CHAPTER 11 of THE INTERESTING NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF OLA UDA ECUIANO. CHAPTER 11. The author embarks on board a ship bound for Cadiz. Is near being shipwrecked, goes to Malaga? Remarkable fine cathedral there. The author disputes with a popish priest, picking up eleven miserable men at sea in returning to England, engages again with Dr. Irving to accompany him to Jamaica and the Mosquito Shore, meets with an Indian prince on board. The author attempts to instruct him in the truce of the gospel, frustrated by the bad example of some in the ship. They arrive on the Mosquito Shore with some slaves they purchased at Jamaica, and begin to cultivate a plantation. Some account of the manners and customs of the Mosquito Indians. Successful device of the authors to quell a riot among them. Curious entertainment given by them to Dr. Irving and the author, who leaves the shore and goes for Jamaica, is barbarously treated by a man with whom he engaged for his passage, escapes and goes to the Mosquito Admiral who treats him kindly. He gets another vessel and goes on board. Instances of bad treatment, meets Dr. Irving, gets to Jamaica, is cheated by his captain, leaves the doctor and goes for England. When our ship was got ready for sea again, I was entrusted by the captain to go in her once more. But as I felt myself now as happy as I could wish to be in this life, I for some time refused. However, the advice of my friends at last prevailed, and in full resignation to the will of God, I again embarked for Cadiz in March 1775. We had a very good passage, without any material accident, until we arrived off the bay of Cadiz. Then one Sunday, just as we were going into the harbor, the ship struck against a rock and knocked off a garbored plank, which is the next to the keel. In an instant all hands were in the greatest confusion, and began with loud cries to call upon God to have mercy on them. Although I did not swim, and saw no way of escaping death, I felt no dread in my thin situation having no desire to live. I even rejoiced in spirit, thinking this death would be sudden glory, but the fullness of time was not yet come. The people near to me were much astonished in seeing me thus calm and resigned, though I told them of the peace of God, which through sovereign grace I enjoyed, and these words were that instant in my mind. Christ is my pilot wise, my compass is his word, my soul each storm defies, while I have such a Lord I trust his faithfulness and power to save me in the trying hour. Though rocks and quicksands deep through all my passage lie, yet Christ shall safely keep and guide me with his eye. How can I sink with such a prop that bears the world and all things up? At this time there were many large Spanish flukers or passage vessels full of people crossing the channel, who seeing our condition a number of them came alongside of us. As many hands as could be employed began to work, some at our three pumps, and the rest unloading the ship as fast as possible. After being only a single rock, called the porpoise on which we struck, we soon got off it, and providentially it was then high water. We therefore run the ship ashore at the nearest place to keep her from sinking. After many tides, with a great deal of care and industry, we got her repaired again. When we had dispatched our business at Cadiz, we went to Gibraltar, and from Fence to Malaga, a very pleasant and rich city where there is one of the finest cathedrals I have ever seen. It had been above fifty years in building, as I heard, though it was not then quite finished. Great part of the inside, however, was completed and highly decorated with the richest marble columns and many superb paintings. It was lighted occasionally by an amazing number of wax tapers of different sizes, some of which were as thick as a man's thigh, these, however, were only used on some of their grand festivals. I was very much shocked at the custom of bull-baiting and other diversions which prevailed there on Sunday evenings, to the great scandal of Christianity and morals. I used to express my abhorrence of it to a priest whom I met with. I had frequent contests about religion with the Reverend Father, in which he took great pains to make a proselyte of me to his church, and I no less to convert him to mine. On these occasions I used to produce my Bible and show him in what points his church aired. He then said he had been in England, and that every person there read the Bible, which was very wrong. But I answered him that Christ desired us to search the Scriptures. In his zeal for my conversion he solicited me to go to one of the universities in Spain, and declare that I should have my education free, and told me, if I got myself made a priest, I might in time even become Pope, and that Pope Benedict was a black man. As I was ever desirous of learning, I paused for some time upon this temptation, and thought by being crafty I might catch some with guile. But I began to think that it would be only hypocrisy in me to embrace his offer, as I could not, in conscience, conform to the opinions of his church. I was therefore enabled to regard the word of God, which says, Come out from amongst them, and refuse Father Vincent's offer, so we parted without conviction on either side. Having taken at this place some fine wines, fruits, and money, we proceeded to Cadiz, where we took about two tons more of money, etc., and then sailed for England in the month of June. When we were about the north latitude forty-two, we had contrary wind for several days, and the ship did not make, in that time, above six or seven miles straight course. This made the captain exceedingly fretful and peevish, and I was very sorry to hear God's most holy name often blasphemed by him. One day he was in that impious mood a young gentleman on board who was a passenger, reproached him, and said he acted wrong, for we ought to be thankful to God for all things as we were not in want of anything on board. And though the wind was contrary for us, yet it was fair for some others, who perhaps stood in more need of it than we. I immediately second this young gentleman with some boldness, and said, Had not the best cause for murmur, for that the Lord was better to us than we deserved, and that he had done all things well? I expected that the captain would be very angry with me for speaking, but he replied not a word. However, before that time on the following day, being the twenty-first of June, much to our great joy and astonishment, we saw the provincial hand of our benign creator, whose ways with his blind creatures are passed finding out. The preceding night I dreamed that I saw a boat immediately off the starboard main shrouds, and exactly at half past one o'clock, the following day at noon, while I was below, just as we had dined in the cabin, the man at the helm cried out, A boat which brought my dreams that instant into my mind. I was the first man that jumped on deck, and looking from the shrouds onward, according to my dream, I had described a little boat at some distance, but as the waves were high, it was as much as we could do sometimes to discern her. We however stopped the ship's way, and the boat which was extremely small came alongside with eleven miserable men whom we took on board immediately. To all human appearance these people must have perished in the course of one hour or less. The boat being small, it barely contained them. When we took them up, they were half-drowned, and had no victuals, compass, water, or any other necessary whatsoever, and had only one bit of an oar to steer with, and that right before the wind, so that they were obliged to trust entirely to the mercy of the waves. As soon as we got them all on board, they bowed themselves on their knees, and with their hands and voices lifted up to heaven, thanked God for their deliverance, and I trusted my prayers were not wanting among them at the same time. This mercy of the Lord quite melted me, and I recollected his words, which I saw thus verified in the hundred and seventh Psalm, O give thanks unto the Lord, for he is good, for his mercy endureth for ever. Hungry and thirsty, their souls fainted in them, they cried unto the Lord in their trouble, and he delivered them out of their distresses, and he led them forth by the right way, that they might go to a city of habitation. O, that men should praise the Lord for his goodness, and for his wonderful works to the children of men, for he sateth fieth the longing soul, and filleth the hungry soul with goodness, such as sit in darkness and in the shadows of death. Then they cried unto the Lord in their trouble, and he saved them out of their distress. They that go down to the sea and ships, that do business in great waters, these see the works of the Lord, and his wonders in the deep. Whoso is wise and will observe these things, even they shall understand the loving kindness of the Lord. The poor distressed captain said that the Lord is good, for seeing that I am not fit to die, he therefore gave me a space of time to repent. I was very glad to hear this expression, and took an opportunity when convenient of talking to him on the providence of God. They told us they were Portuguese, and were in a brig loaded with corn, which shifted that morning at five o'clock, owing to which the vessel sunk that instant with two of the crew, and how these eleven got into the boat, which was lashed to the deck, not one of them could tell. We provided them with every necessary, and brought them all safe to London, and I hoped the Lord gave them repentance unto life eternal. I was happy once more amongst my friends and brethren, till November, when my old friend, the celebrated Dr. Irving, brought a remarkable fine sloop, about a hundred and fifty tons. He had a mind for a new adventure in cultivating a plantation at Jamaica and the Mosquito Shore. Asked me to go with him, and said that he would trust me with his estate in preference to any one. By the advice, therefore, of my friends, I accepted the offer, knowing that the harvest was fully ripe in those parts, and I hoped to be the instrument under God of bringing some poor sinner to my well-beloved master, Jesus Christ. Before I embarked, I found with the doctor four Mosquito-Indians, who were chiefs in their own country, and were brought here by some English traders for some selfish ends. One of them was the Mosquito King's son, a youth of about eighteen years of age, and Wilts T. was here, was baptized by the name of George. They were going back at the government's expense, having been in England about twelve months, during which they learned to speak pretty good English. When I came to talk to them about eight days before we sailed, I was very much mortified in finding they had not frequented any churches since they were here, to be baptized, nor was any attention paid to their morals. I was very sorry for this mock Christianity, and had just an opportunity to take some of them once to church before we sailed. We embarked in the month of November, 1775, on board of the sloop Morning Star, Captain David Miller, and sailed for Jamaica. In our passage I took all the pains I could to instruct the Indian Prince in the doctrines of Christianity of which he was entirely ignorant. Into my great joy he was quite attentive and received with gladness the truths that the Lord enabled me to set forth to him. I taught him in the compass of eleven days all the letters, and he could put even two or three of them together and spell them. I had foxes' martiology with cuts, and he used to be very fond of looking into it, and would ask many questions about the papal cruelties he saw depicted there, which I explained to him. I made such progress with this youth, especially in religion, that when I used to go to bed at different hours of the night, if he was in his bed he would get up on purpose to go to prayer with me. Without any other clothes than his shirt, and before he would eat any of his meals amongst the gentlemen in the cabin, he would first come to me to pray, as he called it. I was well pleased at this, and took great delight in him, and used much supplication to God for his conversion. I was in full hope of seeing daily every appearance of that change which I could wish, not knowing the devices of Satan, who had many of his amissaries to sow his tares as fast as I sowed the good seed, and pull down as fast as I built up. Thus we went on nearly four-fifths of our passage, when Satan at last got the upper hand. Some of his messengers, seeing this poor heathen much advanced in piety, began to ask him whether I had converted him to Christianity, laughed and made their jest at him, for which I rebuked them as much as I could, but the treatment caused the Prince to halt between two opinions. Some of the true sons of Belial, who did not believe that there was any hereafter, told him never to fear the devil, for there was none existing, and if ever he came to the Prince, they desired he might be sent to them. They thus teased the poor innocent youth, so that he would not learn his book any more. He would not drink nor carouse with these ungodly actors, nor would he be with me, even at prayer. This grieved me very much. I endeavored to persuade him as well as I could, but he would not come and entreated him very much to tell me his reasons for acting thus. At last he asked me, how comes it that all the white men on board who can read and write and observe the sun and know all things yet swear, lie, and get drunk, only accepting yourself. I answered him the reason was that they did not fear God, and that if any one of them died, so they could not go to, or be happy with God.  I was sorry to hear this, and as he sometimes had the toothache, and also some other persons at the ship at the same time, I asked him if their toothache made his easy. He said no. Then I told him if he and these people went to hell together, their pains would not make his any lighter. This answer had great weight with him. It depressed his spirits much, and he became ever after, during the passage, fond of being alone. When we were at the latitude of Martinico, and near making the land, one morning, we had a brisk gale of wind, and carrying too much sail, the main mast went over the side. Many people were then all about the deck, and the yards, masts, and riggings came tumbling all about us. Yet there was not one of us in the least hurt, although some were within a hair's breadth of being killed, and particularly I saw two men then, by the providential hand of God, most miraculously preserved from being smashed to pieces. On the 5th of January we made Antigua and Maserat, and ran along the rest of the islands, and on the 14th we arrived at Jamaica. One Sunday while we were there I took the Mosquito Prince George to church, where he saw the sacrament administered. When we came out we saw all kinds of people, almost from the church door for the space of half a mile down to the waterside, buying and selling all kinds of commodities, and these acts afforded me great matter of exhortation to this youth, who was much astonished. Our vessel being ready to sail for the Mosquito's chore, I went with the doctor on board a grenade-man to purchase some slaves to carry with us, and cultivate a plantation, and I chose them all my own countrymen. On the 12th of February we sailed from Jamaica, and on the 18th arrived at the Mosquito's shore at a place called Dupapri. All our Indian guests now, after I had admonished them and had a few cases of liquor given them by the doctor, took an affectionate leave of us, and went ashore where they were met by the Mosquito King, and we never saw one of them afterwards. We then sailed to the southward of the shore to a place called Cape Gracia Sadeo, where there was a large lagoon or lake, which received the emptying of two or three very fine large rivers, and abounded much in fish and land tortoise. Some of the native Indians came on board of us here, and we used them well, and told them we were come to dwell among them, which they seemed pleased at. So the doctor and I, with some others, went with them ashore, and they took us to different places to view the land, in order to choose a place to make a plantation. We fixed on a spot near a river's bank, in a rich soil, and, having got our necessaries out of the sloop, we began to clear away the woods, and plant different kinds of vegetables, which had a quick growth. While we were employed in this manner, our vessel went northward to Black River to trade. While she was there, a Spanish Gura Costa met with and took her. This provided very hurtful, and a great embarrassment to us. However, we went on with the culture of the land. We used to make fires every night all around us to keep off wild beasts, which, as soon as it was dark, set up a most hideous roaring. Our habitation being far up in the woods, we frequently saw different kinds of animals. But none of them ever hurt us, except poisonous snakes, the bite of which the doctor used to cure by giving the patient, as soon as possible, about a half a tumbler of strong rum, with a good deal of cayenne pepper in it. In this manner he cured two natives and one of his own slaves. The Indians were exceedingly fond of the doctor, and they had good reason for it, for I believe they never had such a useful man among them. They came from all quarters to our dwelling, and some will-woe, or flat-headed Indians, who lived fifty or sixty miles above our river, and this side of the South Sea, brought us a good deal of silver in exchange for our goods. The principal articles we could get from our neighbouring Indians were turtle oil and shells, little silk grass, and some provisions. But they would not work at anything for us except fishing, and a few times they assisted to cut some trees down in order to build us houses, which they did exactly like the Africans, by the joint labour of men, women, and children. I do not recollect any of them to have had more than two wives. These always accompanied their husbands when they came to our dwelling, and then they generally carried whatever they brought to us, and always squatted down behind their husbands. Whenever we gave them anything to eat, the men and their wives ate it separate. I never saw the least sign of incontinence among them. The women were ornamented with beads and fond of painting themselves. The men also paint, even to excess, both their faces and shirts. Their favourite colour is red. The women generally cultivate the ground, and the men are all fishermen and canoe-makers. Upon the whole I never met any nation that were so simple in their manners as these people, or had so little ornament in their houses. Neither had they, as I ever could learn, one word expressed of an oath. The worst word I ever heard amongst them, when they were quarreling, was one that they had got from the English, which was, you rascal. I never saw any mode of worship among them, but in this they were not worse than the European brethren or neighbours, for I am sorry to say that there was not one white person in our dwelling nor anywhere else that I saw in different places I was at on the shore that was better or more pious than those unenlightened Indians, but they either worked or slept on Sunday. And to my sorrow, working was too much Sunday's employment with ourselves, so much so that in some lengths of time we really did not know one day from another. This mode of living laid the foundation of my decamping at last. The natives were well-made and warlike, and they particularly boast of having never been conquered by the Spaniards. They were great drinkers of strong liquors when they can get them. We used, due to still rum, from pineapples, which were very plentiful there, and then we could not get them away from our place. Yet they seemed to be singular, in point of honesty, above any other nation I was ever amongst. The country being hot, we lived under an open shed where we had all kinds of goods without a door or a lock or any one article, yet we slept in safety and never lost anything or were disturbed. This surprised us a good deal, and the doctor, myself and others used to say, if we were to lie in this manner in Europe, we should have our throats cut the first night. The Indian governor goes once in a certain time at all the provinces or district, and has a number of men with him as attendants and assistants. He settles all the differences among the people, like the judge here, and is treated with very great respect. He took care to give us timely notice before he came to our habitation by sending his stick as a token for rum, sugar, and gunpowder, which we did not refuse sending, and at the same time we made the utmost preparation to receive his honor and his train. When he came with his tribe and all our neighboring chieftains, we expected to find him a grave reverend judge, solid and sagacious. But instead of that, before he and his gang came in sight, we heard them very clamorous, and they even had plundered some of our good neighboring Indians, having intoxicated themselves with our liquor. When they arrived, we did not know what to make of our new guests, and would gladly have dispensed with the honor of their company. However, having no alternative, we feasted them plentifully all day till the evening, when the governor, getting quite drunk, grew very unruly and struck one of our most friendly chiefs, who was our nearest neighbor, and also took his gold-laced hat from him. At this a great commotion took place. The doctor inferred to make peace as we could all understand one another, but to no purpose, and at last they became so outrageous that the doctor, fearing that he might get into trouble, left the house, and made the best of his way to the nearest wood, leading me to do as well as I could among them. I was so enraged with the governor, that I could have wished to have seen him tied fast to a tree, and flogged for his behavior. But I had not people enough to cope with his party. I therefore thought of a stratagem to appease the riot. Recollecting a passage I had read in the life of Columbus, when he was amongst the Indians in Mexico or Peru, where on some occasions he frightened them by telling them of certain events in the heavens. I had recourse to the same expedient, and it succeeded beyond my most sublime expectations. When I formed my determination, I went in the midst of them, and taking hold of the governor, I pointed up to the heavens. I menaced him in the rest. I told them God lived there, and that he was angry with them, and they must not quarrel so, that they were all brothers, and they did not leave off, and go away quietly. I would take the book, pointing to the Bible, read and tell God to make them dead. This was something like magic. The clamory immediately ceased, and I gave them some rum and a few other things, after which they went away peaceably. And the governor afterwards gave our neighbor, who was called Captain Plasmea, his hat again. When the doctor returned, he was exceedingly glad at my success in this getting rid of our troublesome guest. The Mosquito people within our vicinity, out of respect to the doctor, myself, and his people, made entertainments of the grand kind, called in their tongue torie, or dreichblacht. The English of this expression is a feast of drinking about, of which it seems a corruption of language. The drink consisted of pineapples, roasted and cascades chewed or beaten in mortars, which, after lying some time, ferment and become so strong as to intoxicate when drunk in any quantity. We had timely notice given to us of the entertainment. A white family within five miles of us told us how the drink was made, and I and two others went before the time to the village where the mirth was appointed to be held, and there we saw the whole art of making the drink, and also the kind of animals that were to be eaten there. I cannot say the sight of either the drink or the meat were enticing to me. They had some thousands of pineapples roasting, which they squeezed, dirt and all, into a canoe they had there for the purpose. The cascade drink was in beef barrels and other vessels, and looked exactly like hogwash. Men, women and children were thus employed in roasting the pineapples and squeezing them with their hands. For food they had many land torpons or tortoises, some dried turtle, and three large alligators alive, and tied fast to the trees. I asked the people what they were going to do with these alligators, and I was told they were to be eaten. I was much surprised at this, and went home not a little disgusted at the preparations. When the day of the feast was come, we took some rum with us, and went to the appointed place, where we found a great assemblage of these people, who received us very kindly. The mirth had begun before we came, and they were dancing with music, and musical instruments were nearly the same as those of any other sable people, but as I thought much less melodious than any other nation I ever knew. They had many curious gestures in dancing, and a variety of motions and postures of their bodies, which to me were in no wise attracting. The males danced by themselves, and the females also by themselves as with us. The doctor showed his people the example by immediately joining the women's party, though not by their choice. On perceiving the women disgusted he joined the males. At night there were great illuminations by setting fire to many pine trees, while the drickbach went round merrily by calabashes or gourds, but the liquor might more justly be called eaten than drinking. One Auden, the oldest father in the vicinity, was dressed in a strange and terrifying form. Around his body were skins adorned with different kinds of feathers, and he had on his head a very large and high headpiece in the form of a grenadiers cap, with prickles like a porcupine, and he made a certain noise which resembled the cry of an alligator. Our people skipped amongst them out of compliance, though some could not drink their taurée, but our rum met with customers enough, and was soon gone. The alligators were killed, and some of them roasted. The manner of roasting is by digging a hole in the earth and filling it with wood, which they burned to coal, and then they lay sticks across on which they set the meat. I had a raw piece of the alligator in my hand. It was very rich. I thought it looked like a fresh salmon, and it had a most fragrant smell, but I could not eat any of it. This merrymaking at last ended without the least discord in any person in the company, although it was made up of different nations and complexions. The rainy season came on here about the latter end of May, which continued until August very heavily, so that the rivers were overflowed and our provisions then in the ground were washed away. I thought this was in some measure a judgment upon us for working on Sundays, and it hurt my mind very much. I often wished to leave this place and sail for Europe, for our mode of procedure and living in this heathenish form was very irksome to me. The word of God saith, what does it avail a man if he gained the whole world and lose his own soul? This was much and heavily impressed on my mind, and though I did not know how to speak to the doctor for my discharge, it was disagreeable for me to stay any longer. But about the middle of June I took courage enough to ask him for it. He was very unwilling at first to grant my request, but I gave him so many reasons for it that at last he consented to my going and gave me the following certificate of my behavior. The bearer, Gustav Vassa, has served me several years with strict honesty, sobriety, and fidelity. I can therefore with justice commend him for these qualifications, and indeed in every respect I consider him as an excellent servant. I do hereby certify that he always behaved well and that he is perfectly trustworthy, signed Charles Irving. Mosquito Shore, June 15, 1776. Though I was much attached to the doctor, I was happy when he consented.  All my poor countrymen, the slaves, when they heard of my leaving them, were very sorry, as I had always treated them with care and affection, and did everything I could to comfort the poor creatures and render their condition easy. Having taken leave of my old friends and companions, on the 18th of June, accompanied by the doctor, I left that spot of the world and went southward above twenty miles along the river. There I found a sloop, the captain of which told me he was going to Jamaica. Having agreed for my passage with him and one of the owners, who was also on board, named Hughes, the doctor and I parted, not without shedding tears on both sides. The vessel then sailed along the river till night, where she stopped in a lagoon within the same river. During the night a schooner belonging to the same owner came in, and as she was in one of hands, Hughes, the owner of the sloop, asked me to go in the schooner as a sailor, and said he would give me wages. I thanked him, but I said I wanted to go to Jamaica. Then he immediately changed his tone, and swore and abused me very much, and asked how I came to be freed. I told him, and said that I came into the vicinity with Dr. Irving, whom he had not seen that day. This account was of no use. He still swore exceedingly at me, and cursed the master for a fool that sold me my freedom, and the doctor for another, and letting me go from him. Then he desired me to go in the schooner, or else I should not go out of the sloop as a free man. I said this was very hard, and begged to be put on shore again, but he swore that I should not, and said that I had been twice amongst the Turks, yet had never seen any such usage with them, and much less could I have expected anything of this kind amongst Christians.  You are one of St. Paul's men, but by God, except you have St. Paul or St. Peter's faith, and walk upon the water to the shore, you shall not go out of the vessel. Which I now found was going amongst the Spaniards towards Cartagena, where he swore he would sell me. I simply asked him what right he had to sell me, but without another word he made some of his people tie ropes around each of my ankles, and also to each wrist, and another rope around my body, and hoisted me up without letting my feet touch or rest upon anything. Thus I hung without any crime committed, and without judge or jury, merely because I was a free man, and could not, by the law, get any redress from a white person in those parts of the world. I was in great pain from my situation, and cried and begged very hard for some mercy, but all in vain. My tyrant, in a great rage, brought a musket out of the cabin and loaded it before me and the crew, and swore that he would shoot me if I cried any more. I now had no alternative. I therefore remained silent, seeing that one white man on board who said a word on my behalf. I hung in that matter from between 10 and 11 o'clock at night until about one in the morning. Then, finding my cruel abuser fast asleep, I begged some of the slaves to slack the rope that was round my body, that my feet might rest on something. This they did at the risk of being cruelly used by their master, who beat some of them severely at first for not tying me when he commanded them. Willst I remained in this condition until between five and six o'clock next morning? I trust I prayed to God to forgive this blasphemer, who cared not what he did, but when he got up out of his sleep in the morning was of the very same temper and disposition as when he left me at night. When they got up the anchor, and the vessel was getting under way, I once more cried and begged to be released. And now, being fortunately in the way of their hoisting the sales, they released me. When I was let down, I spoke to one Mr. Cox, a carpenter, whom I knew on board on the impropriety of this conduct. He also knew the doctor and the good opinion he ever had of me. This man went to the captain and told him not to carry me away in that manner, that I was the doctor's steward who regarded me very highly and would resent this usage when he should come to know it, on which he desired a young man to put me ashore in a small canoe I brought with me. This sound gladdened my heart, and I got hastily into the canoe and set off whilst my tyrant was down in the cabin. But he soon spied me out, and when I was not above thirty or forty yards from the vessel, and running upon the deck with a loaded musk in his hand, he presented it at me, and swore heavily and dreadfully that he would shoot me that instant if it had not come back on board. As I knew the wretch would have done as he said without hesitation, I put back to the vessel again, but as the good Lord would have it, just as I was alongside, he was abusing the captain for letting me go from the vessel, which the captain returned, and both of them soon got into a very great heat. The young man that was with me now got out of the canoe, the vessel was sailing on fast, with a smooth sea, and then I thought it was neck or nothing, so at that instant I set off again for my life in the canoe towards the shore. And fortunately the confusion was so great amongst them on board that I got out of the reach of the musket shot unnoticed, while the vessel sailed on with a fair wind in a different way, so that they could not overtake me without tacking, and even before that could be done I should have been on shore, which I soon reached, with many thanks to God for his unexpected deliverance. I then went and told the other owner, who lived near that shore, with whom I had agreed for my passage, of the usage I had been met with. He was very much astonished, and appeared very sorry for it. After treating me with kindness he gave me some refreshment, and three heads of roasted Indian corn for a voyage of about eighteen miles south, to look for another vessel. He then directed me to an Indian chief of the district, who was also the Mosquito Admiral, and had once been at our dwelling, after which I set off with the canoe across a large lagoon alone, for I could not get anyone to assist me. Through I was much jaded, and had pains in my bowels by means of the rope I had hung by the night before. I was therefore at different times unable to manage the canoe, for the paddling was very laborious. However a little before dark I got to my desired place, where some of the Indians knew me, and received me kindly. I asked for the Admiral, and they conducted me to his dwelling. He was glad to see me, and refresh me with such things as the place afforded, and I had a hammock to sleep in. They acted toward me more like Christians, than those whites I was amongst the last night, though they had been baptized. I told the Admiral I wanted to go to the next port to get a vessel to carry me to Jamaica, and requested him to send the canoe back, which I then had, for which I was to pay him. He agreed with me, and sent five able Indians with a large canoe, to carry my things to my intended place, about fifty miles, and we set off the next morning. When we got out of the lagoon, and went along the shore, the sea was so high that the canoe was off-times very near being filled with water. We were obliged to go ashore and drag across different necks of land. We were also two nights in the swamps, which swarmed with mosquito flies, and they proved troublesome to us. This tiresome journey of land and water ended, however, on the third day to my great joy, and I got on board of a sloop commanded by one Captain Jenning. She was then partly loaded, and he told me he was expecting daily to sail for Jamaica, and having agreed with me to work my passage, I went to work accordingly. I was not many days on board before he sailed, but to my sorrow and disappointment, though used to such tricks, we went to the southward along the mosquito shore instead of steering for Jamaica. I was compelled to assist in cutting a great deal of mahogany wood on the shore as we coasted along it, and load the vessel with it before she sailed. This fretted me much, but as I did not know how to help myself among these deceivers, I thought patience was the only remedy I had left, and even that was forced. There was much hard work and little victuals on board, except by good luck we happened to catch turtles. On the coast there was also a particular kind of fish called manatee, which is most excellent eating, and the flesh is more like beef than fish. Within the brackish waters along the shore there were likewise vast numbers of alligators, which made the fish scarce. I was on board this sloop sixteen days, during which in our coasting we came to another place, where there was a smaller sloop called the Indian Ocean, commanded by one John Baker. He was also an Englishman, and had been a long time along the shore trading for turtle shells and silver, and had got a good quantity of each on board. He wanted some hands very much, in understanding that I was a free man and wanted to go to Jamaica. He told me if he could get one or two that he would sail immediately for that island, he also pretended to me some remarks of attention and respect, and promised to give me forty-five shillings sterling a month if I would go with him. I thought this was much better than cutting wood for nothing. I therefore told the other captain that I wanted to go to Jamaica in the other vessel, but he would not listen to me, and seeing me resolved to go in a day or two, he got the vessel to sail, intending to carry me away against my will. This treatment mortified me extremely. I immediately, according to an agreement I had made with the captain of the Indian Ocean, called for her boat, which was lying near us, and it came alongside, and by means of a North Pole shipmate, which I had met with in the sloop I was in, I got my things into the boat, and went on board the Indian Queen, July the 10th. A few days after I was there, we got all things ready and sailed, but again to my great mortification, this vessel still went to the south, nearly as far as Carthagena, trading along the coast instead of going to Jamaica as the captain had promised me. And what was worst of all, he was a very cruel and bloody-minded man, and was a horrible blasphemer.  One night in particular, after he had beaten this man most cruelly, he put him into the boat and made two negroes roll him to a desolate key or small island, and he loaded two pistols and swore bitterly that he would shoot the negroes if they brought stoker on board again. There was not the least doubt, but that he would do, as he said, and the two poor fellows were obliged to obey the cruel mandate. But when the captain was asleep, the two negroes took a blanket and carried it to the unfortunate stoker, which I believe was the means of saving his life from the annoyance of insects. A great deal of entreaty was used with the captain the next day before he would consent to let stoker come on board, and when the poor man was brought on board he was very ill from his situation during the night, and he remained so until he was drowned a little time after. As we sailed southward we came to many uninhabited islands which were overgrown with fine large coconuts. As I was very much in want of provisions, I brought a boat load of them on board, which lasted me and others for several days, and afforded us many a delicious repast in our sargacity. One day before this I could not help observing the providential hand of God that ever supplies all our wants, though in the ways and manners we know not. I had been a whole day without food and made signals for boats to come off, but in vain. I therefore earnestly prayed to God for relief in my need, and at the close of the evening I went off the deck. Just as I laid down I heard a noise on deck, and not knowing what it meant, I went directly on deck again, when what should I see but a large fish about seven or eight pounds, which had jumped aboard. I took it and admired, with thanks, the good hand of God, and what I considered as not less extraordinary, the captain, who was very avacious, did not attempt to take it from me, there being only him and I on board, for the rest were all gone ashore trading. Sometimes the people did not come off for some days. This used to fret the captain, and then he would vent his fury on me by beating me, or making me feel in other cruel ways. One day, especially in this wild, wicked, and mad career, after striking me several times with different things, and once across my mouth, even with a red burning stick out of the fire, he got a barrel of gun powder on deck, and swore that he would blow up the vessel. I was then at my wit's end and earnestly prayed to God to direct me. The head was out of the barrel, and the captain took a lighted stick out of the fire to blow himself and me up, because there was a vessel then in sight coming in, which he supposed was a Spaniard, and he was afraid of falling into their hands. Seeing this, I got an axe, unnoticed by him, and placed myself between him and the powder, having resolved in myself as soon as he attempted to put fire to the barrel to chop him down that instant. I was more than an hour in this situation, during which he struck me often, still keeping the fire in his hand, for this wicked purpose. I really should have thought myself justifiable in any other part of the world if I had killed him and prayed to God to give me a mind which rested solely on himself. I prayed for resignation that this might be done, and the following two portions of his holy word, which occurred to my mind, buoyed up my hope, and kept me from taking the life of this wicked man. He hath determined at the times before appointed, and set bounds on our habitations. Ax 1726. And who is there amongst you that feareth the Lord that obeyeth the voice of his servant, that walketh in darkness, and hath no light? Let him trust in the name of the Lord, and stay upon his God. Isaiah 110. And thus by the grace of God I was unable to do. I found him a present help in the time of need, and the captain's fury began to subside as the night approached. But I found that he who cannot stem his anger's tide, doth a wild horse without a bridal ride. The next morning we discovered that the vessel which had caused such a fury in the captain was an English sloop. They soon came to an anchor where we were into my no-sup, all surprised. I learned that Dr. Irving was on board her on his way from the Mosquito Shore to Jamaica. I was foregoing immediately to see this old master and friend, but the captain would not suffer me to leave the vessel. I then informed the doctor by letter how I was treated, and begged that he would take me out of the sloop. But he informed me that it was not in his power, as he was a passenger himself, but he sent me some rum and sugar for my own use. I now learned that after I had left the estate, which I managed for this gentleman on the Mosquito Shore, during which the slaves were well-fed and comfortable, a white overseer had supplied my place. This man, though, inhumanely and ill-judged avarians, beat and cut the poor slaves most unmercifully, and the consequence was that everyone got into a large, pure, good canoe and endeavored to escape. But not knowing where to go or how to manage the canoe, they were all round, in consequence of which the doctor's plantation was left uncivilized, and he was now returning to Jamaica to purchase more slaves and stock it again. On the 14th of October, the Indian Queen arrived at Kingston in Jamaica. When we were unloaded, I demanded my wages, which amounted to eight pounds and five shillings sterling, but Captain Baker refused to give me one farthing. Although it was the hardest-earned money I ever worked for in my life, I found out Dr. Irving upon this and equated him with the Captain's navery. He did all he could to help me to get my money, and we went to every magistrate in Kingston, and there were nine, but they all refused to do anything for me, and said my oath could not be admitted against a white man. Nor was this all, for Baker threatened that he would beat me severely if he could catch me for attempting to demand my money, and thus he would have done. But I got, by means of Dr. Irving, under the protection of Captain Douglas of the Squirrel Man of War. I thought this exceedingly hard usage, though indeed I found it to be too much the practice there to pay free men for their labour in this manner. One day I went with a free Negro tailor named Joe Diamond to one Mr. Cochran, who was indebted to him for some trifling sum, and the man not being able to get his money began to murmur. The other immediately took a horse whip to pay him with it, but by the help of a good pair of heels the tailor got off. Some oppressions as these made me seek for a vessel to get off the island as fast as I could, and by the mercy of God I found a ship in November bound for England, when I embarked with a convoy after having taken a last farewell of Dr. Irving. When I left Jamaica he was employed in refining sugars, and some months after my arrival in England I learned, with much sorrow, that this my amiable friend was dead, owing to his having eaten some poison fish. We had many very heavy gales of wind in our passage in the course of which no material incident occurred, except that an American privateer falling in with the fleet was captured and set fire to by his majesty's ship the Squirrel. On January the 7th, 1777 we arrived at Plymouth. I was happy once more to tend upon English ground, and after passing some little time at Plymouth, an extra among some pious friends whom I was happy to see, I went to London with a heart replete with thanks to God for all past mercies. Different transactions of the author's life till the present time. His application to the late Bishop of London to be appointed a missionary to Africa. Some account of his share in the conduct of the late expedition to Sierra Leone. Petition to the Queen. Conclusion. Such were the various scenes which I was a witness to, and the fortune I experienced until the year 1777. Since that period my life has been more uniform and the incidents of each fewer than any other equal number of years preceding. I therefore hastened to the conclusion of a narrative which I fear the reader may think already sufficiently tedious. I had suffered so many impositions in my commercial transactions in different parts of the world that I became heartily disgusted with the seafaring life, and I was determined not to return to it at least for some time. I therefore once more engaged in service shortly after my return, and continued for the most part in this situation until 1784. Soon after my arrival in London I saw remarkable circumstance relative to African complexion, which I thought so extraordinary that I beg leave just to mention it. A white, negro woman that I had formerly seen in London and other parts had married a white man by whom she had three boys, and they were everyone mulattoes, and yet they had fine light hair. In 1779 I served Governor McNamara, who had been a considerable time on the coast of Africa. In the time of my service I used to ask frequently other servants to join me in family prayers, but this only excited their mockery. However, the governor, understanding that I was of a religious turn, wished to know of what religion I was. I told him I was a Protestant of the Church of England, agreeable to the thirty-nine articles of that Church, and that whomsoever I found to preach according to that doctrine, those I would hear. A few days after this we had some more discourse on the same subject. The governor spoke to me on it again, and said that he would, if I chose, as he thought I might be of service in converting my countrymen to the gospel faith, get me sent out as a missionary to Africa. I at first refused going, and told him how I had been served on the like occasion by some white people the last voyage I went to Jamaica, when I attempted, if it were the will of God, to be the means of converting the Indian Prince, and I said, I supposed they would serve me worse than Alexander the Cobbersmith did, Saint Paul, if I should attempt to go amongst them in Africa. He told me not to fear, but he would apply to the Bishop of London to get me ordained. On these terms I consented to the governor's proposal to go to Africa, in hope of doing good, if possible, amongst my countrymen. So, in order to have me sent out properly, we immediately wrote the following letters to the late Bishop of London, to the right reverend father in God, Robert, Lord Bishop of London, the memorial of Gustavus Vassar, Shoaith, that your memorialist is a native of Africa, and has the knowledge of the manners and customs of the inhabitants of that country. That your memorialist has resided in different parts of Europe for twenty-two years last past, and embraced the Christian faith in the year 1759, that your memorialist is desirous of returning to Africa as a missionary, if encouraged by your lordship, in hopes of being able to prevail upon his countrymen to become Christians. And your memorialist is the more induced to undertake the same, from the success that has attended the like undertakings when encouraged by the Portuguese, through their different settlements off the coast of Africa, and also by the Dutch. Both governments encouraging the blacks, who, by their education, are qualified to undertake the same, and are found more proper than European clergymen, unacquainted with the language and customs of the country. Your memorialist's only motive for soliciting the office of a missionary is, that he may by a means, under God, of reforming his countrymen, and persuaded them to embrace the Christian religion. Therefore your memorialist humbly prays your lordship's encouragement and support in the undertaking. Gustavus Vassa, at Mr Guthrie's, Taylor, number 17, Hedge Lane. My lord, I have resided near seven years on the coast of Africa, for most part of the time as commanding officer. From the knowledge I have of the country and its inhabitants, I'm inclined to think that the within plan will be attended with great success, if countenanced by your lordship. I beg leave further to represent to your lordship, that the like attempts when encouraged by other governments have met with uncommon success. And at this very time I know a very respectable character, a black priest at Cape Coast Castle. I know the within named Gustavus Vassa, and believe him a moral good man. I have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's humble and obedient servant, Matt McNamara, Grove, 11th March, 1779. This letter was also accompanied by the following from Dr Wallace, who had resided in Africa for many years. And whose sentiments on the subject of an African mission were the same with Governor McNamara's. March 13th, 1779. My lord, I have resided near five years on Sinigambia, on the coast of Africa, and have had the honour of filling very considerable employments in that province. I do approve of the within plan, and think the undertaking very laudable and proper, and that it deserves your lordship's protection and encouragement. In which case it must be attended, with the intended success. I am my lord, your lordship's humble and obedient servant, Thomas Wallace. With these letters I waited on the bishop by the governor's desire, and presented them to his lordship. He received me with much condescension and politeness. But, from some certain scruples of delicacy, declined to ordain me. My sole motive for thus dwelling on this transaction, or inserting these papers, is the opinion which gentlemen of sense and education, who are acquainted with Africa, entertain of the probability of converting the inhabitants of it to the faith of Jesus Christ, if the attempt were countenanced by the legislator. Shortly after this I left the governor, and served a nobleman in the Devonshire militia, with whom I was encamped at Cox Heath for some time. But the operations there were too minute and uninteresting to make a detail of. In the year 1783 I visited eight counties in Wales, for motives of curiosity. While I was in that part of the country, I was led to go down into a coal pit in Shropshire.  For while I was in the pit the coals fell in, and buried one poor man, who was not far from me. Upon this I got out as fast as I could, thinking the surface of the earth the safest part of it. In the spring 1784 I thought of visiting Old Ocean again. In consequence of this I embarked as a steward on board a fine new ship called the London, commanded by Martin Hopkins, and sailed for New York. I admired this city very much. It is large and well built, and abounds with provisions of all kinds. While we lay here a circumstance happened which I thought extremely singular. One day a male factor was to be executed on a gallows. But with a condition that if any woman, having nothing on her but her shift, married the man under the gallows, his life was to be saved. This extraordinary privilege was claimed. A woman presented herself, and the marriage ceremony was performed. Our ship, having got laden, we returned to London in January 1785. When she was ready again for another voyage, the captain, being an agreeable man, I sailed with him from Henton in the spring, March 1785, for Philadelphia. On the fifth of April we took our departure from land's end with a pleasant gale, and about nine o'clock that night the moon shone bright and the sea was smooth, while our ship was going free by the wind at the rate of about four or five miles an hour. At this time another ship was going nearly as fast as we on the opposite point, meeting us right in the teeth. Yet none on board observed either ship until we struck each other forcibly head and head, to the astonishment and consternation of both crews. She did as much damage, but I believe we did her more. For when we passed by each other, which we did very quickly, they called to us to bring two and hoist out our boat, but we had enough to do to mind ourselves, and in about eight minutes we saw no more of her. We refitted as well as we could the next day and proceeded on our voyage, and in May arrived at Philadelphia. I was very glad to see this favorite old town once more, and my pleasure was much increased in seeing the worthy Quakers freeing and easing the burdens of many of my oppressed African brethren. It rejoiced my heart when one of these friendly people took me to see a free school they had erected for every denomination of black people, whose minds are cultivated here and forwarded to virtue, and thus they are made useful members of the community. Does not the success of this practice say loudly to the planters in the language of Scripture? Go ye and do likewise. In October 1785 I was accompanied by some of the Africans, and presented this address of thanks to the gentleman called Friends or Quakers in Grace Church Court, Lombard Street. Gentlemen, by reading your book entitled Accortion to Great Britain and Her Colonies, concerning the calamitous state of the enslaved Negroes. We, the poor, oppressed, needy and much degraded Negroes, desire to approach you with this address of thanks, with our innermost love and warmest acknowledgement, and with the deepest sense of your benevolence, unweary to labor, and kind into position, towards breaking the yoke of slavery, and to administer a little comfort and ease, to thousands and tens of thousands are very grievously afflicted and too heavy-burdened Negroes. Gentlemen, could you, by perseverance, at last be enabled under God to lighten in any degree the heavy-burden of the afflicted? No doubt it would, in some measure, be the possible means under God of saving the souls of many of the oppressors, and if so, sure we are that the God, whose eyes are ever upon all his creatures, and always rewards every true act of virtue, and regards the prayers of the oppressed, will give to you and yours those blessings which are not in our power to express or conceive, but which we, as a part of those captive, oppressed and afflicted people, most earnestly wish and pray for. These gentlemen received us very kindly, with a promise to exert themselves on behalf of the oppressed Africans, and we parted. While I was in town, I chanced once to be invited to a Quaker's wedding. The simple and yet expressive mode used at their solemnizations is worthy of note. The following is the true form of it. After the company have met, they have seasonable exhortations by several of the members. The bride and bridegroom stand up, and take in each other by the hand in a solemn manner. The man orderly declares to this purpose. Friends, in the fear of the Lord and in the presence of this assembly, who I desire to be my witnesses, I take this my friend, M.N., to be my wife, promising through divine assistance, to be, unto her, a loving and faithful husband, till death separate us. And the woman makes the like declaration. Then the two first sign their names to the record, and as many more witnesses as have a mind. I had the honour to subscribe mine to a register in Grace Church Court, Lambard Street. We return to London in August, and our ship not going immediately to sea. I shipped as a steward in an American ship called the Harmony. Captain John Willett, and left London in March 1786, bound to Philadelphia. Eleven days after sailing, we carried our foremaster away. We had a nine weeks passage, which caused our trip not to succeed well. The market for our goods proving bad. And, to make it worse, my commander began to play me the like tricks, as others too often practice on free Negroes in the West Indies. But I thank God I found many friends here, who in some measure prevented him. On my return to London in August, I was very agreeably surprised to find that the benevolence of government had adopted the plan of some philanthropic individuals, to send the avricams from hence to their native quarter, and that some vessels were then engaged to carry them to Sierra Leone. An act which redounded to the honour of all concerned in its promotion, and filled me with prayers and much rejoicing. There was then in the city a select committee of gentlemen for the Black Poor, to some of whom I had the honour of being known, and as soon as they heard of my arrival they sent for me to the committee. When I came there they informed me of the intention of government, and as they seemed to think me qualified to superintend part of the undertaking, they asked me to go with the Black Poor to Africa. I pointed out to them many objections to my going, and particularly expressed some difficulties in account of the slave dealers, as I would certainly oppose their traffic and the human species by every means in my power. However, these objections were overruled by the gentleman of the committee, who prevailed on me to go, and recommended me to the honourable commissioners of His Majesty's Navy, as a proper person to act as commissary for government in the intended expedition. And they accordingly appointed me in November 1786 to their office, and gave me sufficient power to act for the government in the capacitary of commissary, having received my warrant and the following order. By the principal officers and commissaries of His Majesty's Navy, whereas you were directed by our warrant at the fourth of last month, to receive into your charge from Mr Irving the surplus provisions remaining what was provided for the voyage, as well as the provisions for the support of the Black Poor after landing at Sierra Leone, with the clothing, tools, and all other articles provided at government's expense, and as the provisions were laid in at a rate of two months for the voyage, and for four months after the landing, but the number embarked being so much less than was expected, whereby there may be considerable surplus of provisions, clothing, etc. These are, in addition to former orders, to direct and require you to appropriate or dispose of such surplus to the best advantage you can for the benefit of government, keeping and rendering to us a faithful account of what you do herein. And for your guidance in preventing any white persons going, who are not intended to have the indulgences of being carried thither, we send you herewith a list of those recommended by the committee for the Black Poor, as proper persons to be permitted to embark, and to quaint you that you are not to suffer any others to go, who do not produce a certificate from the committee for the Black Poor, or they're having their permission for it, for which this shall be your warrant. Dated at the Navy office, January 16th, 1787, J. Hinslow, G. O. Marsh, W. Palmer, to Mr. Gustavus Vassa, commissary of provisions, and stores for the Black Poor going to Sierra Leone, I proceeded immediately to the execution of my duty on board of the vessels destined for the voyage, where I continued to the March following. During my continuance in the employment of government, I was struck with the flagrant abuses committed by the agent, and endeavoured to remedy them, but without effect. One instance, among many which I could produce, may serve as a specimen. Government had ordered to be provided all necessaries. Slops, as they are called, included, for seven hundred and fifty persons. However, not being able to muster more than four hundred and twenty-six, I was ordered to send the superfluous slops, etc., to the King's stores at Portsmouth, but when I demanded them for that purpose from the agent, it appeared they had never been bought, though paid for by the government. But that was not all. Government were not only the objects of proculation. These poor people suffered infinitely more. Their accommodations were most wretched, many of them wanted beds, and many more clothing and other necessaries. For the truth of this, and much more, I do not seek credit for my own assertion. I appeal to the testimony of Captain Thompson, of the Nautilus who conveyed us, to whom I applied in February 1787 for a remedy, when I had remonstrated to the agent in vain, and even bought him to be a witness of the injustice and oppression I complained of. I appeal also to a letter written by these wretched people, so early as the beginning of the preceding January, and published in the morning herald of the fourth of that month, signed by twenty of their chiefs. I could not silently suffer government to be thus cheated, and my countrymen plundered and oppressed, and even left destitute of the necessaries for almost their existence. I therefore informed the commissioners of the navy of the agents preceding, but my dismission was soon after procured by means of a gentleman in the city, whom the agent, conscious of his peculiaration, had deceived by letter, and whom, moreover, empowered the same agent to receive on board, at the government expense, a number of persons as passengers, contrary to the orders I received. By this I suffered a considerable loss in my property. However, the commissioners were satisfied with my conduct, and wrote to Captain Thompson, expressing their approbation of it. Thus provided, they proceeded on their voyage, and at last, worn out by treatment, perhaps not the most mild, and wasted by sickness, brought on by want of medicine, clothes, beddings, etc., they reached Sierra Leone, just at the commencement of the rains. At that season of the year it is impossible to cultivate the lands. Their provisions therefore were exhausted before they could derive any benefit from agriculture, and it is not surprising that many, especially the last cars, whose constitutions are very tender, and who had been cooped up in ships from October to June, and accommodated in the manner I have mentioned, should be so wasted by their confinement as not long to survive it. Thus ended my part in the long talked-off expedition to Sierra Leone. An expedition which, however unfortunate in the event, was humane and politic in its design. Nor was it a failure owing to government. Everything was done on their part, but there was evidently sufficient mismanagement attending the conduct and execution of it to defeat its success. I should not have been so ample in my account of this transaction, had not the share I borne in it been made the subject of partial animadversion, and even my dismission from my employment thought worthy of being made by some a matter of public triumph. The motives, which might influence any person to descend to a petty contest with an obscure African, and to seek gratification by his depression, perhaps it is not proper here to inquire into or relate, even if its detection were necessary to my vindication. But I thank heaven it is not. I wish to stand by my own integrity, and not to shelter myself under the impropriety of another, and I trust the behaviour of the commissioners of the navy to me entitle me to make this assertion. For after I had been dismissed, March 24th, I drew up a memorial thus, to the right honourable the Lord's commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury. The memorial and petition of Gustavus Vassa, a black man, late commissary to the black poor going to Africa. Humbly shawith, that your Lordship's memorialist was, by the honourable the commissioners of His Majesty's navy. Being one of the ships appointed to proceed to Africa with the above poor, that your memorialist, to his great grief and astonishment, received a letter of dismission from the honourable commissioners of the navy, by your Lordship's orders, and the greatest assiduity in discharging the trust reposed in him. He is altogether at a loss to conceive the reasons of your Lordship's having altered the favourable opinion you were pleased to conceive of him. Sensible that your Lordship's would not proceed to so severe a measure without some apparent good cause. He therefore has every reason to believe that his conduct has been grossly misinterpreted to your Lordship's. And he is the more confirmed in his opinion, because, by opposing measures of others concerned in the same expedition, which tended to defeat your Lordship's humane intentions, and to put the government to a very considerable additional expense. He created a number of enemies whose misrepresentations he has too much reason to believe laid the foundation of his dismission, unsupported by friends and unaided by the advantages of a liberal education. He can only hope for redress from the justice of his cause, in addition to the mortification of having been removed from his employment, and the advantage which he reasonably might have expected to have derived therefrom. He has had the misfortune to have sunk a considerable part of his little property, in fitting himself out, and in other expenses arising out of his situation, on account of where he here annexes. Your memorialist will not trouble your Lordship's with a vindication of any part of his conduct, because he knows not of what crimes he has accused. He, however, earnestly entreats that you will be pleased to direct an inquiry into his behaviour, during the time he acted in the public service. And if it be found that his dismission arose from false representations, he is confident that in your Lordship's justice he shall find redress. Your petitioner therefore humbly prays that your Lordship will take his case into consideration, and that you will be pleased to order payment of the above referred to account, amounting to thirty-two lira and four shillings, and also the wages intended, which is most humbly submitted, London, May 12th, 1787. The above petition was delivered into the hands of their Lordships, who were kind enough in the space of some few months afterwards, without hearing, to order me fifty lira sterling. That is, eighteen lira wages for the time, upwards of four months, I acted a faithful part in their service. Certainly the sum is more than a free negro would have had in the western colonies. March the 21st, 1788. I had the honour of presenting the Queen with a petition on behalf of my African brethren, which was received most graciously by Her Majesty. To the Queen's most excellent Majesty. Madam, your Majesty's well-known benevolence and humanity emboldens me to approach your royal presence, trusting that the obscurity of my situation will not prevent your Majesty from attending to the sufferings for which I plead. Yet I do not solicit your royal pity for my own distress. My sufferings, although numerous, are in a measure forgotten. I supplicate your Majesty's compassion for millions of my African countrymen, who groan under the lash of tyranny in the West Indies. The impression and cruelty exercised to the unhappy negroes there have, at length, reached the British legislator, and they are now deliberating on its redress. Even several persons of property and slaves in the West Indies have petitioned Parliament against its continuance, sensible that it is as impolitic as it is unjust, and what is inhumane must ever be unwise. Your Majesty's reign has been hithero-distinguished by private acts of benevolence and bounty. Surely the more extended the misery is, the greater claim it has to your Majesty's compassion, and the greater must be your Majesty's pleasure in administering to its relief. I presume, therefore, gracious Queen, to implore your interposition with your royal consort in favour of the wretched Africans, that, by your Majesty's benevolent influence, a period may now be put to their misery, and that they may be raised from the condition of brutes, to which they are at present degraded, to the rights and situation of free men, and admitted to partake of the blessings of your Majesty's happy government. So shall your Majesty enjoy the heartfelt pleasure of procuring happiness to millions, and be rewarded in the grateful prayers of themselves and of their posterity, and may the all-bountiful Creator shower on your Majesty and the royal family every blessing that to this world can afford, and every fullness of joy which Divine Revelation has promised us in the next. I am your Majesty's most dutiful and devoted servant to command. Gustavus Vassa, the oppressed Ethiopian. Number 53, Baldwin's Gardens. The Negro Consolidated Act, made by the Assembly of Jamaica last year, and the new Act of Amendment, now in agitation there, contain a proof of the existence of those charges that had been made against the planters, relative to the treatment of their slaves. I hope to have the satisfaction of seeing the renovation of liberty and justice resting on the British government, to vindicate the honour of our common nature. These are concerns which do not perhaps belong to any particular office, but to speak more seriously to every man of sentiment. Actions like these are the just and sure foundation of future fame. A reversion, though remote, is coveted by some noble minds as a substantial good. It is upon these grounds that I hope and expect the attention of gentlemen in power. These are designs consonant to the elevation of their rank, and the dignity of their stations. They are ends suitable to the nature of a free and generous government, and connected with views of empire and dominion, suited to the benevolence and solid merit of the legislator. It is a pursuit of substantial greatness, may the time come. At least a speculation to me is pleasing. When the sable people shall gratefully commemorate the auspicious era of extensive freedom, then shall those persons particularly be named with praise and honour, who generously proposed and stood forth in the case of humanity, liberty, and good policy. And brought to the ear of the legislator designs worthy of royal patronage and adoption, may heaven make the British senators the dispersers of light, liberty, and science, to the uttermost parts of the earth. Then will be glory to God on the highest, on earth peace, and good will to men. Glory, honour, peace, etc., to every soul of man that worketh good, to the Britons first, because to them the gospel is preached, and also to the nations. Those that honour their maker have mercy on the poor. It is righteousness exalted for nation, but sin is reproached to any people. Destruction shall be to the workers of iniquity, and the wicked shall fall by their own wickedness. May the blessings of the Lord be upon the heads of those who commiserated the case of the oppressed negroes, and the fear of God prolong their days. And may the expectations be filled with gladness. The liberal devise liberal things, and by liberal things shall stand. Isaiah thirty-two, eight. They can say with pious Job, did not I weep for him that was in trouble, was not my soul grieved for the poor. Job thirty, twenty-five. As the inhuman traffic of slavery is to be taken into consideration of the British legislator, I doubt not if a system of commerce was established in Africa. The demand for manufacturers would most rapidly augment, as the native inhabitants will insensibly adopt the British fashions, manners, customs, etc., in proportion to the civilization. So will be the consumption of British manufacturers. The wear and tear of a continent nearly twice as large as Europe, and rich in vegetable and mineral productions, is much easier conceived than calculated. A case in point. It costs the Aborigines of Britain little or nothing in clothing, etc. The difference between their forefathers and the present generation in point of consumption is literally infinite. The supposition is most obvious. It will be equally immense in Africa. The same cause, vis civilisation, will ever have the same effect. It is trading upon safe grounds. A commercial intercourse with Africa opens an inexhaustible source of wealth to the manufacturing interests of Great Britain, and to all which the slave trade is an objection. If I am not misinformed, the manufacturing interest is equal if not superior to the landed interest, as to the value for reasons which will soon appear. The abolation of slavery, so diabolical, will give a most rapid extension of manufacturers, which is totally and diametrically opposite to what some people assert. The manufacturers of this country must, and will, in the nature and reason of things, have a full and constant employ by supplying the African markets. Population, the bowels and surface of Africa abound in valuable and useful returns. The hidden treasures of centuries will be brought to light and into circulation. Industry, enterprise and mining will have their full scope, proportionably as they civilise. In a word, it lays open an endless field of commerce to the British manufacturers and merchant adventurers. The manufacturing interest and the general interests are synonymous. The abolition of slavery would be in reality a universal good. Tortures, murder and every other imaginable barbarity and iniquity are practised upon the poor slaves with impunity. I hope the slave trade will be abolished. I pray it may be an event at hand. The great body of manufacturers, uniting in the cause, will considerably facilitate and expedite it, and, as I have already stated, it is most substantially their interest and advantage, and as such the nations at large, except those persons concerned in the manufacturing, net yolks, collars, chains, handcuffs, leg bolts, dregs, thumb screws, iron muzzles and coffins, cats, scourges and other instruments of torture used in the slave trade. In a short time one sentiment alone will prevail, from motifs of interest as well as justice and humanity. Europe contains 120 million inhabitants. Query, how many millions South Africa contain? Supposing the Africans, collectively and individually, to expend five lira ahead in remnant, and furniture yearly when civilised, etc., an immensity beyond the reach of imagination. This I conceive to be a theory founded upon facts, and therefore an infallible one. If the blacks were permitted to remain in their own country, they would double themselves every fifteen years. In proportion to such increase will be the demand for manufacturers. Cotton and indigo grow spontaneously in most parts of Africa. Consideration this of no small consequence to the manufacturing towns of Great Britain. It opens a most immense, glorious and happy prospect. The clothing, etc., of a continent ten thousand miles in circumference, and immensely rich in productions of every denomination, in return for manufacturers. I have only therefore to request the reader's indulgence and conclude. I am far from the vanity of thinking there is any merit in this narrative. I hope censor will be suspended, when it is considered that it was written by one, who was, as unwilling, as unable to endure on the plainness of truth by the colouring of imagination. My life and fortune have been extremely checkered, and my adventure is various. Even those I have related are considerably abridged. If any incident in this little work should appear uninteresting and trifling to most readers, I can only say, as my excuse for mentioning it, that almost every event of my life made an impression on my mind, and influenced my conduct. I earlier customed myself to look for the hand of God in the minutest occurrence, and to learn from it a lesson of morality and religion. And in this light every circumstance I have related was to me of importance. After all, what makes an event important, unless by its observation we become better and wiser, and learn to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly before God? To those who are possessed of this spirit, there is scarcely any book or incident so trifling that does not afford some profit. While to others the experience of age seems of no use, and even to pour out to them the treasures of wisdom is throwing the jewels of instruction away.