In the previous lecture, we were discussing about surface tension driven flows and their simple one dimensional mathematical representations. In the mathematical representations, we started with one particular scenario in which we neglect the inertial forces or inertial effects and then we came up with an equation. You can go to the view graph to recapitulate this that this is the viscous force. This is the actually the surface tension driven surface tension force but expressed in terms of the static height capital H and this is the weight or the gravity force that is opposing the motion of the capillary. In the small time limit when S is much much less than h, then the forces which are balancing each other are the viscous forces and the surface tension forces. So this is the viscous force. We assume the fully developed flow to describe the viscous force and that is balancing the surface tension force and then we got relationship between the capillary displacement S and the time t where S varies as square root of the time. Now that is about the small time limit. What about the large time limit? So by large time limit what we mean? Let us come to the board to explain this. So let us say that this is the capillary and this is the final static height. So small time limit means temporal regimes where the height is much much less than the static height. Large time limit means the temporal regimes when the capillary front is almost near the static height. So to express the corresponding relationship what we will do is we will write, so we will be doing now large time limit. So 8 pi mu S ds dt is equal to pi r square h rho g – pi r square s rho g. Now let us say that what is the hallmark of a large time limit? The hallmark of a large time limit means the difference between h and s is very small. So let us say that h – s is equal to delta s. So 8 pi mu in place of s we can write delta s plus h, sorry h – delta s, h – delta s into d dt of h – delta s is equal to pi r square rho g into h – s is delta s. So now one can work out this that is h dh dt – h d delta s dt – delta s dh dt plus delta s d delta s dt. Clearly capital H is not a function of time, it is a static, the final static height. So this is 0, this is also 0, this being involving 2 small numbers will be less than the order of the other. So eventually what you get is 8 pi mu h d delta s dt is equal to – pi r square rho g delta s. So we can write d delta s by delta s is equal to – pi r square rho g by 8 pi mu h dt. So ln delta s is equal to – r square rho g by 8 mu h dt plus ln c1 if you integrate it. So delta s is equal to c1 into e to the power – r square rho g t by 8 mu h. So that means we can get an expression because once you know delta s, you can find out what is h – delta s. So that is equal to s. So we will summarize this discussion on the last time limit through the slides. So let us go to the slides there. So in the slides I mean maybe there is a different notation instead of c1 it is c2 that is used, k2 whatever. But the form is pretty clear. So ln delta s is equal to ln c2 – k2, k2 is that the combined term r square rho g by 8 mu h. So that in the shorthand notation is written as k2. So I mean in board whatever we mentioned as c1 that is mentioned as c2 here. So you can get s as a function of the constant c1, c2 whatever name you give. As time tends to 0, s tends to 0. So time tends to 0 has to be analyzed very carefully. In the short time limit whatever is time tends to 0 is different from what is time tends to 0 in the large time limit. In the long time limit the time tends to 0 means the time under consideration becomes small as compared to the notion of large time solution. So it is not literally the beginning but it is a condition when you start thinking about the large time solution. So it can be possibly like when you are thinking of the large time solution your initial condition may be the end of the small time solution. So at the end of the small time solution your height of the liquid column becomes small within the paradigm of the large time solution. It is not actually 0. See these things have to be notionally understood because this we are considering the large time limit. In the large time limit whatever is applicable that is what we are considering. So this is not technically addressing the situation from the beginning of the capillary filling. Because beginning of the capillary filling is not actually within the purview of the large time solution. Beginning of the capillary filling is within the purview of the small time solution. So these things when we are putting these as tending to 0 these are not referring to the beginning of the small time solution or the beginning of the capillary rise. But these are referring to temporal instances when the height is much smaller as compared to what you get in the large time solution. So that is as good as tending to 0. So with that you get s is equal to h into 1- e to the power – k2 into t where k2 is that rho g r square by 8 mu h. So you can see that it is an exponential variation with respect to time towards the end of the capillary rise. Now we will proceed a little bit further forward and we will try to assess the situation when inertial effects are important. So far we have neglected the inertial effects but we will now consider the inertial effects for simplicity and for its relevance in micro and nano scale we will neglect the gravity effect. That means we will neglect that gravity as a force as compared to the surface tension as a force. The reason is that in small scale the surface forces are overwhelming as compared to volumetric effects. So that means that if you reduce the length scale of your capillary or if you make the capillary narrower and narrower the gravity effects will be less and less important as compared to the surface tension effects. So with that understanding so once we say that is not very important then it really does not matter whether the capillary is vertical horizontal inclined or whatever we will neglect gravity as a body force. So we will consider reduced order model with inertial effects. Let us say that we have a capillary of radius r. Now the relative orientation of the capillary is not important because we are not going to consider the gravity forces anymore. So we can write if you write the inertia forces if we are considering this lumped mass this v could be the velocity of the center of mass for example and that is the resultant force acting on it. Let us assume that the contact angle here is theta. So what is DDT of MV? So well before that let us write what is this F?  So if S be the average displacement then DDT what is M? What is the mass in the shaded region? Rho into pi r square into S and v is DHDT that we discussed in the previous lecture is equal to F surface tension. So F surface tension is 2 pi r into sigma cos theta and what is the viscous force? – 8 pi mu s ds dT. This sigma is sigma lv. Now a very interesting thing is that if you could write this in terms of the static height h then that will that may give you an illusion that as if gravity effect is considered because that they will then consider rho g and all this but that is not true because the static height is just like a parameter which can be expressed in terms of the contact angle. So if this could have been dipped vertically in a fluid then the amount of rise in the fluid due to surface tension or fall in the surface tension is characterized by the static height. That does not mean that in a horizontal or inclined or whatever situation equivalent rho g or gravity effect is actually coming into the picture in all configurations. What it basically means is that if you dip it vertically then whatever height it could have attained is the static height that could be expressed in terms of the contact angle. So that this is not simply this is not at all body force due to gravity. It can equivalently be expressed in terms of a static height that is all. Now we will try to solve this equation but before solving this equation we will try to non-dimensionalize the equation so that we will get various scales. What is the order of this? Pi r square s ref square by t ref and what is the order of this? Actually putting pi and all those things in the order has no relevance. I mean you might as well drop it but just we are writing it for the sake of writing. 8 pi mu s ref square by t ref. Without the inertial limit the surface tension force always be very important see in the capillarity surface tension force must be important. Whatever is not important is secondary but whatever is important must be focused. So surface tension force is always under focus in capillary dynamics. Now the surface tension force may eternally drive it if it is a driving force and the fluid will not stop. So that will create a sort of a perpetual type of motion but that will not be possible because the viscous force will come into the play as the fluid is moving. So that means the viscous force will also be important and when inertial effects are important then only this term is important. Therefore inertial term also has to be comparable with either of this or of this in a competing environment. That is why when we are trying to establish a proper timescale of the problem we can equate this with this to get the timescale where the length scale gets cancelled out. So rho pi r square again I am repeating that the pi and 8 and all those things are not important for the scale but for the sake of non-dimensionalization this will help this will help us to clean up the coefficients of the equation. That is why we are retaining this by t ref square yes t ref square this is t ref square s ref square by t ref square right. So it is of the order of 8 pi mu s ref square by t ref. So t ref is of the order of rho r square by 8 mu this is the characteristic timescale of the problem. See this characteristic timescale of the problem we have determined from a competition between the inertial force and the viscous force. That is why surface tension has not come into the picture but we could have as well calculated the characteristic timescale by comparing by considering a competition between the inertial force and the surface tension force that could have given rise to a different t ref. So that has to be understood very carefully. Here we are not bothered so much about the scaling of different forces considering the inertial effects what we will simply use this is we will do this is we will use this for non-dimensionalizing the governing equations. And then I mean it will not notionally differ so much whether we do it on the basis of inertia versus viscous balance or inertia versus surface tension balance. But to understand the proper timescales governed by inertia versus surface tension balance and inertia versus viscous force balance then those different timescales will conceptually matter. So far as understanding the scales is concerned remember here our objective is more to solve the differential equation with non-dimensionalization. So then I mean this is just fine but this also physically gives a timescale over which you have a balance of the inertial and the viscous effects. Now you can also calculate the s ref the s ref got cancelled as we will consider these 2 terms and in fact that is why we consider these 2 terms instead of this with the surface tension term because then that will have both s ref and t ref. So it will not be possible to get explicitly s ref or t ref. But here these 2 terms are fortunately such that s ref got cancelled and we could in one step one short get t ref. Now to get s ref we can now use a scaling of balance between viscous and surface tension force or competition between viscous and surface tension force. So to do that what we will do is we will use a little bit of force site. See this is a differential equation on this term you have s ds dt, s ds dt is d dt of s square by 2 right. Here also you have s ds dt so d dt of s square by 2. So if you take a half with this term also these 2 will become 4 then half will get cancelled from all the terms. So with this little bit of force site we will take this term as 4 pi r sigma lv into cos theta by 2. So the surface tension term 4 pi r sigma lv we will take as the coefficient of this term because we will keep cos theta by 2 then this half will cancel when we integrate the expression. So that we will again I am repeating over and again this 4 pi and all those things are actually not important for scaling but here we are trying to do it not merely for the sake of scaling but for the sake of non-dimensionalization with cleaning up of the coefficients and that is why we are accommodating the coefficients in this expression. So for a scaling is concerned it is simply r sigma lv okay. So now this is of the order of 8 pi mu s ref square by t ref. So s ref square so this 4 pi 8 pi will become 2 s ref square will become r sigma lv t ref by 2 mu. So that means this is t ref is rho r square by 8 mu so rho r cube sigma lv by 16 mu square right. So s ref is of the order of r by 4 mu into square root of rho r sigma lv. So now we have considered non-dimensionalizing parameters which consider competition between 3 terms simultaneously because the time scale was given by a competition between these 2 but using that same time scale and using the competition between these 2 terms we have considered the s ref. Therefore in effect we have considered the competition between the 3 terms simultaneously. So with this consideration now if you non-dimensionalize s bar is equal to or s star is equal to s by s ref and t star is equal to t by t ref then what will this differential equation give?  That is how we have chosen the reference things other things we have taken in the non-dimensionalizing coefficient. So they will get cancelled okay.  So half d y d t star is equal to cos theta by 2 plus half y.  So this is a differential equation of the form d y d x plus p y is equal to q. This is the form of the differential equation. So for solving this differential equation the technique is you multiplied by an integrating factor e to the power integral p dx okay. So you multiply this with an integrating factor here x is t star. So e to the power integral p is 1. So e to the power integral d t star. So that means e to the power t star. So we multiply both sides by e to the power t star. So the left hand side becomes d d t star of e to the power t star y is equal to e to the power t star cos theta. So if you integrate this e to the power t star y is equal to integral of e to the power t star is e to the power t star e to the power t star cos theta plus C 1. So y is equal to cos theta plus c1 e to the power minus t star, right and y is ds star square dt, dt star.  Now we require c, we require to evaluate c1 and c2. So for that purpose we require 2 initial conditions at t equal to 0, let us say s star is equal to s0 star. It could be 0 also but in general we may start with an initial length. I will show you that see I have purposefully avoided 0 with something in mind and I will show you that what problem can arise if you take it as 0, we will come into that. So however to generalize we can take it something non-zero but if somebody takes it as a 0 as a special case what will happen then? We will talk about that. So s star is equal to s0 star and let us say ds star dt star equal to 0, initially the capillary front advances with a 0 velocity. So if you do that then you will get what you will get from this cos theta plus c1 equal to 0, right.  So cos theta into e to the power minus t star, t star is 0 plus c2. So c2 is s0 star square minus cos theta.  We can of course rearrange it and write it nicely I am not going to that step, okay. So similar considerations can be applied for channels of other cross sections. So far we have done for circular channels but circular channels are basically called as circular capillaries in when the channels are small and capillary effects are important these are also called as circular capillaries but many of the micro channels by virtue of the micro fabrication process are not actually of circular shape but they may have other cross sections like approximately rectangular or trapezoidal or several other cross sections may be possible. And I will show you in few lectures from now when we discuss about micro fabrication I will show you that how the fabric by the fabrication process you can make actually angles in the cross section of the micro fluid channel that you are going to manufacture. So now we will come to the board to summarize the reduced order model accommodating the inertial effects. So we have neglected the gravity force that we have already told. So then ddt of mv for circular micro channel of radius r this is this for rectangular micro channel instead of pi r square it is the width into height right that is the only difference. Surface tension force for circular micro channel 2 pi r sigma lv cos theta so that is basically perimeter into sigma lv into cos theta. So for rectangular micro channel the perimeter is 2 into width plus height. So see the similarity the viscous force for a rectangular micro channel we have solved the problem of flow through a rectangular micro channel the exact analytical solution. So from that you can calculate the viscous force it will come out to be in the form of this tan hyperbolic form which is given in this slide. Parallel plate channel is a special case see we are here we are talking about the rectangular channel where the width and height none of them is negligible as compared to the other or none of them is too large or too small as compared to the other. So but if one of the dimensions is much smaller as compared to the other it effectively becomes a parallel plate channel but here the expression that is written in this slide is for a rectangular micro channel. So how do you get this expression it is very straight forward we have derived the velocity profile for rectangular micro channel I mean quite some time back when we are discussing about low Reynolds number flow and in that expression you from that expression you can find out what is the wall shear stress and from the wall shear stress you can get the force. So for a circular capillary this is what we have done so this is just a brief recapitulation I will not go through the details of these steps because we have already gone through these in the board. So this the final solution the last expression if you whatever we have derived in the board if you write it nicely in a compact form this is what it will this is the form that it will assume. Now limitations of the simple model see this is what is very important in science and engineering many times we are doing with certain simplifications there is nothing wrong with doing with the simplifications provided we know what are the limitations right I mean this is also philosophically very appropriate in all aspects of life right I mean all of us are born with certain limitations right I mean none of us are perfect and none of us are I mean very very proficient in all and every aspects of activities but if we know our limitations I think that is where we can actually excel that is it is important to know our strengths but it is also equally important to know our limitations. So for a mathematical model see a mathematical model cannot be a true representation of a physical reality no matter whatever you put in the model because in the physical reality there will be certain factors which will not be actually taken into account by the mathematical model. So whenever we are saying that say let us say there is a pipe flow and fluid is entering with an average velocity of 2 meter per second let us say now how will you know that the fluid is entering with an average velocity of 2 meter per second then base you can well argue that I have measured the flow rate and I have measured the flow rate very accurately I have measured the cross sectional area very accurately but there are uncertainties in the measuring the flow rate because there are uncertainties in the measuring devices and there are uncertainties in measuring the cross section in micro channel there are lots of uncertainties in measuring the cross section see I mean this is where see sometimes in experimental result we plot the friction factor versus Reynolds number and different research groups come up with different types of plots under very similar experiments condition is I mean the problem is that standardizing the Reynolds number the hydraulic diameter itself is a big question because if you look into a micro channel surface if you come to research in the area of microfluidics you will definitely get a chance to have a look into how the micro fabricated surface looks if you look maybe through an atomic force microscope and all these things and you will realize that I mean forget about the paradigm of an ideally I mean rectangular channel and all those things. So the surfaces are undulated in a very peculiar way where the notion of an average height may become actually questionable I mean an average height may not represent the physical reality. So there are uncertainties in the height there are uncertainties in the flow rate in the flow rate measurement so all these uncertainties are actually carried over in the boundary condition that itself you are putting for your numerical simulation. So no matter how good your equations are you may not be able to solve the problem properly until and unless you have you give account of uncertainties in your CFD simulation. In fact that is one of the branches of modern CFD study that is how to take how to give account of uncertainties in numerical simulations I mean uncertainties in boundary conditions uncertainties in physical parameters and all these things. I am little bit deviating from the main topic of discussion but this is something which is conceptual or philosophical rather than very specific to what we are discussing here. So my idea of telling this is that even for a very rigorous CFD model you can see that there are so many limitations. So for a simple one dimensional model you can clearly see that limitations are limitations will be even more but despite that limitations we can get some answers but we cannot get certain features and what we cannot get that we will discuss through limitations of this simple model. So this graph this kind of graph we can get the S star versus T for different theta S star versus T star this is basically a plot of the analytical expression that we just now derived. So you can see I mean this is quite intuitive that is how S star varies with T. A lumped system analysis does not capture point to point variations right this is just a simple lumped system means what the entire liquid mass within the capillary. So here we have considered a liquid gas or liquid vapor type of system. So the entire liquid mass is idealized or modeled as a point mass. If you do that then point to point variation is lost you are not able to capture point to point variations if somebody is interested to know what is happening in all details within the liquid then that cannot be captured by here by this model. The viscous resistances of different flow regimes are not considered this is very very important and we will discuss about this we have assumed that the flow is fully developed but we will discuss that what are the pitfalls of that when you are considering a capillary advancement or capillary retraction whatever. So the consideration of fully developed flow it might appear that well in a low Reynolds number regime you know the flow is expected to be virtually fully developed. But we will see that when there is a capillary meniscus that is formed that paradigm has to be little bit adjusted and we will see that how it needs to be adjusted. The third point is a very important point and I want to discuss I want to use the use the board to discuss about that not that we will be writing some big equations but just to have a distraction from the slides. So d dt of mv is equal to f that is what essentially we are writing see actually you know in approximation you do well once you know that well the first step that I am writing itself may not be correct this first step that we have written actually may not be correct why can you say this is true for a control mass system that a system of fixed mass but the liquid that is being pushed into the capillary this mass is a variable mass. So somewhere that conceptual error should reflect where does it reflect it reflects under that condition when m tends to 0 when is m tending to 0 the liquid is just entering the capillary that is at t equal to 0 at time equal to 0 if s 0 equal to 0 now we are discussing about the consequence of s star equal to 0. So at time equal to 0 if you take s 0 equal to 0 then what it basically means m equal to 0. So this is nothing but mass into acceleration this force being finite and the limit as time tends to 0 then if m tends to 0 then a mass tend to infinity so but you know in a physical system you cannot have an infinitely large acceleration. So this infinite initial acceleration is a defect of this model and I will show you how this defect can be corrected but this is the defect that we must appreciate. Then let us go to the slides the next point there is no explicit description of the contact line see because it is a lumped model it does not capture the meniscus it does not capture the meniscus shape. So you are just representing it in terms of the contact angle but the topography of the meniscus is not captured right just the contact angle is coming as a parameter it is not that you are resolving it and putting it it is just coming as a parameter. Not only that we have assumed that the contact angle is a constant but as the meniscus progresses along the channel the contact angle changes dynamically this is known as dynamic contact angle the contact angle does not remain at its static value. So whatever value of contact angle that we are using that is actually called as a static contact angle but the static contact angle may not remain as it is and it will evolve in the form of a dynamic contact angle as the capillary front progresses. So these are certain considerations which need to be put into the mathematical model some of these considerations remember are big research issues which have yet not been very convincingly resolved see this is like this is always gives us a little bit of difficulty in teaching a course like this like on one side we have fundamentals which have been existing over the years and it is I mean it is a duty for us to like transmit that knowledge to you in terms of the fundamental advancements in the subject. But microfluidics is such a subject where if you go on discussing starting from the fundamentals you very soon come up to research topics and as a researcher in the field I do not mind in sharing with you those research topics but at the same time we have to keep a break because I cannot go on discussing open-ended questions in a structured lecture framework and it is better that I will leave these topics at some point of time from where if you are interested you can take up reading of further research materials research papers like that. So that is that is where I believe that this course I mean is what I have ideally designed it as like a bridge between a sort of a theoretical course and a research level advanced theoretical course a basic theoretical course and a advanced research level theoretical course. But remember so I will not be able to satisfy all your inquisitiveness in this particular course because we will leave it at somewhere all expressions we will not be able to derive from the fundamentals because you know I mean that will take huge amount of effort like I mean I will show you one or two equations I mean their original derivation if you look into that paper that is a 50 page paper. So it is impossible to cover that in the framework of this lecture but I just want to give you the concept give you the idea and leave you there so that you know if you are interested with that you can proceed further. The first concept is that like the first point which we would like to address is that like the infinite initial acceleration issue how that can be corrected. So that can be resolved by referring to the equation of continuity look at this description the onset of the capillary motion the liquid present in the dip portion of the capillary or the bulk reservoir to which it is connected also starts moving at the same time right.  So ideally whatever is there in the capillary plus like it forms a connected system there is an additional mass which also when this fluid is moving this is also sucked up and that additional mass together with this mass in the capillary in a system environment actually forms a control mass system not just the mass within the capillary. So if you continue with it this additional mass of fluid inducted into the motion initially is known as the added mass or sometimes it is called as virtual mass this is called as added mass or virtual mass for the reason that actually this is not the mass seen within the capillary but it is a mass that is integrated actually with the motion that is taking place within the capillary. Now this added mass how can you estimate this added mass I mean this is actually like the expression that I have written here I mean these are apparently simple expressions but you require or rigorous potential flow analysis to come up with these expressions and I mean there are research papers which actually derive these expressions I mean there is not enough scope of deriving these expressions but for solving a problem you can use these expressions these expressions are derived by applying a potential flow analysis for an incoming spherical liquid element that moves with the velocity ds dt why potential flow analysis because it is not already within the channel so viscous effects are neglected okay. So that makes inviscid flow type of analysis you know potential flow is inviscid irrotational flow so this yields the following added mass the following expressions for the added mass one for a cylindrical tube and one for a rectangular channel of height h and width 1 so that is basically parallel plate channel so for these two types of channel these are the expressions so when you write d dt of mv if you now so let us go to the board and see instead of this m you write m plus m0 then at time tends to 0 even if this is 0 because of this m0 not equal to 0 you will not get infinite acceleration and this discrepancy may be corrected. So this is one of the discrepancies in the basic model and we have seen how it is it can be corrected there are other discrepancies in the model that we have discussed and we will see how those can be corrected and then we will see that how this model can be extended to a simple non-Newtonian model for example to capture the behavior of blood in a micro capillary or blood flow in a micro needle and that we will take up in the next lecture thank you very much.


Yep there. I swear to God. Just get it. Give me give me Henry back. Give me Henry. Just give me Henry back Every slide fun. Well, it's just because I would slide, but I'm stuck. I'm stuck in between is like Like nobody can pick that off for me. Nobody. That's what I mean. He just got stuck in the same spot That's the same exact spot I said like he's like this that good bro. I swear to God Come on. Don't ball to the running back dude. I just don't got time bro.  Yeah, I was hype. I did a fist pump when the Eagles clinched boys. Honestly, I thought it was like I was like, oh the Eagles, the Eagles made the playoffs. Here we are boys playing mad the next night That was a pass lead. Oh that was a pass lead. Dude, I'll be honest You know what killed me a little bit as I got the older I get do anybody feel like the less like like hype I am for my team sports the older I get like the more I realize they're like men It's a business like they they don't give us. Well, when I was the teenager, but I was riding die for the Eagles now It's like this is what it is. Yeah, I don't everything is rigged like that ain't mine Yep, I love it. I love this offense now. Yep. Yep. Yep. Yep. Yep. Yep. Yeah Then once you see like your team like win the Super Bowl All we'll cover for there. That's got a big couple for audible. Yep. Good defense. Let's go. Let's go. Let's go Let's go good clicks right there. Good clicks dubby. Oh, I gotta make that tackle, bro. For real. That's nothing there It's just nothing. He got nothing right there. All right There's just no way we gonna get pressure by the time he go that all the way down the field like that's good Defense man, we need some we need some pressure there boys. Oh My god, I feel like I just I got play better inside the 10 defense though We got to shift our line for inside zone, dude Oh, no, oh my god, like I feel like he just Lofted that high ball, bro.   Oh My god I just got I just know what that dude will pick that off. What's that?  That's the wildest part of the internet Really be talking about tally bands. That's why you got keyshine. Oh Let's go get a man quarterback meat tastes sweet.  It's scary. I'm gonna play that work.  Come on You back to back it God man, how 30 arc flat could just guard all that Yep, there. I swear to God. Just get to give me give me Henry back. Give me Henry. Just give me Henry back, dude It's just that's what it is, baby. That's what it is Just give me Henry back, dude Every slide it's just because I would slide but I'm stuck. I'm stuck in between is like I just give me Henry back. Just just give me Henry back. Just give it just for real There's just no way.  It's just like like nobody can pick that off for me Nobody that's what I mean. He just got stuck in the same spot. That's the same exact spot Like you can't throw the ball. That's what I mean He tried to throw the ball away and nobody like it's just sad man But he tried to slide. It's just such a it's such a tough spot, man And that's where Henry just he'll take that hit for real more than Hertz is Hertz is just putting it on the ground, dude Both times he got him saying oh Man, that's just bad though. It's just a bad play call really I don't like at the 30 yard line when they run covered to like with them 30 yard zones I really don't know how to like throw. Oh, I swear. Yeah, you just can't I Can't throw over that that 30 and I spent so much time trying to do it I honestly don't think it's possible like this dude just runs cover 3 all the way down the field till you get to the 30 Then it's covered to with 30 yard zones and how are we getting his stick like this?  I can't go for 2 now.   That's what broads do right there You might run again cuz he's abroad. There it is. Yep. Yep. Does he know how to look in does a man like this? Know how to look in he's gonna audible to tight here boys. We just got Open here. Can we just get some a sack, please? Please? Please? Hey, look yo like oh Man, I don't think you punt here. I don't think you punt. I don't think I punt here. I don't think I do Would y'all punt like seriously dude? I could not live with my hole I couldn't live with my life if I give this up. I don't think I punt there boys like it's like Let's see what he does here. Let's see what he does I think he's gonna tuck his tail boys. I'm honest I just I got a feeling like he's gonna tuck his tail like play.  I really feel that way Oh my god, Keisha. That's why you have them. I don't know. Maybe that maybe he stops Maybe that that will Ralph stops. I don't know. I gotta talk to skimbo the master of will Ralph. So I really do NGG's just like that just like that we win the ballgame boys. Can I get some hype iced 58 yard? shot the lamb rag boys Shout out to me never missing one of these ever Still the greatest still the greatest that ever done it boys. See this and that's why you give up and this is why you give up Right Hey, I think I'm joking about this type of thing, right? This is why you give up a corner out. So later in the game So later in the game you could take it away when they need it most, right? Right here. He goes back a hard flat put a quarter bang. That's just a bad. That's baggy Simpson That's just that's defense right there boys. And this is ridiculous How a man how a man can actually this was great defense You got eight yards on that. No for real This is the throne. This is the throne.  It's pretty much just verticals, you know It's just they don't have a good place. I can't lie outside of that one dude that was cracked My defense has been good tonight. You know why cuz I'm not I'm not thinking about these


The Cavalcade of Music presented by Dupont. The Dupont Cavalcade of Music had scheduled a program of the songs of Richard Rogers. The music of George Gershwin had been scheduled for next Wednesday. But day before yesterday, Monday the 12th of July, newspapers all over the world headlined this unhappy fact. George Gershwin has gone. And so, this evening, our program presented by Don Borey's and the Dupont Cavalcade Orchestra with Conrad Tebow as guest soloist will be a special tribute to George Gershwin, a young man whose tunes brought joy to America even as they lifted our so-called popular music to a new level. For George Gershwin was our leading interpreter of what is called the Jazz Idiom. Not a musician in the land will forget that day in 1923 when Gershwin completed a composition for Paul Whiteman to play before an audience of critical music lovers in Aeolian Hall, New York an auditorium dedicated only to classical music. Rhapsody in Blue was a milestone in the development of American popular music. For about that time, richer arrangements and more elaborate orchestrations began to have their day. But George Gershwin was already known before he wrote the Rhapsody. Just out of his teens, he composed a number that Al Jolson sang in the musical show Sinbad. George Gershwin's first big hit, Swani. At 18 years old in 1915, the boy whose piano lessons were paid for by his mother at the rate of 50 cents an hour went to work for a New York music publisher named Remican Sons for $15 a week. Eight to ten hours a day, he plugged away at the piano, promoting the company's songs all over the city. But even then, he had the urge to compose. He wrote many a number that went unpublished, but those tunes were stored away by young Gershwin for possible future use. And one appeared in the early 20s as a hit of his score of George White Scandals. Its name was Somebody Loves Me, and it's still a favorite. Ever since those early 20s, George Gershwin was an established success. But not until several years later did he actually lead a theater orchestra in a performance of one of his own shows. On Christmas night, 1929, in Boston, he climbed into the pit and conducted a performance of Strike Up the Band, a musical that contained 28 Gershwin compositions. Among them was an appealing melody called Soon. Our guest soloist, Conrad Tebow, sings it. He wrote the music for many a successful stage show, of course. One of his earliest hits opened in Philadelphia on the night of November 17, 1924. Its name was Lady Be Good. It had an all-star cast, including Fred and Adela Stair, and one of its most popular dance numbers was this one. Fascinating rhythm. In the 1920s, there was a parade of successful musical shows with scores by George Gershwin. One of them was called OK. And in this production was an English girl named Gertrude Lawrence, who responded to many an encore with a Gershwin song, Someone to Watch Over Me. One of the critics at Paul Whiteman's Aeolian Hall Concert, Gershwin's versatility was established. In 1932, he wrote the score for a musical that won the Pulitzer Prize. He was amusing political satire called Of The I Sing, and it included the rhythmic melody Who Cares, which Conrad Tebow will sing for us now. Perhaps that's because the composer himself was unusually skillful at the instrument. Phil Wall, pianist with Don Voorhees and the DuPont Cavalcade Orchestra, is presented now in two numbers from the Gershwin score of a musical hit called Girl Crazy. The tunes are I Got Rhythm and Embraceable You. It's at work in Hollywood. Movie goers will remember the toe-tingling score he wrote for the recent Fred Astaire, Ginger Rogers picture Shall We Dance. We'll hear three numbers from the score. I've got Beginner's Luck, Conrad Tebow singing They Can't Take That Away From Me, and the title song Shall We Dance. It's in heartbeats of his very native land and turned them into music. Music that was jazz touched with a magic wand of genius. Music that we won't forget. DuPont joins the nation in a tribute to George Gershwin. The legacy of melody he left to keep his works high in our country's cavalcade of music, and his name, an honored one, in the cavalcade of America, some lost island. It's human nature to get a thrill, but the important thing is what comes out of such searching. To the research chemist, there's something of the adventurer's thrill in explorations of science. But here again, the important thing is what useful products are found or developed. Take cellulose research, for example. Chemistry experimented with two natural materials, cotton and spruce wood, which supply this versatile substance in purest form. They explored possible uses for cellulose, and from it developed many useful products for all of us. They include transparent wrapping material to protect our foods, washable coated fabrics for greater economy and service, shatter-proof glass for added safety and dozens of others. Human needs served by such products whose base is cellulose, resulted in broader markets and better prices for the cotton grower and lumberman. Coal, the black diamond of the earth, also attracted the attention of research chemists. From it, they obtained a sticky substance called coal tar. Long research with this material resulted in chemical bases for perfume, bases for fast dyes, insecticides and many more products of everyday use. And there's salt. From research and salt, Dupont chemists have developed several types of disinfectants. Materials to case-hardened steel and refrigerants to preserve our foods. And sulfur, nature placed it in the earth, chemists developed ways of extracting it and putting it to work for all of us. For instance, sulfur is used in sprays to protect plant life from insect attack, and of course it's the principal ingredient of sulfuric acid, the most widely used chemical of all. Thus we see a few of many examples of how Dupont chemical research, which might be called scientific exploration, works for all of us by improving existing products and developing new ones from nature's own materials. This exploration is going on constantly and there are more explorers today than ever before. Dupont alone has hundreds of research chemists that work in its laboratories and their efforts resulting in advances that touch the daily lives of us all are always directed towards the goal described in the Dupont phrase, better things for better living through chemistry. Next week at the same time the Dupont cavalcade of music will present the program originally scheduled for this evening. The music of Richard Rogers, Conrad Thibault guest soloist with Don Borey's and the Dupont cavalcade orchestra. This is the Columbia Broadcasting System.


I just want to open by saying a very quick thank you to Ricky Bidett and the team for generously accommodating the Prime Minister and Boris Johnson, who I think just about behaved himself yesterday, we had no idea what Boris was going to say, but I think we escaped pretty much unscathed. The PM and Boris, for those of you who are here yesterday, were talking about tech city, the cluster in East London that we've been trying to support and get behind over the past couple of years. And I just thought it would be helpful to just very quickly run through the sort of approach that we've taken on tech city, which is also informing our approach to supporting clusters around the UK. And I think I hope there are some relevant insights for those of you who are thinking about how government should interplay with emergent organic bottom up clusters around the world in your cities. And the thing we've tried to do with tech city is to really understand, start by understanding what the character of the area of London is and to go with the grain of that character, not to try and hubristically superimpose our own vision from above. And there are a few places in London that I think are really evocative of a certain kind of character, and you'll see these, I hope, reflected in our policies and our activities to support tech city specifically. Now this little patch of town, it should be very familiar to some of you. Richard Rogers lives right around there. This is Royal Avenue in Chelsea, and Royal Avenue in this bit of town is interesting, I think, because it's a fragment of what London might have looked like had Christopher Wren's master plan for London after the Great Fire in 1666 come to pass. And as Richard so brilliantly points out, the reason that this little patch of ground doesn't go very far is that right behind where this sort of photo is taken is the King's Road in Chelsea. And while the boulevards are being planned and some of them are even starting to be built like this, the merchants and shopkeepers and homeowners simply rebuilt their streets on the old lines. Sure, they use brick and they might have widened the streets a little, but fundamentally everything pretty much stayed the same. And I adore that kind of effervescent bottom-up attitude of London, and it's really one that we've tried to embrace with tech city. And you see it, you see the sort of spirit, I think, here too, because you know, thinking about what bottom-up means in the 21st century, I think it has a lot to do with data. And one of the activities that we're really championing, and you're going to see a lot over the next couple of years in tech city, is making this part of London where we are now a global locus for smart city innovation. And London has a fantastic pedigree for this. So there's the Royal Avenue and this sort of example of how top-down plans fall foul of bottom-up entrepreneurship. This place is Soho, and it was on this spot in Soho that John Snow, a physician, a doctor, started doing experiments looking at the cause of a cholera outbreak in London. And until this point, cholera, there were many theories about cholera. It was caused by bad vapours, by air, you know. And John Snow decided to kind of put the theories to one side and collect data on the location of where people were living who contracted cholera and what their activities were. This is the first example, one of the very first examples of using spatial analysis of mapping to inform policymaking. John Snow discovered, realised that this pump, or a pump on this site, was the epicenter of the cholera outbreak. And he was able to petition the city authorities, this sort of interplay between citizen acts of the vision and city agency. He was able to petition for this pump to be closed down. And change the face of modern medicine arguably, change the way we think about statistical analysis, spatial analysis and so on. And that happened right here in London, and I think that's why we've played such an emphasis, that pedigree, that history, on creating these kinds of institutions, that an open data institute, which is up and running right now in Chordich, this Intel Collaborative Research Institute, which is opening next year. And we've brought UCL and Imperial College London together as well, to create a smart cities network in Chordich, in Old Street. And you know, asking, I think this is an important thing for government to do, to ask the question constantly, you know, where is it that innovation might go? But critically, how does that innovation relate to and is formed by the character of the city itself? And as I say, I think this pedigree around data and this pedigree around bottom-up innovation, I think helps explain why we've placed such emphasis there. And if we were thinking about clusters elsewhere in the country, we'd be also asking ourselves the question, what does the history of these cities say about the future potential direction of innovation? This is another place in London that I think says a lot about the character of this city and is also informing our policies going forward. This is Southampton Row, it's right by Russell Square in central London. And in 1933, on the 12th of September 1933, a young man, a physicist, with the surname of Zillard, was crossing the street. And this physicist was a very special and interesting guy. He'd come to the UK, he'd studied under Max Planck and Albert Leinstein. And the reason he was in the UK was that he was Jewish and had fled persecution. And as he was crossing the street at this, you know, pretty much this point, an epiphany hit him. And it was an epiphany about the way in which a nuclear chain reaction could take place. And it was that epiphany and how much plutonium and uranium would be needed to drive the reaction that led directly to the creation of the atomic bomb, changed the direction of the 20th century. He himself was a pacifist, was mortally distressed by where his insight had led. But, you know, this spot always makes me think about the incredible way in which London has been open to ideas and people wherever in the world they come from. And again with Tech City, we've really tried to be true to that. And certainly by bringing global companies like Google's and Microsoft's and Intel's to East London. But more broadly, you know, when we launched Tech City two years ago in the very speech that the Prime Minister used to kick off the initiative, we announced entrepreneur visas so that the best entrepreneurs around the world can come to the UK as easily as possible. And over the next couple of weeks we're going to be launching a global business plan competition centered on Tech City during the best business school graduates to East London. So again, thinking about the character, thinking about histories informing our policies for the present and the future. And the final place I just want to flag up is in East London. And again, I think says a lot about the character of the city and where our policy agenda should go for Tech City specifically. Also I want to give you for London as a whole. This is Cable Street in Stepney. And in 1936 a march of fascists led by Oswald Mosley was planning to head down the street, in fact was heading on its way down the street. And 100,000 people from London rose up to block their path. Men, women, children all fought in the streets to prevent the fascists passing down the street. Women were throwing chamber pots out of windows. Men were using table legs and candlesticks to fight off the fascists. And the fascists ultimately couldn't get through. The protesters' mantra was they shall not pass and they didn't. These fascists did not pass. They were dispersed. They had to go to Hyde Park and collect their wits there. And this to me I think is an amazing demonstration and reminder of the solidarity of London. And whatever the extremes and differences in this city and the differences within Tech City and outside of Tech City and so on. There's a sense of community that it's important that we embrace and build on. And one of the things that we're very proud of doing with this Tech City initiative in East London, and support this Tech Cluster, is launch Tech City apprenticeships. We've launched a programme now of 500 apprenticeships. Google, Facebook, dozens and dozens of Tech City companies all stepping up to the plate to provide apprenticeships for unemployed young people from the area. And if it wasn't for our sense of the history of this city and the character of the city, we wouldn't be organising and coming up with policies like that. And so I would say to any of you thinking about clusters, and certainly I hope we remember this in the weeks and months going forward, look to the past, look to the places in our cities that tell us something about the character of the places we live and can inform our policy agenda going forward. The risk for us I think is that we lose sight of that. And hopefully with an eye on these kind of places and plenty more, we'll keep doing the right thing by Tech City and by London in the years ahead. Thank you.


Mae gennymau yng Nghymru ar y 1926 erbyn y gweithio'r gweithio'r mewn ffordd y Llywodraeth Brytych yn deall. Felly, mae'n gwneud yn gweithio'r gweithio. Firstly, gyda'r ysgael a'r gweithio'r gweithio, a'r ddylai'r 4 miliwn arwain, mae'n gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio a'r 5.5 miliwn arwain. Rwy'n meddwl, mae'r gweithio'n gwneud hynny'n meddwl fel lawer o gweithio'r gweithio ar y Gweithio Rhywun Arferbarig, yn dod o'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio a'r roi wedi rhoi'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio ar y dylai'r gweithio'r gweithio ar gyfer roedd.  Ac mae gael i'r rhai gwahanol caer o gyflawn, ond nid dyfod mwyo, ond yw'n ffordd i chi'n knewuno gyda'r rhai, wal 했어 ar y gynllun yr fan gweithio cymrydol i gweithio'r rhai gwahanol, Mae chi'n ystafell i chi'n let, ac mae cyfreidwyr yn ganu'r cymdeithasig yn ymweliadär, ond cyru sy'n ymddylu y glimbwyr y peth sydd yn gweithio'n gyfer y syniad ar y maen nhw, a'r busau bywau yn byw i'n fathddio. Rwy'n mynd i ein hordd o'r rhyw o'r lleoli iechydig y byddwch'r lleoli, yna newydd i'r rhaid i gyfrifio'r lleoli ac yn y gyfrifio'r lleoli dechreu. a'r ddwyliad diwedd y gweinio o'r lluniau ysgol yn teimlo'r gael gan'r ddweud o'r ddweudio'r lluniau ar y cyfyrdd yw'r ddweud ac yn dweud ystrydd ddweud. Ond, o'n gweithio'r ddaeth ag o'r lluniau, ond amser o'r ddechrau'r lluniau a'r ddweud o'r ddweud ystrydd ddweud yn y tyllus o'r ddweud. Ond, mae'n gweithio'n gweithio'n ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud dw i'r holl gwabwch, yn ymgyrchu gymgyrchu ar y lleol, ac yn y byddwch ar y casgliadau sylfa i ddweud, ac mae hynny yn ymgyrchu'r sylfa, ein ysgolwch ac ysgolwch. Ond ein bod yn ympholio'r bobl ymgyrchu yma yn ymgyrchu, mae'r byddych yn ymgyrch ymgyrchu, ac mae'r bobl ysgolwch yn dweud yn ymgyrchu, ond yn ymgyrchu'r bobl yn ymgyrch, mae hynny yn ymgyrch i'r bobl'r bobl. Pan oedden nhw'n wedi'u gwybod lle ar draws y blwysgwashedd, ti'n cyffredig oedd y dhrom ni'n cyffredigau'n ddrom ni wedi gwybod. Ac dyn nhw'n gwybod cael bod y draddiau sy'n gweld y ddayl iawnl, ac mae'r dynach o'r ddafto gwybod llwyddoch chi ac oedden nhw'n ddeddiau. Mae haydydd i'r hyffredigau tref deall yn ysgrifant, ac mae oedden nhw'n gweld cefnodol ar ei ffordd. Wrth gyrddieith gennym ddiddordeb i'r bêlion hefyd azd14-1. Felly, mae'r cyffweithbeth yn aelod werthu. Aeth yn y disgynneud yn y Smid Ypholol. Rwyf ni'n ddechrau, mae'r cyffweithbeth ei adnir, rydyn ni'n leif erioed jugw heatedr ynglyn Genedd, gallewch chi'n casg o hyd o'r cyffweithbeth yma ffragl. Ond yw gofio'r cyffweith yn y cyffweithbeth gyda'r cyffweithbeth, a dyma'r cyffweithbeth mae'r cyffweithbeth yn eto'r gyffweithbeth The German Revolution of 1918, very turbulent events developing all over Europe, and these events had a massive impact on workers in Britain, such that there was a pre-revolutionary situation actually developing in early 1919. In January of that year, the government actually sent 10,000 troops into Glasgow to try and suppress a strike that was actually developing back then into general strike proportions. During those events in 1919, the Miners Federation, which was the union of the mine workers, this was a union that was 800,000 strong out of a total of 1.2 million miners. They were pressing for a 30% wage increase, a six-hour working day, and nationalisation of the mines under workers' control. Of course, these demands were rejected by the government, who had actually taken control over the mines during the First World War, although they were still privately owned. They went straight away in response, the miners threatened a strike. This was at the same time that other unions, which were in an alliance with the miners' union, this was called the Triple Alliance, it was forged between the mining railway and transport unions, they were also pushing their own demands in this period of intense class struggle. The government was therefore terrified of a general strike developing which they weren't actually prepared for. Therefore, the government manoeuvred, and they called a Royal Commission, which was supposed to investigate the mining industry, the findings of which would supposedly be binding on the government. This is quite an old tactic which had been used previously to quite some success in order to try and cut across the class struggle and diffuse such anger. This is important to note because it will be used again later in 1925 in the run-up to the strike. This actually had the desired effect. Within 17 days of calling this commission, the government came out and recommended higher wages, they recommended a seven-hour working day and the leaders of the miners' federation actually accepted this and they called the strike off. This, we can see, was clearly a result of the ruling class granting concessions in order to try and save the system as a whole in order to stop the movement getting out of hand. Of course, as Marxists, we fight for any progressive reforms of the working class but at the same time we point out the limited nature or temporary nature of these reforms under capitalism. This was certainly the case with these concessions granted to the miners which, as I said, were necessary in order for the ruling class to buy class peace. At a certain point, when the capitalist feels strong enough all these reforms will come under attack as they ultimately couldn't be afforded in the long run and that's precisely what happened soon after. So, in February 1921, the government handed back control over the mines to the original miners and immediately the miners went back on the offensive and they announced drastic cuts to the miners' wages in order to make them so-called economically viable. This time, however, despite the strike being actually called by this triple alliance it quickly broke down and this was due to a split at the tops of the unions about whether to accept a settlement and it ultimately very quickly collapsed and the alliance broke down leaving the miners to fight this struggle alone. Now, that breakdown became known as Black Friday and was a very important event in the British labour movement and really it was a very humiliating climb down for the whole trade union movement. The miners were eventually defeated a few months later and this led to a general offensive of the bosses against the working class and it began with the miners but actually six million workers subsequently had their wages cut. Now, the miners' wages were actually softened or cuts to their wages were softened by the granting of a £10 million government subsidy to the coal owners but all of these events had a big impact on consciousness. Many saw how the miners' struggle was connected to the general class struggle and many people drew the lesson that if united you could extract big concessions from the capitalist but if the movement was divided it would suffer a big defeat. At the same time as all of this there was a big shift within the trade union movements to the left. In 1921 the parliamentary committee of the TUC transformed itself into a greatly strengthened general council with powers to actually represent the movement as a whole but despite these defeats such as Black Friday the general mood within the rank and file in the working class remained very militant. We had as well the election of A.J. Cook who was a militant miners' leader from the Rhondda Valley in South Wales to the leadership of the miners' federation in 1924 and this man Cook described himself as a Marxist although he had actually broken with the Communist Party which he was a member of previously he's probably what we more termed like a centrist talking very left or even revolutionary in words but actually when it comes down to the crunch kind of acting in a reformist way but nevertheless he was a far more militant and a far better leader than all the others at that time and this was a reflection of a general leftward shift throughout the whole labour movement. You also at that time had the election of so-called left leaders or seemingly left leaders to the TUC general council so figures such as Purcell who is the leader of the furniture workers union who is the leader of the building trades union and a man called Swales who is of the engineers union as well as this you also had the development of the Communist Party which anyone who was in the previous session with Ben Glinewski would have heard a lot about they played a significant role in strengthening this movement they were excluded officially from affiliation to the Labour Party the affiliation was blocked by the Labour Party leadership but that didn't stop many Communist Party members and they began systematic work in the trade unions from 1923 as a result of the United Front tactic in the Communist International and the industrial committee of the Communist Party actually began to draw together the various rank-and-file movements in the trade unions beginning initially with the miners into a unified minority movement and they developed this national minority movement was launched officially in August 1924 and the aim of that was to transform the trade unions into militant fighting organisations which were to be a weapon for actually transforming society as a whole and not just for fighting for wage increases or shorter hours and they emphasised as part of this the development of factory committees and also trade councils the idea of which was to become central organising bodies for the class struggle in every area now with the fall of the Labour government in November 1924 this really opened the door to a full-on capitalist offensive at that time the ruling class really thought this is the moment now to claw back all the concessions that they've granted in the past and return British capitalism to profitability connected with that in 1925 the then Chancellor Winston Churchill announced a return of the pound to the gold standard and the reasoning behind this was that they were very keen to return London to its position as the world financial centre but in order to restore the value of the pound to a fixed rate with gold it meant that exports would become extremely uncompetitive on the world market unless the costs of production which included wages of course were enormously slashed so that's the general background to the period leading up to the general strike the ruling class knew that in order to come on this offensive and successfully attack the working class as a whole they needed to break the back of the miners union first and this as an aside was a lesson that was keenly understood by Thatcher and the Tories in the 80s and why they went after the miners then but all things came to a head on the 30th of June in 1925 when the coal owners gave a month's notice to terminate the existing contracts of the miners with drastic wage cuts of 13.5% an increase of the working day and the scrapping of national agreements now the next day the Tory Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin he announced at a meeting with the miners union that all the workers in this country have got to take reductions in wages in order to put industry back on its feet this of course was rejected by the miners union at a special conference the day after and they referred the matter to the general council of the TUC which proceeded to appoint a committee of mine to negotiate with the coal owners and the government during this time there was an active campaign of militant miners supported as well by this national minority movement which had a key backing from the communist party and this pressure from below led to key sections of the trade union movement offering their support to the miners and I think a lot of the leaders in the trade unions were afraid that if they didn't actually come out and publicly back the miners' struggle that they themselves would lose leadership of this movement to the communists who were putting forward these kind of militant demands and as a result of that pressure a month later on the 30th of July there was a special conference of trade union executives which actually agreed to ratify an embargo on the movement of coal in the event that this lockout by the mine owners actually proceeded and this was agreed to by the committee of nine as well as the general council the result was that the very same day the Tory cabinet, the government were recalled for an emergency session and the government after quite a short deliberation decided to back off and offered a temporary retreat and they offered a nine month continuation of this subsidy to the mining industry in return for the mine owners calling off the lockout and again for the calling of a royal commission to investigate the reorganisation of the industry and this event became known as Red Friday in the movement in contrast to Black Friday that went a few years before now I think the government realised at the time that they weren't in a position to actually take on the working class and they needed more time in order to prepare for a more decisive showdown but the leaders of the Labour party simply just celebrated Red Friday as a victory they just called it simply a triumph of right and justice as if it was this kind of moral victory they didn't see that in fact the victory was obtained through struggle, class unity, mobilisation and organisation and that in fact it was only a temporary victory that the real task ahead was to prepare for the greatest showdown that was coming now the government on the other hand did in fact prepare and they prepared well almost immediately they set up to work on the organisation of the organisation for the maintenance of supplies, the OMS in other words the organisation for the scabbing of a strike and they've raped in various generals and lords and establishment figures to create what was in effect a paramilitary strike breaking force it was supposed to be private and voluntary but it had the full backing of the ruling class in terms of finances, resources and facilities and as part of this force it included the recruitment of thousands of so-called special constables middle class types who fancy themselves as policemen and they were equipped with truncheons and helmets and so on and they also incorporated most of the elements of British fascism at that time which was still a young force then they were really the shock troops of the far right and they were incorporated into this under the leadership of the retired Brigadier General the government made very detailed preparations for what to do in the event of a general strike and how to break it they divided England and Wales into ten divisions each with its own civil commissioner there was a separate scheme in Scotland but it was very similar the civil commissioners were generally junior government ministers and they were instructed to maintain law and order they were meant to control road transport, food and fuel supplies now one of these commissioners it was a man called Lord Winterton he said that we were given the further instructions that in the event of a complete breakdown to take drastic action of a comprehensive character now remember this was in the context of the revolutionary situations in Russia, Germany and elsewhere so you can see that the ruling class had this firmly in their minds for good measure as well the government also had arrested twelve leaders of the communist party and sentenced them to between six to twelve months in prison their idea was of course to try and paralyse the party to private of leadership and divide the labour movement but in reality it had the opposite effect there was a mass campaign of solidarity throughout the whole labour movement and a big increase in communist party membership as a result but what was actually done by the general council in order to prepare for a strike well almost nothing in fact the outlook of the general council was to assume that they would simply just use this in order to negotiate a new settlement with the government and they put all of their hopes into this royal commission that was being prepared and actually told workers to hold back from struggle and to not worry about preparing just wait for the royal commission to publish its findings in September you also had the strengthening of the right wing within the TUC the congress of the TUC elected a man called Jimmy Thomas who is an extreme right wing leader of the National Union of Railwaymen he was elected back onto the general council along with another reformist leader Ernst Bevin and this meant that the general council was even more shifted to the right later on in March the royal commission finally published its findings it was known as the Samuel report after Sir Herbert Samuel who was the man leading this the aim was to divide the labour movement like really giving the right wing leaders an excuse to sell out the movement and say look we've got this royal commission we've just got to use that as a basis for negotiations the report rejected the nationalisation of the mines and it proposed that they should be reorganised in the future under private ownership but really the key point of the report was that wages had to be decreased now and that the government's subsidy to the miners had to come to an end immediately as well as the increase in the hours of the working day now this would have been clearly a disaster for the miners nevertheless the labour leadership kind of reacted very enthusiastically to this report Ramsay McDonald who was the leader of the labour party hailed it positively as a landmark report the industrial committee which was set up by the general council and dominated by the right wing urged that this report be used for the basis of negotiations to bring this dispute with the miners to an end but the miners federation to their credit remained firm and it stuck to their demands they were not a penny off the pay and not a second on the day and they were in absolutely no mood to compromise with the miners they were prepared to take strike action by themselves if necessary in order to win these demands and remember at this time miners' wages were already at semi-starvation levels they weren't prepared to accept any further cuts but still the TUC general council did nothing really to prepare for a strike and this was as fundamentally they didn't want one they thought still that they can negotiate with the government and that this threatened general strike was simply just a kind of tool to add pressure onto the ruling class and they thought it would again be like the situation in 1919 where even just the calling of a strike would be enough to kind of win all their demands but really they hadn't appreciated that the fundamental objective situation had changed of course the negotiations became deadlocked Ernst Bevan, who is on the general council he actually omitted after all these events that the general council only called a meeting to prepare what to do for the event of a breakdown in negotiations three days before the lockout notices from the mine owners were due to come into effect and that they actually had no plans at all to run a general strike everything came to a head on the 1st of May at a conference of trade union executives where the general council gave its report to the executives on what the situation was the fact that the negotiations were completely deadlocked and the conference took a vote which was to place the powers in the hands of the general council and to conduct a general strike and this vote was won overwhelmingly it was done on a delegate basis the delegates in favour of this represented 3.65 million workers compared to those opposing it 49,911 the general council therefore found itself kind of stumbling into a general strike that it actually itself didn't actually want to leave even then it still thought that it could negotiate a settlement with the government over the next few days and that the strike vote itself again was still just enough to put enough pressure on the government to back down and you can see this Jimmy Thomas, this right wing leader on the general council, he said I suppose my usual critics will say that I was almost groveling and it's true and all my long experience I never begged and pleaded as I have done today he said not just because I believed in the cause of the minus but because I believed in my bones that it was my duty to the country that I involved in now clearly his idea of duty to the country didn't of course mean duty to the working class of the country but it meant to the capitalist of the country Ramsey MacDonald again who said is the leader of the Labour Party he said at that time just as it was about to break he said I don't like general strikes but honestly what can be done and that really summed up the position of the Labour leadership at that time the position that the reformists found themselves in against their wishes but this general strike had gone over their heads and now they were having to lead it reluctantly now negotiations were still ongoing with the government when events were really brought to a head by an unofficial strike of print workers at the Daily Mail and they'd refused to print a provocative anti-union editorial titled The King and Country now the Tory Prime Minister Baldwin he feigned complete outrage of this and he demanded immediately that the TUC denounce this kind of wildcat strike of the print workers as well as calling off the general strike immediately now of course the TUC leaders very quickly repudiated the Daily Mail strike and said that they wanted to that was a mistake and that they were going to put pressure on them to end it but when they rushed back to Downing Street to inform the government of this they were simply told that the Prime Minister had gone to bed and couldn't be disturbed they were completely snubbed and really by then it was clear the government wanted the strike and it was just using this as a pretext and it was too late to really call it off from the workers leaders the wheels for it were already in motion and Jimmy Thomas he's reported to have come away from Downing Street at that time literally in tears and clearly he feared the general strike way more than the Tories did so he's been preparing for this kind of showdown for months and Jimmy Thomas said in any challenge to the constitution God help Britain unless the government won now with leaders like that who needs enemies so despite the complete lack of preparation by the leadership the response from below was incredible it was actually overwhelming at midnight on the 3rd of May which is when the strike officially began there was only three unions out of 1,100 which had refused to answer the strike call and the industrial heartlands of Britain were brought to a complete standstill the railways and public services were brought to a complete halt just some figures in London not one of the 4,000 buses which were run by the London general London bus company were actually running that next day only nine trams out of 2,000 actually moved anywhere and only 15 out of 315 tube trains were on the move and these were only for very short distances the docks across the country were completely silent only the national sailors and finance union actually openly scabbed the strike but a number of the branches at the rank and file level went ahead with the strike anyway against the instructions of their leadership the volunteer scab force of the OMS proved completely ineffectual these middle class professionals and students were largely incapable of actually driving the buses and trains many ended up crashing to much comedy and most ended up trying to work on the docks but they only succeeded in getting anything moving towards the end of the strike and this was under incredibly heavy military protection you'd never actually seen working class action on this scale before we've only been dreamt of by workers for many decades this was the first time that the working class began to actually feel their real power and act as solidly as one unified class now of course the general council was not expecting this at all there's many reports that they said we have from all over the country reports that surpassed all our expectations they said the difficulty of the general council has been to keep men in what we might call the second line of defence rather than call them out now this idea of a second line of defence is worth mentioning this was actually a mistake it shows the half hearted reformist attitude to the strike rather than going all out and calling the working class out to paralyse the country the general council adopted this tactic of just calling some layers out initially and keeping others in reverse bringing more and more into the dispute as a bargaining position against the government so initially the workers were out on strike of course the 1.2 million miners were locked out they weren't technically on strike but in support of them you had workers from all forms of transport you had the dockers, you had printing trades the iron and steel workers metal and heavy chemical workers as well as building workers or with the exception of those who are working on house building or hospital extensions but it didn't include some key sections like shipping, shipbuilders power workers the post office which at that time included the telephone exchanges engineers, electricians as well as some others and of course a wide layer of workers responded to the call actually many villages who had never seen a strike in their life suddenly coming to the forefront of this struggle and some inspired people by the strength of this movement but large numbers of unorganised workers who weren't in a union actually joined the strike nobody wanted to be that person who was scaping this movement by the second day you saw this development of councils of action they sprung into effect all over the country and they combined elected delegates from trade councils the trade unions and local labour parties and the idea was that they acted as district headquarters of the strike and they coordinated the activities of the strike on the ground in each area and these were really in most cases organisations that were moribund or even non-existing in many places they were completely transformed by the heat of the struggle the councils organised picketing communications the granting of permits for transport and other things and even workers defence corps in some areas the strength to be fair varied across the country but in the industrial heartlands some of them were very strong and in effect they were the embryo organs of a new form of workers power with each day of the strike these councils of action became stronger and stronger better organised more general in their scope and this is a report from a sheet metal worker in Ashton he said employers of labour were coming cap in hand begging for permission to do certain things or to be more correct to allow their workers to perform certain customary operations he said most of them turned away empty after a most humiliating experience for one and all were put for a stern questioning just to make them realise that we and not they were the sort of the earth now in some areas like Northumberland and Durham in the North East where the strike was the strongest the councils of action were so strong that government representatives were forced to go to these councils of action and actually plead for permits and actually were refused and they said the workers were beginning to take power into their own hands and this is something you see developing nearly all indefinite general strikes or revolutionary situations or mass movements which is the beginnings of a situation of dual power and that's something that both the ruling class as well as these reformist leaders at the time understood to one degree or another the ruling class and the government knew that they had to take whatever measures necessary in order to defeat the strike and they were confident that they could do this and that the strike really was the first step in a general onslaught against the working class as a whole but the reformists were terrified of this developing dual power they feared control of the strike and they were actually passing from their hands and they were terrified of revolutionaries actually becoming the leading factor in the strike and taking the movement all the way and instead of strengthening the strike these reformist leaders kept it limited while at the same time falling over themselves to do a deal with the government in order to bring the strike to an end now you can see the contrasting measures the approach is taken by the government and their state on the one hand and the trade union leaders on the other the state had created the OMS they prepared this for nine months in advance in order to battle the strike is this was immediately incorporated fully into the apparatus of the state and the OMS scabs were told that they had the full authority to do whatever it takes to defeat the strike in contrast on the worker side you had this council of action which were not prepared for already in advance except from initiatives from the communist party their success really came down to the magnificent capacity for the working class actually to organise and struggle now as I said some of these were very powerful but all of them were limited in their scope and they were hampered by very vague or limited instructions from the general council of the TUC which gave very little authority to the councils to actually make decisions themselves or really take control of their areas and it meant many days were actually wasted by hundreds of councils having to send their messengers down to TUC headquarters in London for interpretation of the TUC headquarters in London for interpretation or clarity over the orders that they were receiving and it took them days to set up regional and district structures and that hamstrung a lot of efforts for effective mass picketing there were many complaints from workers that transport permits were just being handed out far too freely to the bosses and it was undermining the power of the strike the government very quickly set up its own propaganda paper called the British Gazette and this was edited directly by Winston Churchill it was aided by support from all the millionaire press particularly the Morning Post the Daily Mail and the Daily Express who all offered the use of their printing presses and skilled scabs in order to get these papers out and the print works where they actually printed this were surrounded by an army of police in order to protect it from pickers and from the start the main editorial line was that this strike was a threat to the constitution to the British Empire to law and order to democracy, to the family and to religion and just on that point for good measure the head of the catholic church actually came out and declared the strike to be a sin against God of course you know it has had the BBC being used as the propaganda agency of the ruling class which it is there was non-stop attacks on strikers appeals for scabs, fake reports of mass defections and so on the British worker which is this paper here which was very kindly brought in today by Comrade Terry McPartlin and this was set up by the TUC and his key message was actually proposing restraint it emphasised repeatedly that the strike was simply an industrial dispute and no threat to the constitution and you can see the same message to all workers the general council of the TUC congress wishes to emphasise that this is an industrial dispute it expects every member taking part to be exemplary in this conduct and not give any opportunity for police interference the outbreak of any disturbances would be very damaging to the prospects of a successful termination of this dispute and there's pages and pages of this kind of line Puget editor is saying this is not a threat to the constitution and so on it plays such a role that the editor of the times in a very establishment paper congratulated this the editors of this for being a moderating influence on the course of the strike the state took immediate measures as well to prevent the communist party from printing their own paper the workers daily even before the strike started the police raided their headquarters and smashed up the printing presses and instead they managed a very great difficulty to produce a strike sheet called the workers bulletin the police throughout the strike actually resorted to arresting anybody they found selling it and at one point even anybody just in possession of a copy of this paper could face between six weeks to two months in prison and that leads me on to the role of the police and the military the police arrested thousands of strikers during the course of the strike miners and communists were particular targets and they used tens of thousands of these special constables who were often sent to areas far away from their homes and given licence really to go on the rampage against the working class there was heavy use of baton charges as well as raids on communist party offices, homes the seizure of duplicators and printing materials and so on the ruling class brought in the military I think really initially more to intimidate the working class than anything else as I think really the ruling class would have thought twice before actually using the military to attack the workers so I think they would have been terrified of actually the military splitting along class lines but nevertheless all military leave was cancelled two battalions were dispatched to Liverpool as well as another two to surround the London docks and they were supported with cavalry and armed cars battleships were anchored in the Mersey the Clyde of Swansea, Cardiff and other cities Hyde Park was turned into a kind of armed camp but in contrast the TEC made no real effort in fact no effort at all to organise workers defence corps in fact they actually positively argued against it the general councillor instead was doing his utmost to keep workers in home rather than joining the pickets and one appeal from the general council which I've actually found in this paper here but I'll read it off my nose just for clarity the appeal said advice workers to keep smiling, refuse to be provoked get into your garden look after the wife and kiddies I said if you've not got a garden go out into the country, parks and playgrounds do not hang around the centre of the city and here this is advice that could have come straight from Winston Churchill and the British Gazette they instead tried to organise football matches to keep strikers away from any kind of militant action but of course this advice wasn't listened to by many workers in many areas the councillors of action did indeed organise workers defence corps often on communist party initiative in Meffill in the 5th Coalfield after police charges on mass pickets and these baton charges the council of action reorganised the defence corps they increased it from 150 to 700 volunteers half of whom had actually served in the First World War and they proceeded to march through the town in military formation armed with pick shafts after that the police didn't dare touch the strikers again and that's really a key lesson for the left that it is possible to defeat the power of the capitalist state if we're suitably organised and determined now of course the government was alarmed by these developments but they knew that the real way to defeat the strike was to actually go after its leaders and they used the full machinery of the state to soften them up on the third day of the strike the Attorney General gave a speech to the House of Commons declaring the whole strike illegal and he said that every trade union leader who advised and promoted this course of action is liable in damages to the uttermost farving of his personal possessions they also used the press and the military to suggest that the government was preparing for civil war and indeed it was and after a few days the government even threatened the arrest of the entire TUC leadership when we say that bourgeois democracy is simply a screen for the dictatorship of capital you can really see this very clearly throughout the course of the strike and as I mentioned both the government and the TUC leadership understood that a general strike in this sense really poses the question of power by who runs society and either the working class will move forward and take power or it will suffer a crushing defeat and the government therefore took whatever actions necessary it thought to hang on to power whilst the TUC leadership did everything they could to make sure that the strike didn't challenge this power and this really is summed up by another quote from Jim Thomas who I said was one of the key leaders on the TUC general council he said what I dreaded about this strike more than anything else was this if by chance it should have got out of the hands of those who would be able to exercise some control every sane man knows what would have happened I thank God that it never did but that fear was always in our minds therefore on the third day of the strike you had Sir Herbert Samuel who was the man who previously led this royal commission and he was called back from his nice holiday in Italy to immediately begin secret negotiations with Jimmy Thomas and again they used his previous Samuel report as a basis for negotiations now after days of negotiations the general council agreed to endorse this new Samuel memorandum which was simply a rehash of his report from 1925 and this contained no concessions from the coal owners whatsoever and he said it still involved huge cuts to wages and longer hours but Samuel had personally given apparently a vague and undocumented hint that this subsidy to the mine owners may be continued but this Samuel memorandum was agreed behind the backs of the miners' leaders who knew nothing about it and they were effectively sold out by the general council now on the eighth day despite this Samuel memorandum having no authority whatsoever from the government the leaders proposed to call off the strike and of course the miners' leaders were furious about this they said this proposal contained nothing for what we've been fighting for all along and has no guarantees that this lockout would be actually ended or any guarantees at all against victimisation but Thomas said well you may not trust my word but will you not trust the word of a British gentleman i. Samuel who's been the governor of Palestine now of course the miners were absolutely right not to trust this British gentleman as to prove subsequently by the events the next day on the 12th of May the general council unconditionally surrendered to the prime minister without any terms without any written statement or demands for any guarantees and in contradiction to the miners' leaders who were adamant that they wanted to continue the struggle immediately an announcement was made on the BBC that the strike had been called off and that it was an unconditional surrender but as predicted by the miners the lockout notices were not withdrawn there was no suggestion of any continued subsidy for wages and any further negotiations and this news came as a complete shock to millions of workers because actually at that point the strike was actually at its most strongest precisely at the point where it was being called off and actually 24 hours after the official surrender the number of strike is actually increased by 100,000 and this included railwaymen dockers, engineers and other sections who renewed the strike in order to prevent it from ending up as a complete route and they were attempting to resist enormous victimisation which the bosses began on earnest and faced with that growing out anger Baldr and the prime minister announced that employers must take back workers without any victimisation but in reality hundreds of thousands were indeed victimised or made unemployed or were taken back on worse terms and conditions the miners actually held out until the end of November but eventually there were staff back to work they were forced to accept all of the conditions of the owners without any concessions whatsoever but going back to the actual sell out the initial shock of this surrender was followed by an intense sense of betrayal there's a report from the Wakefield strike committee they said that the position on the 12th of May was that there was no sign of weakening on the contrary the spirit was magnificent and the consternation in dismay prevailed when the news that the strike had been called off had been confirmed this sense of betrayal was particularly felt against the so-called lefts on the general council who many workers had illusions in it wasn't simply that these lefts had remained silent or it's just simply been numbered by those on the right they actually played an active role themselves in this betrayal so Persa was directly involved in negotiations with the government to bring it to an end Hicks was actually foremost in rejecting a massive donation of £1.25 million raised by Russian workers and he actually referred to this donation as Dam Soviet Gold and many couldn't understand the actions of these men you know people understood the betrayal of people like Thomas and the right wing but many people thought that the lefts were on their side and it leads us to this question of well why did these left wing people betray Trotsky actually remarked that actually betrayal is inherent in the politics of reformism and this isn't a question of like a kind of conscious betrayal we're sure that many of these people are very sincere in what they're doing but it's not really a question of their sincerity but it's a political question it's fundamentally all reformists including the left reformists do not think that workers can take power and run society themselves they've got no perspective at all of a fundamental transformation of society they think that society can only be changed gradually bit by bit through the framework of the existing society and that you know essentially this means just appealing to the capitalist to be nicer and to be more humane to workers but many of these people are terrified of actually embarking on a revolutionary struggle against the capitalist state which they see as all powerful they've got no confidence of winning such a struggle no confidence in the working class to create an even stronger power than the capitalist state or no confidence in splitting the army and the police and winning them on class lines and therefore when it comes to the crunch they became more scared of the natural revolution developing that this kind of movement of the workers getting out of their own hands then they do of selling out the movement to the capitalist and you've seen this time and time again throughout history and always with tragic consequences now I've got to sum up just a very brief word on the role of the communist party there's loads more that could be said about it but even from before the strike it would have been warning for months of the coming struggle and for workers to get prepared and during the course of the strike it nearly doubled its membership from 6,000 to over 10,000 but in many areas it actually formed the backbone of these councils of action but ultimately it failed to fully rise to the challenge of the strike to expose and replace the reformist leadership and it actually helped foster illusions in these so-called left trade union leaders illusions which they've been building up for over a year and in a large part that was due to the formation of the Anglo-Russian trade union committee which was in theory a knighted front between Russian and British trade unions for the Stalinist leadership of the communist international uncritical support of these left trade union leaders who they themselves had illusions in as offering a point of support for the Soviet Union and from the agreement of this pact in 1925 the activities of the communist party markedly changed they watered down their criticisms of the leaders and ended up just promoting these left ones and therefore performed throughout the strike that she subordinated its own independent activity to just playing the role of loyal trade unionists rather than of revolutionaries and it limited itself to just calling on the leaders of the TUC to carry out a left policy rather than strengthening the rank and file to carry out this challenge to the leadership itself and once the betrayal took place although there was a change in their in their material they put forward for a change of leadership they'd actually done nothing concretely build for and prepare for this challenge to take place had they pursued an energetic and independent policy they could have emerged from the general strike enormously strengthened even in the event of this defeat but as it turned out they couldn't escape part of the blame for the defeat particularly this sense of betrayal against the lefts which the communist party had helped to promote so although the communist party continued to grow until October the defeat of the miners in November had a very profound effect and many many drifted away from the party and it never really kind of or it didn't recover for many many years now after the strike I'll sum up the very reformist leaders who let us betrayal simply declared never again they said they tried to theorise the defeat as inevitable for all general strikes they said that they're impossible to win and dangerous to try and therefore shouldn't be done again they tried to put the blame for this defeat anywhere but themselves general strike really is the need to prepare for an advance to understand the conditions that give rise to these kind of mass political strikes so that we're not taken by surprise by them there are of course different kinds of general strike ones of a limited duration like a one day or two day general strike which really are more of a form of protest but an indefinite general strike like these events really posed the question of power and for that you need a revolutionary organisation that can lead such a strike to victory and that cannot be improvised on the spot you need to prepare for that in advance so that's what we're trying to do here and that's why I'd encourage you to join us in that task