Thank you all for coming. I'm Hayat Elvie. I'm a civilized academic in the National Security Affairs Department. I am very, very pleased to see such a great turnout and in advance I'd like to wish everyone happy holidays, merry Christmas and a very shiny happy new year. I've got a couple of things I want to mention. A type of admin stuff. One, please silence your phones and devices. Secondly, I really want to thank, very deeply and sincerely, the Naval War College Foundation for providing the refreshments. Help yourselves if you haven't yet. I also want to thank the events department, the graphics and the Public Affairs Department. They all were great troopers in helping me out, putting this together. So what we're going to do first is I've asked Admiral Harvey to give a few words and share his thoughts about this inaugural conference on genocide. The Naval War College has never had this topic as a conference before. You are part of the creators of the very first one. So thank you and congratulations for that. So with that, I'd like to ask Admiral Harvey to come up and share his thoughts. Thank you, Admiral. So they usually ask me to come talk for 45 to 60 minutes at the introduction of these things because I really only have a moment or so. We have a lunch with Ruth and it was an extraordinary discussion and one of the questions that of course is very appropriate about that like this is, you know, why now and why this topic? And I think we all really know the answer to that already. I share from my own personal experiences which could certainly never match some of the tragedy and the pity of war that occurs or what we study here. This college studies not only the warfare and the prevention of warfare as well. And that's why I think these topics are so important. And I remember a few years ago was blessed or cursed to tour Auschwitz and I said, okay, historical sight is going to be, you know, particularly the illuminating, but I tell you, it haunts you from the moment you can take the tool and it will haunt me for the rest of my days because it is of such magnitude and you still see people denying the existence of these events, but you truly understand the ingenuity of man against man and you have the opportunity to see things like that. And we have folks here, unless you have experienced these kinds of events and the real pity of all of these circumstances. And so I think the value of studying this is a simple recognition that we cannot let these types of things happen again. I think the idea behind the case of slow genocide, cases of slow genocide, should be a recognition that genocide is occurring today in many different places throughout the world. We certainly have many historical examples of these particular tragedies, but this is all the more reason why we must continue the study of these types of events that we must together band in our understanding so that we can together ensure that they never happen. And with that, thank you for your time and attention. I'm so excited to be a part of this inaugural event. I know Dr. Alby's extraordinary work here at the college. We're joined by a number of our great academic team, Dr. Beanie and Dr. Lane, and so many more as I work out into this extraordinary gathering. But it's at the minds of them that the wars are constructed as the UNESCO saying would go, and it's at the minds of them that we must develop these constructs of these. I bless us, everyone, have a merry Christmas and happy holidays. If they explain the format of the conference, it's a little bit of an unusual start because we start with the conversation between Mrs. Ruth Oppenheimer and myself. So that'll be the first thing. And then after that, our first panel will come up, and some of them have, the panelists have slides, PowerPoint slides that they will use in their presentations. Dr. Don Theme will be the moderator for panel one, and I will be the moderator for panel two, and there will be about a 15-minute break in between the panels. So this is what we're looking for as we proceed during the conference. So now what I want to just kind of explain to you is I'll be seated with Mrs. Oppenheimer, and we agreed to have a back and forth, and I have a list of questions that I'll ask her, and she'll respond. First, she'll give a brief synopsis of her experience in Kristallnacht, and after that, we will go back and forth with question and answer, and you will be very moved. I heard, I had the privilege of hearing Mrs. Oppenheimer speak back in November. She came here for a lecture of opportunity, and she's magnetic, and she's extremely moving. So please relish every moment and take in every word that she has to say. I'm so sure that these are her legends, and these are some of them. Is that too hard? No, it's fine. Relieve your synopsis, but, and this is mainly on the subject of Kristallnacht. This year was the eighth anniversary of that infamous night, and I'm surprised to be involved in this later. Kristallnacht, November 9th, 1938, was an event that shattered my childhood. It was a turning point in Jewish life in Germany and Austria. I come from Bermer, a small town in northern Germany, for about 20,000 inhabitants at that time. The town had only 10 Jewish families, of which ours was the only one with children. My family had lived in a small town since 1784, and was well accepted by the Christian neighbors. The Nazi movement, which started in Nuremberg in 1933, only slowly gained a strong hold in northern Westphalia. By 1938, when I attended a church-related home school, the Nazi movement had become stronger, and some of the teachers were the rule-formed SS men. If by the name of experience, conditions became more and more restrictive, leading up to that infamous night of November 9th, 1938. I vaguely remember a hearing pounding on our front door. A mob of SS men were shouting out with the Jews. My father assured them that he would come with them if only they were a spirit's family. They dragged him down the street to the town's market place. Some of the SS men remained downstairs in our house. The monks in furniture, crystal, books, mementos, the word sounds downstairs so deafening that I've locked them up for years. We were terraced with him, hoping our father would come back alive. He did return eventually, streaked with blood, carrying the tourist pole from our small synagogue. He urged us to leave the house and to hide. It would be safer to separate. We scurried for coats and shoes in the dark, finding refuge behind beer barrels in the back alley behind our house. Father never spoke of what happened on the market square, but later we heard from others that the Nazis asked the Jewish men to destroy the tourist pole while they demolished a small, one-moon synagogue. My father, as the leader of the Jewish congregation, refused to destroy what he had always considered sacred, despite relentless beatings. The thanks of the Fatherland is what Germany had promised him when he received his iron course for valiant service in an elite army unit in World War I. This then was his thanks. Why did they eventually relent? Maybe someone caught out that he fought in the war for the Fatherland. Finally, they let him drag himself away from the market square, weighed down with the heavy tourist pole, and with his disillusionment. He rescued the toer and brought it to America, and threw it into a New York synagogue. My father went from that toer on his Bundeswehr Day, and so did my grandson. My father and the other Jewish men were imprisoned in a local jail, a converted barn owned by a policeman who was embarrassed about the imprisonment of townspeople whom he had known for a lifetime in the cities the men were sent to concentration camps. After Kristallnacht, Jews were not allowed to attend German schools, and we travelled by train to a Jewish school quite a distance away. The total focus for everyone was the desperate search for any country in the world that might accept Jews. America was the tough choice, but you needed a long holding number and an affidavit guaranteeing that he would not become a financial burden. Eventually, we realised that we would have to separate. My oldest sister left for America the age of 15 in May of 1939 because the teenager required less money. My father left in August of 39 was the hope that he could earn enough money to supply an affidavit for us. A month later, on September 3rd, 1939, war in war broke out. Then we had little hope of ever being reunited. We felt abandoned and a country that painted us and a world that did not want Jews. We were not allowed in public barn shelters during the airbanks. Instead, we hugged together in our cold cellar. The damp grayness of the cellar walls reflected the cold fear that had become so much a part of our lives. That we miraculously were able to leave Germany in January 1940 as a story in itself. We travelled by train to Waterdam moment. His Nazis on board until they reached the border. We sat terrorist-stricken on cold wooden train benches, afraid to look up lest the Nazis decided to drag us from the train. We only realised that we had crossed the border when jubilation broke out and passengers prayed and cried knowing that we had all escaped. The too deep voyage on the Wendown, one of the last passenger ships to cross the Atlantic during the war, was a powering trip as we sailed through the submarine infested waters. A value in hope open to a sea, we united as my father and sister. We faced a new world filled with challenges and opportunities. My gratitude and devotion to America defies expression. Thank you, Laleigha, one at a time. They can only turn on one at a time. Here's the still on. She has to just press the button. Oh, there we go. Sorry. Thank you, Mrs. Alkenine. I'm going to ask the first question and then turn it over to her to answer. Mrs. Alkenine, you and I talk quite a bit about the importance of the memory of trauma. Would you share with this audience some of those thoughts and points about the importance of memory of trauma and why it is still pertinent in the 21st century? Trauma has deeply affected me and has influenced my life and the lives of my children. I was 11 years old on Pistana, November 9th, 1938, and trauma was not a concept that we was either in hope or that I was aware of.  Only upon returning to Rome means my family in 1968, 30 years later, after Pistana, that I confirmed that reality and how much I had lucked out in the intervening years. In tears most of the time, which paid my family, I visited our former house, the cemetery where my ancestors are buried, and the schoolyard where I stood watching my classmates play while I wished for invisibility. I visited my elementary school teacher for my teens who had treated me fairly and whom I had much admired. When I came to America in 1940, my means was to Americanize.  Though I faced difficult situations in school and at home, my focus was on achieving. I may have dealt with trauma by high motivation, by excelling and by lucking out much of the past. I had the benefit of being part of a family unit. My older sisters were protected. By the way, they never fully faced their trauma and sadly seemed more damaged. During busy marriage years with childbearing and career pursuits, I did not focus on infrospection and trauma. Only later, a known misunderstanding to think and contemplate, I realized how trauma has affected my life. And I regret that it must have had an effect on my children. Last week, on December 10th, Benedict Cary had an article in The New York Times on inhabited trauma discussing the appropriate genetic markers of trauma that can be transferred from one generation to another. One can inherit traces from parents and when parents experience, particularly their suffering. The memory of trauma is important in that it acknowledges the existence of trauma instead of keeping it as in which is so surrounded. Acknowledgement is the first step in dealing with trauma and the healing process. So often the war of silence engulfs us. For me, the realization of trauma came blended in life. I confronted memories even as physical strength weighed. The assembly of trauma is still important in the 21st century. War and famine are prevalent and so is post-traumatic stress. Fortunately, we have greater knowledge and greater ability to help in the healing process.  Okay, thank you Mrs. Alvin. There was such important points about memory of trauma. My next question is, does the resurgence of neo-Nazi and other supremacist groups today upset you? What are your warnings to the younger generation of these alarming trends? I'm deeply troubled and concerned by these new trends and the recent Pittsburgh shooting, but it never ends. Will Jews always be skateboards? My grandchildren have questioned me on the subject and I have reassured them that I don't compare to Nazi Germany where it was a government decree and where the government really has done a population act we asked. Good neighbors watched us on the Pistana night as we hid behind beer barrels on the court November night, but they did not offer shelter. They were afraid. In contrast, the Christian and Muslim community showed support and outrage after Pittsburgh shooting. Learning about the history of other cause is a strong reminder also to the younger generation. We all have the ability and responsibility to confront hate. Education and awareness are important. Organizations like the Washington Unacross Museum have created programs to combat these hate movements. At a recent event in Washington, I attended a discussion on what is driving the vice white supremacy and neo-Nazism and how to amplitude counter it. Another topic was can technology and civic engagement disrupt extreme movements? What is the final situation which defies easy answers? My last question is what is your advice about acceptance and inclusion? My childhood in Nazi Germany exposed me to the extremes of intolerance and discrimination. In school, I was delegated to the back of the classroom. I was not allowed to participate. Other students were not allowed to talk to me even during recess. Jews were the enemy. I always felt like other and that feeling has remained with me partially because my form of European upbringing sets me apart. I'm not as casual as most Americans. I empty them for a sense of confidence and of belonging, of speaking up without intimidation, whereas I am constantly aware of whether my action might cause war and racism. If you could only mention acceptance of each other's differences, tolerance is not enough unless tolerance is used in the sense of I have no tolerance for discrimination. Through education, teaching and community discussions, we can try to eradicate hate and picket me. Exposure to people of different backgrounds and culture is vital to the important. On a person-to-person level, prejudice often wins. Have no easy answers on that point either. But you have enlightened us tremendously and we want to thank you for coming today. This concludes our conversation with Mrs. Alkenheim. Please join me in thanking her. That's great. Good afternoon. My name is Don. I'm a community biofib watching board. Those of you who know me for the basic reason why I trust you and compare it to myself, the speech and habit. I'd like to share with you my good afternoon at the party, especially Mrs. Alkenheim, fellow panelists, faculty, students and guests. It's humbling. I'm going to be on this panel. I've included most such distinguished scholars, and I want to thank Dr. Alkenheim for taking the time and the interest and energy to put again on this conference. And before I go further, please let me state for the record that in my comments, no personal professional occupation is based on 27 years of graduate, student, and study. They should have no way of being in this history of just speaking from the United States State of the Core College, the United States Navy, the Department of Native Defense. Now, when we were talking at lunch, you know, a question came up, why should you do this? I think it's especially appropriate that we do this in the naval world. Naval Expeditionary Forces operating in an era of sustained contingency have been and will be continuing to be called on to full missions at this time. In fact, 26 years ago this President, George H. Deming, Russian President of the United States, informed that the U.S. Forces of the United States, Somalia, on this part of Newtown, authorized under a U.N. Chapter 7 of the United States, the new components of the joint force possession need to keep abilities, on the maritime forces to fight to death for the rapid response of these forces to receive an unspeakable virus of genocide and isotrism due to the curl. So this short talk has now been made to encompass the totality of genocide and addiction from its atrocity, prohibition, and responsibility to protect. Rather, we will set stage for our following panels and discussions to narrow this focus to a sense of intervention and decisions that must be made by external actors like Altov and Fingers, and countless operational men. And must anyone think this is directly tied to the United States, remember that even though we have contributed to all these keepers, we do not mention it to anybody else. The China and India also figure the totality. So, when we strip away the fog of conflicting information, the myriad of writings on intervention, just war theory, what we're left with are decisions. Decisions that are being made about, and not necessarily the defense of our horrors, but the reaction to external crises, based on our own plurintary allies, domestic politics, and political policy. It's the nature of these decisions, and the context between which they take place, that can help us to understand this perhaps in a better way. While there are always counter decisions of many levels, there are four cornerstone considerations for the decision-making of the genocide of domestic violence and the immigration of the world. Conditions themselves, how, when, and access. Each of these in terms of the myriad of factors, some of which we don't know all the way, are fully developed in this area. These four cornerstones in terms, if there were seven critical decisions to foresee. So, the conditions themselves, frankly, are not possible here. The first thing is to discern what this action we have. We can break these down into five categories of intelligence, status, policy, and forces available. Now, you're looking at indications and warning, knowing what is really happening in order to make informed decisions is not difficult. It's perhaps counterintuitive, but it's not the lack of information that is in these crises, but the confusion of information that includes these decisions. So, we have to ask ourselves if the traditional intelligence approach reminds us of the best possible information in time to make fact decisions. This needs us to the first decision. We have to devote resources to deciding, detecting, and finding and tracking those indicators, potential, and the genocide of the world. Now, contrary to popular belief, the intelligence community is now possessed and aimless, and there is more, I don't think most are waiting for exercises. Rather, every decision to focus on one issue needs an opportunity cost for focusing on another issue. But nonetheless, if we use some framework, we can take a look at stages that are not perfectly stacked on the Russian and Russian models, but are useful for academic consideration in trying to find a plan. Focusing the efforts of the intelligence community and professionals in supporting the decision. So, we can take a look at these and the literature is fast, and I'll try to make it simple. There's the rationalization, the identification, the expulsion, concentration, reduction, starvation, and the climbing of the direct person. Yet, outside the sphere of this itself, diplomatic actions based on nuanced decision points must be initiated and adhered to the orientation. This leads to more questions than it does answers. These are very few of the decisions that leaders must make in the left of activation of decisions. How and when are these decisions made? Structure the art of the possible for all follow-up operations. So, we must remember, we have initial policy, expulsion, but nonetheless, clowning and harassing these people. So, one of the first things you have to think about is what kind of force you are in this. Sometimes, people have really good ideas, and they are wholly inappropriate of the operation they have. So, the amphibious vice of the like, you know, from the British forces in World War I, it looks funny now. This was a real idea in World War I, but I have some way to get across the smokey fields of lands. Rather, force is available in this mansion. Force designing, sourcing, and authorities do have to mission requirements. It is the scope and nature of RTP, HNR, and other associated type of operations that do this change. It is a enduring challenge to solicit ground into the figure, command in, cable the force to the mission goals, in all sphere, expulsion, and other elements. Next thing you have to take a look at is the context in which it happens. These include civil war, other pre-existing conditions that limit and challenge the freedom of action for any interventionist force. If all were quiet and peaceful, it would be no need for that group of chief officers to be here. But when one surveys the group of actions that can arise with majority and mass atrocities, genocide, epic cleansing of the life within the last 120 years, one finds that they usually take place inside of the contingent too, of the crisis, which then leads us to the hard question to ask of just how are you going to do this? There are many small factors, but four macro factors are power, timing, speed, and scope of the internal force. Remember that even as these are the state factors, the war to enter the race is simultaneous, leading to additional fog and friction, even as leaders consider options and make decisions in decision plans too. So the timing of the decision is critical. The decisions must be made before forces and opportunities of action and how it will be brought to bear. As we cover the wind here, we'll talk about how to bring all of this together in here to provide a tiered community of responsibility to protect and identify this timing and decisive action. Plus decision point two is determining at what point in the stages identified before a country will commit forces and political capital to act. Conversely, deciding not to enter the skillet decision with its own set consequences. The volumes have been written on just what timing, decisive, and action mean, but if we think of them as speed, scope, and force, we can ascertain the action decisions that the leaders must make before they go nowhere. So speeding didn't mean the opportunity to generate some sort of success, but haste, twice. There's one in the Royal Marine College used to say less haste, little speed. Speed is enabled by preset plans, concepts, doctrine, force, and people in the sets. But when every tool is hammered, every problem resues. In the past decade, multiple organizations attempted to write various planning guides and insert languages into the national security strategy documents to which processes and plans can be put. At the same time, if the plan on the shelf does not fit for a challenge, then planners and decision makers alike find themselves prisoners of the plan early twice. Speed, in this case, though, is not the operational risk of force, but the political leaders who must make those decisions. All the media and the pundits of the economy would be better way to do something. But the cruel fact of the matter is that all this is going on. When people are dying, I'll be at the very truest. The last decision may be a few people satisfied, and the intervention seemingly never ends because the transition crisis area cannot be met. It takes decades, perhaps centuries, to build a peace. It only takes days, weeks, and months to restore. Put differently for the engineers in the room. Downhill speed was all this faster than public speed. So this leads us to a decision point number three, which is the scope. There is evidence to many operations from East Timor and Kirsten, and to Sierra Leone, Libya, and Mali. Important decisions must be made as to the scope of the response. Remembering Colin Cowell's primary project, the practitioners of the military and political must be aware of mission change, or Cree, as Dr. Derek Redford has said in his book, which fundamentally changes the nature of the response, which in turn may well be part of the scope of the decision. Decision point number three, then, is to what extent will the intervention be? As we mentioned earlier, it will be a multi-battery, ego-battery, chapter six, chapter seven, or it will be something that, while positioning of forces may, in some cases, provide traction. It must also be remembered that history is full of genocide night cases, where, while an external force considered to be a deterrent or a flexible deterrent option, the attendant in the setting of that deterrence perceives provocation. Indeed, pillar one of the arts in pity is to prevent genocide mass atrocities from happening in the first place. Frequently, of course, in human events, solving by modern technology, these things tend to spread faster than the same thing other people in California would not find. It is lack of harmony and also the disproportionate amount of force alone that cannot be in peace. The other challenge is getting the force with right size, right composition, and importantly, the right commander with the right powers. I'm using the Sierra Leone example and the right work for the British because they have the right headquarters, PGHQ, right forces, Paris oil and rains, and special operations forces, the right commander, so to speak, the Richards, the right tharys, and directly from the U.T.A., with the right foreign and overall official co-locating, co-locating with General Richards and Sierra Leone to integrate all decisions and subsequent actions. For some of only an opportunity to peace, they're applied at a joint level. They can repair some societal issues and set conditions for return to at least a buffed peace to our trust, as we build. In the same time, national caveats for contributing actions to TCM's, the devil the ability to conduct these operations in a more financial way, more than a biography, further complicating the earlier challenge of speaking. Trust me from personal experience. The captain as a tharys, which is a direct impact of his or her prime minister, if you're giving orders as interesting from there, you're actually going to be in this passive. So decision point number four is about an authorization of every force. It will only be allowed in self-defense, requiring peacekeepers to receive fire before initiating it. Our intervention force team was allowed by the two indiscretions, wind, air, and air, which leads us to a, so you can see the picture here in the British on the beach in Sierra Leone. Other than the decision to intervene itself, all the supportive decisions beneath that point is allowed by these next generations of transition and control. The timing of the force insertion and subsequent actions is the core issue of the design of our mass atrocity. In a world where the CNN effect has been trumped by social media, the pressure to do something collides with the reality of what. A cursory assessment of when the fact was in the key decision that's been defied and sexed. With a phasing, if we were to follow the road pressure principles of the three-tier process, how long it will take to repeat to prevent the act of bill, you're sitting in front of a tough choice of drawing to categorize the genocides between these three phases with seven steps, I don't remember, which gets us back to the top of this confidence, but do you think this loges? Incredibly, it's never displayed on the ground. Furthermore, each new operation is built voluntarily from scratch with the assumption that adequate resources can be found, and it's going to be about an individual project supporting administrative lines back to the TCM. So if we're going to prevent first the decision that to intervene is deferred, the risk of being involved is the only barrier that's ever going to be erroneous. The repercussions of this are cascaded by the success of operation to provide comfort when down in the direction of sections and some other. As they all act over 1993, a little issue in the family life lockdown, in terms of scourge of the clinic administration for a while, which in turn inspired more of these new employees in 1995 and 1990. It's sort of like trying to predict the pandemic. It's a use, it is hard, but it can be very expensive and careful. But what's going to reduce even as the experts argue over the classification of where the phase actually is. It's too late to prevent forcing recourse to react, which makes us feel like we're going to lose everything. This is just part of the term. When prevention opportunity is spent on reducing the impact of preclusion of GSI mass atrocity, the focus has been on the shift of reactions. This cure of actions is one of those kind of sensitive decisions that exist. Kofi Nan Sun got into this in 1999. One of the problems with peace has been the speed of deployment, with each delay in the power of all of this force. The leader strongly did enter a conversion and itself no small feat because the U.N. likes the effect of intelligence capability. And other nations are the best when you want those to reveal sources and methods, and most likely have not been able to constrain intelligence resources to track an impossible original method. Which will react effectively and seize the tactical operational initiative from the perpetrators. The only force establishing the authorities will gain access to recourse decisions that must be confirmed into national operations. At the same time, the emerging concept of responsibility in the wild detective places even additional tempers on the use of both an international model as well as a tactical model. So the hard truth is that to stop the organized killing, it has to be incredible to get out of the wild violence. Paratroopers and soldiers on street corners are good, but the perpetrator is killed by a miniature force as we look at it. The leaders realize this, and they face the pragmatic background of the watching forces prepare and keep hold of the killing people. They don't want to stop the killing and restrain what the sun is saying. It's a piece. The number of decisions inherent in the appropriate action and timely access to man provides a wide attitude for marriage limitations, all of which are by cold comfort to the people in the authority in the region side of the citrus. Decision points are between four right here, but another way is to frame the decision number five, the need to extract the forces. The reaction to a fancy theater across the spectrum of information with different actions, forces, and the use of the transition of citrus, which is to this. Do you stay for rebuilding or not? Now, it's hard for me to tell a woman in this picture who's happy. Peacekeepers in the helicopter leaving, or the people around the leaving at the department. Having been one of the guys in the helicopter leaving, I'm betting the money to the department. But the decision is to commit that third piece of R2P, and remain after the cessation of actions that cause intermission in the first place. While R2P encourages the inclusion of individual activities as part of the larger R2P concept, national leaders still make decisions about whether or not to do this in the government. This might be going down into two supporting decisions, the decision to stay in the lead. The second is determining what the conditions for transition are, and who, when, and how they're reaching the first place. Now, access may be the most important factor that either enables or limits the ability of any intermission force to be proposed to our decisions, and this is further exacerbated by the fact that drones and other instruments of air power are interested in the armed troops of the dead and the force of the atmosphere part of the accident. It makes us look into the fore, you know, who the faces of the intermission force, capabilities, will, and intent stand out. Based on the operating conditions in which the forces are operating, we are forced to consider by forces to seek employment, which in turn requires an extensive fit of active maneuvering and how to equip them. You have to look at the physical and the human right to determine what kind of access that force will make to project and sustain the power. Well, peacekeeping may not be the same gracious appetite that does not mean the footprint is invisible. Decision point number seven requires making the force of the power with an operational factor and adjusting accordingly. As for one example, you know you are in different operations space, when you stand over in a tepid runway and you watch four MI-24s fully hop on the plane in a blue and white blue part of the airfield, you are on a pillage. Why? Because that's what that operation looks like. When we take a look at ports of decarrication in an area or in a sea force, A-pods or S-pods appear. These are critical level-mitting factors for these operations and the balance between sea and air deployment and projections is the same. Getting diplomatic clearances, established in cargo aid for even buildings, deciding which parts of the joint force hopefully accounts with the multinational partners to deploy what will accept an opportunity cost to other areas of interest who is in out of strong decision. To take a look on this case, it's 850 miles by the level three of the line. It's 930 miles by the level three of the saloon. On 10 days a little bit closer, it's still 250 miles by the level seven of those roads. You can make 10 miles an hour with a million, million ocean. The total locations are easier to reach, making some decisions you're made to access these, and it's still really challenging to process them. These examples are not really the same as sea and airfield. Other panels provide you details of EMR and the mesh, but I've been to some of these places and it's really hard to operate. When the force is operating at the lower right rack in 1901, it was a 500 mile or two-lane road on one of those ships. The airfields of southern Turkey were not on the right side. So, significant versions. The purpose of the short arrest was to debunk the military on Michigan's borders while highlighting the critical difficulties of making effective decisions on the solution of the side of Massachusetts. The real question is finding the typical, but a sweet spot of decision. Sending the forces to one country to one region has strategic opportunity costs. Forces, for example, say to some of them, they are now not able to be employed at somewhere else for the next challenge in San Francisco. No decision of employees who have suffered for years are painfully aware of this here. It's hard to determine the benefits of the pressure on us, and to establish, and monitor, and enforce an effective trip while you're still around that place. In regards to that, what are the real consequences of the Intervention Force and the Force on Targetation? Force organization. Especially when it comes to all GSI and mass trust in this place inside the economy. So, to put it out on the one list, these decisions, which are not the only ones that must be given to the levels, frequently simultaneous, but that, by the starting point from which practitioners, policy makers, and commanders can make physical choices, they are not very concerned for the pragmatic assessments of operational environments as they are, and they are not as one of the professionals to be. Hard-earned practice that are going by in sums of RCT literature before these decision-making. When, not if, the next climber arises over in contingencies and under smaller factors, when the types of decisions required are going to be able to make the national leadership best-of-forward, least-packed choices. It may well be through good policy-executed data when it comes to bad policy, but in certain bad policy executed well is definitely still bad policy. The only difference between good and bad is in the decisions that leaders make. Finally, leading to the start. Slow genocides may in fact be harder for decision-making. Decision must be made when a situation disintegrates as part of a larger complex problem. If people are not open, there will be some options to respect them. Even as national leaders are grappled with the complexities of strategic decision-making. If it is a sole war on a sustained instruction, at what point an extra action is decided by force? It is not a significant question. Professor Ibrahim will slide it down a little bit. Yeah, of course. We will have Q&A after the vote done. I want to give my sincere thanks to Hayat for organising this and to the algorithm for listening lessons. I am the author of this book here that will be just inside Myanmar's hidden channel site. This was the first edition of the book and it had the title hidden with the next edition, which is this one. The title, where hidden was removed for obvious reasons. Let me just tell you first of all how I got involved in all of this. I first dared to go in job that I had to work. But half of it came to go that these are the most persecuted minorities in the world. And this is the title that many groups are blind for. So, I first had a number of years trying to be as aware of this because I was surprised that there is absolutely no coverage of these people at all. There was no book on the topic. There was no campaigns. There were no celebrity endorsements. They were literally, as the United Nations described them, the forgotten people. So, I spent a number of years writing a number of op-eds. I wrote this policy briefing, which was distribution to Parliamentarians in the UK and the UK Union. I then made a trip to the region in 2014 to collect testimonials from some of the survivors I've made over the boardroom into my presentation. And these are just some of the sketches that some of the conditions that the survivors of the Myanmar and in general so we're living in. In fact, the day I took testimonials from the survivors and why and how they in Myanmar or so. But this is now completely closed. Completely closed side parties, not even the United Nations gets access to this now. So, I did a trip there. This was a Rohingya village I came across, which had been completely emptied and the residents of this village moved in their entirety to these large, oversized concentration camps. To get to the camps, you have to basically smuggle yourself in and here's my fixer bringing some security guards to get me in, which was relatively easy at the time. It was for $200, but now it's completely not permitted. And within the camps you can see some of the conditions that these people live in. It's a quick catastrophic. The conditions are, as you can see very, very good. It rains and it rains all the time.  This was my guide. And the security forces patrolling the perimeter of the camp to ensure Rohingya gets in and Rohingya gets out. There's just sites of some of the graves, including mass graves like this one which was a family of 90 people that were burnt alive in their house. And the security forces put the remains in the back of a pickup truck and dropped them off at the entrance of the camp. And the residents of the camp came and buried them all in this water. So how did we get here? How did the Rohingya become the most populated minority in the world? They are faced with what have essentially of discrimination. How did this come about? From central to the entire discrimination, let me tell you about the Myanmar itself. It's a country that's sandwiched between China, Laos, Thailand and Bangladesh. And the Rohingya are situated in an area called Sitwe in the Burkina state with capital which is Sitwe in the border of Bangladesh. The 35 million people in Myanmar and the estimates of the Rohingya are unknown, but they say it's worth 2 million of them. They're unknown because officially they did not exist. And I will explain that to you in a moment. So central to the entire discrimination against the Rohingya is this here. The word Rohingya, the Myanmar authorities came that this word Rohingya does not exist. This is a manufactured word. They believe that this word was created and some of them even bizarrely put a date on it. They say this word was created in March of 1952 by these illegal immigrants that came over from Bangladesh and they created this word called Rohingya which means from Rohingya to give themselves a connection to this man, but they're all illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and they should all go back to Bangladesh. So one of the things I tried to do in my book is to examine the veracity of this accusation. And I got documents from various sources including this one from 1799 and various other documents in Classical Journal 1811 and I also went to the Indian National Archive in New Delhi where I dug up documents from the time of the British colonial office a report written by a British civil servant called Sir Charles Hatton in 1826 and in all of these documents you can see that the term Rohingya is used very clearly which probably cannot be from the original where it is on the left hand side and the clear notation is on the right. So this accusation obviously does not stand up to historical scrutiny that this word was created in 1952 even historical documentation and archives clearly debunked that but despite that, where did this actually start from? So for that we need to take a step back into history when the Japanese invaded what was at that time British Burma. This was just before the Second World War the Japanese invaded British Burma. The majority Buddhist population of Burma supported the Japanese invaders believing that the Japanese are going to be victorious and this is going to lead to swifter independence from the British. Whereas the minority Rohingya population stayed loyal to the British colonial masters. So when the country did become independent in 1948 there was bad blood between the two people. The Buddhists looked at the Rohingya and said that you did not support this in our time on me. You stayed loyal to the colonial masters and there was bad blood between the two people because Rohingya was seen as being the first colonists within society. But despite that there was relative camp up until 1962 when there was a coup by the military chief General Meirin. General Meirin he tried to implement what he called the Burmese road to socialism which was the communist manifesto and it was a complete economic disaster. So he did what a lot of authoritarian dictators do in that situation when things start to go wrong is that they start to look for skate boats. They look for skate boats on whom to blame all the elms of society on and the Rohingya minority who looked different were the different religion, a different language, different skin color, different features, different culture and the origin looked at with suspicion which was the perfect minority to start blaming the elms of society on. General Meirin also became much more openly Buddhist in his outlook. He started to say things like only Buddhists can be loyal citizens of Burma Burma at the time and everybody else is this loyal and can possibly be loyal to the state. He passed a number of laws including the 1974 law which eventually culminated in the 1982 Citizenship Act which took all the working job of their citizenship making them amongst the largest stateless people in the world. This went more up until 1988 when there was an uprising known as the 1888 1888 uprising and this removed General Meirin from office but his regime stayed completely intact so the military regime was still in power and this when the regime was still in power they clamped down to the Rohingya even further and there was a number of massacres and scenes of massacres. The Rohingya eventually barred from attending university, barred from standing for election, barred from voting. It was a classic case of discrimination that happened over a period of time but the most the same period of violence was in 2012 when a kind woman was kidnapped and raped the Rohingya were blamed for this the extremist Buddhist elements stopped us and they killed all the passengers from the bus and this was the flames of this was found by extremist Buddhist elements of this individual here who described himself, he described himself as a Buddhist bin Laden it's an individual called Ashen who are active and individuals like General A. Wong the leader of the ICANN National National Party and I'll come back to him shortly but after these massacres happened in 2012 the UN Special Officer said that nothing has changed for the Rohingya, they have been discriminated against for the last 30 years and they have continued to be discriminated against so the aftermath of this violence you see here the Rohingya were moved into these forcibly moved into these concentration camps this is a camp for 140,000 people 140,000 Rohingya were forcibly placed in these camps and they only had two options either you go to the camps or you try to feed on these rickety kind of votes and when you spree of the votes you are obviously the parent of the scene or you get sold into the slave trade to the Thai and the Cambodian slave trade and Thai prawn and fishing trade was a very lucrative business for officials in the Thai military to sell these Rohingya refugees into the slave trade so this takes me up to 2016 the most recent wave of violence there was an organisation called the Ars al-Barakhan Rohingya Salvation Army which under took an attack on a number of security outposts but it doesn't security in response to that the military of Myanmar that planned down on the Rohingya they invaded a number of villages including this one here these are all satellite energies obtained by human rights watch this for example is the village of Duki Radan you can visit the satellite energy before and this was after so all the Rohingya refugees went down and bizarrely the neighboring Buddhist refugees were there completely intact this is the village of Vintet this is before and this is after burning down the heresies there this is after that so in the election of Donald Trump actually who were active believed that Donald Trump himself was also trying to stop Muslim invaders coming into his country and the other individual that I mentioned actually wrote to Trump saying that I am looking forward to stopping Islamic radicalisation and the next few years one of the key questions I asked is that if I am making the case that this is people in one for half a century these are the most persecuting minority in the world why is this happening now why did the Myanmar military make up until 2017 October 2017 to execute these final solutions why did they do it before when you study general science it is actually very interesting it is not uncommon for the perpetrator and the organiser of the general to undertake a trial to undertake a test run to see what is going to be the reaction of the international community what is going to be the reaction of local actors aren't we really able to get out of this so the military in Myanmar undertook a trial on this entire exercise in 2016 in October 2017 as I demonstrated they invaded a number of growing charities expelled 140,000 of them killed tens of thousands of them raped hundreds of women and they get three critical lessons from that exercise the first lesson they learned was that Aung San Suu Kyi defends the military and public Aung San Suu Kyi has a shield for all criticism against military and the public to be for example the BBC's fair go key said that there is ethnic cleansing going on in your country she said ethnic cleansing is far too strong in terms of what is happening both sides are equally to blame both sides are equally to blame it is a drawing immoral comparison between the aggressor and the victim when the United Nations in March 2017 was just a report to say that 52% of women that made it to Myanmar there should have been raped so the majority of them have been raped she said this is fake rape this is fake rape when the UN in the same year had a commission called for a full scale UN Human Rights Commission in Bahia she said this will not be very helpful and it was her office that refused to give the visas to the UN to enter the country so I accept that Aung San Suu Kyi does not control the military she does not have control of the military directly but she is the foreign minister of that country and she does control the income so this is the first thing that we learned Aung San Suu Kyi defends the military probably she is a shield for all criticism against the military because of what they do mean the second thing they learned was that despite all the evidence of ethnic cleansing genocide rape camps villages being burnt down the military chief General Minong Rain was still given a VIP invitation Austria and Germany literally wrote a red carpet for him and he toured the army's factories and I wrote to both of them my published letters saying that the military is now cleaning up for a defensive this entire region is being militarized and they are cleaning up so this idea that nobody knew what was going to happen is simply not true you can see the date on this this was in May 2017 which was three months before the actual assault happened so not only myself, a number of Myanmar watchers knew exactly what was coming from every corner so that's the second thing they learned despite all the evidence of atrocities the military chief was treated like a VIP around the globe the third thing that they learned is that the military in Myanmar was very unpopular they had elections in the first place they had elections because they were essentially forced to do it the economy was in new world and they were forced to have elections but after this exercise against the military the military suddenly became very popular as the defenders of Buddhist values against these hordes of Muslims invading their country so there are three things that the military learned from this exercise in 2016 which is why they decided in 2017 that we can actually stop a couple of Nazis and execute the final solution and get rid of these people and for all one of the key questions they get asked is about Buddhism, how can it be sure that Buddhism is getting engaged in such behaviour that certainly does not make sense but the Buddhism that they follow in Myanmar is not the Buddhism that you and I will be familiar with it's not the Buddhism of the Dalai Lama for example, they do not recognise the Dalai Lama it's a form of Buddhism called which can not always but which can be very militant in its nature which can be very extreme in its nature so if you go to some of the if you go to YouTube you can actually see some of the sermons of these Buddhist monks one of the most senior monks in Myanmar is an individual called Sipagu and it's a video of him that will be available on YouTube for anybody to see he's literally sitting on almost like a throne like chair and his officers were all sitting on the floor and he's telling them a story about a Buddhist king a Buddhist king who killed four people and because he killed four people he could not sleep at night he had a guilty conscience and these Buddhist monks because of their insight they sensed that the king was uneasy and they came to the king in the middle of the night and they said to him that we understand that you are feeling very uneasy because you murdered those four people but you have nothing to fear because those people were not Buddhists and because they were not Buddhists they were only half human so the implication to the serial army officers is very clear that anyone who is not a Buddhist is only half human and they believe many of them believe you see that here are other sermons in which the king used to be that the Odinja have been reincarnated from snakes and insects so when you kill them you're actually killing humans you're killing vermin what's been the role of the international community and this is obviously another very common question why has the international community been so unable and unwilling to react to this that this has been building up for over half a century all the things were there and there's a number of reasons for this as well like what are the reasons why the Rohinja issue I believe has not had much traction is that the Rohinja when you come across them when you study them you realize that the Rohinja issue of the lowest is hardly anybody amongst them in that basic college education they have all been Christian farmers laborers or big shopkeepers if I were to mention another cause to you the Palestinian cause for example you can name me it's a cause I get a lot of media coverage you can name me a few Palestinians you can name me Yasser Arafat Mahmoud Abbas the supermortem but I beg you you can name me a single Rohinja person anywhere in the world you could not name me a single Rohinja person there is nobody of Rohinja origin in Silicon Valley that can say I am going to give 5 million dollars of my money from this app I believe today as a public awareness campaign for my people there is nobody of Rohinja origin in the BBC or CNN that can take this on as the tech project there is nobody of Rohinja origin in the US Congress these people literally cannot advocate for themselves locally let alone globally there is hardly anybody amongst them but even the most basic education to tell you a very effective story is a number of Rohinja FBG families in Chicago and I met the lady who is teaching in English and she said to me she said it was so difficult to teach these people English because most of them don't know their own language and most of them have never held a claim they have never physically held a claim they have never physically held a claim because this was a systematic and organized campaign by Myanmar who would have essentially to completely and utterly disenfranchise these people just one of the reasons why the international community has been so strong these people simply do not appear on any of their data people cannot have that human connection another reason why the international community has been so slow to act is because there is a myth to be perpetuated and I met a number of policy makers and the U.N. the U.S. and the British part of the news who continuously tell me this we cannot put too much pressure on Myanmar because it's a fragile democracy we understand it's not perfect but it's an imperfect democracy and it's moving in the right direction too much pressure on Aung San Suu Kyi and this democratic process that might be there to be a military dictatorship I'm sure they hope he wants that and this is a myth that has been perpetuated by Aung San Suu Kyi and our supporters the reality is that the military in Myanmar is in the perfect position at the moment they are exactly where they want to be Aung San Suu Kyi managed to get all sanctions lifted up in Myanmar the generals have enriched themselves dramatically and they are essentially obtaining the holy dream of politics which is power without any accountability the last thing they want is to remove the civilian leadership retain control and invite international sanctions and international support upon themselves so they are actually in the perfect position at the moment and this is just a myth that has been perpetuated by Aung San Suu Kyi and the final reason I believe we can complete an action on the West is to do with geopolitics when President Obama was in office he visited Myanmar on two occasions for any country to get a visit from the President of the United States is a big, big deal it's a big deal for that country the reason why Obama visited is that as Myanmar opens up this was one of the most close and most suspicious societies in the world the US is deeply concerned it's going to fall under the influence of China and then the sphere of influence of China the entire Southeast Asia is currently a big, big deal for one purpose and that is to meet China's insatiable demand for resources through the Belt and Road Initiative covers almost 60% of the world's population China is pumping tens of billions of dollars to almost a number of countries in that region including Pakistan access to Myanmar gives access to China to the clear pinball in the emotion China has got an ambition to be a global superpower but before it can become a global superpower it must become a regional power and that means keeping the regional nuclear value in India in check access to Myanmar gives access to the clear pinball in the emotion and they can avoid the states of Malacca so you have here geopolitical machinations between the US and China and their nuclear superpowers and in order to go to the future with no peace ever heard of with no peace ever seen it does not fit into that equation this is the other reason why there has been complete enaction from the international community one final point I would make with Aung San Suu Kyi because this is also a very, very common question about inability or why is she not speaking in the background she is a global warrior and most famous citizens of Myanmar I wrote a piece on this in Newsweek last year it was called how we were seduced by Aung San Suu Kyi and for that piece I interviewed a dozen people a dozen people who had known her intimately for decades amongst them included the founder of the free Aung San Suu Kyi campaign the actual founder of that campaign and also an individual who used to smuggle papers for her visit at huge risk to himself I do remember a parliament who was the first western to meet with her she was released about 2 hours and became a live rock band all of them told me on the record that Aung San Suu Kyi is a Burmese nationalist she always has been there is nothing changed the fact is that we in the West overlooked it the reason why we overlooked it is because we in the West have a need this is our need we like to have our heroes in our pedestal unclimbed and her story is probably one of the best stories you'll ever hear the daughter of one of the founding generals of Myanmar placed on the house of her husband by her father's former colleagues there she's a beautiful she's a particular Oxford educated speaks the Queen's English nowhere in the world yet this is fantastic we love this stuff her own country, her own backward country, and turned it into our country because she's come and tasted our way of life, our democracy. And we made this mistake over and over again. You look at examples, most recent examples, if you remember Saif al-Ghadafi, the Ph.D. from the London School of Economics, who's going to transform his country, you know, then he started taking gems on his people. Or a more recent example, Bashar al-Masr, the London Chain Dromologist, who's going to be the great reformer, who's been quoted by Tony Blair. There's 100 people in the greatest mass murderers of our time, or Kim Jong-un. Loves basketball, educated as well as holding skill, love the destiny of land, threatening us all with nuclear annihilation now. So we make this mistake over and over again. This is much more to do with us and our need to have a cultural superiority and these backward countries turn them into our country that we forget that these many of these people are actually anti-aggressive. And if you look at some of her and Tony's early writings, it's all there and black and white, that her and almost all the people in Myanmar believe that this is a country for Buddhists, British only. And it just happens to have these minorities within it, and they don't really belong here. Remember, Myanmar is a country that's been at war with almost every single ethnic minority since independence. These are the longest running struggle wars in the world. They do not believe that these people belong in their country. It was interesting when Amos Anzuki came to, before the current crisis erupted, she came to the United States, she met with President Obama. President Obama decided to let all sanctions on Myanmar. It was interesting that Obama was not the only leader that she met. She also met with Senator Rob Walker and a number of leaders that she's met have come to the same conclusion that she is completely dismissive when you can't talk about the other ethnic minorities in our country. And Rob Walker in a very uncharacteristic way, that she had a very strong statement against her saying that she's witnessed a completely lack of regard for other minorities in that country. The leaders of Amnesty International and other miscellaneous members of the U.S. Senate and Congress, who I've met, called me exactly the same thing, that when we bring up this issue, she gets extremely angry about these minorities and so on, you know, any human rights issues. So what's the picture of the Rohingya? The Rohingya is, this is now the largest ethnic G camp in the world. It's about 1.2 million ethnicities and what is essentially the largest camp. I've been to this camp a number of things and it's quite astonishing. And I've been to the refugee camp all over the globe. I've been to the ones in Syria, I've been to the East Jordan. And this is nothing you've seen before. You can literally claim the highest hill, the highest mountain, and look around you. And it's just a sea of humanity that spreads over the horizon. It's an absolutely astonishing, astonishing sight. 1.2 million people living in a multiple squalor. The probability of then going back to Myanmar was almost 80-0. Myanmar has been half a century and to get rid of them, now that they have gone rid of them, there's absolutely very little chance that they won't be taking them back. So this dialogue between Myanmar and Rohingya, they're actually perpetrating them. It's a bit about, it's just a bit about adhering. Myanmar engages in these dialogues to maintain and turn international attention moves on to the next crisis. And the reality is that Rohingya have nothing to actually go back to. All the villages have been bundled. There have been blooms, the land has been seized and it's already been distributed to local Rohingyas and being cultivated by the land. So I'll just finish there and I'll be happy to get back in. So we'll turn this over to four questions. I see some people starting to scour the coast here or the feet of them. So rather than us, we'll take your talk. I'd like to open up for questions. I'd like to know if most people will do that, please start asking. There are a lot of differences in the back. I'll start with you. The back, the sides, and the wheels. Considering they're not safe anywhere and not able to be citizens anywhere. In your experience, where do you think the safe place for Rohingya to be is? Thank you so much. The general view of the Rohingya is that you really have many little to contribute to any whole country. Take for example, who generally means that you can 1 million 70 refugees is an astonishing number. One of the reasons why Jeremy took that man down in the end is because Jeremy, like almost every country in the world, has a declining population. There were declining birth rate. Russia, for example, suspected to lose a quarter of its population over the next quarter century. So Jeremy knows that with this predicted economy by all, they need to bring in people. And the second people are very altruistic, very educated, and you know, chancellor may argue that they will be a positive contribution to the economy as soon as they set to end. The Rohingya on the other hand, how can you not much contribute?  So, and they're in a part of the world where manual laborers are not in short demand in a certain piece of nature. So they really don't have much to actually contribute. Like when I was in there, when I visited the camps, you know, every Rohingya I had there, I asked them, do you want to go back to Myanmar? Every single one of them answered, yes. And these are literally people, some of them literally come back folks. So literally in the seconds of them coming out, I was like, out, out. There's really nowhere they came from and they're not going to travel and so on. All of them said that if you go back, even if this is after a lot of Rohingya, there's usually going to be connected to this line for over a thousand years. But the difficulty is always because I don't anticipate most any of them going back. I don't think there's a solution to this problem anymore. I believe that there's got to be small, small things that we could do to try to just improve their lives in Bangladesh. I think with the UN, we're a region compact now, we should. The international community should be looking to incentivise countries that are in that region to take in some of these refugees that's with a path to citizenship. You know, and at the same thing, I also believe that, you know, the international criminal board should look at this issue very seriously and keep action against serious actions against the Myanmar authorities. And the reason I say this is because I wrote another piece in foreign policy magazine, which I recommend that you read. It was called The First They Came for the Rohingya. And the reality is that if you allow one general thing to happen, you're opening the door to many others, the Myanmar authorities and these consensual evidence for this now is that they have been significantly important that we have managed to get rid of this operation with this entirety. And now they are turning their attention on to other minorities, Christian minorities in the North, with the Kashmir, the Shah and the Klan, and now facing this same sort of treatment. And the two divisions are deploying to rid the country of the Rohingya. The division there in the 1980s, also known as the Temporal dispute, are now being deployed to the North against those other minorities. And this is a problem that has been used by the one general thing to happen with certainly more than any of the others. Okay, I saw another hand here. Chair Long, you said that normally with these genocide, you see a test run before or a driver run before they happen. Was that something we saw in Germany before that happened? Yes, well, I'll take that first. You can read the book, Burning Tigers, like a scowl in our media genocide. In many ways, what the Germans consider is a discerning basis for a trial or not. There's been the actions of the church but there's also the genocide into a place in the country called Africa, Christian here. Yes. So Christian has a significant background in that. But I will tell you that I spent a great deal of my master's time in the archives of Auschwitz in some other places in Central Europe. And there seems to be a strong nature of the basis of those two events taking the American rise, so the two trials further call your attention to two other events. So six weeks after the American power, the first thing we went after was the press. The ideal was, first we decided to sit. And they broke it down into a fairly significant, thoughtful prosecution of how we were going to use the how to sign this to sit. If you then flash forward to the middle of 1949, if you go to the Anglo-Hungarian University in Crive, on the second floor, you'll find a plaque that most people don't know is there. The plaque says, in memory of the day that all the PhD faculty members were learned from the publication held by the SS, and they were made for sure about putting drugs and shut off the concentration camps that they killed. So the ideal was to really use the exact same systematic process that we used in the American back-out to now export to the Central Government, although I hold myself still very important. So my research and my experience tends to cause me to believe in the noise of the terms that we used to learn. Very precise evidence here in Crive, on the use of the Germans and the Nazi army, how they set up a different way of evolution of the Holocaust, really from 1933, the little laws of 1936, the crystallized of 1938, and then the Polish gay name followed by the moral rule. So there is a fact here that they're breaking down a very precise, not a leg of like blocks, because there's still a few decisions that you can definitely outline in terms of decisions, and in fact that those decisions were modified over the time as they were about carrying out those analysis. So one thing that we understand with genocides is that it never happens all of a sudden, they actually get some long time to build up to it, and you look at all the genocides, you know the dehumanizing process, until you can dehumanize something sufficiently that you're willing to kill them en masse, it actually takes a long time to build up. So in many of these cases, there's things that are always there, and if you look at cases which is in Bosnia, Rwanda or even in Tver Rouge, this process actually took quite a bit of time, and it is very common for them to undertake, you know, test runs, perpetrators and organizers to undertake these kinds of test runs, test it in the waters to see if they're going to get away with it. I'll add one more thing to this. If you can take a look at the changes designed in social structure by building this part, especially in partitioning the whole, or the Kultakopf, you know, strongly cultured system, and so for example, the poles, and that part of the pole, you're familiar with the poles, you're familiar with the wrenches, okay, and so you might be able to match that sort of issue, okay, Kultakopf, and so you realize why do you think Hitler being his dog and running off, okay, because they direct the historical illusion to, this is what we're going to do, this is how we're going to do it. So the further reinforced point is that it's very rarely had an isolation, rather than tend to develop all the time, and in fact the whole point of the conference is how do you know when is the time, where do you get the decision, and the young car student had herself smuggled the models for twice and now she's, she's one of the first to, now she's two looking out, second time, escape both times after the second time, they managed to escape by the right way, and she's looking at the right house to breathe by, just as fit for the end of her time as well. And after telling the president just as fit for the end of the scene, just as fit for the end of the scene, they said, I can't do it, what you're telling me, and one car student started protesting, and then just as fit for the second time, I'm not saying that you're lying, I'm saying this, I'm in keeping with what I'm believing about Martin Luther King, there's a very keen difference there. So the people who are perpetrating these things, they aren't a student, and they know that if they can get in front of the capacity to absorb and serve an understanding of formation, they can carry out the policies that they want to. Again, without because anybody's lying, there's people, and people who are actually not. So does that fully answer your question? But I think I saw a fellow sitting next to me with the question. Yes, sir. My name is Andres Howard, I'm from the Chile name. I have one question concerning the, what he is, I had no idea, no background here, but I see there's two different things. One is the political issue, so that you would say that there has been a strong international, as you mentioned, there was not a big issue in the international community to go against this genocide. But on the other side, you have also a humanitarian crisis, where my question goes in, do you see a regional, because the UN could be argued that at this time, what is the real importance of the UN, what way it's going, do you see a country like India taking control of the region and become a real, taking a leading role in both sides, the political and the humanitarian crisis? That's a great question. Unfortunately, India, under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi, is actually turning even more relevant, as you probably are aware, with the Bhutva movement, and India has about 30,000 Rohingya refugees that have been there for quite some time, many a year, and they are now in the process of trying to expel them, try to get rid of them, and as you've always said, it's been catering to the extreme right of India, and the difficulty they have is obviously they have no way of going to Myanmar as a woman back, and no other country is actually reaching the local kingdom either. With India, the whole challenge of the ASEAN country in the southern states is that China is such a huge, powerful, dominant area, and China has absolutely no interest in the Rohingya issue, also in trying to resolve it, and they themselves, if you're probably aware, are clamping their own weaker population, the Muslim population, to such an extent that it's actually quite astonishing at the scale of what is happening with the leaders in the ASEAN side, and so this is one of the challenges you have, is that there's almost no leadership on this issue at all in southern Asia, and as I mentioned in my presentation, the Rohingya suddenly won't appeal to anybody to be a part of our team, even though we've seen as much more of a sense of these people turning up in boats to the coasts of Asia, Thailand, Cambodia, than anything else in the soil. I won't expect any of the countries in the region to actually get to this issue on this issue. The ASEAN makes a really good point with the Muslim China this past summer, the estimates are similar to the 155, there's two of them, like India and the Uyghurs, the concentration camps of the Western China. If you haven't seen the new labor, if you were given an idea of what the Soviet state was like, head out towards Western China, it's really pretty amazing in terms of artificial intelligence in the ASEAN, so I think, like the Lehen, how can we build something about this in Asia? Well, it's in Western China, if you think of Asia in China, it's about $20,000 less, it's really good to be so familiar with more, and if you're an academic, if you want to be just getting there, it's really, really hard. Getting there with the camera, even harder, getting it back out, really, really hard. And when you're, you know, arguing and struggling with China on the world stage, do you want to bring this up or not? Some of my argument, if all of the Soviet Union can have a seat in the ASEAN, so it's sort of trapped in the science and the human rights, that's a formal housing state. It's a way to explore this discussion, like if I were living in Asia security, right? Those are discussions about that, and it's a problem itself when there are more discussions about that. But there are others in other places as well, and I'm really not in the policy, but it's mostly a problem, which is a very interesting question. Thanks, sir. Well, we, I think, all collectively are grateful for the eye-opening and pointing tragic situation that you've described, and of course, we're sort of depressed. We've boxed out all of the possible optimistic scenarios. So I would just like to raise one, since the one asset they have is their membership in the Muslim community, and there are some Gulf states which do have labor needs, and they do get them from Pakistan, I mean, I'm thinking of the Gulf Cooperation Council. Can you give me a little bit of optimism that the community of Muslims and the need for labor even uneducated and not trained labor could have any hope that they might accept putting the refugees? That's a great question. But fortunately, I mean, I could dash any hope that you may have. The Gulf countries, as you're aware, team of the majority of the population, the laborers, are all from Southeast Asia and India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Philippines, so one of the, you know, some countries that make up 80% to 85% of that population is in the Gulf. They're one of the reasons why they are not keen on, they would not be keen on taking on the India, because when these laborers come into their countries, you know, the passport certificate and all of them, I mean, those countries where they're certainly in India, Korea, or the Gulf, or anywhere else, it's finished and done, you'll say in the back. And in many occasions they say in the back, you matured it. But the Gulf is exactly the same in the back, too. The Gulf countries are extremely sensitive to people coming into their country and having any sort of great support. So we have no way to send the Gulf in the back, too. And essentially, you have to say to your country, this is something that they're not very keen on. And it's very interesting because one of the questions that I always, you know, I don't think enough people ask is that in the Syrian situation, for example, you're in a war that is still ongoing, and you had, you know, literally hundreds of thousands of refugees calling into Europe, calling into Christian Europe, where there's literally neighboring countries who have immense wealth, who have immense space, almost as empty as it, and immense capacity to build mega infrastructure projects at human speed. They are taken in zero refugees. Saudi Arabia, for example, is taking in no refugees whatsoever. They claim that they have allowed some Syrians to almost pay their welcome, but they were taken in no refugees whatsoever. Now, why is that the case? You would ask that. Do you think that is relatively simple? The Syrian population themselves are fully educated. The youth are fully educated. They've been living on subsidies for most of their life. The current prince is trying to reform the economy and trying to get more youth into these jobs rather than getting into foreigners. They go for certain that the day in and day out, the Syrians into their country, Syrians who are educated and entrepreneurial, who speak the language and have the same religion, they give them refugee status. And according to the UN, refugee status eventually leads to citizenship. Within one generation, these people take over the whole country, and the whole population is fully educated and essentially easy. And so they have a very, very clear policy that workers come into our country, whether it's from the U.S. or whether it's from the U.T. or U.L. They come for a short period of time giving money. Many, many patients ask me money, but they want no state in society. When you have no state in society, you don't want any change because your children are not going to work there. And you go back to your whole country, and that's the way they like it. They don't want anybody overstaying their welcome. Oh, here we go. You know anything that is right mainly. Thank you first of all for being there. This is the one thing that has been touching me a few days about the Holocaust when we're going to the U.S. evidence. One of the things that the Jewish population of the United States was very frustrated about not intervening by superpowers like the States and other superpowers. And even today morning, President Trump announced that the U.S. is taking out of Syria, you know, the Kurds versus the Kurdish state. My broad question is how do you arrive such awareness to such cases? Because as we live in the other era, there is information so every time somebody from the commission puts a word in the face of everybody knows about it, but you talk about things that people are here versus the Kurds. So that means that there is very lack of information. How can we, you know, miss the way to become much more aware of this so the superpowers can intervene in the meantime? No, that's another great question. On many occasions, there's not a lack of information because all the information is out there. It's simply a lack of approval. You know, the one in general say for example, when I was researching my book, I spoke to a number of people who were on the U.N. Commission, everybody knew what was happening. Everybody knew exactly what was happening. They simply looked at Google to intervene. 800,000 people were killed.  You know, within a month, this is an astonishing, astonishing number. And there was a memo very interestingly, and I think it was indeed classified or it was indeed, which went from the White House to the Department of Defense. There's literally just one or two sentencies. And all it said was be careful, legal at state, trying to classify this as genocide, whether companies to do something. And so this went from the White House to the Department of Defense, saying that the State Department is trying to classify the Rwandan situation as a genocide, which will then, under the 19th and the 8th Genocide Invasion, come here to do something. When there is no political will to intervene, nobody's going to intervene. There's absolutely no benefit in the Rwanda situation if there's a Rwandan situation, but international covers can intervene. And regarding your issue about information, we know that when an age you're absolutely right, there is information, thoughts are out there, people will think that it's not very easy. But the same thing is a considerable amount of disinformation out there. And that disinformation is not there to lie or mislead you. It's simply there to confuse you, to confuse. And I know this firsthand experience, just to give you the most recent poison in London of the Russian agent with the speed power poisoning, United States is very closely and they have a number of trains to work in the British establishment. And the entire purpose of the disinformation campaign by the likes of Russia today is working to use and so on, was simply to do so many possibilities out there of what actually happened, that then they would simply come to the conclusion that there is absolutely no way you can do what's going on. Yeah, that's such a situation, just too confusing. There's an entire act, and this is something important that the U.S. have been really an actor out there. They had a good idea of how to counter this kind of misinformation coming from Russia. And it's the same case with many of these situations where the Myanmar authorities aren't sophisticated, but there are many other situations in which our service to keep creators city as a very good example of this. And there's so many people who still believe ISIS is an American nation, or the White House as a fighter, and so on. And this is all part of the disinformation campaign. So it actually works in both ways. Let me add something. What's what I call an electric chaff or an individual saturation. So part of the challenge is how do you get to the city? You know, stories are told with the agency being managed, and Carter was very famous for reading for the top of the inbox now. And they would both fight each other, see who could be the last guy to put a memo in his box, so they'd never been able to get in at first, which may be the first pre-Rosefeld snowflake to come back out of no loss. There are actually stories of the two of them trying to hide the bathroom, and I can't move the memo around, so it'd be the first thing the president saw. Part of the problem is there's an awful lot that happens at the time, and the team would get an issue in front of this very serious thing. I guess when I started with that picture up there, the president of the White House, when he was just sitting there by himself, you know, thinking about what are the decisions that I have to make, and you know what this is all about. I think another key part of it is there's an educational balance track that teaches, especially our teenagers, to distinguish between what's happening in New York City Camp today. And one of those things that I understand, the elegance of the court, in teaching people to be discerning consumers of information. The last thing we're going to do, you can go over here, because I'm not going to call that an asset-rossing response operations handle, but you shouldn't mind a group of people that are older than 2009, 2010. So I don't give any money for them, so I'm going to see what I'm going to do. But what we did realize is we tried really, really, really, really hard to figure out what realistic, private matter response operations might be. So instead of a walk-in situation, you can walk in and say, well, I've got four options here, none of which are perfect, but at least I've got options that I've at least described. The PKSOI down in Carlisle and War College, which is a great place. The asset-rossing prevention response operations, the NAPRO, both of these you're going to see down in those two steps. The one for the PKSOI, I don't know if you can get an credit for one for a lot of people, but if you wish to, it's designed to fit in your cargo pocket, a smaller than an MRB. I just think that really has to be the last chief, I don't know, that fit in the cargo pocket. It doesn't get in the cargo pocket. But the idea is that you're not telling decision-makers what to do. What you are telling them is realistic, these products, options might look like that, what you're going to do with them. And I think that's the key and the key is how it is. It still comes down to that huge amount of decision, but if you work on the policy and you're not getting the pre-set options, as you like to call it, plans or a shelf, which we haven't been using for a while for a shelf, then you can at least have some options to consider. And that makes it easier for the political decision-makers who must do the will and put the people behind it. That's why I started off mentioning, you know, the presidentation that you wish. I mean, he made the decision, he announced it from the old office of Gronkheim. That's as much political will as you can get, all right? 18 dead guys, you know, 18 months later, a different president, and he said not much to that political will. Okay? And the results of that cast This was actually a question. So, here we go. My name is Jack Knapp. I'll always be in the U.S. Navy. I had a really neat opportunity a few years ago to go to Gronkheim or before the Rohingya crisis sort of called me. And she didn't stop me. A lot of them were leaving with their Navy. There's a Navy in the activity that they talked about. The other really dependent on their partnerships with China, which you highlighted a little bit in the relationship. And then also the ringgoons, the rapid development of the Chinese and also from other ASEAN countries. So, despite some of the sanctions and limitations for the West, countries in Asia, it was we all knew China has sort of an eight-world foreign policy that comes with helping their neighbors, particularly Burma, because it's so strategic. And so this development is occurring and the country, they're not all part of the government are directly connected to Burma. The Navy is a great example of that. And they did want to have a greater partnership with us. Unfortunately, that's not possible at the moment. But I wonder with that said that if countries are going to engage with the Myanmar government and the West is one of the limit their engagement for our total sanctions, if we can't have dialogue with the government, because I wonder if that makes things worse in the long run. If the West breaks down that dialogue in other areas of the world like China and also you don't have a dialogue, then what can we leverage? And I understand the question is a good question. And you're absolutely right. You know one of the sanctions that the West has involved are almost no tech or server in the U.S. and then it's that they will be suspending for the GX sanctions of Myanmar and the GX sanctions which were almost non-existent. And any slack that was even produced was given up by China. So it didn't have much impact. This is why I like that even I'm trying to I know it's the favor of having some sort of dialogue. The dialogue I like even in this situation will be seen as much more important. This is why I think a very strongly in the course of action from the National Code to bring right in the fight where some of those perpetrators and organizers or use of atrocities to justice, that may not happen within my life then. This is what they have to be identifying them. And this is something that they have to deal with deeply. They have to deeply feel that they are not going to travel on their home dates in Singapore and Dubai, it's a cylinder we've chosen and they'll be under a restriction. But I think they'll also send a very good message. And the actual architects of this genocide are actually very well known. You know many of them make public statements because they already know on their own Facebook pages of how they're going to change the land of these foreign immigrants in there. They seem to have unfinished solutions. The big public statement said it was good in Arbici, you know, so I believe very strongly that the actions of the National Criminal Code is much more, essentially much stronger than any sort of sanctions in this particular situation. Yes, ma'am? Yes, I'd like to floor the Logan Adjunct Professor of African Studies for our college. I have a question for each of you. The first is, is there any role, what role is any? Do you see for UN peacekeeping forces to play any kind of role in the future, so we say, situations like this? And the question for Dr. Harim, Islam is the religion that is supposed to be the religion of violence and aggression and it has that bad reputation, you will know. Buddhism, on the other hand, has a reputation for being a religion of peace and non-interventionism. Is your opinion, is this the first case of Buddhist nationalism that is turned to such extreme measures? So in terms of the role of UN, you know, I've had quite a lot of interaction with the UN since this crisis started. There have been a number of things, and then the previous pastors and officials have been featuring on the UN of that, and the UN is very heavily criticised, and all have been able to put an end to UN being as necessary. But through the entire process, I've lost a lot of confidence in the UN. You know, I believe currently the UN agencies, you know, UNECR and the IOA and so on, I think they will have to be critical and very important role. But the security can, too, when it's completely dysfunctional, they can become very evident to me. It's really just the platform for horse training between eight powers and how they can meet each other. They have one position, one day, and the next day they have to meet the opposite position. And in many respects, I believe it also has a hindering effect and an effect to possible legitimate, legitimised action, which may in many cases be illegitimate, but in many cases to essentially enter any sort of protest or any sort of solution because it's not being approved by the Security Council. So this has been an IOA experience for me that happened to deal with the UN, particularly with the Security Council, and I've seen its dysfunctionality close up. Regarding the Buddhist situation, I'm not a Buddhist expert in any form. The only Buddhist am I really supposed to do is when I was researching my group. But I remember in the early stages of my group, I just came to a Oxford scholar who was a Buddhist expert and he said, we look statistically, and if you look at actually by proportion, the Buddhist have actually been amongst the most violent people in history, much more so than the most kind of Buddhist Christians, which is very interesting because there's always another perception that we have. But I think this also indicates to us that there is no ideology that is immune from these kinds of extremist elements, you know, to say one ideology is more extreme than another.  So this is the I think much more to do with human capacity than it is the fact that any particular ideology. I've worked with the UN in several different capacities and places, so to answer to your question, yes, but no, the UN does a great job of bringing resources and attention to the places that I think a lot of my students want. It also does a really good job of putting a people there, you know, realizing that all human life works. You can get into places and you can have information influence in all the presents, in fact. It might dissuade the people from the continuing acts of violence. That being said, there's a visual kind of scene that's going on in my family and I understand that a lot of people have those criminal nights where I've lost as a lieutenant, I think it's no, it's the exact same vestigial, it's the exact same human story that we have in each other. But I work with the UN in Northern Iraq, I work with the U.N. lawyer, I work with the Balkans, I work with the Central Africa. They can do some really good things. Probably the best thing they can do is get somebody who's a P5 and they can bring this actual teeth to a genocide prevention. You can have some folks do a great job of contributing forces. And they contribute forces and show up in the airplanes that you drive with nothing but the calls on the back sometimes you have flip-flops, you have to put them in boots that don't have any weapons. The German flag being as U.N. that means that heck out there, a part of the reason why I emphasize that the cable-commanded and correlated force structure is that you've got to have folks that are pretty sophisticated Mexican operations that have walked down with Destin Williams separating people from the plane. That is now with our risk of all the burden these are all still alive I don't know what they're saying or what else they're saying. So you can really count on U.N. if somebody's really worried about it. You really want to get some of your facts before the assessment, before the interview. Last time I worked on this in the uniform, we figured there were about seven countries in the world and that's a pretty short list. We have a lift, we've got to have intel, we've got to have global communications, we've got to have sustainment. We've got to have commandos that are not commission officers, they're company officers who can make some really difficult decisions. They've got to be very, very independent of the score they need, you know, they've got to go to the U.N. sort of connection. They have to be really fast. So the answer is just, I'm told we have to talk about one last question so we'll answer that. I didn't get any questions from you. First of all, thank you very much for those excellent presentations and answers to the questions in the curriculum. I wanted to address my Israeli officer friend. I was recently with several African officers when we were talking about Yemen and their question was always, well, often the United States says just go in and solve a problem and deal with debt and, you know, all the answers that you gave and the answers that you gave back off the political world, etc. But I'm starting to come to a thought which is I don't think it's so easy to dismiss the United States on this administration backing away from the leadership role in the world. In the United States, at least at least a significant portion of it, seeing the world in a different way. Anti-immigration, for example, you know, there's a large percent of Americans don't want immigrants in the United States, which historically, that's who we are, Statue of Liberty. And so I'm struggling myself and I deal with high school students all the time back in front of the education. You know, they've got this phone and they've got the information of their figure test. If you ask them who the Rohingya are right now, they have no idea. But they know who Kim Kardashian is. It's not taught in school. It's not what the AP course is driving. And so I just, I'm, I mean, I've got young kids, you know, I'm trying to teach you, but I'm just very nervous about where we're headed as a country when we deal and talk about these types of issues. So I know that's more of a comment than a question. I just really, really much appreciate all of your comments and the impact that you've produced together. Okay, well, I'm not sure that we're going to get into the next step, I think we're going to get into the next step. And yeah, so I don't want to see you do that. I'll just wrap up by saying this. I think that's the perfect way to bring it up. I think we have some international fellows here. If you haven't seen how we should finally get into this, it's pretty closely to the narrative about the entire international international and some more attitude. In addition, which is about journalism. By the way, if you've ever done it, this is not the way you're not suggesting where they're going after that. But to make more of your time to think your way through, you should not agree with it, as she says. Well, well, as she says, she thought very, very hard. She's not even going to make our story. But she made me the person who said the most kind of thing most neatly about humans and the image of transformation of knowledge and ideology and totally a lot of knowledge. And what these episodes are, the Nessotroses and genocide and everyone's and they take a place inside of that or in the image of true that is we go forward in a world where I can't tell you if there was small, but we're up. I can't tell you clients change because every fall and every climb goes through and through December. And it doesn't be spike, right, the fish are the strikers and the Nessotroses. Um, that's it. You know, people are going to fight over Nessotroses. And it's a wonderful city actually in that but it's another thing in the city that are four in the entire body that's in the class behind the door. Kind of like isn't it? It's going to come it's going to move around just like anything. But I'm going to have to do it. So one of the reason I'm going to have to do it I'm just going to start for this here is this is not an alcohol. This is part of the I was human Christian. Normally we help our students and I'm proud of sometimes frustrated fathers for two of them who survived teenagers in Nessotroses. They might still survive. But yeah, it's really good. I mean, the teach high school is really good for the rest of the years.  But our certain things that are potential that should work are they you think that or come away come away to please join me with panel two. I will serve the moderator. We have plenty of time and once both of them have spoken, We will, again, open up the floor to Q&A for everybody on the team to write. So we're going to start with Dr. David Hocker. The Army's Command and General Staff's Office. And administratively, I have to get this out of the way first. I'm a graduate of this institution. And when I went here, the Navy football team was on a roll. Okay, I'm going to leave it there. But it's really good to be back. And I love this place. I'm glad you got hired. Very much for the invitation to come back. It's an opportunity to speak here. The Command and General Staff College has a significant investment in U.S. side studies. And for us to be able to collaborate with the Naval War Colleges, which is of course a great thing. We can leverage our current class capability. We do have at the Staff College a seminar that we offer on genocide states and mass atrocities. My priority, all my dissertation work is on legal aspects of the Holocaust. So this is a little different. This is a little broader when we do our seminar. Our seminar teaches history of genocide, it touches economics. It touches actors, specifically perpetrators, witnesses, bystanders, and victims. We do quite a bit on the law. We talk about different stages of genocide. We talk about morrow and macro as done earlier. We talk about security sector reform, post-conflict security sector reforms. And we do some case studies. And so what this seminar's conference is all about is building a case study that I can offer to students. And I'm going to test-drive it on this audience, so let me know what you think. But our mission as educators in the personal military education business is to get our young officers to be able to think correctly. So that they can create options for their commanders. This is something I mentioned down earlier. And I will, currently, give seven decision points. I thought those were very good. And we can apply those with good staff officers to be able to offer their commander's options. They've had decision points and which points you can take your course of action to the next level. So what today we're going to do is we're going to take a look at the situation in Bangladesh. And I've said this is kind of a simmering violence. And what I mean by that is one of the charters of this event was to look at slow-generating genocides tonight. And as you talked about, the Rohingya genocide is operating under the radar. The most part pops up now and again, but it's just a simmering, if you will. And that's similar to what's going on at a lower level of intensity in Bangladesh at this time. And I want to speculate that I'm going to talk quite a bit about Muslim and Hindu violence today. But I want to speculate upfront that there are other areas in the region where the opposite is true. There's enough hate to go around in the river. My research is in the area of mass atrocity in the law. And this case is interesting because it denies the answer. As many slow genocides do, they deny the ability to easily assign a category. I would offer ethnic cleansing as an option, which doesn't have legal standing, yet folks do know what ethnic cleansing is all about. But ethnic cleansing is a geographical context, no matter what anything else. Less extermination is a second word effective as ethnic cleansing. But the idea is a purifiable land, first and foremost. And we'll see some of that here. There has been a longstanding history and persecution of Hindus as the minority in Bangladesh. It goes from a center to a full boil from time to time, but it is cyclical. But it seems to have no incident. And it's durable. It's cruel. It's cruel as the treatment of Hindus has been. It does not rise to the level of genocide in many people's opinions. And we'll walk through that process here and decide for ourselves. To inform our discussion today, I'm going to have to spend some time creating some background. We'll look at the events of the region following World War II. But we're then going to examine those events against the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In other words, does this rise to the threshold of genocide? And then finally, we're going to compare this against Dr. Gregory Stan's ten stages of genocide, which is a tool that we use. Dr. Stan has a website called Genocide Watch. And this is a tool that we use at the staff college to help our officers understand the development and process of the genocide. Just some basic terminology before we get started here. Until 1971, Bangladesh was in fact East Pakistan. And that had only been the case since 1947. Before that, it was part of the Indian Empire. The partition of India, as with most economizing efforts, was fraught with problems and violence. The animus that existed between the Hindu and Muslim populations in India was significant. And the British attempted to ameliorate that condition by separating the two populations into two separate independent entities, India and Pakistan. Unfortunately, Pakistan, as you can see, was designed by a community split into West Pakistan and East Pakistan, separated by hundreds of miles of not-so-friendly folks in India. So, again, the decolonization problems that we see. Over time, friction grew between East Pakistan and West Pakistan because the West Pakistanis considered the East Pakistanis not energetically Muslim enough. They were too secular, and the folks from the West Pakistan were the dominant. They controlled the government of the country, East and West. And they were not happy at all about the way things were developing in the East. There is a mass migration that occurs when this split happens. About 10 million people move. There were a lot of people that died, mostly in Punjab, except in the West, and that's the last we'll talk about that. But once it split, the result was this culturally, definitely regionally, geographically divided Pakistan. And the question we all actually see that is what could go wrong. Well, quite a bit, actually. This is the, this is a map of Bengal on your left of the Bengal presidency, as it was called by the British. And with the pointer to work, I'm not licensed. Basically, this is, this right here is current day, which you see over here, a Bangladesh. This reverts back to Indiana. A good part of this up here does as well. The economy that you see on the left there was split into two, but these folks all understood themselves to be ethnically Bengali, culturally Bengali. Predominantly Muslim area across the board. When this split happened, many of the Hindus moved to the West, and many of the Muslims moved to the East. So there was a big demographic split. Current split of population in Bangladesh today is about 89% Muslim, about 9.8% Hindu. And there's a variety of other small groups. So following the partition, West Pakistan was decisively more powerful than East Pakistan, as I already mentioned. And they were also more aggressively Islamic. East Pakistan was viewed as too secular and too tolerant of non-believers, especially the Hindu, because they were the most significant population. And the powers that came in Islam were that I created Islamic groups into East Fulminate unrest. In East Pakistan, devoutly and aggressively Muslim groups tied to West Pakistan sponsorship tried to purify the state through oppression. The violence would again come and go, it would cool, but I list a number of significant events here that you can see. One of the things that the Hindu religious events, their temples, etc., they started to see some attacks in 47. The ability of Hindus to publicly worship was prescribed for in time in 1948. A number of massacres in the late 40s, early 50s. And it just kind of, it just kind of trundles along like this. It's interesting because the governments were going to get a very aggressively pro-Islamic government in it, and then they would be balanced several years later by a more moderate government. And this back and forth continued, and there were various spikes of violence, etc. And then in 1971, there was this horrible, horrible event, and many of us remember, well, I'm sure there was a lot of it, but I remember it. And there was a genocide in Bangladesh. And the West, the East Pakistan decided they wanted to be independent of West Pakistan and form their own nation. Many bad things happened, and there were 3 million casualties in there. That's the official Bangladesh number. Not a lot of argument from the UN or other authorities on that number.  This is important because it shows up here for the first time as a systematic campaign, and it doesn't go away, it hasn't gone away yet today. It still exists in the country. But at this particular event caused another 8 million Hindus to export themselves to India to escape from. A genocide of 71, but yet it sort of kind of percolated along. There was some interesting developments in the immediate period following the genocide. The constitution was written such that it called for a secular socialist nation. That was not to be an Islamic nation, because if you recall now the East is throwing off the... So they considered it to be the oppressive Europe of the West, West Pakistan, which was trying to push Sharia law, etc. on East Pakistan, and they were rejecting it. But again, they percolated along in the 80s. There was always a load of violence. It's kind of like a lone noise in the background. Of course, none of this is our new figures. In 1990s, it started to kick up a little bit. In early 1992, we started to see an organized campaign of two things. We're going to destroy Hindu places of worship, and we're going to destroy the populations through rape. We're going to occupy wombs, that's what we're going to do. And so the anti-Hindu violence kicked off, and we started to see more mass integration. An interesting statistic I read when I was researching this, is that the net population growth of the Hindus impact with that for the last 10 years is negative. Not because of low birth rates, they enjoy very robust birth rates, but because they immigrate to avoid the violence. In 2006, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom issued a very condemning report that did get some publicity, and it caused a good bit of anger amongst the Bengali Nationals Party, which caused another wave of oppression. In 2012, we see additional violence come up. And then in 2013, something good happened and something bad happened. The good thing that happened was the International Criminal Court indicted several of the Muslim leaders of the genocide in 1971. We would look at that as progress. The problem was, as soon as they were indicted, the Islamic Party in Bangladesh began another riot campaign, including temple destruction, home destruction, similar to what is each of us in Robert Keynes state, where they just destroyed the specific homes. And then again, we're starting to see abduction and systematic rape, where women are abducted and raped and similar to the conditions in Bosnia, they're not committed to dying until they revert in many cases. Then they're disposable. The second wave of Hindu violence comes when the sentences are handed down. And this was an even more violent reaction to what was happening in the state. So what we see here going on in Bangladesh is a wave, just this quiet wave that you're experiencing is quiet. We're not hearing about it in Western media too often. We do hear about recent things. There are recent events. There have been a bunch of students that have been arrested and beaten and imprisoned, because two students were run over by a bus, and they rioted. They said, you need to make the streets safe. And when a student started rioting, one of the things that the Bangladesh government wants to do is shut down all criticism of the government. And so as these students riot, they're thrown in jail, they are disappeared. We're seeing quite a bit of that. So what I'm trying to get after here is in the spirit of this meeting is that this idea that this is simmering anti-Hindu violence is being perpetrated with impunity because it's invisible. It doesn't rise to anybody's attention. So let's take a look at this against the definition of genocide. The only legal definition of genocide exists, and that's the one that's in the 1948 UN Convention that stipulates that genocide is a crime. And the convention contains 19 articles. It was approved in 1948 in this commonly called 48th Convention, but it didn't enter into force until 1950. The important for this discussion is Part 2, because it does two things for us. First of all, it defines the four targeting criteria. These are national, nationality, ethnicity, racial, or religious. So if you are targeted for destruction in whole or apart because of your nationality, ethnicity, race, or religion, then you are guilty of genocide by this definition. And then what constitutes one of the five modalities while they are murder, killing with a group, causing serious mental or bodily harm, a little bit more difficult to define some of those aspects, deliberately conflicting upon groups of conditions of life calculated to bring about physical destruction or proper talk about starvation, or there was one of those key things, the R.D. in dragging the folks into the desert, as an example of that. Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group. And that could be a number of things, but systematic great campaigns generally fall under that group. And then finally forcibly transferring children to another group and probably the two best exemplars of that are the Bosnia and Armenia. But at the end of the day, what we have to remember is that those are the only four reasons, identities that will comprise a formal charge of genocide. Of course, conversely my students asked how the political opponents and dissidents are not part of that definition. And the answer to that, of course, is because a member of the Canadian Soviet Union refused to allow the political folks to follow the political dissidents to include the definition. As an aside, that's a very big chance that the Soviets haven't injected with that and not the states would have. So I just want to stand and throw out there. Those are the identities. And so now let's take a little bit back with us against these other crimes that are punishable. I include the article three just because it's the detail it gives you on what... It's not just the actual perpetration of the crime, the conspiracy, which is a peculiarly imperative charge. Those of you who have written about Nuremberg know that it's caused the tribunal to be a credible partner because the only ones that use conspiracy are the Americans to a lesser extent to Brits. But once you... the fraction of Soviets just could not understand why we're trying conspiracy, inciting to commit, and of course the most famous of that is the Rwandan radio station operators, attempted to commit genocide and then complicity of genocide, which is the one that a stipulation that generally gets the leadership of the country. And what I'm going to contend here and on the subject of your comments as we follow up here is that if you look at the Hindu persecution in the hands of the Bengali Muslims in Bangladesh, that the four of the five criteria are in fact that the members are killed, members are caused seriously by violent harm. Again, on the back side, the systematic rate when we talk about deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life, calculate the physical destruction and then both the measures imposed to prevent births from being approved and that again falls into the systematic rate as well and to a lesser degree the starvation has been involved in that. So the second model we'd like to look at here is we look at the Bangladesh genocide where every state's 10 stages of genocide will give you minutes to look at those because we've talked about many of them today in different contexts. I don't think we need to get into denial yet but those are the 10 stages. Stanton used to have eight stages of crude attempts. Inflation, yes. So let's walk down the path here with these next. Classification. So the first thing we see is a lot of bipolarization in Bangladesh. The Muslim population is the us and the Hindus are either that. They are the other. We created another in Hindu in Bangladesh.  Identification of the Hindus of India. India is no fan, is no friend of Bangladesh and what you can do is identify the Hindu and ask members of the Indian tribe using the word no sleep as opposed to the Bangladesh tribe. And so those folks are sleeping with the enemies. And then accusing the non-Muslim Hindus of being infidels. We can classify them as religious criminals more or less. Symbolization. The Bindi, the mark that many Hindu wear has become a symbol of identifying the Hindu as a targeted individual. Similarly, the Om. The Muslims are painting the Om which is a sacred figure on the homes of the Hindu and that lets the bands roaming through the countryside know which homes they can target. In discrimination, I've already talked about Muslims or Sudan Muslims. It's caused this mass immigration to India and then we see this idea of jihad. It shows up in newspapers. Publications from addresses. It shows up on the airwaves at the radio stations. This idea that we should visit jihad upon the non-believers, not because they're going to do it but because they're not believing it. Enemy property order was what we did was now we can take their property. That was challenged in the Bangladesh Supreme Court and the Supreme Court overturned it so they came up with the best of property law which said that if you were not with the Muslim community you could adopt a property. In 1993 they wrote that they passed a series of banking laws that had gotten more and more stringent through 2011. If you had a money in a bank account you couldn't have access to your funds and similarly you couldn't also not get a loan to start a business or buy a loan. The fourth stage is dehumanization. We've been talking about dehumanization in a couple of contexts here. Similar to what we heard in the Rohingya example, the Hindu also described as insects by the mass media in Bangladesh. They are also treated as stateless. They are not declared stateless as they are in Myanmar but they are treated as stateless people. They do not have rights before the courts. In an organization the temple destruction greater than 232 were destroyed in less than 30 days represents an organized the systematic great campaign reflects an organization. This is something that doesn't happen spontaneously. It has to be organized in order to be prosecuted in that manner. A polarization, a religious polarization I've already talked about but the socialization as well as you lose your rights and begin to be more and more isolated and separated from the rest of the community and the secularist Hindu are attacked for being Islamic, not Muslim but anti-Islamic. The intermarriages are prohibited and they were actually granting divorces to Muslim women who had married Hindu men which is kind of unusual today. I've already talked about the legal oppression and the application of Sharia law this still has not passed in Bangladesh but it comes forward all the time if they want to try to impose Sharia law in a human way with the constitution that was the power that was signed in 1971. Similarly, they sent 1,800 of the Jamal al-Islam party members to training with the Taliban in Afghanistan to work on the fight and they came back and have been active to say the least. A persecution in order to describe that discrimination and again I'm back to the two things that murder in a systematic way as well as the expropriation that's important too. The official minimization there's an interview that was taped by the BBC about 11 months ago where the Minister of the Interior just says, well they're bringing this on themselves because they're Hindu so clearly they brought it on themselves. So, as we run through that we look at what those 10 stages tell us and if you look at the 10 stages you can see that they hit each one of those marks to some greater or lesser degree. So then let's look at the character in the situation in Bangladesh and I'd ask the officers what's the nature of it and we would hear that it's probably that it's durable but it's a low intensity and that's perhaps why it's a surprise to the level of public attention. Does it meet the UN criteria? And again the criteria is pretty fabulous so it's a little hard to do that. Does it hit 10 stages? And then some of the problems you can come back with to ask them to consider what doesn't hold or impart me? When you look at the definition of genocide destruction in a hold or impart what is that number? What number is in hold or impart? Because the number of deaths in the Bangladesh number, the Indian death after 1971 are not significant well I guess it's huge but they don't rise to the level of horror that we've heard about in Burma and other places up for etc. Are the Indians complicit? Is that part of the problem? Are the Indians fomenting this? Is this part of the problem? Are the Hindu and Bangladesh becoming pawns of interstate actions? And then finally is this ethnic cleansing? Is that what this is? Is the intent here to eliminate the Hindu from Bangladesh and make it ethnically and religious from pure state? Those are the questions we go after. And this is not a new problem it's a gray area UN reaction has been very new the Bangladesh movement actions might be part of that Bangladesh is one of the most active supporters of UN actions just the UN want just the UN want to openly criticize Bangladesh could be in that This is an example of a slow burning event but because of the geographic shift the more happening fits in my opinion into the definition of ethnic cleansing and the reason for that is I don't think the UN agreement that the numbers of debt are enough to cross the genocide threshold and there's a very good chance that we're not getting international action here I bring this to the ancient history course in 1946 this keeps happening because you can get away with it in other words there's no consequence for visiting death upon people in many many many cases in Poland in 1946 the Kielce program happened with over 200 people killed well now killed with them some of them died later on a number of people were killed on that day and this happened in 1926 and it basically didn't make the news change just because it wasn't important to the world in the same way the slow burning mass atrocities that are happening in Bangladesh didn't do don't cross that threshold that's the way genocide scholars are here and Sudan exclusively necessarily we love to have genocide ongoing genocide in dark war in western Sudan is now arguably the longest and most successful genocide in over a century of Myanmar in Bangladesh and certainly more people died during the spasm of violence who knows Rwandan genocide and the Nazi final solution killed many times a number of people who died as a result of the genocide of violence in dark war but Germany lost world historically crucial defeat for Nazi leaders and ideology it's likely that some 1.5 million Armenians were killed in the Ottoman Empire in ways to the Turkish leaders of the time Armenians understandably have long led their case for historical recognition of the genocide which occurred in two phases beginning in 1914 but there wasn't any generally regarded as 1923 the Ottoman Empire was dying after the war all of them correctly the debate still continues about the the Armenian genocide research that allows the genocide of counterinsurgency warfare so far as I know I'm the only person who has done serious research on the issue of mortality over a decade or over according to UN agencies at least when they're not intimidated by the cartoon regime some 3 million Darfuris are displaced from their homes and lands and the future looks impossibly conditions in many camps the displaced are legal the overwhelming overwhelming majority of those people killed and displaced are non-arrived the majority in Darfuris ethnicity, I will admit is a very complex and much disputed issue in Darfur or at least for those who pay attention to the region political biases and the issuer and evidence but let me begin my presentation today by looking at two quotations both of the issues of ethnicity and genocide as well as to the question of how many have died the first comes from an August 2000 war memo that was issued from the mysterious North Darfur headquarters of the notorious Arab militia leader Musa Hilal leader of the Um Jalan tribe one of the a lot of our camel herding tribes of the North Darfur Genocide scholars often trip over themselves in parts of the language of the 1948 U.S. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide debating in particular the phrase as such which has been held to imply a distinctive spray or state of mind intent so with that in mind as a challenge the clarity of the memo from Mysteria this grand ambition as far as we've been achieved as I argued in a 2015 monograph a mild expropriation of African farmland with the inevitable title changing I argued that perhaps Darfur was once the site of genocide in the early years but no longer the adequate target violence that was once a prominent political abyss to cause has ended this is a view of among others the UN although in fact the UN self-issued a report in 2005 that deliberately did not use the word genocide a report so corrupt a high election to unpack all the errors and bad faith and of course the investigation was based on investigators so what is the state of genocidal affairs now I would argue this very much what was urged by vice president of the cartoon machine Asad-e-Mohammed Apollos in December 2014 more than a decade after Moussa I was briefed genocidal exorbitant speaking to regular soldiers and militia forces at a military base in Guba, North Darfur this is according to a protecting militia man speaking to human rights watch Asad-e-Mohammed Apollos told us to clear the area east of Jememara to kill a male he said he wanted to clear the area of insects he said east Jememara is one of the rebels we don't want anyone there to be alive and if you look at the violence that has ensued east Jememara was in fact simply a continuation of earlier genocidal violence east Jememara is in the very center of Darfur that again didn't identify it probably shouldn't Jememara itself is the homeland of the Dar of the Dar the largest non-arid African tribal group in Darfur but in east Jememara there are a number of other non-arid African tribes including the Marriott the Tunja, Zaka'a and a number of others sustained assaults that Asad-e-Mohammed and the Spurging have continued over the past three fighting seasons with incalculable suffering and destruction it continues in and around Jememara Darfur to this day for my sins I suppose I have fallen to the chronicle of an almost daily basis what we know of the violence and displacement that profoundly demography of Darfur has been shaped in the past 16 years since the cartoon regime I think it was used to call it the government since the cartoon regime has succeeded in preventing international journalists and human rights observers from entering the region has become a black box our news comes almost entirely from one of the most remarkable moments of the digital age radio development based in Amsterdam Netherlands more about this in a little bit but I visited their headquarters last June and was very much impressed by how dedicated they are working with truly remarkable diligence and resourcefulness and assisted by literally hundreds of people reporting from the grounds around us today in Darfur to communicate to an indifferent world the daily horrors in Darfur and elsewhere in Amsterdam I had asked if my talk could be inflicted to include issues of corruption I had some very basic ideas about what I'd say on the subject the cartoon regime which came to power by military coup in June of 1989 almost 30 years ago functions as a giant top prophecy that has supplied economically by virtue of the foil of remnants that began to flow big way in 1999 as it happens a year later I began my own Spanish searches at least but oil revenues have shrunk dramatically for a number of reasons including the secess