I'd really like to see a great, a great crowd to talk about. It is definitely a top-of-the-line issue for all of us in the Bay Area. Before we get into the event, I wanted to give our fantastic host, Tulio, a chance to say hi as well. Hi, everybody. I want to make sure there's some voices here. Hopefully you didn't have too much hold of your upstairs. Thanks for being here, folks. So, you're not familiar with Tulio, but Tulio is a patient-taker at a redeveloper. So, you need to go to any patients with zero access to your users. We recently announced, last week, we had our company conference called Signal, and one of our things we announced our first million dollars as cover for one person pledge going to eat non-profits in the Bay Area. And we also asked one of those non-profits, which is the credit. Yes? This is the first round of those pranks, right? You saw, see, children collaborate. So, we already see Tulio and see, we connect survivors of domestic abuse to housing in our temporary shelter within five minutes, rather than a day, or eight hours, or a day each is taken. So, that's what we're doing. If you're ever coming, restaurants are out. We're in all of it, and not all of it, you can eat them. Please bear with me. Thanks, Dan. This is Tulio, which is, you know, tech companies here get a lot of student degrees sometimes, and Tulio's been a really great company for me. And so, thanks, Dan, for the purpose, you know. So, how many of you have been to a tech equity collaborative event before? Oh my gosh, it's mostly you people. I love that. Okay, so we actually, quickly, what we do. So, we are a member-driven organization. We meet up tech workers and tech professionals who believe that the Bay Area economy should work for everyone, can and should work for everyone. I think that the companies that we're growing on top of what I believe are the most democratizing communications platform in human history should be creating an industry, building an industry that is creating the biggest opportunity for everyone. And so, we are organizing what we know is a very widespread but untapped civic and political will in the tech community to grow the amount of tech workers who want to advocate for the policy issues, want to use their civic and political power and privilege to advocate for the policy issues that are going to help make this region somewhere where everyone can work with and where everyone can take advantage of the fruits of the industry that we're contributing to building. I mean, we all know that the Bay Area economy here is pretty broken. We started Tech Equity in Oakland. I live across the street from the building that Uber is moving into next year and that announcement was made, many of you may recall. The response from the community at Oakland was a pretty widespread negativity and someone who grew up out of Detroit in the 80s, the idea that a company could announce that they are moving thousands of high-paying jobs to an economically depressed city and people would say, no, you don't belong here. At a value here is a real danger sign for the 20th century economy and we think that it's incumbent on those of us who work with the industry to figure out, to use our power to figure out how we can help make that economy work for everybody. So that's why we're here. Housing is obviously at the forefront and it is the economic agenda item that is really the most crucial to solving and so that's what we're going to talk about today. We also work on workforce development issues and also access to technology which is the recognition that the less skills people have, the skills influence that people have with technology, the less ability they have to participate in society below the economy. And we do three things. We raise awareness about these issues with our members, so events like this, but also we continue on starting a book club and just get people exposed to what are these issues for many of us who are new to the area. I'm here five years ago, why are these things so entrenched? How did we get here? How do I get involved? Second, volunteer opportunities. Meaningful volunteer opportunities, not just, you know, let's go open up the park once a year, but how do we use our skills and resources to really help build sustainable organizations that are helping in these areas. So the first thing we're doing is running a board training. So if you ever considered serving on an October board, we're going to help you figure out what that actually looks like and then actually the organizations will open up more. That's open to members only, so you should go ahead and click on the project.workslash.join that you have already. And then the third one is campaigns. So running an advocacy and awareness campaign around these three issue areas, starting with housing, you're working for a piano campaign in Oakland to engage with the state council to include final day values in this year's budget for anti-displacement. We'll be here from Reverend Nafina, we'll be here later about more about that topic, but, you know, anti-displacement issues are overlooked in housing when we talk more about building new units to kind of over what people are being displaced out of the units we currently live and how can we do more for people in their houses now. So that's a campaign to be hearing more about what you'd encourage me to use. How many of you live in Oakland? Great. So where's Alice? I don't need to go out there, she's here somewhere. We're going to have all these people calling here on this. Yeah, they're doing, yeah. So just to get you to a hard guess, I don't really want to have any questions. So these are the kinds of things we do, the kinds of things we can only do, and be more effective at, if we have a larger membership base. We really encourage you to join. It's super easy to do. It will take you literally 10 seconds and it's mobile responsive. So if you fly to Portland Go Tech Equity, collaborative.org slash join right now, you can do that in 10 seconds. You may have noticed that there were cards in front of us. If anyone didn't get any of this, this is how we're going to do those Q and A, because it's just easier for us to keep track of all the questions. I will be around passing it out to the right staff and we'll be collecting them as we go. So if you have questions, this is how we're going to handle that. The other thing that I wanted to point out is our code of conduct. Our code of conduct for all of our events, which generally says, be included at the front, don't be a geiger. These are, monitor events can be safe spaces for people to learn, and that's really hard to do when people are grandstanding or main calling or doing anything else that sort of takes away from what we think is a good faith effort for people, all people we care about, making us a kind name for everyone, learn more about how they can take actions. Keep in mind that both of them, it will be important. So with that, I want to introduce our moderator, many of you know, or at least know of, to my cover, who wrote a several pieces we sent around the e-mail about this event a couple of days ago. Yeah, so she's going to, in this time, burrowing out, I'm just going to talk the whole episode. Yeah, exactly. She's going to give me a 10 minute version of that. I can't make you keep it. But obviously there's, you know, we can't get it to everything that we need to do about how it works today, but we should be able to taste and introduce it and how we can take more action together. I'm going to give you a little bit of the past, and then we're going to invite the panelists up who represent a broad spectrum of the points of view on housing and how we need to address this issue from multiple angles. We will talk about the present and future of this crisis. So, Kim, partner at Initialized Capital and are you still a TechCrunch? I believe it. I'm a computer engineer. Okay, so TechCrunch reporter. Great. Kim, take it away. Definitely. So, I'm going to try to keep this fast, because there's just so many things today. Well, as we all know, something did not used to be so expensive. California conferences were really not that different from the rest of the country a generation ago. They were between 20% higher than the rest of the country. Today, they're 2.5 times higher than the class of the state. And if you go back two generations, back to 1950, I found this lovely ad of Dr. Beiger, who is a residential home builder in Silicon Valley and TechCrunch, who built these really affordable modernized track homes. And here's an ad in 1950. If you wanted to buy it, you could pay $9,000 as a government program to be like $5,000 down. And then that day area would be an income at that time of $6,600. So, like, just visualize, you know, abandoning or do like buy homes and stuff like that. And it's kind of, it's a funny sort of diamanic example, because this particular builder is the one in Steve Jobs' autobiography or biographies, right? This is the builder that he said his biographical, affordable, beautiful, well-finished products were massive. He grew up in a computer's home, and he said that I just couldn't walk around in his neighborhood in South Bay. I think it's a great thing houses were good for him. His houses were smart and cheap and good, and they brought to use 90% of the game to lower-income people. But today, if you want to buy a neighborhood, you've got to shell out like $2 million. They are iconic luxury items that you can buy from a table book so you can steer your adaption memory about them. They are now expensive, and they are even, you know, in some parts of like, how else can you tell you know, iPhone neighborhoods are actually protected by like a single story overlay, but you cannot build a house called the one store in that neighborhood. So they become luxury items, but like, okay, got it.  There used to be four times income in the late 1980s. And then the ownership used to be about almost the citizenship tax for 25 and 30 both federals in 1916 in California. Today, we've got five California insubstitutes in the 35 or over there in California. You can look at this it's about another legislative analyst about this important, you know, today it's 25 about spending about 50% of their income and also reflects throughout the different income level throughout the area. This is San Francisco and another household you have in different income ranges from 2000 to 2014. And you can see that we are up on household that are making zero to $25,000 a year and way up on households that are making $150,000 a year and everything else is down. A lot of inequities of this current situation just have to do with really old patterns. And this is about work with displacement, risk study. And you can see these orange areas are areas that are kind of exclusionary off-limits areas where the building just basically never happens and is understood never to happen. These purple areas are areas where communities are at most risk of displacement. And you know when I see this map I see very old maps. So I see a map that basically looks the same as this map eight years ago in FHA. And I'm not sure what that lining is. I mean people don't know what redlining is. We've got a few. So back in the 1930s and before the thirties Great Depression after Yard administration we wanted to back to expand ownership in the United States to create a series of lending programs. However those bidding programs only supported by everything primarily Hawaiian neighborhoods did not provide We built 65,000 units of the five for household teagots. The parts of the area that built the most are actually these exorbitant areas that are farther out into Central California. So they built one house and you have three teagots. It's easier to build there because the land is cheaper and these are only four minutes in. And these immediate rain suburbs, like basically nothing is built. These are like mostly single family home suburbs. They're very tightly controlled. They built one house and you have three teagots. And then San Francisco and Oakland and San Jose are better, they're kind of in between those two. Overall, California is gonna have 50 million people in 20 years, in 10 years, about 13 years, a bit of a population, they're gonna be seniors and they'll be over the age of 65. If you look at that growth, most of it is just California's having children, births, minds, deaths. It's most of the people who are already here and then as some people come in domestic migration, and they're seeing like the middle class, the working class kind of get in the shell. But most of the net population growth is just a natural increase. So just a little bit of history, California used to be a fast growth state under Jerry Brown's father. Jerry Brown is our current governor, this is his dad, Pat Oversaw, a very different era in California history to the Oversaw, the building of the highway system, the creation of the master plant of higher education which created all the virtually free and accessible, really high quality public education that you see, CSU can be college level. But by the time his son came to governorship after Reagan, the whole ethos of the state had changed and it became an era of limitations and just more concerned about the prices of oil and environmental impacts and that sort of stuff. So growth has all started proliferating in California in the 1970s, you know what I mean? Yeah, so by the time of the 60s, by the end of the 60s, a lot of the flatlands around the state were basically built out, how these agricultural crafts have been turned into houses. And once you have them built out, it's just inherently more expensive to take something that has something on it and then turn it into something else that is more depth than that thing because when you've got a bio land and you've got a large thing, you've got to put something else on it. And so lots of neighborhood communities around all around California and so Cal and North Cal started reacting and sort of protecting single family home neighborhoods.  It was all kind of around the same time and you know, there are other factors that are kind of coincident to that.  So zoning is a more implicit way of controlling what types of people can move to your community next to it without being explicit. But you know what happened? New development installed, stopped building both like old family single family and any kind of sale in the area. And you know, ice housing prices went up and there was de-inflation and there was huge amounts of inflation. You know, property owners in California revolted. They passed Prop. 213 in 1978 and they said, you know, your taxes are aside to whatever price you pay, you know, when you buy your home, you can increase by no more than 2% per year and if you want to raise more taxes, it has to be, you know, two thirds super majority vote. And so this completely changed the financial structure of the state. You know, most of its benefits go to upper middle class households or the median household in common California is 60K. Most of the benefits of property go to households making more than 120 because, you know, commoners tend to be wealthier. And it also dis-incentivizes turnover.  Like people tend to turn over their homes and sell them and move to new properties, especially if they, their kids age out and they want to downsize. But the health rate of it doesn't really happen. People tend to like just buy a home and then stay in it forever. And if they're older, even if the house is like five-vebrums. No, it's good. It's fine if they stay in the homes, but if they have five-vebrums, you know, if people want to eat, look, they don't end up downsizing. There's a system of people with like one bedroom, two bedroom, they're about to leave their homes and they're like, we'll get through the rest of the place, thank you. But what's happening is, there's not a new family housing being built. So if you go down to the South Bay, like there's no new family-sized housing being built at all. And then people don't have any incentive to build more housing that's acceptable for different age communities down in the South Bay, in the South Earth. And so you have extremely high-tight inventory. There's about, you know, there's like 400 houses sold per month in San Mateo County. There's like 6,000 houses sold per year in San Francisco. That's it. And this is an existing inventory. And you have a huge amount of workers and people can come up for that period of it. Shhh, excuse me. So this law also incentivizes land-making because there's no, if you have like undeveloped parcel people just sit on it forever and they have very low tax rates. There's no incentive for them to sell it and have it be developed. And so that reduces the amount of development of land that's available for both public, you know, both affordable and market-rate housing. Where's the market rate coming in? And then without property tax, the state of Calgary has become really dependent on personal income tax. And so 70% of the general fund comes from personal income tax. And it's progressive. It's certainly more progressive. The top 100% of earners here pay about half of the personal income tax is collected by the state of California. The downside is that it's really, really volatile and it's very unpredictable. So, you know, it means that the state is effectively tied to the performance in the US stock market. And when there's downturn, the entire budget just declined for like $30 billion.  And that's why Jerry Brown is generally reluctant, often reluctant about making additional financial commitments because you know that the history of the state is just crazy and unthinkable financially. So, financing for affordable housing decrease in accounts from impact to the senior requirements of production because we don't have other sources of financing for it. And so the fees in 12% of this year are, if you don't mind the highest in the country, there's $72,000 in the event. State funding for affordable housing has fallen by two thirds since the last recession. And that is mainly because of the these redeveloped agencies that were used to finance projects and fees were ended. It's to add concern that they were leading into the K through 12 budget. And so the state is financing the flow of housing at maybe $400 million a year where it used to be doing $1.2 billion a year. And that's creating more stress in the hands of the law because people are scrambling for funding. So the current, so the issue is like housing, no matter what you do, is just really expensive. Right now, Mark Hogan, who is from Spur, which is a regional urban development big-time, big, big, big time, big, big time. Shh! Why are you doing it? We're usually a slave. We want to hear from you. Why is this happening? Are you just going to come out? We're just going to find a place to sit. We're just going to get out here.  We're just going to get out. We're going to get out. We're going to get out. We're just going to get out. We're just going to get out. We're fighting gentricate. You guys, we're not. I don't think any of you are gentricate. You're not. We're not. We are not. We're not going to go out and have a leave. Working we are, we're going to ask you guys, hi, I'm here, this is my event and we're asking you to leave.  No, we can't. How is it, right here? Ma'am. Ma'am, you can leave though we can grab some curry. You're being asked to leave. Ma'am. Thank you for creating a nice performance art of why this product is so true. We appreciate it. Yes. Ma'am. Ma'am. Thank you. Bye. You guys can today listen and participate in the documentary or you can leave it to your friend. Thank you. Bye. Yeah, so I mean, so Mark, he was living in the current cost of producing a unit in San Francisco. Land is going for, you know, as much as above $200,000 a unit in many cases. When you add it all up, the construction cost of land use is burning everything. At this point it costs about $714,000 just to build the unit. And of course that means, you know, to some extent what she was saying is correct. If you want to build new housing for people who are working class in any of the unique counties around the bay, you can't really do it without some kind of subsidy, whether that's a public subsidy or inclusionary. But it's just very, it's just very, very expensive. So the LAO did a study and said, if you wanted to build below market housing for all $1.7 million, rent for the local households, it would cost us a $250 million, which is, that's five times what we spend on people with low education every year in the state, is 1.5 to 2 times the total state budget. So it's necessary, but it's also beyond, it's just so far beyond what you budgeted for the entire state of this economy. And whether you build or not, someone is definitely making money off of real estate. Every year, the existing housing in San Francisco, the value of it goes up by more than $130 million a year. And that's like four or three weeks. It's so huge, it's so huge of existing real estate. And that's because the American government made housing a primary store of wealth during and after World War II. In other industrialized countries, there are more diversified safety nets.  So there's a more diversified pensions system in Singapore, Singapore is 80% public housing and there are mandatory contributions to your retirement. But in America, this country made housing a store of wealth. And it's not very diverse. Can't wait to go to the panel. We had our very introduction already. We're running for the night. So what I will say is I think people get it and there's a lot of data in here and we're going to get into some of these topics on the panel. But also can we share the slides? Yeah, sure. And we'll try to annotate them so you guys have all this information and you can digest it on the microphone. So let's invite the panelists up. You guys want to come up during the demonstration of why the political politics around this are so broad, emotional, and are getting practical, really. So we're going to try to make this as important as possible, hopefully in some more directions, and we can serve this a lot of different points of view here as well. I'm going to like all of you to use yourselves actually. If you say what you do, who you are, what you do, and what is the hardest and most frustrating part of your job, it's certainly not. Yeah, I should have said that. Some governments in the United States have organized and open community organizations, which is a faith-based organization that organizes around the issues of mostly PPP's Oakland and West Oakland but of all of Oakland, what we call our communities, which are basically in that way. We are part of the network of other federal races throughout the state and also throughout the nation. I'm Victoria Pierce. I'm an housing organizer with East Bay Forward. We're a branch of the Inbeat Movement in the East Bay. We play for housing, policy, cheaper rents, tenant protections, transit, planning, and things like that. We're more about it for sure. Hello, I'm Eric Tao. Our company, we're a real estate development company. I think a lot of times people are unsure what developers do. Our job is to find land, find money, find opportunities, and we all together build the housing. Hi, everyone. I'm Victoria Pierce. I'm the executive director of East Bay. We're a lot of organizations at home. We do affordable housing, policy, housing, and organizing across the East Bay. I'm really excited to be here with people who want to learn and listen and engage today. So thank you for being willing to do that. Excited to do some different events. And it's your question. My question is the most frustrating part of my job. Our job is debugging some of the bits that are out there from all directions about why we're in this housing crisis and how to solve it. Hello, my name is Ann Marie Rogers. I'm a big farmer's daughter from Iowa. I'm a city planner. I work for the San Francisco Planning Department. I've been working in the Baltic Housing for about 18 years. There are some hard parts involved. Can you talk about what are the things that you're seeing on the ground in the U.S. and East Oakland community? The overall was 60% out of the American generation. Now it's 26%. So I would say, can everybody hear me? No. I would say that the lady was saying, I think inappropriately because I think it was a demonstration of white privilege. But what she was saying, she had a very good point and also a lot of lessons. That in fact, what is happening in Oakland right now is the displacement of a large number of folks, mostly people of color. We have to think it is a racial issue, displacement. So one of the things I am doing now is part of the coalition which includes tech equity. We're talking about how we might use funds in both the city of Oakland and the county of Calamity to help with affordable housing and to help with anti-displacement. So what you see is the racial makeup of Oakland changing. That's the primary thing that I would say which also means a number of services will just add it to the community as fast as we have a shift. Yeah, I'm just wondering where to see a community going and moving. This is a hard question. So the idea of gentrification, which we use in Oakland quite often. So just to be clear, I'm not afraid of the word. I hope you are, either. Because we do believe that the housing crisis is also about demand for supply based at the county, right? That in fact, the folks who we see are moving in Oakland are moving there because they live in poor housing in other places, right? We also see that in doing so, what happens is those who have been there who have kind of weathered the storm, being in the city through all of the changes, want to enjoy a city where they can feel comfortable, where their children can thrive, but they feel like they're being pushed out. And I have to say that because that's why they're scared of the tech world. They feel like the tech folks are pushing them off, which is happening. But there's a lack of understanding of why it's happening. I was talking to some researchers at the House Institute. I was talking to our leaders. And the basic problem with displacement is a lack of supply. So that investors can come in because the housing market is what it is. And skyrocket costs, which the skyrocket brings. And then there's just lots of room for displacement. And there's not much discussion between the parties about how to co-capitate in a city that is rich culturally and something we don't want to lose at all. I'm going to turn it into a story. So I read a story. I read a story that was written last week that opened all the production that was done over the last couple of years, and 94% of them are in the grade, so if you can talk to me a little bit about why that's the case, what are the sources of funding for the law to get it opened, and maybe even some of the mess that you're trying to dispel. Sure, but can you just say those numbers one more time? It's like 94%. It's more... I'll try. It's like working out right in my talk, right? Like, rock star stuff. Someone once told me that. Rock star. So, why is that the case in Oakland and how had that been happening? So I think an important thing to know about the statistics you just gave and how in the last cycle the vast majority of housing in the open that's been built is below market rate. The reason for that is because we were in a giant recession during which the market was not going to use housing, but the public sources of funding that are so crucial to create homes and people of limited means were still around, and so below market rate housing was being produced. Now in the cycle that's coming up in Oakland, those numbers are completely reversed. We have about 3,000 units in the pipeline of which I think about 36 are affordable now that the market's picked up. So I just want to put that out there because there's a lot of olden times where you don't really realize that's true. So in terms of how does that work, you did a great job of laying out the way the funding sources in the state have really wanted it over the last few years, the last few decades really, and the age when the government sort of provided major subsidies to homes for people of limited means. Those days are over, so if you're thinking of public housing as most people think of it in their imagination it doesn't really exist anymore. What we have is a patchwork of different federal and local sources that combine basically layers of public and private financing to allow the Bay Area, a lot of non-profit developers to create homes for people who are low income or have special needs, and that's really important because the history of the housing market shows that if left on its own, there absolutely is a wide energy left on its own, and if you're thinking of quality housing for people who are frankly really poor, it just doesn't. The best way to make money off of providing housing for poor people is to exploit them to have the ability to go down. I mean that's just the background of the market, but the market does do a good job of providing homes for people who are at higher income levels. I think those are some of the things that are at play here. There's a lot of plastic from public funding sources, and we need to look at some new months versus state legislation moving around that to help that happen. There's a lot more on the thing on how to open it every moment. Now I'm going to turn to Eric. So you're a primary housing developer in San Francisco. Can you talk to me about what that process is like? What does it take to get a building to start to finish? What I found, and the panelists up here, what I do is just every day try to get housing built. Our investors is Calvars, it's a pension fund for the California state workers, and our goal is to build housing and sustain the constant needs of the pension. So what has happened in our world, especially building cities like Oakland and San Francisco, is the fact that there are tools in law like Cqo to create a protected environment that can become weaponized. But what's happening when I say weaponized is people are using it to protect their interests. And these are real interests. They want to protect community, they want to protect neighborhoods, they want to stop displacement, they want to ensure that there's equity coming back to the neighborhoods where developers are profiting from. But what happens is it kind of makes a practicing monster out of planning codes and all these side deals are being cut in the back rooms and more rooms or in restaurants or wherever they are. And all of these just makes a very unwieldy plan and it's very difficult to build. Right now how many approved units of housing currently exist on the books in San Francisco? Here. Well, approved in about 40,000, right? Sure. There are 40,000 units right now approved that have gone through an entire you know process of explaining this is complete this is this labyrinth of San Francisco politics but it can't be a built-in in a long time. You don't have to get approved to make deals and make concessions and it's just not financeable now so that's really what's happening is there's too many industries, too many weapons and housing continues to make it a streamline process to deliver out. How long does it take you to go to start finishing the labor? On average for a project so we are currently we just made a decision to use the documents we started and we decided to lay in on this in April 12 and now we've been looking for it in 2017 but it's in three years to get approved and in another two years let's talk a little bit about how land the land market of land brokers were who's been one factor that people don't think about and the process is like how much the land cost to acquire. So going back to land that's probably one of the biggest inequities in our business you just sat on a piece of land and did nothing and let the world grow up around you guys like you coming here and creating businesses and sustain high paying jobs and then the land just grows up in value and they just go out and then having done nothing that's where it again continues to squeeze squeeze the cost so that we have to charge so much for rent so this is making it great and we talked about this earlier we just spent the past year working at the technical advisory committee try to figure out how do you try to squeeze land cost down so that we can build Can I ask you a question? As difficult as it is in the building housing in San Francisco I understand that the African American population is less important than that I was born and raised in Hunters Point my grandfather came here in the 40s of World War II and worked in the shipyards of Hunters Point this was a brightly very diverse very culturally rich city so the question that I understand is the difficulty you have one of the questions that causes these kinds of discussions is at what cost the cultural cost the fact that San Francisco has less than 3% population of African Americans how do we figure that into the plans for development and housing in a place like the Bay Area one of the things that I am adamant about is that one of the special things about it is its diversity so in some sense you have to fight for that cultural piece that is not quite monetarized, right? so it's kind of how do you weigh that and how do you calculate that into something like the housing one you can have a good question for Henry you're the one, you're the winner that's a really hard question so planning and zoning planning and zoning are mainly about rules for what people see in the neighborhood planning and zoning are not really good rules for actually getting what you want zoning is good about setting up rules to exclude what you don't want and a lot of people have been talking about exclusionary zoning and the history of racism is embedded all throughout zoning so just as that's happened before you've got to imagine the problem didn't just stop yesterday it's probably still being articulated in another way through our zoning rules today so you can talk about the types of housing that you want you can talk about how much housing you want how much of laying floor jobs but trying to figure out how to get the people in there it's really difficult it comes down to providing a diversity of housing stock available across the income spectrum so part of I think what the message is is that as we've been saying if you don't build housing high income people are going to come and they're going to displace the other people so not building housing doesn't stop the loss of diversity and the loss of the economic spectrum but if you can compare that with other things you need to fight to build housing you need to fight to maintain the existing housing stock and really understand who is that existing housing stock serving you need to fight for tenant's rights and tenant's advocacy so preserving housing is different than helping the people stay in the city but two different things in a lot of these things we've changed at both the local level we've also changed at the state level and unfortunately funding will go to the state in general can you talk a little bit about what it's like to work with neighborhoods like the Mission District I remember there were planning documents that we're trying to recognize that San Francisco is definitely a history of neighborhoods I had the most experience working on a marked activity plan which I worked on that plan in a community-based process for 10 years so for 10 years we sat down with community members and talked about what kind of neighborhood you want what's your vision of the future and it took 10 years it was an amazing process though because that was a really unique community in that they did value housing the marked activity plan talked about increasing density but doing it in a way that was familiar and physical form but I think that's one thing sometimes people struggle with I like the way it looks and the way it looks is a change I do want to provide more building more housing so we were able to work with people who did value out of work people and we did that within the context so even though it created a lot of housing it didn't change physical form that much and I think I'm going to ask or I just wanted to know why did this happen and you mentioned that you said where we had the infrastructure but you mentioned the will and will and the이 the neighborhoods that had the most construction were Jane Hems District or Tenowai and Sonoma I think it was Malia Gomen's District and the Green's District and all the other districts basically since the 2000s, and we rezone those to deep and full for density so that it's able to be able to put a lot more people on the parcel, and it's kind of a weird technical thing to explain, but basically it was a market-favorite rezoning where we were assuming both the one who raised this ring, that is where the Octavia Boulevard is now, so where the freeway used to be when that came down. We looked at not only creating a better transportation system with the Boulevard instead of the freeway, but also using that extra space that was public land and dividing it up 50% for formal housing and 50% for market-favorites, and kind of subsidizing it means it's an out-of-village. So all those areas that we zone, we get part of the eastern neighborhoods, or a letter of neighborhoods and areas that we have working in the mid-war rezoning, that strangely actually resulted in that it looks more like your traditional, high-density neighborhoods in San Francisco where you don't have parking, I think it was basically 50,000 people in where you're fitting in people that are not constrained by the line. So that's what we kind of wrote, and that's what we kind of looked at more at the end of what's going on outside of that. So what I do in this whole process is I go to neighborhoods, and I meet with people. I say, hey, can you support our housing and do the unworlded plans and stuff like that? And a lot of people, generally, they're afraid to change surprisingly. And a lot of people, when you talk about designing a neighborhoods plan, about community outreach, you'll get people who show up to these things and say, well, I don't want any change. This neighborhood is perfect. It's been exactly the same ever since I bought it 20 years ago. Why would we ever change that? And, well, the answer is we need to do something because it has changed. We need to improve our housing. We're outdated legislation or something about that. And then there's also a number of people around my age, a lot of people who just kind of assume that housing is built. They don't necessarily understand this whole process about it, so they just assume, oh, well, there's a community plan that's going on. They'll probably have housing to it, but then they don't show up to these because they just assume it. And then you get the people who are opposed to change and opposed to housing showing up these places and say, well, no, I don't want it. So then, while you care for other people who don't want housing built, and going, like, on a broader scope too, like, not every neighborhood in any city has a specific plan or a neighborhood plan or something like that, because think about something like the far west side of San Francisco, the Richmond, something out there. It's low-rise, low-density, all the people out there are very, very resistant to change, which is also why it's so preserved. It's so well preserved out there. And they successfully cut people out. They successfully cut change from happening, which then pushes change into these other communities of color or the Lincoln communities that end up gentrifying them because change is not true. Okay, thank you. But yeah, these communities have been really good keeping people out. They've managed to preserve it.  And they have decades and decades of organizing against housing. So you end up with this pattern of intense, concentrated development in certain areas where other parts of the city are just kind of left. A little bit on what you're saying. I think that there actually is a tension, but I don't think it's that, there are many different groups of people in San Francisco, but I don't think it's necessarily that the Sunset and the Richmond are intentionally trying to be equal and to keep you, I think that what inspires them is honestly that same things that are inspiring the equity activists, is that they have a love for their neighbor and they think they're doing what they can't do with that thing. So I think it's not necessarily an intentional thing for a place of evil, but it's going from a love for the neighborhood. In a love for the neighborhood, it's actually what does inspire a lot of great building opportunities, you know, so the long reason for anyone's support. It's kind of like an action problem. Because everybody generally says, oh yeah, absolutely, a lot more housing. And then you go into their neighborhood and they want to preserve their neighborhood, because their neighborhood, they love it, but they want to protect it and keep it, you know, nice and welcome, and even walkable and livable. But if everybody says, yeah, sure, when housing is not great in my backyard, then if everybody says that, then nothing gets filled. So you kind of have a weighting's interest about people who, honestly, they love their neighborhoods. That's what everybody's here for. Yes, can I have one other thing before we go on to the question? And that is, I would say for Oakland, which I can speak two more, I wish it were, I've been organizing is that, because of the supply and demand question, we believe that for every market-grade unit, there should be an affordable housing unit also. And that's the way to help keep things equal and kind of preserve the uniqueness that Oakland is losing. I just wanted to say, since 2015, Rims went up 56% in Oakland. That's just the driving force. And Rims went up because of poverty balance. I mean, Housing Cross also went up, because of what's driving Rims up. So it's not that we don't believe in, as organizers, community organizers, in market-grade houses because the taxes from that actually fund the services that the folks who we call leaders actually need and utilize. But they also need to be able to live in the city. So creating market affordable housing has to be at least one-on-one. And you heard the stats in the city of Oakland and it is so skewed right now that this is what I'm organizing about and also about anti-displacement. Those folks who are in their homes are having visual causes because of increased risk and legal health and everything else that we need to keep people in their homes. And if you don't know Oakland, the homeless population is just growing. So you were a part of a committee over the last year that was trying to define what the inclusionary reportable percentage is going to be and do you want to talk a little bit about what that process was like and what it takes to get to certain numbers? So I don't know, one-for-one is possible and feasible, but I would say in this case, what we're trying to do, roads doing that is great by right now. We knew that we would not have- Can you continue with that mentor? We would not have closed opposition. We would not have legal opposition. We're saying we're building a housing high density housing project and that's been a lot of the risk of being challenged and stuck in cores or having it downsized. We can take out the risk which jacks up our yield requirements. It seems like we just went. The percentage just has to be predictable. Yes, so we can be higher and we can negotiate to get it higher if we knew by right. Yeah, as you guys all know, risk, the higher the risk of any endeavor, the higher the yield returns to get people to invest in the use of it, especially housing. So by right, I think we can figure out how to do that, we don't know how to do it, we can do more, more housing, more mixing of those housing. So if then you reduce the yield requirements and the capital needs to come in, at the end, you still need the capital to come in to fund the housing. If they can see the yield downsized and the risk reduced, then we can mix the income more. But going back to what we did, we tried to find this week's file. We tried to stay and look at the history of housing production in San Francisco. You know, what happened when the economy spiked? Land cost went up. Land owners were doing everything about very wealthy. What is the amount of affordable housing that we could acquire in all of this bill? 12%, 50%, 80% of the project that will make us not buy land unless it was at a certain price. It's called maximum feasibility. So we did a study and found out roughly about 18%. And this time we're using middle, we're having 10% of middle income, 8% of middle income. We found that that problem, land prices down to a traditional level of $100,000 a unit, except $200,000. And that means land was still traded at that amount. So we'll have some time right after you talk to people that have been doing these ideas to try to create a balance. Maximize output of affordable housing to still have the market forces able to build overall housing without something new. So I'm glad we got a little bit into the solution part of the conversation because a lot of the questions are on solutions. But first, there are a couple of clarifying questions. One is when you say in the pipeline, what does that exactly mean? So the pipeline of over 30 to 40,000 is sort of fully approved. That means you don't have to go through many things, you don't have to go through the board of supervisors, you can just go to the building department full of permit, but they can't get the financing right now to do it. But they are approved. I was thinking like, what's in the queue to get that? That's been approved and it's just waiting to get like mailed and loaded. 20,000? Okay. It's also complicated. Does it need a shovel ready? Huh? Shovel ready, I know. Okay, so whoever has the clarifying question, I mean, no, no, no, no, no. The political process is over. Okay, great. Claudia, a couple of questions for you on sources of affordable, a funding for affordable housing and also just a clarifying question of what is affordable housing? Is there like a clinical definition to that and whatever is the money to come from? Or can it come from? Yeah, for sure. So the definition of what is affordable housing? I mean, that's the thing we could do all day and there is, however, a technical definition which is basically, housing is very affordable if your housing costs, I think your coal housing costs are more than 30% of your income. I would love to know how many people at any income level in circumstances that are paying less than 30% of their income for housing costs. That's a problematic factor but it's one that's been used by the federal government for many years. I brought just a few copies of our animal population to kind of spell it out. What that means and what different AMI or area in income levels are that are used for a lot of the housing programs that exist. So affordable housing, that's sort of the technical definition. When I talk about it, I usually talk about affordable housing with a capital H, meaning it's subsidized or it's assisted in some way. Now, I guess I could go off a little bit about how the largest subsidy by far in this system of housing actually was about, oh, just the different, what are the sources of funding and other innovations we can make. Yeah, yeah, for sure. And the demands, just what I want to say on that again, there's been a lot of talk obviously about supply and the one nuance I want to add to that is that any silver to the fullest solution to the supply issue, be it through by right, which has seven components but is also controversial or whatever it is, does not retain into complexity the very racialized and complex history that can play out in the beginning. The causes of our housing crisis are multiple. They are complicated. They were racialized in their impacts and very often in their intent and therefore we need multiple solutions that have racial justice at the center of their usage. So, we'll look at that. I said that when you brought it to the center. And so, we have funding sources that exist that are being threatened to help with that. What is called a low income housing tax credit is basically it's a bipartisan and beloved mechanism which basically allows investors to find a reduction in their tax liability and best habit and usually a non-profit housing development can provide such 50% of the equity for a non-profit housing development. And I just pointed out that my organization is going to have non-profit housing developers to do a lot of the same work that Eric says but it's going to be different in different organizations that are absorbing the non-risk. That is being threatened these days because of the Trump administration and because of, you know, anticipation of the behavior of our tax debt. There are other funding sources including government from our states who have a trade auction revenues. Those have helped with some housing crisis but that sounds certainly to me as well. So basically all the funding sources from the line have been systematically cut and we had great victories in the Bay Area over the last year over the number of housing funds passed in San Francisco, to Alameda, to Santa Clara, San Mateo counties. So thank you all so much for voting for those of you who did. But we can't just make the good. That's huge. We can't continue to bond our way out of this problem so we need to find other revenues that can be done for us so well. The build, build, build discussion has to be combined with the preserve, protect and force discussion to keep people at home. There's a set of questions here about, and we hear these at all our ends and we want to get to this for sure, is what can I do? And then another kind of subset which is around a bunch of bills that are in state legislature right now and there might be others that are happening at a local level. What is the most, if someone put it here, I might not be able to find part but people with limited time that I care about and be sure that people in the village aren't just, I mean, I moved to Oakland because of the diversity. I wanted to live in a place that had that kind of diversity and that's where the paradox of us all coming. But it should be that we can all be there together. So what are the things that also people coming into a community like Oakland can do to help make sure that it is preserved? So on the ground organizing, I would say really quickly that you have to let it be known that you care about affordable housing in your community, right? Because a lot of the politicians and other folks who have, who actually control whether or not stuff is built, some of the argument, some of the discussions about who wants, what where? And I think Eric said it or maybe the planning commission and Marie said it, is that a lot of communities do want affordable housing but when it comes to their own backyards it may be something that they want to protect. So first of all, just getting your voices known is call your city council person and move on past it in Oakland. Tell them to spend that amount of money on building new affordable housing. That would be something easy that you could do. Yeah, it might be the same thing, like show up two things if you can make the time, show the planning commission meetings, city council meetings, it's kind of a tiring thing to pay attention because there's 101 cities in the Bay Area and you gotta watch all of them. Yeah, and if that's too much, then look up who your city council person is, write them and say, hey, I know such and such about this legislation that just happened, what's the city going to do about it? Or hey, I think there's a housing development next to me, you make sure there's affordable housing in it, things like that. I think a friend taught me a while ago from disaster response is that it's a lot more effective to find people who are already doing their work rather than go out and start your own thing.  So find other groups in your neighborhood that support housing, that want the change that you want to see and go help them if you can. Donations are also a good thing. Yeah, be vocal about it, tell your friends, talk to your friends about housing, talk about what your rent is with your friends, what you do the rents about. The budget that's coming out is really bad in the federal budget. So you can actually contact your representatives and your senators and tell them why they should really pay attention to affordable housing. At risk, it's 250,000 vouchers. If you lose rental vouchers, it's actually eight vouchers. Basically a lot of people will end up homeless, like that is the outcome of that, that's what that would happen. The public housing capital fund is being proposed to be cut by two thirds. The trap is gonna be this proposal is cutting in 10 base rental assistance by about 5%. Just if you can write letters, you can contact your representatives, tell them this is important to you. Just longer term stuff, there is a bill that P. Bellison has introduced three times around performing a mortgage introduction, which is that period of our largest tax break in the federal budget, I don't see those commoners. Even though we are part of a liberal region, Pelosi is actually not, she's gonna be one of the people who suggests peace out most against that just because the mortgages are the largest here, the benefits of that tax break are also the largest benefitaries of that tax break and they're here. And so if you contact your grab and tell her, it's okay to start, there is support for performing this even in San Francisco, even in the Bay Area, that's important. If an infrastructure package comes through for this Trump administration, instead of it just being granted as you can push affordable housing construction and being part of that infrastructure package if it happened. At the state level, there was a bunch of stuff that came through Senate today, Senate Assembly, Scott Weir is doing an SB35, which is Rewinding the House of Production, so if communities in suburbs, in particular around California don't actually meet their regional housing targets, then developers who go ahead and build according to the state's domain that is already existing in that community, then there's also maybe 71, which is David Shuseville, it gets sort of an existing mortgage interest deduction on second homes and then transfers the tax revenue from that to affordable housing and that would be like a top 100, that would be like $300,000,000 of funding, which would be like double, but not a state funding that exists. There's also a $3 million affordable housing fund that Jim Beale put on, that got through Senate today and also put it on the ballot in 2018 and then there's this continuous and conversation that used to happen about our position 13, which is completely just sort of at the housing and land market in the state and people in the underfunded education at the KD 12 and high level and then the local stuff, last thing is just like, there's a lot of attention, as you can tell from this conversation, there's a ton of attention on San Francisco, Brooklyn and that's where it goes to the disability of these issues comes out on the media, but really there's a hundred other communities in this region that are much smaller that don't get any attention. They are majority property owner suburbs and if you go to them, these are mostly people who are starting out, like I said, we're reaching the commission union in a week and it was a conversation for five hours about whether this one particular R1A code can have two housing units on it or one housing unit on it and the people who were running that meeting, they had owned their property for decades and they were like, well let's just make it a backyard unit instead of two housing units and it's so much easier to build a family-sized unit that can house a family, second one in the suburb than it is to make the numbers work here where developers, they generally only can make one, studios ones, one balance or two balance work by those. So if you want more family housing, it's much easier and much more financially feasible to get it done in the suburbs, but they're totally zoned out, they're totally in control and then, there's also like, if any of this AHA passes or just budget cuts happen in the federal level, it's gonna be terrible for homelessness, it's gonna be terrible, like if you lose vouchers, it's gonna be really bad. You know, the last time that we had a massive explosion in homelessness in American cities was in the early 80s when Reagan defunded HUD substantially and you don't wanna see a second wave of that. You know, standards just had the opportunity to pass $50,000 in revenue for your room, attacks last fall, the water's failed to pass it and pass a property which, you know, you could take away people's tents. It's crazy.  Yeah, and I'll add a couple of things and then there's also just some questions that we're gonna hear about, what is tech equity actually doing? Well, one thing we want to make sure is that we're not pretty young, but as we mentioned earlier, the ANT is the place of the work that we're doing in private shows, Reverend Pita and other organizations in East Oakland, is to get $5 million allocated in the city's budget, which needs to be approved by the new 30th for anti-displacement and homeless, well, really anti-displacement is homelessness prevention by means, so people get the right amount of services and the protections that they need to stay in their home, fight credit towards landlords, to challenge things that should be challenged to get the services they need to stay in their home. So that is one thing we're working on and as I mentioned, we're gonna be asking those of you who live in Oakland to help raise your voices around that issue. Another one, which Kim did mention at the state level, there's a conversation that is starting around repeal such reform of Costa Hopkins, which is the rent control law, which is a little bit of a thing to me, is when we meet these conversations, that rent control in the state is like it's called, or again it's governed by the state. What that community looks like feels like it, but it's not. And what we say is, you should have found a community, do we ask for community benefit, with just being built in a park and a neighborhood, where parks don't get built sometimes, or less than for underprivileged folks or in a community that's marked in a lot. So those are the kind of things that my organizing does. We want to ensure that people who have suffered for a lot and built a city like Oakland, get to enjoy the good things about it. Also, after developers come in and improve and put startups on the corner and just go home and do all of those kind of things, so that they are pushed out and further marginalized in society. Do you want to say something? I saw trying to call it out and I encouraged people to call it out and kind of do some better self policing with this, because when I started in housing organizing and housing activism about a year and a half ago, when I screwed up a bunch, it's a learning process.  And that's what I've been doing. I feel I've been improving at it, I guess. So I'm trying to engage just in the immediate economy to make EMBs more, I guess, social justice-y, more, but less of a psych off because the economy is really, really, really, really, really entertaining. There are three months in housing, and I think that kind of agreed. The difference is how it happens and we can talk about this first hour or second. I just wanted to say this last one that I want to reiterate that, the housing shortage is really about race. I just have to say that, I have to continue to say that. When folks are displaced, as you heard earlier there, it is a big decline in African American population now in Oakland. I saw it happen versus San Francisco, now it's happening in Oakland. And where those people have to move for affordable housing? They get taxed because there's no jobs out there. They then have to have increased transportation costs. I mean, everything about moving, they then have to have increased transportation costs. I mean, everything in Hawaii is so important. So in addition to, the reason why you're going to talk to what Victoria mentioned about show up and say yes to happen, these jurisdictions that are listed, but also you also need to show up and say yes to housing and categories. And you need to show up and say yes to just cause for eviction and to rent a toll. And then show up for those needs too, because you really need all of those pieces of the puzzle. And the other thing I would say, just to wrap up on what if you do question, what do you do? In fact, you're joined to test. I believe you can join at home, in my application. And that's one of our most active members of it. I think you might do so that you go to the council so I don't have to. Thank you.