subject and the object. For example, I gave myself a haircut. The second case is for emphasis. For example, I baked this cake myself. I'll deliver the letter myself. It means I'll deliver the letter personally. Finally, we have an expression, by myself. This means alone. For example, I went out to dinner by myself. It means I was alone. For more English lessons, visit www.espressoenglish.net. If you like this video, please share.


Jordan, a precious area of our planet with a number of jewels, still surviving from what we claim is a lost antiquity, ballback. With megalith, which, if not in perfect placements, would simply be unimaginable, as the ancient objects used to create these enormous temple complexes, littered with numerous blocks estimated at well over 1,000 tons in size. It is a site whose explanation for construction is, predictably, avoided by modern archaeology. Although once dismissed by academics as immovable, the stone of the pregnant woman, for example, has since, due to more modern digging, been proven to, in fact, be merely a block part of another temple, which is now still mostly buried under millennia of strata. Another incredible find, and one that pushes the sizes of what these ancient civilizations were capable of, is an enormous stone upart, known as the Colossal Hand of Hercules. Excavated in Amman, and due to the find's proximity to what is now known as the Temple of Hercules, it is now thought to have been a hand of a gargantuan marble statue of Hercules himself. However, regardless of identity, when one begins to estimate the past size of the statue in relation to the hand, the statue itself would have been many, many thousands of tons in weight, undoubtedly towering into the sky. There exist many legends of statues, built in many other parts of the world, some in capital ancient cities, some toppled, such as the obelisk of Axum, again over the thousand tons in weight mark, and many unfinished, yet this statue would have dwarfed all in size. And the fact that it was found in Jordan, a boiling pot for unexplained antiquity, a simply gigantic stone megalithic site, its discoveries made all the more intriguing, than we feel, can be legitimately used to argue, or rather push, the capability of this lost civilization's capabilities of moving ancient stones even more advanced and astonishing in capability. Unfortunately, we feel, due to the sheer age of the statue, and the fact that it lived through a catastrophe of global proportions, only this fragment of hand and a portion of the elbow exists, subsequently found at the site. But reiterating the sheer size of other artifacts at the site, again gives credence to the past existence of a complete statue, and regardless of whether it was indeed once of the mythological character Hercules. We find the hand, and indeed its possible origins, as highly compelling. There has been a lot of incorrect information shared over the years, in reference to the Mayan calendar and what exactly it predicted, although a number of sources claim that the end of the calendar indicated an apocalyptic event. The truth of the calendar's accuracy is, regardless, incredibly impressive. A calendar that tracks solar events and cyclical solar eclipses, along with the infamous hieroglyphic book, known as the Dresden Codex, in which has now become known as the Lunar Table, documented an 11,959-day cycle, which are subdivided into groups, each of which accurately predicts solar eclipses and other celestial events far into the distant future. What's more, no one knows how old the calendar is, even academically believed to have predated the Mayan civilization, merely adopted due to its incredible insight, with it being even more accurate than modern-day calendars to as much as 10,000th of a degree. Of all ancient calendar systems, the Maya and Mesoamerican systems were the most intricate. The calendar used a 20-day month, and had two years within our own modern calendar year, known as the 260-day Sacred Round, or Tzolken. But it also included the 365-day cycle, known to them as the vague year, or Hab. The 52-year period of time was to them known as the Bundle, and meant the same to the Maya as our century does to us. The two calendars would then coincide every 52 years. The reason for this is so far unknown. Although it must be noted, the Dogon tribe claimed to have been visited by extraterrestrial beings from twin stars near Sirius. A claim astronomically confirmed several decades after this was documented, with a celebration taking place every 60 years, which does indeed match a full orbit of these stars, something that, to them, should have been impossible to have known. But I digress. No one is certain how such an unusual calendar came into being, although the 260-day cycle may tie several celestial events together, with Mars, appearances of Venus, or eclipse seasons all log as possibilities. It may also represent the interval between conception and the birth of children, used to determine important activities related to the gods. It was undoubtedly believed in used-to-name individuals, predict the future, decide on auspicious dates for battles, marriages, and so on. The sacred round is composed of two smaller cycles, with the numbers 1 through 13, coupled with 20 different day names. Each of the day names is represented by a god who carries time across the sky, thus marking the passage of night and day. Some of these being animal gods, with archaeologists pointing out that the sequence of animals matches sequences of the modern zodiac, which was also used in many other ancient civilizations worldwide. The question is, where did all this knowledge come from? Or indeed, where did it go? Although it did not predict an apocalypse, as many claimed, we find this ancient cyclical calendar highly compelling. Guatemala littered with ancient wonders, temples, which pierce its dense canopy, all once declared as separate structures. Modern technology, however, has shown that these structures, mostly now submerged by dense undergrowth, was once one huge mega metropolis, with Tikal in particular also once containing a plaque displaying a great deluge, with the site submerged in what is depicted as a cataclysm, with a volcanic eruption also in the background of said image. With mysterious megaliths still found littering the foliage, one site in particular, it would seem evaded destruction, and the subsequent rainforests creeping grip, which has consumed much of this enormous ancient site.  Statues and megaliths, presumably often depicting queens and kings in strange contraptions, seemingly familiar in form to modern vehicles or the interiors of an aircraft. As claimed as mere signposts, the sheer abundance of these mystifying tributes, however, now makes this explanation unlikely. For even if merely artistically inspired, what do they depict? Why would an ancient civilization show such passion in casting these particular looking technological devices into massive stones all over the Guatemala rainforest? With Kirigua thankfully so well preserved, we can explore a number of these baffling carved megaliths in detail. Were they trying to tell future generations something? Did they find something crashed within the forest, possibly documenting a find and proposed purposes upon these stones? Did they witness a form of craft take to the air and seemingly into the heavens? This have been the inspiration for why leaders of these tribes would want to be immortalized in carved, similar appearing machines, in the hope of eternal life or indeed a craft capable of transporting them into the heavens. Vast questions still surround this ancient civilization's knowledge, one now known to have been over 10 million strong. Did this enormous, once incredibly powerful ancient civilization get visited by beings from another planet? Possibly found a crashed craft? One they attempted to depict a reverse engineering of? The fact that many depict what modern man would perceive as complex craft concepts, many find highly intriguing. We also find these massive stone megaliths, the efforts undoubtedly applied to create them, their source inspiration and indeed the images they depict by a civilization we now know were undeniably advanced and extremely ancient, once lost for millennia and only now being rediscovered, highly compelling. The megalithic marvels of lore, very rarely studied, academically explored or publicized, yet regardless of this, remains one of the most curious and intriguing ruins of the Neolithic Menhir Age.  The Menhirs were often elaborately carved, and due to the unexplainable scale of some of the stones, cut, quarried, and eventually raised along the valley, it is clearly an example of an inexplicable ruin an ancient relic left to us, once created using unknown technologies at an unknown time within history, a now lost yet once highly advanced ancestor, impossible for the current academically claimed culture which is clearly a fallacy within modern paradigm. Some of the inexplicably huge stones incorporated into these sites are now being found scattering our planet. Like that of the plain of jars located in Laos, an unusual enigmatic site we have also covered in the past, possesses stonework from megalithic blocks of inexplicable sizes. These gigantic stone carvings, Menhirs and jars, some still in astonishing conditions, are a testament to what our lost ancestors were once capable of, and due to the immense size of the stones they could control, have successfully left their mark far into an unknown future our present. The channel feels a duty, clearly as a far less capable civilization, that we do not withhold the evidence for their existence which has been a great disservice to those who deserve the truth. Menhirs are located all across the Bada Valley, but not just the Bada Valley. Menhirs can be found across the globe, located in many countries, even in New Zealand and Rodney County. The erosion of many of the world's Menhirs stonework, we feel, is indicative of incredible aging and as such, possibly from the same era as the Bada Valley's mysterious Menhirs. Yet regardless of whoever made these sculptures, there will never be any academically admittance to the evidence that these particular stoneworkings are found all over the planet. Yet regardless of any one's opinions regarding their past use, a function undertaken at a time so long ago we may never know the true purpose of what our distant ancestors may have been trying to tell us, all those millennia ago, only time will tell. The Menhirs and the Henges found worldwide, many now widely known about, have blown a few holes into the hull of the sinking ship that is academic paradigm. The fact that these Menhirs are no less common and no less scattered across the globe merely lays another nail in the coffin for the timelines academia put forward for the migrations of man, and even our beginnings, for to have these unusual megaliths everywhere, their builders must have been everywhere too, a highly advanced, highly capable, once world-going ancient civilization an extremely long time ago, one which we find highly compelling. In our last video, we explored the work of the first pioneering antiquarians of the modern age. We discussed how archaeologists Arthur Poznanski and Neil Steed, along with many other astute individual researchers, unraveled a possible key to unlocking the true purpose and indeed historical significance of the site. They concluded that the site, due to academia's reluctance to tag any ancient ruin with a date of more than 4,000 years, is the oldest ruin on Earth. The archaeologists discovered an alignment with the solstices and spring equinox, which only occurred around 17,000 years ago. However, there are many other intriguing areas of interest yet to be fully understood. Along with the volumes of photographic documentations of precise measurements, independent researchers also discovered that the site's gray stonework also possesses a curious magnetic property. The question is, if these ancient people knew of this interesting characteristic, what was the purpose of using said stone? Was the stone slowly magnetized by a technology once present at the site, now lost to history? Along with the gray stone, however, the site also contains an equal amount of red sandstone, which was used to build the site, yet this red stone does not share the enigmatic magnetism of its gray counterpart. Perhaps the sandstone is somehow immune to what was responsible. Perhaps this is why the Great Pyramids were built from sandstone to avoid the masonry taking on this magnetic charge. Perhaps, but I digress. Puma Panku is what we like to call a smoking gun, a site which clearly displays masonry skills of its ancient constructor, precision-cut stone masonry, which today could only be achieved with the use of advanced stone-cutting machinery. Trouted in mystery, the archeological side of Puma Panku is one of the biggest headaches for mainstream archeology to explain. So how would an ancient culture, one which was far less capable than modern man, cut, shape, and transport from many miles away, carvings out of some of the world's toughest stone accomplished with such incredible precision? A group able to transport blocks of stone, sometimes weighing far more than 50 tons to the site, effortlessly placing them in position, often using a placement technique indicative of polygonal methodology. Interestingly, after investigating possible causes for this characteristic, it was realized that the building material was not granite, as it had long been assumed, but was in fact andesite. Andesite is the most iron-rich volcanic material we are aware of. It can contain around 15% iron oxide, and can have up to 4% magnetite. Thus, the stone, it seems, could have already been displaying magnetic characteristics when placed where it now lay. Yet the question still persists. Why did this stone get selected as the building material for the temple? It was built by a civilization that brought the stone from many miles away, so the suggestion that it was the only stone available would not be a logical conclusion. It was chosen by a group who were seemingly meticulous in their application. So it is quite possible that the magnetic characteristic was somehow utilized by the builders. Thankfully, it is only a matter of time before Puma Panku's secrets are fully understood, and we finally discover who built it. It is a place we find highly compelling.


Why didn't your doctor tell you about this? If we talk about cancer, the immediate association is often with tumors. However, some research showed that the main reason for cancer is a compromised immune system. Stress, fear, and negative emotions contribute to a weakened immune system.  It's important to note that this isn't medical guidance.


Most of us have not been trained to communicate who we actually are. You've been trained to go after the deal, close the deal, right? So if you can communicate who you actually are with someone, number one, it feels natural to you. Like it feels awkward to try to force somebody into something they don't want to do. Like that's never a good idea. This is what I believe. I'm sharing that with you for nothing.   Like, likeability is number one. And I think whenever you're trained to go after the appointment or the deal or the closing or to handle an objection, I think it's sending the wrong message to the prospect of you're just another realtor that wants to do a deal. And you can find those on every corner, right? But if you approach it in an angle of how can I help you, not you and about yourself, but what can I do to help you today? And you're not trying to actually question them into doing anything. You're just trying to get in there to get a conversation going, to see if there is the possibility of a working relationship, right? I just think that if you really take a look at the mainstream training, it kind of sends the wrong message. So I want to go back to lining up who you are with how you communicate. I'm sure, I'm looking around the room and I'm sure like I'm looking all you guys' eyes and I'm sure all of you guys are really good people that you mean well, that you care about your clients, that you really truly want to help them. But most of us have not been trained to communicate who we actually are.  You've been trained to go after the deal, close the deal. Right? So if you can communicate who you actually are with someone, number one it feels natural to you. Like it feels awkward to try to force somebody into something they don't want to do. Right? Like that's never a good idea.  You know, that's just the bottom line. But you're talking to them anyway, right? Most agents, when they go through their list, they just want to see who wants to do a deal today. That's all they're looking for. Who wants to do a deal today? To me, I think maybe less than 1% of people that you talk to, the first time you talk to them, wants to do a deal right there. But based on your personality and if you line up who you are with how you communicate, I believe that maybe 20% of people you talk to actually like you enough to do a deal, they're just not ready yet, right? So you're talking to them anyway. Why not establish a relationship with these people, right? And so most agents live off the less than 1% of people that want to do a deal right now and they disregard everybody else. But if you have this mindset that, wait, if I come to them from a place of helping and I can actually create comfortability and likability and 20%, not 1%, but 20% of people like me enough to do a deal and I can follow up with them every week by email and they call me when they get ready, that's where all the money's at. That's where all the money is. That's how you get to 100 deals a year.


Dear students, in this module, we are going to discuss global social change. Global social change refers to the transformative shifts happening across different societies due to the increasing interconnectedness and interdependence between different countries. It includes the changes in political, economic, cultural, technological, and environmental spheres that transcend national boundaries. When we talk about global social change, we see these changes on such a scale that are not limited to just one society or one community, but these changes all around the world affect many societies or many countries.  For example, the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent reunification of Germany symbolizes the end of the Cold War era, marking a significant global shift in the political ideologies and power dynamics around the world. Similarly, we can see that after the fall of Berlin, we can see that how there was a global shift in different political aspects and the power arenas around the world. So, after the fall of Berlin, the political scenario or different power structures, different power households and power houses, they changed significantly. And in a way, different power structures were also in that contestation through which they could have different countries in their own power houses. So, on the one of the key drivers of the global social change is the technological advancement. As we can see that this word is becoming more and more technological dependent, so by the passage of time, whenever there is a significant advancement in the technology, it affects not only that particular society or particular country, but also it has a very gigantic impact on the globalized world as well. So, the rise of internet and digital technologies has dramatically transformed the societies from how we communicate and how we work or learn. So, as the world is progressing towards globalization through the means of communication, advancement of the means of communication, such as internet technology, mobile technology, we are seeing that the world has become very interconnected. This interconnection is very beneficial for us as an example. Today, we can easily communicate from anywhere as compared to the past, where from one corner to the other corner of the world, maybe it takes months to send a message. Now, in a fraction of a second, we can communicate. Similarly, learning platforms used to be available in very limited spaces. People had to move in there, had to go physically, physical presence was necessary. Now, this is not necessary. Through digital technology, we can connect with each other and convert that platform into a meaningful learning platform, in which even far away people can access that platform. So, the advent of the internet and smartphone has drastically reshaped the societies globally, enabling instant communication, increasing access to information and catalyzing the emergence of global digital economy. So, globalization, another significant force behind the global societal change has led to an increased movement of people's ideas, goals, capitals across borders, resulting in increasingly multi-cultural societies and economies. So, as we can see, today, an idea is generated in one corner of the world, and within a few minutes it can spread across around the globe, due to the internet, and an idea is now in its localized sphere, which does not exist, but it can be popularized around the globe, and different agitations can also rise on it. So, globalization can have its positive aspects, along with it, it has many negative aspects. For example, an idea may be acceptable in some society, but in some other society it may be considered as a very bad idea, or it may be that the ideas, their sacred values are hitting them, or they are generating negativity, so agitation can also occur there. So, there are also negative aspects of globalization. For example, the European Union's policy of free movement of people has reshaped the demographic and cultural landscape of the member countries, resulting in a more integrated and diverse Europe. As you can see that, European Union has the policy of like Schengen visa, where you can, after having visa for one country, you can travel almost to any country in the central, in the western Europe. So, these policies are having a positive effect on the movement of the people, they can not only have the cultural exchange, but also the economic as well as the social exchange around themselves. So, climate change and environmental issues are another major aspect of global social change. Increasing the awareness and concern about the environmental sustainability, which are leading to the shifts in different global environmental policies, industries as well as the individual behaviors around the world. For example, the global movement towards the renewable energy sources such as wind, electric, solar power, it represents a significant shift away from the traditional fossil fuels influenced by the grown awareness about the climate change. So, thanks to the globalized media, social media and that traditional media through which we are seeking information that how much it is important that we need to be much more aware about the disastrous effects of our today's use and consumption mechanisms through which we are producing more and more pollution. So, due to these awareness processes, now we are having very effective or relatively effective awareness as well as environmental policies through which we are trying to control this environmental crisis. So, the global social change perspective also highlights the influence of international institutions and agreements in shaping the global norms, policies and practices. For example, United Nations Sustainable Development Goals are the set of global targets aimed to addressing the key challenges such as poverty, inequality and climate change leading to this significant policy changes and shifts worldwide. Lastly, the global social movements have become increasingly significant in driving social change. So, these movements often facilitated by digital technologies can mobilize people across borders for the shared causes. For example, Black Lives Matter movement, it was very important movement which began after particularly began to rise after 1920s when there was the George Floyd's murder because of one police officer and by it has gained the global support as well and has ignited the global discussions on racial inequality and police violence leading to the cause for policy reforms around the world.


This study examined the vertical distribution of dust particles in the Taklamakan Desert in China. It found that the dust particles decreased in concentration as they moved upwards through the atmosphere. Additionally, the study observed four different scenarios of dust, including clear skies, floating dust, blowing sand, and dust storms. The dust particles had higher concentrations during dust storms compared to other scenarios. Furthermore, the study noted that the dust particles had larger effective radii and lower volume concentrations when they were closer to the ground. This article was authored by Xiaowanzhou, Tianzhou, Xiaofang, and others.