Thanks very much for coming. Let me just set the outset. Thank Wider for inviting me to speak here today. So this is brand new work, actually. It's the first time any of us are presenting this. So your comment and feedback is greatly appreciated. And it doesn't have inequality in the title, but it is a paper about inequality and growth. And that's the core part of it. So it's called Public and Private Expenditures on Human Capital Accumulation in India. And it's joint work with Gerard Lum at Indiana and John Stone, who is now at Weber State University. So the broad motivation is based on two strands of the human capital growth distribution literature. So there's a huge set of papers in both. But in the top, when you ask, how does public education spending influence economic growth? Typically, the mapping is from public expenditures to human capital accumulation to growth. And there are a variety of assumptions made on that relationship, on the human capital accumulation function. So there's papers here that some of you may be familiar with or not. And there's many, many more that explore this nexus. There's also an equally large literature on the effect of public education spending on wealth distribution dynamics or income distribution. Horace Mann, the father of US public education, is famously quoted as saying, as public education is one of the greatest equalizers of the condition of men. And there's been an attempt to formalize this in the context of models where income dynamics are stochastic. And there are all kinds of interesting results about what happens in the steady state of the distribution of income. Is it ergodic? Is it non-degenerate? And conditions under which these outcomes obtain. And coming back to inequality and growth is a little new for me. I was working a lot on this stuff about five years ago. And even there, in the context of majority voting endogenous growth models, kind of the Alicina-Rodrick-Barrow distributional conflict and growth models, there were some nice results about complete factor holding convergence. In other words, the median voter equilibrium led to the growth maximizing outcomes in the long run. So this is kind of an aspect of the literature that I like and that I'm interested in. And it's been worked out in a variety of kind of different contexts. To make these models tractable, often simplifying assumptions are used. So for instance, Lucas only considers a private input in human capital accumulation. Or if you typically have composite inputs and you model the human capital accumulation as a Cobb-Douglas type, then you get unitary elasticity of substitution. Or if you have public spending and private spending, these models end up being difficult to solve unless you assume rows equals to 1. So you make simplifying assumptions to characterize the balanced growth path. And that ends up being an approach that some papers take in this literature. So what we want to do is look at the point of departure from two standpoints. First, we want to construct an abstraction that is useful to understand public spending on education investments in a developing country context. So this is an abstraction. We want to make this useful. In other words, we want to make this have features that are typical of developing country context. So what we're going to do is we're going to allow for the imperfect substitutability of public and private education in a child's human capital accumulation. So we'll allow for both public spending and private spending, but they don't necessarily have to be perfect substitutes in the model. So that's one of the features we're going to. And there's a lot of evidence that suggests both of these inputs are related in the accumulation process. Another thing that we're going to allow for is a complementarity effect. In other words, we're going to allow for the parental human capital to positively influence a child's ability.  So we're going to model that additional term also in the human capital accumulation equation. So those are two things we're going to do. We're going to allow for the imperfect substitutability. So allow for both public spending and private spending to be substitutes, near substitutes, or more complementary. And we're also going to allow for the fact that the parental human capital complements the child's human capital. Provided that the parental human capital is above a particular threshold. And I'll talk about that a little more. We're going to look at a cutoff in the distribution of human capital. If the parent's human capital is above that threshold, then the parent meaningfully contributes to the child's intellectual development. So that's the second feature. But we also allow for non-homothetic preferences. And I'll explain how that works in a second as we go along. But this is also going to be crucial for looking at the effect of some of the controversial experiments we conduct vis-a-vis raising public education, spending, and understanding how that affects inequality. Having non-homothetic preferences is going to be important for the effect that higher public education spending has on inequality in the model. Once we write out, and as I said, we motivate this because we want a useful abstraction to think about what should be the optimal level of public education spending in a developing economy. We run a series of counterfactual experiments. So we think of raising public education spending in a particular state of India. And I'll talk about that in a second from, let's say, X to Y, which requires us to raise taxes to do that. And raising those taxes are going to have an effect on the transitional path for private investments in education, human capital growth, consumption levels, and income levels. So we're going to write out the transition path. So Francois Bourguignon was talking a little bit about in the morning about how we don't focus enough on transition paths. So this model is going to yield outcomes going 100 years down the line. For a particular exogenous tax financed increase to get public education spending up to a particular level. And the way that we're going to finance that additional public education spending is through a variety of tax instruments.  There's generally equilibrium effects that this has on those four things that I just talked about. We're also going to look at the changes that income taxes have on a higher public education spending, human capital growth, consumption, inequality, as well. And then we're going to do the same thing by increasing the center state transfers. So in India, the fiscal transfer is usually provided out of central tax revenues to states. And states are either net contributors or net receivers of these tax revenues. So we're going to look at a pure windfall, in some senses, of an exogenous increase in the proportion that the center gives back to a region to a state, and see what happens to growth and inequality in this situation. And the model is basically a calibrated model. I won't have much time to talk about the calibration, but in the paper that is loaded up on the website, there's the details are there. I'll just run you through that very briefly. And the experiments we are conducting is the reason why this is an India project is that we have public education, state gross domestic, net state domestic product ratios for 15 Indian states in 1985. And they range roughly from 2% to 4%. In other words, these regions, these are big states. And in India, studying states is interesting, because some states in India have 200 million people. Other states have 100 million people. So these are very interesting units of economic analysis. But we have a distribution of these public education to state GDP, state numbers. And we're calibrating the model to the median of that distribution, to the median state. And then the question we're asking is what if that particular state or that region wants to go upwards? We'll just take the second highest public education spending ratio, and what if it goes down for some reason? Which is not really the realistic question here, but the question that is realistic is if a particular state, the state of the median of the distribution wants to ratchet up its public education expenditures to the highest public education expenditures, what kinds of effects does that have on growth and inequality in the long run through all these different things that are feeding into the human capital accumulation equation? So that's a rough gist of it. And let me give you a brief glimpse of the results. So if we raise public education spending to a tax financed increase, we're going to get economic growth. We're going to get higher economic growth. But in some ways, this is the main result of the paper. There's going to be a trade-off. There's going to be a growth and equality trade-off. Whether you finance that additional expenditure through a consumption tax or an income tax is going to matter for the growth and equality trade-off. And our result is that if we finance this additional education expenditure increase by an increase in a consumption tax, that is actually more friendly for growth and less it reduces inequality, but not by that much. But if we did the same thing, if we financed that additional increase in expenditures on public education by an income tax, that tends to be a little less friendly for growth, but more friendly for reducing inequality. So that's the crux of the result. In that sense, it matters how you get to the top of the distribution in terms of that higher spending on public education. It matters what tax instruments you use. And the general equilibrium of it works out why that's the case. And the answer to this is going to be behind the competing substitution and income effects that these tax increases imply for household private choices. In particular, if the government is going to raise higher public education, fund higher public education investments, households are going to be compensating by reducing their private investments on education if they're substitutes, but if they're complements, we'll show that you can even get crowding in, for instance. So that's the kind of rough road map where this is going. And then what we do is, since we can't analytically solve the model, because we have this row not being imposed equals to 1. So that creates a little bit of a complication. But when we computationally solve the model, we show that even though you're financing this higher public education investment by a tax finance increase, the effects on growth in the long run are not very, very different from whether you use either instrument. And that's also the case for the change in inequality as well. So computationally, the differences are even 80 or 100 years down the line, roughly across 2, 2 and 1 half percentage points. So you don't really get that much of a difference in the computational effects. OK, now let me give you a glimpse of the model. So as I said, one problem with doing this kind of research with referees is if you add three features and say, OK, these features capture the essence of a developing country context, the referee says, well, give me 10 more and the paper's rejected, right? So then there's this trade-off between tractability and trying to make sense of it. So what we think are important features that drive our results are preferences. So there are n overlapping generations that live for two periods. And they essentially have one choice to make, which is to spend their after tax income, which is 1 minus tau L WT HT. HT is the human capital. WT is the efficiency wage and tax on labor income is tau L, which is a parameter between 0 and 1. They're going to spend that on consumption, on consuming the final good. And there's no physical capital in the model. So savings is taking the form of investing in the education of your child. Now the child's human capital as an adult will be this, HT plus 1. So if the parental human capital is above a particular threshold, H bar T. So we have a distribution of human capital. So we're going to let H bar be the fifth percentile of that distribution at any given period T. So that means that if you're above the fifth percentile, you intellectually contribute to the human capital of your child. So if you're above it, HT times AT is the complementary term, right? And you get this AT, HT to the delta. Then this is the public education component here. This is in per capita terms, so there are no congestion effects. And this is private education spending. And this is the efficiency of that private education investment spending.  If your human capital is less than this H bar T, then this term doesn't exist here. And you just get this over here. So non-homathetic preferences, we have this complementarity threshold, which is based on a cutoff on the distribution of human capital at time period T. And there's a simple budget constraint that the household faces that constrains his or her optimization problem, which is that the tax adjusted. So this is a markup on the consumption, on the price of consumption. Plus education investments has to exhaust all after tax income. Now, to think about this transfer formally, and this is as simple as possible as a representation you can think of. And you can quibble with it, but we think this is fairly kind of accurate in terms of capturing what we're going. So they're anti-families. ETs the per capita. So anti times ET is the total public education investment. That's coming from taxing household consumption. So big CT is all the consumption that's going on. Tau sees the tax on that, so that's a tax revenue. And then big TT is the transfer. That's the transfer that states are going to receive from the center that's going to help fund that public education investment. In per capita terms, if I divide both sides by NT, I'll get the per capita public education investment. And the way we think about the central state fiscal transfer is that it's going to be basically given back to the state as the tax collected on the efficiency wage multiplied by aggregate human capital multiplied by this parameter delta. So all these are exogenous. The delta, the triangle, tau L and tau C are all exogenous parameters in the model. If you get delta to be greater than 1, you can think of this state being a net receiver of federal funds. And if it's less than 1, then you can think of this particular region being a net contributor of federal funds. OK, so when you solve this, you can manipulate. And this is going to be key in understanding under what tax instruments you have income effect and substitution effect. And under what tax instruments, you only have a income effect. But you can see what happens here is that if you raise the price of consuming, you're basically going to end up with wanting to shift to your educational investments. Can I borrow three minutes into my Q&A time? Is that possible? Or are you going to be? I may need to eat into two or three minutes of it if that's OK with you. But great, thanks. So OK, so you solve the model. And this is going to be important here. If you look at an interior solution, your private educational investments are going to be negatively related to the public education investments. So if the government funds more Big E, then your private E goes down. It could be that it funds a lot of Big E, so your private actually goes to 0. So the question is under what condition is private E greater than 0? So in equation 3, E bar is the maximum amount of E that the household can undertake. Because if it doesn't consume anything, it still has to do this subsistence consumption stuff. This is its wage income. In theory, that's the maximum amount of E that the household can undertake. So the threshold that emerges there is that as long as the human capital is greater than this, then there's a positive E that comes out of the model. And then these are just the comparative statics that come from the first order condition of the household, where we haven't assumed rho being equals to 1. That's a special case. So this is what the dynamics will be. The dynamics of the model will be pinned down by whether a household human capital is above that subsistence threshold and whether it's above the complementarity threshold. If it's above both, which is this case here, the complementarity term kicks in, and the household spends on private E. So that's the first part. If human capital is greater than the complementarity part, that complementarity term comes in. But if it's less than that H hat, that subsistence threshold hat, the household doesn't spend anything on private E's. If HT is less than the complementarity part and less than the subsistence threshold part, you don't get private E and you don't get the complementary part. So that's a characterization of the dynamics of the model. So that's what we're going to calibrate. From HT, we'll go to HT plus 1 using those equations. OK, one last thing. When rho is equals to 1, we just get this. OK, so here is the calibration strategy. We have seven moments for this state. We have genies in 85 and 205. We have the growth rate across this period. The median state turns out to be a state in South India called Pamiladu in terms of its public education spending shares. These shares, as I said, range from 2% to about 4.5%, 5% in 1985. So we have seven moments. We have this. We also have this. We have the public education expenditure shares. We have the private education expenditures shares in both periods. And we have the genies, which are based on survey data, on consumption expenditure survey data. And on the basis of this, I won't spend time on this. But on the basis of this, we get here's the original data and that's the model. So we're able to pick parameters in a reasonably good way, actually. That mimics the seven moments that we have in 1985. And you could get more parameter combinations that give you these moments. And so in the end, we do a sensitivity analysis that on a lot of these parameters. OK, so now let's take the first counterfactual experiment, which is we want to go to the second highest state in the distribution. So we're asking if we're going from roughly 3.42%, that's Tamil Nadu in 1985, to 4.24%, what's going to happen to the general equilibrium of this economy? What's going to happen to growth? What's going to happen to inequality? That's the question we're asking. So here's what's going to happen. If you finance that increase by an increase in tax on consumption, you're poorer. You're being taxed more. So your private education investments go down. That's the income effect. But if you increase your tax on consumption, which makes you want to consume less, the substitution effect means that you push towards private investment in education. You substitute out of consuming the final good towards investing in the human capital of your kid. But there are also these other effects. This is going to mean that from the budget, you have more ET available. And that's going to lead to ET falling. So ET falls because of the income effect and this effect for the budget constraint. So the substitution effect, it goes up. So tax is increased, biggie is increased, and two channels are pushing small e down and one channel is pushing small e up. So how does this work out? If you look at the time trajectory, so these are the transition paths for this economy, on E. So you went from roughly 2 to 2.8. That's what you need to raise it to in order to get to that 4.24 term, where you were at 3.42. So you're going from 3.4 to 4.24. You need to raise the tax on consumption from 2% to roughly 2.8%. What you see in the dot is you see that your private falls because there are two mechanisms which are moving private down and one that is moving it up. And you get, so therefore you get a reduction in private. Then if you look at human capital growth, it's roughly kind of, it rises, but by less than 3%. Human capital growth is just income growth in the model because output has just been produced by human capital. So you get an increase in growth. This just gives you an increase in the level of human capital over time. And this gives you the insight into what happens on inequality, on the genie. And the key mechanism here is that because you're facing a higher tax on consumption, your after tax income falls. But because you have non-homothetic preferences, your privates are going to fall proportionately more for richer households than poorer households. So that leads to a compression in the distribution of HT plus 1. And that leads to downward pressure on inequality. Now the key contrast here is that if you want to move to that upper point in the distribution and you do that by financing it by an increase in the tax on labor income, you have a rise in your labor income, which means your private falls, you invest less privately on the child's human capital. This is also going to lead to ET falling. But you don't have the substitution effect anymore, because you're not financing this by high consumption tax, financing it by an income tax. So both these lead to ET falling. You don't have this compensating increase in ET coming through the substitution effect. So ET falls by more compared to the first case. If ET falls by more, HT plus 1 increases by less. But HT plus 1 over HT is the growth rate. So the growth rate increases by less. So a tax-financed increase in education leads to growth increasing by less. Finally, is that 23 minutes? I'm done. OK. Pure windfall. Outlet ends up being higher consumption. A lot of it goes into higher consumption. It doesn't go into private education investment. So in the paper we talk about ranking these three things. And since the chair is telling me that I need to keep quiet now, here we report a lot of the sensitivity results, because we want to make sure that our results are robust across a variety of different parameters in the model. And I can talk to you more about this towards the end to conclude. This is a way to think about these kinds of experiments in developing country contexts. And when you have a tax-financed increase in public education investments, you're going to end up with a growth and a growth equality trade-off. In other words, it'll matter how you fund that additional higher public education expenditures. But computationally, we show that these effects are not large. And another thing that I didn't talk about was that we end up with, if a large chunk of the population, in other words, doesn't benefit from the complementarity. In other words, if parents don't intellectually contribute to intellectual development of their kids, we thrush this out also. Higher public funding doesn't really have less of an effect. Thank you very much. And sorry for going over time.


Hey everyone February is in the books, so I wanted to take a couple minutes to review our Trade results for the month of February and these are posted updated each month if you just go to navigation trading comm Slash performance or you can click on the top menu item says performance here. It'll bring you to this page So jumping in our income trades for the month actually ended a little in the red for our closed trades You can see towards the end of the month when the market just flushed lower It flushed us out of some positions got smoked out of an iron duck a couple long-call Diagnols a short put vertical and a weekly double calendar that kind of put us into the red for the month The interesting thing is with our short plays and I guess you can call hedges our account still grew in February Even though our closed trades booked a minus $2,100 for the month on the income trades on the day trades totally different story total profit for the month over $13,000 on the mighty 90s strategy was a little back and forth ended up kind of a scratch minus 26 bucks on the month on The pairs trade getting back into doing some pairs trades took 10 pairs trades for a total of $509 and then the runner strategy Continues to dominate with profits over $2,700 on 90 trades really nice winning percentage on our runners on the mighty 90s We really need that to be upwards of 70 plus to really be booking profits And so we just kind of got whipsawed a little bit on the mighty 90s But overall for the month of February day trading over $13,000 on 135 trades So good stuff there if you want to follow along with what we're doing You can just click on membership options from this same page That'll take you to this page here So we've really got a couple different options if you want to just day trade only We have a day trading membership This includes the step-by-step courses to show you exactly what we're doing the day trading indicators to go on your charts Our watch list and then you get access to the live stream room We stream live every morning from 8 30 a.m. To 10 a.m. Central So for the first 90 minutes at the market open if you want to do that It's just 59 bucks a month you can you can check that out if you want to do the income trades Which is our trade alerts where we send out the text message and email You also have a step-by-step courses for all 12 of our strategies pro access to our trade hacker community You can do that for just 179 bucks a month or if you want both We have a deal where you save the most money on the annual So if you pay annually, which is 1290 70 year you get access to the trade alerts and the income portfolio as well as the day trading So we have an option for everybody. So again, just go to navigation trading calm slash Product if you're interested and we look forward to having another good month in March. We'll see you on the inside


Okay, in 4.6, this is a little bit involved in terms of solving. We are trying to calculate the total heat loss from a house with different surfaces, windows, walls, and the roof. And once we get the total heat that is lost, and that is the heat that we have to buy basically, based on the furnace efficiency of 90%. So we need to calculate heat loss through each of these surfaces, windows, roof, and walls. So let's calculate the heat loss through each of these surfaces. Windows. Do we have all the parameters that are required? Basically area, HDD, and R. Area is given as 580 square feet, and R value is also given as 1. So we know R value. We need to know the HDD. Since the house is located in state college, HDD happens to be 6000, or we can take it as 6000. So we have all three of these. So now heat loss through windows can be calculated by using the formula like area, 580 foot square, times HDD, which is 6000, degrees Fahrenheit days, times 24 hours in a day, divided by R value, which is 1. And if we do this calculation, this foot square, foot square, degrees Fahrenheit, degrees Fahrenheit, hours and hours get canceled, days and days. So we'll be left with BTUs. And in a season we will be losing about 83,520,000 BTUs. So this is only through windows. Now let's calculate through walls, heat loss. So that will be 1,920, 1,920 foot square walls, and HDD is again 6000, and there are 24 hours in a day, which doesn't change, divided by the R value of the walls is given as 19 foot square, degrees Fahrenheit, hour over BTU. So again we can cancel this, and the heat loss from the walls appears to be 14,551,579 BTUs. Now we need to calculate through the roof, heat loss. And we use the same formula, the area is 2,750 foot square, and 6000 degrees days, there are 24 hours in a day, divided by the R value, which is given as 22 foot square, degrees Fahrenheit, hour over BTU. Same things, again, just to make sure these can be canceled, and we get 18 million BTUs. So when you add all these losses up, the windows heat loss, walls heat loss, plus the roof heat loss, we get the total heat loss, or that is the heat that we need to buy, basically the amount of energy that we need to buy, happens to be 116 million, 71,578 BTUs. So if we were to get this heat, or this energy from a furnace that has an efficiency of 0.9, and also the natural gas would provide us 100,000 BTUs in a CCF, so we can calculate the number of CCF, like we have done in the past. We need 116 million BTUs, and when we burn natural gas, we get 100,000 BTUs for every CCF. And also we know that we get only 90% of this energy as output. So although we buy 100,000 BTUs, 0.9 times 100,000 or 90,000 BTUs is what we really get as output. So the CCF that we require total would be 1,289 CCF, or we need to buy 1,289 CCF to supply the heat for this house.


I'm very happy to introduce this evening Dr. Ronny Broman. Just a few words about him. Ron was born in West Jerusalem, but lived most of his life in France. He studied, I mean, he's a medical doctor in atropical disease. And was active very, very soon in the humanitarian field since 1977 in international medical assistance. And became the president of Doctors Without Borders between 1982 and 1994. I remember seeing Ronny on television in 1999 when Doctors Without Borders was awarded the Nobel Prize, the Nobel Prize Prize. He was part of a delegation of three or four. I don't remember how many they were, but he was there. They were all there with his t-shirts and the name of their organization. That was very nice. For once I deserved his prize. Not all Nobel Priests, as you know, are deserved by this one. He is still involved in the even with Doctors Without Borders and its foundation and research activities. Ronny teaches at the Institut des Politiques in Paris, which is better known as Sciences Po. And he, since about, I mean, it's quite recent, I think, he's now teaching in the UK in the University of Manchester in the Humanitarian and Conflict Response Institute. I mean, on top of the activities that I mentioned, Ronny is a thinker about his own activity and the activities of the organizations in which he's been involved. He's written many books, starting from, I mean, the one probably the first one that, at least I heard of, it was in 93. I don't know if you've published anything before that. It was about Somalia. The humanitarian crime was the title. And it was followed by a constant flow of books. I don't read all the titles. Unfortunately, they are in French. I'm not aware of any book by Ronny Roman, but this should really be done. He translates his writings into English. At least, if you take just last year, you have three titles published. One is a small one about humanitarian and medical action, the Medizin Manitée. It's in a very widely distributed, small size, small pocket book, size edition in France. Another is a kind of long interview about why he became an activist doctor in the humanitarian field. And the third is a book of discussion, and the title is, let me translate it. I mean, the humanitarian action, let's say diplomacy and human rights. So these three books came out just last year, and I hope that some of all that will soon be available to English readership. In addition to all that, Ronny has been active in other fields. He has co-realized what I wrote with that film. I mean, it's a documentary based on documentary archives. I mean, it's based on inspired by Hannah Arendt's famous Aishman in Jerusalem. And it's a wonderful documentary. Has it been shown in English? Yeah, it has been, so it should be available in some form. And he is active also on the issue of Israel, Palestine. Ronny has taken strong positions in denouncing Israeli violence against the Palestinians and rejecting any use or pretence by the Israeli state of representing all Jews. But today we are here to listen to him speak about the humanitarian issue, humanitarianism at the risk of imperialism. Following that, as usual, we'll have a discussion, questions and answers. And let us focus on the topic of tonight among his many topics. Thank you very much. Thank you, Gilbert. Gilbert has not. Gilbert, for this very kind of presentation.  Well, though I did not advise that I must say that I'm quite happy to be here and to speak to you. And as evidence of my being happy to be here, I must say that my main fear was to train across the channel and being stuck under 40 meters of fear, claustrophobic, and that was the main idea I had to go through. So I did it, it's fine, I'm here, and we're going to shift to serious matters. Humanitarianism is about relieving the suffering of people in need, regardless of their creed, political or philosophical affiliation. That is, more or less, a definition which I think anyone can accept. It is self-evidence in the name of humankind, in the name of humanity in general. Suffering has to be lived and edited. The issue of how we behave with respect to the root causes, whether we address the root causes or do we leave them aside is debatable, it's purely heated issue in humanitarian circles. I think we'll come back to this. I must say to be quite straightforward that I advocate the position of humanitarianism not addressing the root causes, and I hope that after this conference my position will be more understandable because, of course, it is rather counterintuitive to say this. But I would say that in the first place, this is both humanitarianism, strength and weakness, not addressing the root causes, but only addressing the consequences of disaster or any kind of crisis. That is my first introductory point. The second one is about, and then I will go to the catapult of the subject. The second one, just as an appetizer, is look at how the notion of humanitarianism and the world, the world, humanitarian, humanitarian, humanitarian crisis are used, are commonly used. Let's look at what happened recently in Haiti. I won't speak of Haiti in detail. I want to comment what has been done. Of course, I'll be quite happy to come back to this during the discussion. But it was described as a humanitarian crisis. This is a commonly used formula which, in fact, I don't like at all because it brings together a number of, it covers a number of very different crises, massacres, civil wars, natural disasters, etc. So it's a rather blinding and lighting approach to a real crisis. So let's talk of an earthquake there. The earthquake which occurred in Haiti was an opportunity for a number of states, different governments to offer their aid. Of course, we all have in mind what the United States did sending a huge ship, and 10,000 soldiers put in the airport running to deliver the relief. This relief effort was, I must say, played away, was extremely useful and was highly appreciated by the Haitians regardless of any other consideration. But what I would like to insist on is the fact that it was called a humanitarian effort, something not just an emergency aid or solidarity or whatever. It was called humanitarian. Okay, fine, no one seems to be keen to debate, to put this in question. Now, let's think of what happened in Lebanon during the summer of 2006 when the Israelis attacked Lebanon and Ramzakh and destroy the whatever was on their way. We all have in mind the images of what was done at the time. It was like a huge tsunami, an earthquake. It was literally attacked. After this attack, no massive relief effort was launched, though a number of NGOs were in the field trying their best to help victims of this attack. But one thing remained totally unchecked and seen, and this thing is what the Hezbollah did in these areas where the world was not a fanatic of Hezbollah, not a fanatic of the United States policy in general. But just to be fair, it is worth noting that the Hezbollah sent a number of technical advisers and people who had both advice and finance the reconstruction of a number of houses which had been destroyed by the Israelis. And they never asked the team not to have been asking what was the religious affiliation or the political preferences of the people they were sending funds or giving advice to. This is, strictly speaking, a humanitarian aid. Of course, it is inspired by political consideration. Hezbollah is a political party and it has political goals, no one ignores them. But the US government has any government, it has its own political goals, it has its own political views. And the way this notion of humanitarian aid is distributed, the way it is applied in every one side way as an self-evident way of naming what the US is doing in Haiti and it didn't even cross the minds of the people who were talking about what was happening in Lebanon to use the word humanitarian in order to describe what the Hezbollah was doing in South Lebanon. That shows how history plays in our minds, how we have a kind of predetermined view of the world which inspires the way we describe it and the way we name it. Another aspect, another way of using the notion of humanitarianism or to apply the objective humanitarian is what happened in New Orleans in 2005 after the hurricane Katrina. First, let's note that no one, at least publicly, at least when we speak of government, no one there offer these sources to shoulder the US administration which obviously had failed in addressing the consequences of the Katrina hurricane in the New Orleans, I suppose everyone has in mind what happened at the time without any support, without any relief or any way to get out of the flooded areas. In fact, it's not exactly true. Some countries decided that they would offer their name in the name of humanitarian principles. These countries were Venezuela and Cuba and Chavez and Castro publicly offered to send relief teams and Venezuela offered to send oil to goods who needed it, etc. Of course, what the White House turned the blind eye, what turned the proposition down and did not accept anything from these people but it is interesting to observe, to consider that there was a real need for these people to relief, to get relief from any place it was coming from including Cuba or Venezuela but that it was self-evident. We had no discussion that the offers set forth by Castro and Chavez were at humidity, the US government, which in fact was absolutely true they had no other idea in mind that humidity the White House and for many people it was just good news and it's not the country that publicly, but the intimidation of the White House including me, I must say. But my point is that there is a kind of discrepancy there is a sharp contrast or there should be a sharp contrast between the two things I've just said. One is the obvious need of the people for relief and the way we usually think that there is a need, there is an offer and both should be, and this is what humidity is all about but this was not a match and the offer which was coming from Venezuela and Castro was evidently considered as a humiliation. In other terms, in certain circumstances offering humanitarian aid without any aggressive way but without any agenda it was just evident, can be considered a public humiliation and this I think should be always kept in mind because what applies to the White House, to Washington what applies as well to other countries except if we think that we sort of divide the notion of exceptionalism of US exceptionalism or US manifest destiny but I don't think many people would buy this argument in this room and I don't think many people in the world buy this argument so what applies to the United States and what applies to the rest of the world obviously in our mind there is a kind of split between who is supposed to bring good things and who is supposed to receive good things and the nice world of humanitarian aid applies only to some, well to the usual substance and the rest is not supposed to use this word for themselves Now, having said that, I'd like to go back to recent history in order to clarify what I think are the main issues which are played in the humanitarian circles and in the humanitarian discourse Let's note that the 90s came to a close with the notion of humanitarian war They started with the humanitarian war in Somalia and they ended with another humanitarian war in Kosovo and I think this decade is extremely interesting to study and I won't have the time to do so but we might in discussion come back to some episodes and you might be more interested in but I think it's quite important to have this in mind in order to get closer to the subject which is the relationship between the humanitarian and, to some extent, imperialism or imperial wars etc I mentioned Somalia, I'd just like to dwell a few, a couple of minutes on this subject because Somalia was the laboratory for so-called humanitarian intervention As Gilbert said in his introduction, I wrote it's not a book, in fact, it's a small essay which, by the way, is available in this one because it's an essay, a notebook I ever wrote was translated in English but some articles and essays this one is available on the web so if you're interested you can get it but it was written more than 15 years ago so it might be outdated but still there's a description, a accurate, precise description of what happened in the country for this conference I would just mention that Somalia was not a country at the time I'm not meaning that it was not a country in real what I'm saying is that it was considered a laboratory which was launched by the UN Secretary General and the day Secretary General, which was Galli and it became a laboratory for the UN system in general and the number of western countries and as you probably all know the world is still raging in Somalia in the name of civilization, of the western world, of democracies day after day, civilian population is being shelled it's being arrested by the UN label and western-supported forces in this country that all started in the war the war in the early 90s and Somalia was close to a massive UN-sponsored intervention named Rest of Hope after 18 years now it's rather funny though it's not a debatable issue but it's rather funny to remember that it was about hope and what happened in this country is that hundreds, maybe more than a thousand people in fact there was no body count there was no way to evaluate just a number of casualties which were caused by this intervention but by the end of 1992 through 1993 hundreds of civilians fell and the bullets shot by this Rest of Hope coalition which ended in the UNison and it rapidly became the kind of cowboy movie with a wanted guy in the general idea who was searched, was chased by both the UN and the US troops and in this hunt, in this mad hunt more civilians were still killed and for the first time since the colonial era many people died in the name of life-saving operation in the name of so-called humanitarian principles I finished with Somalia by reminding that in March 1993 those who work on the UN system and the general relief system is quite interesting to note that in March 1993 one of the most ambitious and probably the most ambitious ever resolution was passed at the UN Security Council the number of three it was called the I Not Really Member now but it was about setting up a full-fledged state including police, justice, health, education public works, everything so this intervention was supposed to lead to the process of state building which by the way is how we call Western intervention in Afghanistan it's about the nation and state building and this operation includes a number of NGOs which work to this which even to build a nation and to build a state just as our predecessors in the 50s and the 60s many in the 60s were working on this too state building was how they were describing what they were doing for the refugees for people's education in the name of democracy and in the name of building a fair and decent state to resist the assaults of barbarity which was launched by the Northerners i.e. the Communists the other side were the Communists were the Reds at the time it became the Islamists it became the Green in modern time but the idea remains the same there is civilization there is barbarity and there is a clear line which divides both and humanitarianism is about in a way about say involving humanitarian aid from decades now and this is my idea of what humanitarianism is or can be but common wisdom calls humanitarianism what we would call the defense of Western civilization this is exactly the ongoing problem again another mark on Samaria which is extremely important also to have in mind when you consider for instance what happens now in Bafour what's been happening in Bafour over the last 5 to 6 years the world started exactly 6 years ago 7 years ago there was and Bouchos Gali is the one who did this there was a huge manipulation of figures when Bouchos Gali decided that there should be an intervention because he wanted to be the first secretary general who had reactivated the original means he wanted to hand it over to the UN system after the Second World War so he wanted to set up the UN ministry force and set up a real state a UN-sponsored state in Samaria and the Trusted Sheet Council which was the status of the UN in 45 to achieve this he manipulated the figures stating that 80% of the full aid which was sent to Samaria was taken by so-called warlords by militia men and therefore enhancing famine and plunging hundreds of millions of people hundreds of thousands or even millions of people into starvation and were being responsible for massive death that was absolutely false but I can tell you I have said I want to thank the President of the État d'Orthier in France we had a rather clear idea of the amount of aid which was so-called inverted by militia men and so-called I mean it is rather a quotation a word I would really use I'm not saying that it was not a diversion of aid what I'm saying is that part of this diversion of aid was done by people who really needed this food and the young militia men were belonging to families who were in a very bad situation and they were thought it was a kind of unorganized redistribution of what was supposed to be distributed so it was not an orderly distribution of aid but it was a distribution of aid I think it was not as which was very and a number of people were affirming it was not about resharing this food aid on the international market it was nothing except for those who were starving so it had no financial value it just had a value for those who needed it to survive and our estimation along with the international Red Cross and yes you need to know that the Red Cross, the international Red Cross the international committee of the Red Cross to be the ICRC our CRC estimation and MSF Ms. Asafontia's estimation about diversion of aid were ranging from 10% to 30% and again the important part of this aid was just to feed the people which was the idea of sending aid to Somalia so from 10% to 30% and even probably to 90% which in fact as it was perceived and perceived meant the totality of food aid which was sent to Somalia and what I heard was stolen and was feeding the world that was the common cliché which was pervasive which was absolutely everywhere so that was this is what set the world in motion this is what triggered the friendly troops being in Somalia and getting in a humanitarian bloodshed which I call the humanitarian crime in my small business but having now an end with my infected not far from ending my which way and 30 minutes that's really good why am I actually calling some aspects of Somalia I'm aware that Somalia some aspects of complex situation more details but well we don't have the time for this but why am I recalling this it because it was the day at abortion it was a kind of scientific social scientific experience but what you usually do when you carry out an experience is that when you interpret it you reflect on it you draw some lessons from what you see and what you've done and what you've tried it seems that no lesson was learned from Somalia and more in the NGO's humanitarian NGO's world than anywhere at the UN world than anywhere else I think that part of the military in the world reflected on this though and it's difficult to see what's happening in Afghanistan it might be over optimistic about the military but at least I know the humanitarian world also the NGO and the human parts and my impression is that we haven't learned a lot from it we haven't learned that for instance weapons are a very ineffective and very dangerous humanitarian truth and if I said so it's because the subsequent decade was marked by a number of a couple of very important initiatives which I think show that these lessons were not and these two initiatives are the responsibility to protect which later on in the late 90s early 20s in 2007 and the ICC the International Criminal Court let's remember that throughout the 90s most NGOs including Mike MSF although I was one of the group but it's not very interesting but at the time towards this initiative most NGOs that were saying might show a very big enthusiasm on the idea of establishing the International Criminal Court in the name of peace of building peace building stability security for the people and under the slope of that there could not be possible peace without justice which many of you belong to this category which for those who are familiar with history in general is rather ludicrous if there was no peace without justice the whole world would be at war because there's never been such a scene as justice to the crew in the war so we must have made the fact that war can come to an end without any kind of trial and the criminals being judged and condemned to custody but what is really striking is that including when I have started my trajectory in my career so to speak in this small world with humanised organisation fighting for the liberation of people who were unfairly unjustly detained in custody and I must say that I still adhere to this way of doing things and to these objectives but what I'm struck by is that nowadays and that has started most humanised organisation are mobilised on another object though this one the one I've just mentioned has not disappeared fortunately it's still present but it is sort of outweighed by another object which is to put people in jail and having cops and judges as evident humanised figures is a situation which has appeared through the 90s the process through which this occurred is the massive support brought to this notion of international criminal court and achieving peace through justice and through the judgment of the massive criminals so this is one aspect with this one track of mobilisation which was taken by most NGOs the other one a bit later on that it appeared late 90s and was really successful in 2005 when in September 2005 it was adopted by both the Security Council and the General Assembly of the Nations I mean of course I'm talking of this document the responsibility to protect the R2P document in fact I'm not a law person I'm not very familiar with the document it's not a resolution it's not a vote I know exactly what it is in the law terms but what I say is that what I'm seeing and what I want to insist about is that in political terms it was widely unanimously accepted as a common goal for the human kind in general through the United Nations so what is how to be all about two different things one very classical which doesn't need any time to understand it's about putting together all the diplomatic and usual means to bring about peace when in a situation of war okay that's about diplomacy negotiations, mediation et cetera nothing really new it's just various tools which are just put together in a small document and there are three to four lines which are important in this document which is a five page document three or four lines which more or less say that in case of crimes of war crimes against humanity or genocide military action should be taken and truth should be sent to put an end to these mass violence or these mass atrocities so it is a re-activation of the notion of just wars which is at play in the art of war and by the way, the main principles which are involved basically stated in this document relate very clearly to Saint Thomas notions of just war so it is clearly sitting on this notion of just war and again most NGOs either didn't really state anything or most declared their enthusiasm for the mass atrocities would be in the middle and coming to France some of you might be familiar with French political life we have a Minister of Foreign Affairs named Bernard Mouchner of Médecins so frontier and he is the author with a few other names he is the author of the notion of Devoir de Gérance the right of the duty to interfere there is no exact satisfactory translation of a Gérance as far as we can observe in English but we all see what it means by this it's the right to say well this is forbidden to go to a country and impose a kind of liberal peace that has no translation to French that's actually English notion but again it's I think very useful so of course which was imposed in Iraq or in Afghanistan or in Palestine where do we what is the observation point which enables us to say well this is an unjust war and we should stop it and this is a decent war and well ok let's go for it it's fine that is the hardcore of what is usually called soft power soft power is not only not only enforced through music and Hollywood movies and so on but it's quite important by the way for those who have seen Black Hawk Down they will understand what I mean by soft power coming from Hollywood because I mean the way Somalia and the rest of hope operation is this crime really telling and really very interesting to analyze but the point I want to make is that this newly notion of R2P which draws on the notion of but makes it more palatable to human circles to the international community and as evidence of this as I said it was unanimously accepted probably rather passively accepted but still there was no objection to it so the idea that just war exists and that in the name of humanitarian principles the protection of civilians prevention of methodologies wars which should be launched wars this is the new humanitarian paradox which is quite vivid and widely supported probably more in England and in the UK and the United States than anywhere else you've got the main NGO coalition English speaking coalition which really care of human rights world, international price group and a number of prominent relief and human rights NGOs involved in this R2P coalition which made in this war for good coalition and this is exactly what I would call that is modern embarrassed which doesn't deal with concurring new land with dominating new resources it's just about establishing the order it's fair the order which has been decided by a certain part of the order without consulting the other part of the order and what is really look at Darfur and I will finish on this in order to leave time for the discussion but look at Darfur know that that mass atrocities happen as they happen in any war Darfur is a civil war no less, no more terrible than any other civil war but again as it was done in Somalia big and still ongoing manipulation of figures was there figures of 300 to 500,000 people killed by by the government troops is probably 10 times what really happened in the ground so my own figure is about 50 to 50 60,000 people 60,000 casualties which is enormous which is humanized who in Darfur but still it's not 500,000 or million as it was but these figures were used to justify massive opinion campaign in order to send troops to Darfur and I'm not really aware of what happened here in the UK more aware of what happened in the United States where it's all started we may be interested to come back on this but let's leave it for the discussion it all started in the States and it continued massively in France as well and during the presidential campaign in 2007 most candidates gathered in one night to be in a very famous meeting place in Paris in order to denounce the ongoing genocide and to promise that if one of them had to be elected who would be elected would not allow this genocide to continue and would do whatever he or she could to stop it which was by the way which was a way to enact this notion of responsibility to protect all the right to interfere but stated and re-taken by one of the most French political most prominent French political figures just to give you an idea of how serious or it may be of course about the next day after the election or let's say the next week the week but still they said it in politics words of meaning the importance and the idea that that country was perpetrating that this year the President of Sudan was perpetrating a genocide once pervasive was accepted by everything and people like Fautier or like me in a more personal way who were criticizing using the notion of genocide who were talking on the civil war who were accused of downsizing the plight of the foreign accused of playing into the hands of the cartoum regime of being complicit of those criminals they were very fishy it was what was playing I think was the idea that there was a new notion of curateria which was opposed or which could be denounced or criticized by people like MSF and some others but it was not very well low position at the time at least who opposed the notion of humanitarian war as an imperial war so now this notion of responsibility to protect if it is still debated if it is still an issue which is discussed in the United Nations I'm not really afraid that we will see in the next in the in the close future massive military interventions all over the place because the resources are not there and maybe for bad reasons but for objectives and objective ends that is from the reasons these wars won't take place but the notion is there the and for humanitarian volunteers having the idea that they work in the field but as a kind of an excuse and this is what's happening as a kind of alibi a professional temporary presence which should be sooner or later replaced or without to be replaced by military who will do the real job which is to kill the killers to occupy the land to establish security and as everyone can say you love Lebanon, you love Iraq you like Lebanon, you like Iraq you will love Darfur and other places like this where humanitarian intervention will take place but just imagine how in what state in what mind state you are when you think you're just an excuse or just a kind of hangar which should be followed by troops and if troops don't come it would mean that the so-called international community doesn't do the job and you're just an educated, this is a way to forget what should be to diminish, to reduce to nothing what the humanitarian community is doing in the ground and by the way talking of Darfur is a good opportunity to just put an emphasis on an aspect which is very rarely taken up which is the new efficiency of the new professionalism of the humanitarian community at large including both new agencies and NGOs without this massive peaceful intervention times and tens of thousands of Darfurians would have died and thanks to this intervention I'm not sure how much is the right quality because it has some military connotation maybe in English so if it has just forget that it doesn't entail any kind of military connotation thanks to this massive intervention well, many Darfurs we believe and the future of Darfur and the future of Sudan as inclusive can be envisaged and this is quite important I think the main political outcome of this intervention though some shortcoming some drawbacks in this intervention but still I think that positive aspect including the political ones are really what characterize this intervention and well thanks God so to speak there was no there was only a threat of this intervention but never a real intervention so now to cover this my shortcoming I would like and I will just jump not to my conclusion because I don't have any conclusion but just a closing remark I think that what is at play now in a small but sorry humanitarian is to liberate our set of free our set from a sentiment of all mightiness this notion that is closely related to the 19th century colonialism approach colonialism approach which in practical terms for us a temporary humanitarian translate into the fact that we seem to think that we are the voice of the voices that we speak in their behalf that not only do we try to release their plight but we also try to speak on their their behalf and that is I think what should be absolutely avoided and speaking of this of course I mean also that Jibber mentioned that the work of the Anaheim that are quite interesting approach the notion she worked on the politics of pity the way she articulates pity and terror and how you justify terror in the name of the pity you feel towards these people these voiceless people who deserve to be defended but defended in a way that you are ready to kill to release their plight and you are especially ready to speak in their name so eliminating violence from the humanitarian toolbox so to speak is an urgent issue and to my regret I must see I must observe that most NGOs do not seem to be very enthusiastic at taking firm stances against the use of violence on behalf of humanitarianism on the culturally good part about them as I said support this art to be art to be notion and art to be coalition which is exactly the in fact I am sorry I should be more but this would be my last work and this is the time for me to thank you for your attention


No, don't. Craig, was that you? No. Maybe. I can't get a scare. The following video contains a ton of swearing and jump scares and flash flashes, so viewer discretion advised. Craig and I checked out our favorite event in all of Ontario, Fear Farm.  It's Craig and I's favorite, honestly not sponsored at all. Best attraction in all of Ontario. It's got four haunted attractions, one hayride with absolutely scary scenes. The stalking dead in a cornfield, the hillbilly hike, which is absolutely insane, and then Hiller House, which is terrifying. You have to check it out.  Special shout out to the two little boys we met at Fear Farm. Family run event is so awesome. You guys are so cool. Thanks for everything. And yeah, you guys have to check out this event because you'll see for yourselves in the following video. It's absolutely hilarious and awesome. Thanks to all the haunt workers that work at this event. You're all amazing and you got me so well. Have a good one. Oh my God.  This looks different. I don't remember going right into the cornfields.   No, you don't understand. They use, like, walk a little fast.  Sorry. We're good in here, right? I don't know. I can't tell what's real and what's not. Exhibit A. Sorry. Oh, look. What? Back into the cornfield.  Off with peace and love. Stop.  What if you accidentally grab a monster? That's even... Can you imagine being in a... Fuck! Sorry. Pitcher, though.  Not with you.   I'm too old for that. I can't do these anymore. I have to send other people into these for me.  Krega, come get me. I can't push through. Sorry. Just go. Just go.  No, don't. Krega, was that you? No. Holy... It's too quiet. Is it almost over? Oh, my voice hurts. They don't even give you time to catch your breath, eh? Oh. I remember this. This is where Krega jumped. Keep going. Are they there, Krega?  Nobody here at all. Man, an insider's voice is going on. Hi, YouTube. Hi. Sorry.  The moaning behind us. That was hilarious. On your right. What? On our right. Did you not hear? He's, like, on your right. And then we looked to our right and they're coming. Oh. I don't trust these corn things.  Fucking... Sorry. No. God, yes. You're trying not to laugh for the monster. Yeah. Look, I'm going to try not to laugh. Get me.  I'm sure she can handle your screen. Sorry. Yeah, she's probably out here. Fuck. Sorry.  Can we find a light? Yeah, let's go over here. Well, that was definitely different.  Damn, each of these keeps getting better than the last. Fuck. So easy to not get scared if he's just... What do you mean by that? Because it's funny watching you. Sorry. No one else has the heart attacks? Oh, this room. You know this one. Oh, you're all getting scared in here, just saying. They grab you.  Just come on up. Oh! Just jump up now. Oh. Sorry. Okay, they're not below the fog this time. Sorry. Just go.  I see why you're filming now. I'm sorry. Oh, my monster. My monster. Yeah, for dinner? Yeah. Look at what I made. Oh, damn. They have so many scare actors in here. Chris, well, that's such a scary ambiance. Yeah, what is going on over there? What was that? That came from the forest. Sure. That likes the beach. What? Sandwich. Oh. Oh. Sorry. I don't want to stay for dinner. Oh, joke again, the second one. I'm working so calm. Why? Because nothing gets underneath your skin. Good you. Chris, well. I'm getting Chris.  Sorry. Oh, yeah, you are. In what horror film do we walk towards the... Michael Myers. Really? I don't trust looking... You've got to look everywhere in these. Yeah. That's a creepy costume. Wonderland could never. You look flat. Yeah. What is that? Parkour? That's going to look so cool on the camera. Stop. Oh, I think we go this way. Why did Brendan get out of the car? It's like the train horn from the other side. Oh, I couldn't see her. Shit. Hello? Sorry. Okay. I think this might be better than screen parts. Yeah. Stop. Oh, you have to find your way out of this. Remember?  I forgot about this. You have to find your way out. Hi. Any hints? This way.  She came around and we didn't see her. Oh, hi. Hi. I'm holding up the whole maze. We've got to hurry. This way. Which way? This way or that way? This way or that way? Is it? I got us out.  Where did that come from? Right here. Oh, my God. Okay. I'll find it. I know. I don't know what's an animatronic and what is it? If it's coming up, does this sound like it? Yeah. Oh, it's not? It's not. It actually hurts. Them peaches in Georgia. That was the best hiding spot. What did you guys think? It was awesome. We can't see you, but it's okay. That's okay. The last one got me. You should have seen Brendan when the picture frame started moving on the wall. Yeah. Shut up. Brendan, I can't get the screen. Insert scream counter now.


Welcome to ITU Telecom World 2017 in Busan in the Republic of Korea. I'm pleased to be joined by Mustafa Essa, who is from Vodafone. Mustafa, thank you very much for being with us today. Thank you, Keir. Thank you very much. Now I'd like to start off by asking you about smart digital transformation. What does smart digital transformation mean to you? So you can say that the smart digital transformation considered to be the normal evolution of the business in any market or any company. During the last decade, you can find a good job in the technology. This job had affected all the aspects of the ecosystem of the market, starting from the platforms, mobile applications and tools. And this job have been reflected to the customers, which has generated new requirements by these customers. If we take the customer service, for example, you will see that right now the customers will need new requirements and new needs. Like an innocent feedback from their product or customer or provider, an innocent complaint system, or even an innocent product development suggestion. So if the companies try to do this job with the old-fashioned way, it will fail and it will be history within a couple of years. So I think that the digital transformation is an essential step for any company in the market, for any technology. So tell us a little bit about your solution to using smart technologies to make a difference. Yes, our solution, which is iNetwork, is basically a self-optimized network server, which is basically built on the concept of mobile network groupness and performance sustainability. So since 2015, once the iNetwork had been launched, iNetwork had enhanced Vodafone network APIs, supported planning engineer and optimization engineer, and also offloaded a lot of operational work 24x7 efficiently. So we can say that in Vodafone right now we have our network powered with a machine depending on smart machine learning and artificial intelligence serving our customers to the best. Excellent. And what do you think are the key challenges and opportunities that you see in the expansion of AI technologies and services? So you can say that we have two main challenges for the AI and its expansion. Mainly the first one is the technical one, which is the limitation of the processing and storage capability. And I think this challenge will be vanished within two or three years due to the huge number of researchers, by the researchers and institutions and academia, also for the vendors. The other challenge is an ethical one, and I think that the historical question for the AI to which extent and to which limit that we should let the machine take the decision solely without any human intervention, and shall we kill the creativity in the machine if it exists or not? So this question maybe limits the expansion of the AI. On the other side you have a lot of enormous number of, if I can say, opportunities like making life easier, saving the humanity. And I believe by myself that AI may have a chance to help the humanity remove all their conflicts. And if it eliminates the human selfish intention, which normally exists, it can collaborate the humans on one goal, one value. Maybe the AI will succeed in what we feel. Yes, that would be brilliant. I mean, you also entered the ITU Telecom World Awards and you've got a stand here. I wanted to ask you, what's the value of attending events such as ITU Telecom World? Yes, Fadi. You can say that the first thing that we presented our innovative, patented solution, which is the I Network, which is considered to be the unique machine that's working in a new AI concept, which is, if I can say, letting the machine have an imagination, create its own concept and strategy and decision analysis. It could be a gateway for the next generation of the AI. Mainly the ITU considered to be a hub for where the ICT decision maker and expertise met to unify their vision for the future of the ICT. And I wish the ICT succeeded always to mine the gap between these aspects. Mainly I also have been seeing that most of the Puthers were very, very exciting. Most of the exhibitors do their best to show their capabilities, like SKT, Telecom, China. Puthers also won all the African Puthers as well. Thanks. Well, thank you very much for joining us today, Mustafa Essa. And we wish you the very best of luck with the awards and in the future as well. Okay, thank you. Thank you very much.


Alright, so here we are at another location where XR and the Animal Rebellion crew have set up camp here. This is Trafalgar Square. They've been here for a little while now. We moved on from the DEFRA site, but we're meeting at the fountain to be briefed on another action this morning. Let's go. Look at the police are clearing out all the tents here. Loads of police. This heaps of police. Alright, let's go find the Animal Rebellion team. This is smack bang in the middle of Trafalgar Square, London. It's like a little tent village. I think this is us over here. Either stay here and defend their site, which is over there. Stay here and defend the site. Yep. To continue with the mass action that's planned, which is to go to Cargill, their corporate officers and do a disruption. Yeah. And take their gear with them, so they can undo the tents and bring them with them. Yeah. So James is parked with the tents where apparently it's a safer location and then proceed with the action if there were time after having made the move. If we have a bigger group that the police can move us on, we need people to look after the tents. We need more people participating in actions. We need more people participating in Animal Rebellion. Alright, so we're all making a move to the next location. We're going to do a direct action. Swallowing up the rainforest, swallowing up the earth's resources, so people can have a five minute meal. Animals stabbed in the throat. All the resources are going to this one little morsel of flesh and blood to feed people's desire for steak. Someone's got the right idea. Another one here. Steak houses. They should be f***ing illegal. Absolutely insane. This will be, this is a suicide of the planet and the animals and everyone on it.  I'm okay. I go every two weeks to a chicken slaughterhouse. I own this place. So I really hate these people. Okay, so you feel angry inside? I feel if I'm going to get arrested this is what I want to get arrested for. Okay, well good luck. We'll be here to support you. He's committed to helping the world thrive. Thanks to farmers markets, sustainable nutrition. American privately held global corporation based in Minnesota. Agricultural services, crop and livestock. I guess we're going into up to the floor where the Cargill people are. Make a statement. And then officers to demand change in Cargill's corporation action. As everyone here knows, thousands of acres of Amazon rainforests burn this summer. Completely devastating the ecosystems and killing millions of animals without forgetting about the impact this has had on indigenous communities. Currently, 91% of the Amazonian deforestation is due to animal agriculture, as last reports show. Cargill and its partner Carvel have been pointed at as the worst company in the world because of their ecocidal work being, as a matter of fact, the main climate change contributor in the entire planet. Push things forward without doing this kind of stuff now. We're always out on the streets and we're trying to reach the individuals and stuff. What we need to push for as well though, systematic change. So we need to hit the system from the top and change the people from below and get them working together somehow. Thanks Chris, thanks for coming brother. It's always a pleasure. Okay, so this is our fourth day of actions done with Animal Rebellion. They're going to meet regroup tonight at 6pm and I think there's something tomorrow night that we will be attending. So it's going to be something, it should be something big. So let's do it. Got a few of us here. The rest of the team have arrived. Looks like there's about 100 people here. Now we've got the troops here. Look out. So they've obviously got hundreds of Welsh police there blocking off the fish market. Not much you can do in that situation. If you keep walking past those police they'll use force if they have to. They've made a barricade, made a blockage there. And now we've just made a move. So I'm not really sure what's going to happen now. Not really sure what we can do in this situation or what the activists are going to do in this situation. We'll have to wait and see. Okay, so we just come around the back and there's another barricade of a bunch of police right there. The police are now allowing us to walk to Bidding Street fish market and to go right up to the entrance. I don't really know what's going to happen when we get there.  There's sea animals, there's still dead animals. They're carrying around in these foam boxes but they're going to be sold to people to eat. They're dragging tons, tons and tons. Hundreds of millions of tons of fish out the oceans. These big trawling nets destroying everyone and everything in its path. And we were holding our hearts, each and every individual fish and are being sold here today. Let's make history. The only protest outside of Trafford is in breach of Section 40. Alright, so it seems like the police are dispersing the crowd. This happens to be private property so I'm really unsure of what's going to happen but I think the police are starting to disperse people. They have the right to arrest whoever they want. This morning Billingsgate Fish Market was blocked off before police stepped in. This morning's target, Billingsgate Fish Market in Poplar. Animal rebellion want to highlight the damage overfishing and plastic waste is doing to our oceans. The police though were expecting them and when the roads were blocked they were quick to react. They arrested 28 people. The fishing and agriculture industries worldwide are responsible for about 15% of all carbon climate change emissions so we needed to send a message to the government and the government were going to hear that we need to transition to a palm based food system.


My name is Ari. I am a computer technician born in France to Malagasy parents. I was selected to volunteer in Talata where computer technicians were needed. Here I trained administrative staff how to digitalize civil records, such as birth and death certificates. In developed countries everything seems to be at your fingertips, especially technology. I also taught computer and IT classes in the community. I focused on the basics so my students could understand a little bit about how computers work. And I asked them questions about what they would like to work on to see how I could help them use IT to improve their projects. My name is Ari Nyan. I am an agribusiness engineer from Madagascar and I live in France. Here in Talat I helped train the administrative staff working in the community how to automate some of their everyday tasks. At the same time within the town I worked with Koba street vendors. Koba is a Malagasy delicacy originally from Talat. I worked with the vendors to enhance the visibility of their products and to find bigger markets in which to sell their products across the country. I first taught producers the importance of meeting hygiene standards in their production process. I also explained to them the importance of increasing the visibility of their businesses in order to attract more customers to buy their products. The vendors had many ideas and were very motivated. They just didn't know the steps to take to make it all happen. Together we created the Koba vendors association called Koba and Sausage of Talat Volendry. All we need to do now is to finalize the logo and image. In total I supported 25 Koba vendors. All members of the association who will now have the potential to help more than 60 Koba vendors in Talat who have yet to join the association. My name is Lovah and I come from Lyon in France. My project aims to strengthen the link between the council and local entrepreneurs in order to boost the development of Talata markets. I propose to the mayor to create an exhibition space at the entrance to the town so that local producers can increase the visibility of their products and increase their sales. This event I hope will support local production in Talata and serve as a source of pride for the community. The highlight of my experience was meeting the different council officials and the many local entrepreneurs. It also allowed me to build relationships and create a network for future projects. Currently there are many diaspora organizations that support and catalyze the creation of startup companies in Madagascar. Honestly when we first arrived here I questioned whether the community would be receptive to my suggestions. But once here it was their high motivation which helped us push the projects forward. It was not my goal to change Madagascar on my own. I am doing my part in Talata and the other volunteers are doing theirs in their assigned communities. Each of us little by little contribute to the country's development. And all together I believe we have the power and potential to make a difference.


So what were you gonna ask? Okay, so she said that she when she was seven years old She fantasized and dreamed about marrying a srk Which then made me think about something that's very true of me. I want to know if it's true of you Okay, I never fantasized about marrying any of the women I had crushes on as a kid I only had one fantasy in my mind Yeah, did you ever fantasize of marrying or was it only I want to have sex with that that girl Mine was always an only the thought of wow would be amazing to have sex with that girl.  I dreamt of the I dreamt of marrying one day But that was never any of the stars that I looked up to like I've told you about like Jacqueline Smith Dolly Parton Wonder Woman Linda Carter What's her face from Duke's a hazard? None of them was anything where I envisioned myself married to them and living life with them as a husband and wife I Think that's why I was thinking. I think it's stereotypical. I think the guys look at it I was like, oh my goodness.     It's of course.  I don't know it's called so maybe you'll hate it. I know what it's called fish and rice There's nothing else It reads Oh poor fire chop Oh poor ponchali Arjit Singh Parambrata Parno Koshik Ganguly Oh poor ponchali is a 2014 Bengali film directed by Koshik Ganguly based on the life of Super Banerjee The actor who played Oh poo in Patur Panchali the first film of Satyajit rise Oh putrilogy director Koshik Ganguly won the award for best director for Oh poor Panchali in the 44th International Film Festival of India Cool, I guess and Johnny hasn't seen this film Here we go So the show we're constantly sorry, yeah, you might not know patreon, you know Hello darkness my old friend.  She's just a wee bit She does understandable obviously yep It was Obviously from somebody who has no connection to a Kolkata very beautiful and it was actually moving just seeing up a poo Just because that was such even though what was that was it two years ago now a poo I think so yeah About right now it was January of 2020. That's so strange But just seeing that was reminiscent would you what'd you think about it right? Oh, yeah thoughts and feelings Yeah, it's um You hear those sniffles and high definition. No, it's what's it? The interesting part is that it's just this in fact this this past. I'm glad we didn't watch this a week ago. I Would have been very bad, but yeah for anyone who's had to transition from India to America or any any culture to a different culture. Yeah, it is extraordinarily hard. Yeah, and Yeah, it's um and there were there were so many things reminiscent and they're like There was a mmm. There was a terrace on there that looks Oh Strikingly like the rooftop at an Andrani's house. So Yeah, so it's it's it's a Bittersweet type of thing and this is from a film right is what it said. It said it was yeah Bengali film and it's about it's Based on the life of super energy the actor who played open Yeah, and I wonder there were some spots on there It looked like they went back to the actual locations where they where they had filmed Are those films part of the DNA of Bengal essentially now like everybody's Like everybody knows about that film everybody seen that film. It's basically part of the city now, right? As is Satya Jutraya. I mean, I don't think you can talk to any There are some stereotypes about what it means to be Bengali like legitimately like the whole Bunch of stupid babies sent a really funny thing of Picture of how to attract a Bengali girl and it's a guy with a tie and it's nothing but a fishbone You know fish skeleton because because Bengalis eat and love fish as part of their diet that they love and rice But well, I didn't plan on having this video where two people in the screen would be crying That's why you wouldn't have known that's why we're called reactions. That's not usually our niche is crying reactions But hey, you get everything here It was actually wonderful Arjun Singh brings it beautiful such a beautiful song a romance is the best way to describe his voice Yeah, but I think about that song in addition to romance to the city. Yeah in addition to the visuals. There's just some lyrics in there that are excruciating about It's basically about missing that place So obviously besides your family and friends and the city as a whole What's one of the things you miss most The city as I said besides besides the city as a whole and your friends and family. What do you miss? Yeah And it's ancientness and the trees the way the trees and the buildings are together Yeah, yeah, and it's obviously very different from Los Angeles, which is about it's a hundred years old or something. It is a it is it is a Stark oh, yeah, it's hard to get more different Then going from Somewhere in India really anywhere in India even someplace like Mumbai I mean the easiest place you could transition from in Mumbai Mumbai feels like LA and Miami combined, but even still you did it's a different culture It's a completely different culture people are everybody looks different everybody interacts differently. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah And even somebody you know and Ronnie felt like the transition would be easier because she loved America for so long It was so connected to American culture. Yeah, it is a big difference Just just if you move from a house to another house in the city you grew up in that's stressful enough Yeah, but imagine growing from the house you grew up in and your family's been in for generations And now you're not only in a different house. You're in a completely different country How long have your family been in a house? seven 70 plus Like almost 80 years probably doesn't that doesn't happen. It doesn't happen here. No well also America the generational wealth has not gone down to the millennials currently. I've had I this is not a joke This is a real number. I've had 36 residences in my life and Ronnie's had one until she moved here Whoa, yeah, anyways, I hope you enjoyed that reaction. Let us know. I don't know days Give love to Indrani down