Chapter 20 of History of the United States by Charles A. Beard and Mary Ritterbeard Part 6 National Growth and World Politics This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Anthony Wilson History of the United States by Charles A. Beard and Mary Ritterbeard Part 6 National Growth and World Politics Chapter 20 America a World Power 1865-1900 It has now become a fashion sanctioned by wide usage and by eminent historians to speak of America, triumphant over Spain and possessed of new colonies, as entering the twentieth century in the role of a world power for the first time. Perhaps at this late day it is useless to protest against the currency of the idea. Nevertheless, the truth is that from the faithful moment in March 1775, when Edmund Burke unfolded to his colleagues in the British Parliament the resources of an invincible America, down to the settlement of Versailles in 1919 closing the drama of the World War, this nation has been a world power, influencing by its example, by its institutions, by its wealth, trade and arms, the course of international affairs. And it should be said also that neither in the field of commercial enterprise nor in that of diplomacy has it been wanting in spirit or ingenuity. When John Hay, Secretary of State, heard that an American citizen, Pertik Harris, had been seized by racially, a Moroccan bandit in 1904, he wired his brusque message, we want Pertik Harris alive or racially dead. This was but an echo of Commodore Decatur's equally characteristic answer, not a minute, given nearly a hundred years before to the pirates of Algiers begging for time to consider whether they would cease praying upon American merchantmen. Was it not as early as 1844 that the American Commissioner, Caleb Cushing, taking advantage of the British-Opium War on China, negotiated with the Celestial Empire a successful commercial treaty? Did he not then exultantly exclaim the laws of the Union follow its citizens and its banner protects them, even within the domain of the Chinese Empire? Was it not almost half a century before the Battle of Manila Bay in 1898 that Commodore Perry with an adequate naval force gently coerced Japan into friendship with us, leading all the nations of the earth in the opening of that empire to the trade of the Occident? Nor is it inappropriate in this connection to recall the fact that the Monroe Doctrine celebrates in 1923 its hundredth anniversary. American Foreign Relations, 1865 through 1898, French Intrigues in Mexico Blocked. Between the war for the Union and the war with Spain, the Department of State had many an occasion to present the rights of America among the powers of the world. Only a little while after the civil conflict came to a close, it was called upon to deal with a dangerous situation created in Mexico by the ambitions of Napoleon III. During the administration of Buchanan, Mexico had fallen into disorder through the strife of the liberal and the clerical parties. The President asked for authority to use American troops to bring to a peaceful haven a wreck upon the ocean drifting about as she is impelled by different factions. Our own domestic crisis then intervened. Observing the United States heavily involved in its own problems, the great powers, England, France and Spain, decided in the autumn of 1861 to take a hand themselves in restoring order in Mexico. They entered into an agreement to enforce the claims of their citizens against Mexico and to protect their subjects residing in that republic. They invited the United States to join them and on meeting a polite refusal, they prepared for a combined military and naval demonstration on their own account. In the midst of this action, England and Spain, discovering the sinister purposes of Napoleon, withdrew their troops and left the field to him. The French Emperor, it was well known, looked with jealousy upon the growth of the United States and dreamed of establishing in the Western Hemisphere an imperial power to offset the American Republic. Intervention to collect debts was only a cloak for his deeper designs. Throwing off that guise in due time, he made the Archduke Maximilian, a brother of the ruler of Austria, Emperor in Mexico, and surrounded his throne by French soldiers in spite of all protests. This insolent attack upon the Mexican Republic, deeply resented in the United States, was allowed to drift in its course until 1865. At that juncture, General Sheridan was dispatched to the Mexican border with a large armed force. General Grant urged the use of the American army to expel the French from this continent. The Secretary of State, Seward, counseled negotiations first and, applying the Monroe Doctrine, was able to prevail upon Napoleon III to withdraw his troops. Without the support of French arms, the sham empire in Mexico collapsed like a house of cards and the unhappy Maximilian, the victim of French ambition and intrigue, met his death at the hands of a Mexican firing squad. Alaska purchased. The Mexican affair had not been brought to a close before the Department of State was busy with negotiations which resulted in the purchase of Alaska from Russia. The Treaty of Session, signed on March 30, 1867, added to the United States a domain of nearly 600,000 square miles, a territory larger than Texas and nearly three-fourths the size of the Louisiana purchase. Though it was a distant colony separated from our continental domain by a thousand miles of water, no question of imperialism or colonization far into American doctrines seems to have been raised at the time. The treaty was ratified promptly by the Senate. The purchase price, $7,200,000, was voted by the House of Representatives after the display of some resentment against the system that compelled it to appropriate money to fulfill an obligation which it had no part in making. Seward, who formulated the treaty, rejoiced as he afterward said that he had kept Alaska out of the hands of England. American interest in the Caribbean. Having achieved this diplomatic triumph, Seward turned to the increase of American power in another direction. He negotiated with Denmark a treaty providing for the purchase of the islands of St. John and St. Thomas in the West Indies, strategic points in the Caribbean for seapower. This project, long afterward brought to fruition by other men, was defeated on this occasion by the refusal of the Senate to ratify the treaty. Evidently, it was not yet prepared to exercise colonial dominion over other races. Undaunted by this misadventure in Caribbean policies, President Grant warmly advocated the acquisition of Santo Domingo. This little republic had long been in a state of general disorder. In 1869, a treaty of annexation was concluded with its president. The document Grant transmitted to the Senate with his cordial approval, only to have it rejected. Not at all changed in his opinion by the outcome of his effort, he continued to urge the subject of annexation. Even in his last message to Congress he referred to it, saying that time had only proved the wisdom of his early course. The addition of Santo Domingo to the American sphere of protection was the work of a later generation. The State Department, temporarily checked, had to bide its time. The Alabama claims arbitrated. Indeed, it had in hand a far more serious matter, a vexing issue that grew out of Civil War diplomacy. The British government, as already pointed out in other connections, had permitted Confederate cruisers, including the famous Alabama, built in British ports, to escape and pray upon the commerce of the northern states. This action, denounced at the time by our government as a grave breach of neutrality, as well as a grievous injury to American citizens, led first to remonstrances and finally to repeated claims for damages done to American ships and goods. For a long time Great Britain was firm, her foreign secretary denied all obligations in the premises, adding somewhat curtly that he wished to say once for all that Her Majesty's government disclaimed any responsibility for the losses and hoped that they had made their position perfectly clear. Still, President Grant was not persuaded that the door of diplomacy, though closed, was barred. President Fish, his Secretary of State, renewed the demand. Finally he secured from the British government in 1871 the Treaty of Washington, providing for the arbitration not merely of the Alabama and other claims, but also all points of serious controversy between the two countries. The Tribunal of Arbitration thus authorized sat at Geneva in Switzerland, and after long and careful review of the arguments on both sides awarded to the United States the lump sum of $15,500,000 to be distributed among the American claimants. The damages thus allowed were large, unquestionably larger than strict justice required, and it is not surprising that the decision excited much adverse comment in England. Nevertheless, the prompt payment by the British government swept away at once a great cloud of ill feeling in America. Moreover the spectacle of two powerful nations choosing the way of peaceful arbitration to settle an anger dispute seemed a happy if illusory omen of a modern method for avoiding the arbitrement of war. Samoa If the Senate had its doubts at first about the wisdom of acquiring strategic points for naval power in distant areas, the same could not be said of the State Department or naval officers. In 1872 Commander Mead of the United States Navy, alive to the importance of coaling stations even in mid-ocean, made a commercial agreement with the Chief of Tutuila, one of the Samoan Islands far below the equator in the Southern Pacific, nearer to Australia than to California. This agreement, providing among other things for our use of the harbor of the Pago Pago as a naval base, was six years later changed into a formal treaty ratified by the Senate. Such enterprise could not escape the vigilant eyes of England and Germany, both mindful of the course of the sea power in history. The German Emperor, seizing as a pretext a quarrel between his consul in the islands and a native king, laid claim to an interest in the Samoan group. England, aware of the dangers arising from German outposts in the southern seas so near to Australia, was not content to stand aside. So it happened that all three countries sent battleships to the Samoan waters, threatening a crisis that was fortunately averted by friendly settlement. If, as is alleged, Germany entertained a notion of challenging American sea power then and there, the presence of British ships must have dispelled that dream. The result of the affair was a tripartite agreement by which the three powers in 1889 undertook a protectorate over the islands. But joint control proved unsatisfactory. There was constant friction between the Germans and the English. The spheres of authority being vague and open to dispute, the plan had to be abandoned at the end of ten years. England withdrew altogether, leaving to Germany all the islands except Tutuila, which was ceded outright to the United States. Thus, one of the finest harbors in the Pacific, to the intense delight of the American Navy, passed permanently under American dominion. Another triumph in diplomacy was set down to the credit of the State Department, Cleveland and the Venezuela Affair. In the relations with South America, as well as those with the distant Pacific, the diplomacy of the government at Washington was put to the test. For some time it had been watching a dispute between England and Venezuela over the western boundary of British Guiana, and, on an appeal from Venezuela, it had taken a lively interest in the contest. In 1895, President Cleveland saw that Great Britain would yield none of her claims. After hearing the arguments of Venezuela, his Secretary of State, Richard T. Olney, in a note none too conciliatory, asked the British government whether it was willing to arbitrate the points in controversy. This inquiry he accompanied by a warning to the effect that the United States could not permit any European power to contest its mastery in this hemisphere. The United States, said the Secretary, is practically sovereign on this continent, and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposition. Its infinite resources, combined with its isolated position, render it master of the situation and practically invulnerable against any or all other powers. The reply evoked from the British government by this strong statement was firm and clear. The Monroe Doctrine, it said, even if not so widely stretched by interpretation, was not binding in international law. The dispute with Venezuela was a matter of interest merely to the parties involved, and arbitration of the question was impossible. This response called forth President Cleveland's startling message of 1895. He asked Congress to create a commission authorized to ascertain by researchers the true boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana. He added that it would be the duty of this country to resist by every means in its power, as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction over any territory which, after investigation, we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela. The serious character of the statement he thoroughly understood. He declared that he was conscious of his responsibilities, intimating that war, much as it was to be deplored, was not comparable to a supine submission to wrong and injustice and the consequent loss of national self-respect and honor. The note of defiance which ran through this message, greeted by shrill cries of enthusiasm in many circles, was viewed in other quarters as a portent of war. Responsible newspapers in both countries spoke of an armed settlement of the dispute as inevitable. Congress created the commission and appropriated money for the investigation. A body of learned men was appointed due to determine the merits of the conflicting boundary claims. The British government, deaf to the clamor of the bellicose section of the London press, deplored the incident, courtesely replied in the affirmative to a request for assistance in the search for evidence, and finally agreed to the proposition that the issue be submitted to arbitration. The outcome of this somewhat perilous dispute contributed not a little to Cleveland's reputation as a sterling representative of the true American spirit. This was not diminished when the tribunal of arbitration found that Great Britain was on the whole right in her territorial claims against Venezuela, the annexation of Hawaii. While engaged in the dangerous Venezuela controversy, President Cleveland was compelled by a strange turn in events to consider the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands in the mid-Pacific. For more than half a century American missionaries had been active in converting the natives to the Christian faith and enterprising American businessmen had been developing the fertile sugar plantations. Both the Department of State and the Navy Department were fully conscious of the strategic relation of the islands to the growth of sea power and watched with anxiety any developments likely to bring them under some other dominion. The country at large was indifferent, however, until 1893 when a revolution headed by Americans broke out, ending in the overthrow of the native government, the abolition of the primitive monarchy, and the retirement of Queen Lilio Colani to private life. This crisis, a repetition of the Texas affair in a small theater, was immediately followed by demand from the new Hawaiian government for annexation to the United States. President Harrison looked with favor on the proposal, negotiated the treaty of annexation, and laid it before the Senate for approval. There, it still rested when his term of office was brought to a close. Harrison's successor, Cleveland, it was well known, had doubts about the propriety of American action in Hawaii. For the purpose of making an inquiry into the matter, he sent a special commissioner to the islands. On the basis of the report of his agent, Cleveland came to the conclusion that the revolution in the island kingdom had been accomplished by the improper use of the armed forces of the United States and that the wrong should be righted by a restoration of the Queen to her throne. Such being his matured conviction, though the facts upon which he rested it were warmly controverted, he could do nothing but withdraw the treaty from the Senate and close the incident. To the Republicans, this sharp and cavalier disposal of their plans, carried out in a way that impugned the motives of a Republican president, was nothing less than a betrayal of American interests. In their platform of 1896 they made clear their position, our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous, and dignified, and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere carefully watched and guarded. The Hawaiian islands should be controlled by the United States, and no foreign power should be permitted to interfere with them. There was no mistaking this view of the issue. As the vote in the election gave popular sanction to the Republican policies, Congress by a joint resolution passed on July 6, 1898, annexed the islands to the United States and later conferred upon them the ordinary territorial form of government, Cuba and the Spanish War. Early American relations with Cuba. The year that brought Hawaii finally under the American flag likewise drew to a conclusion another long controversy over a similar outpost in the Atlantic, one of the last remnants of the once glorious Spanish Empire, the island of Cuba. For a century the Department of State had kept an anxious eye upon this base of power, knowing full well that both France and England already well established in the West Indies had their attention also fixed upon Cuba. In the administration of President Fillmore they had united in proposing to the United States a tripartite treaty guaranteeing Spain in her none too certain ownership. This proposal, squarely rejected, furnished the occasion for a statement of American policy which stood the test of all the years that followed, namely that the affair was one between Spain and the United States alone. In that long contest in the United States for the balance of power between the North and South, leaders in the latter section often thought of bringing Cuba into the Union to offset the free states.  On that occasion three American ministers abroad, stationed at Madrid, Paris and London respectively, held a conference and issued the celebrated Ostend Manifesto. They united in declaring that Cuba, by her geographical position, formed a part of the United States, that possession by a foreign power was inimical to American interests, and that an effort should be made to purchase the island from Spain. In case the owner refused to sell, they concluded, with a menacing flourish, by every law human and divine we shall be justified in wrestling it from Spain if we possess the power. This startling proclamation to the world was promptly disowned by the United States government. REVOLUTIONS IN CUBA For nearly twenty years afterwards the Cuban question rested. Then it was revived in another form during President Grant's administrations when the natives became engaged in a destructive revolt against Spanish officials. For ten years, 1868 through 1878, a guerrilla warfare raged in the island. American citizens, by virtue of their ancient traditions of democracy, naturally sympathized with a war for independence and self-government. Expeditions to help the insurgents were fitted out secretly in American ports. Arms and supplies were smuggled into Cuba. American soldiers of fortune joined their ranks. The enforcement of neutrality against the friends of Cuban independence, no pleasing task for a sympathetic president, the protection of American lives and property in the revolutionary area, and similar matters kept our government busy with Cuba for a whole decade. A brief lull in Cuban disorders was followed in 1895 by a renewal of the revolutionary movement. The contest between the rebels and the Spanish troops, marked by extreme cruelty and a total disregard for life and property, exceeded all bounds of decency, and once more raised the old questions that had tormented Grant's administration.  By a proclamation of November 6, 1895, he ordered the destruction of sugar plantations and railway connections and the closure of all sugar factories. The work of ruin was completed by the ruthless Spanish general, Wailer, who concentrated the inhabitants from rural regions into military camps, where they died by the hundreds of disease and starvation. Stories of the atrocities, bad enough in simple form, became lured when transmuted into American news and deeply moved the sympathies of the American people. Sermons were preached about Spanish misdeeds. Morators demanded that the Cubans be sustained in their heroic struggle for independence. Newspapers, scouting the ordinary forms of diplomatic negotiation, spurned mediation and demanded intervention and war if necessary. President Cleveland's policy. Cleveland chose the way of peace. He ordered the observance of the rule of neutrality. He declined to act on a resolution of Congress in favor of giving to the Cubans the rights of belligerence. Anxious to bring order to the distracted island, he tendered to Spain the good offices of the United States as mediator in the contest. A tender rejected by the Spanish government with the broad hint that President Cleveland might be more vigorous in putting a stop to the unlawful aid in money, arms, and supplies afforded to the insurgents by American sympathizers. Thereupon, the President returned to the course he had marked out for himself, leaving the public nuisance to his successor, President McKinley. Republican policies. The Republicans in 1897 found themselves in a position to employ that firm, vigorous, and dignified foreign policy which they had approved in their platform. They had declared the government of Spain having lost control of Cuba and being unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citizens or to comply with its treaty obligations. We believe that the government of the United States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and give independence to the island. The American property in Cuba, to which the Republicans referred in their platform, amounted by this time to more than $50 million. The commerce with the island reached more than 100 millions annually and the claims of American citizens against Spain for property destroyed totaled 16 millions. To the pleas of humanity, which made such an effective appeal to the hearts of the American people, there were thus added practical considerations of great weight. President McKinley negotiates. In the face of the swelling tide of popular opinion in favor of quick, drastic, and positive action, McKinley chose first the way of diplomacy. A short time after his inauguration, he lodged with the Spanish government a dignified protest against his policies in Cuba, thus opening a game of thrust and parry with the suave ministers at Madrid. The results of the exchange of notes were the recall of the obnoxious General Whaler, the appointment of a Governor-General, less bloodthirsty in his methods, a change in the policy of concentrating civilians in military camps, and finally a promise of home rule for Cuba. There is no doubt that the Spanish government was eager to avoid a war that could have but one outcome. The American minister at Madrid, General Woodford, was convinced that firm and patient pressure would have resulted in the final surrender of Cuba by the Spanish government, the delome and the main incidents. Such a policy was defeated by events. In February, 1898, a private letter written by Signor delome, the Spanish ambassador at Washington, expressing contempt for the President of the United States, was filched from the mails and passed into the hands of a journalist, William R. Hurst, who published it to the world. In the excited state of American opinion, few gave he to the grave breach of diplomatic courtesy committed by breaking open private correspondence. The Spanish government was compelled to recall delome, thus officially condemning his conduct. At this point a far more serious crisis put the Pacific relations of the two negotiating countries in dire peril. On February 15th the battleship Maine, riding in the harbor of Havana, was blown up and sunk, carrying to death two officers and two hundred and fifty-eight members of the crew. This tragedy, ascribed by the American public to the malevolence of Spanish officials, profoundly stirred an already furious nation. When, on March 21st, a commission of inquiry reported that the ill-fated ship had been blown up by a submarine mine, which had in turn set off some of the ship's magazines, the worst suspicions seemed confirmed. If anyone was inclined to be indifferent to the Cuban war for independence, he was now met with a vehement cry, remember the Maine. Spanish concessions. Still the State Department, under McKinley's steady hand, pursued the path of negotiation, spain proving more pliable and more ready with promises of reform in the island. Early in April, however, there came a decided change in the tenor of American diplomacy. On the fourth, McKinley evidently convinced that promises did not mean performances, instructed our minister at Madrid to warn the Spanish government that as no effective armistice had been offered to the Cubans, he would lay the whole matter before Congress. This decision, everyone knew, from the temper of Congress, meant war, a prospect which excited all the European powers. The Pope took an active interest in the crisis, France and Germany foreseeing from long experience in world politics an increase of American power and prestige through war, sought to prevent it. Spain, hopeless and conscious of her weakness, at last dispatched to the President a note promising to suspend hostilities, to call a Cuban parliament, and to grant all the autonomy that could be reasonably asked. President McKinley calls for war. For reasons of his own, reasons which have never yet been fully explained, McKinley ignored the final program of concessions presented by Spain. At the very moment when his patient negotiations seemed to bear full fruit, he veered sharply from his course and launched the country into the war by sending to Congress his militant message of April 11, 1898. Without making public the last note he had received from Spain, he declared that he was brought to the end of his effort and the cause was in the hands of Congress. Humanity, the protection of American citizens and property, the injuries to American commerce and business, the inability of Spain to bring about permanent peace in the island, these were the grounds for action that induced him to ask for authority to employ military and naval forces in establishing a stable government in Cuba. They were sufficient for a public already straining at the leash. The Resolution of Congress There was no doubt of the outcome when the issue was withdrawn from diplomacy and placed in charge of Congress. Resolutions were soon introduced into the House of Representatives, authorizing the President to employ armed force in securing peace and order in the island and establishing by the free action of the people thereof a stable and independent government of their own. To the form and spirit of this proposal, the Democrats and populists took exception. In the Senate, where they were stronger, their position had to be reckoned with by the narrow Republican majority. As the Resolution finally read, the independence of Cuba was recognized, Spain was called upon to relinquish her authority and withdraw from the island, and the President was empowered to use force to the extent necessary to carry the Resolutions into effect. Furthermore, the United States disclaimed any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island, except for the pacification thereof. Final action was taken by Congress on April 19th, 1898, and approved by the President on the following day. War and Victory Startling events then followed in swift succession. The Navy, as a result in no small measure of the alertness of Theodore Roosevelt, Assistant Secretary of the Department, was ready for the trial by battle. On May 1st, Commodore Dewey at Manila Bay shattered the Spanish fleet, marking the doom of the Spanish dominion in the Philippines. On July 3rd, the Spanish fleet under Admiral Cervera, in attempting to escape from Havana, was utterly destroyed by American forces under Commodore Schley. On July 17th, Santiago, invested by American troops under General Shafter, and shelled by the American ships, gave up the struggle. On July 25th, General Miles landed in Puerto Rico. On August 13th, General Merritt and Admiral Dewey carried Manila by storm. The war was over. The peace protocol. Spain had already taken cognizance of sterned facts. As early as July 26th, 1898, acting through the French Ambassador M. Cambon, the Madrid government approached President McKinley for a statement of the terms on which hostilities could be brought to a close. After some skirmishing, Spain yielded reluctantly to the ultimatum. On August 12th, the preliminary peace protocol was signed, stipulating that Cuba should be free, Puerto Rico seated to the United States, and Manila occupied by American troops pending the formal treaty of peace. On October 1st, the commissioners of the two countries met at Paris to bring about the final settlement. Peace negotiations. When the day for the first session of the conference arrived, the government at Washington apparently had not made up its mind on the final disposition of the Philippines. Perhaps before the Battle of Manila Bay, not ten thousand people in the United States knew or cared where the Philippines were. Certainly there was, in the autumn of 1898, no decided opinion as to what should be done with the fruits of Dewey's victory. President McKinley doubtless voiced the sentiment of the people when he stated to the peace commissioners on the eve of their departure that there had originally been no thought of conquest in the Pacific. The march of events he added had imposed new duties on the country. Incidental to our tenure in the Philippines, he said, is the commercial opportunity to which American statementship cannot be indifferent. It is just to use every legitimate means for the enlargement of American trade. On this ground he directed the commissioners to accept not less than the session of the Island of Luzon, the chief of the Philippine group with its harbor of Manila. It was not until the latter part of October that he definitely instructed them to demand the entire archipelago on the theory that the occupation of Luzon alone could not be justified on political, commercial, or humanitarian grounds. This departure from the letter of the peace protocol was bitterly resented by the Spanish agents. It was with heaviness of heart that they surrendered the last sign of Spain's ancient dominion in the far Pacific. The final terms of peace. The Treaty of Peace, as finally agreed upon, embraced the following terms. The independence of Cuba, the session of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines to the United States, the settlement of claims filed by the citizens of both countries, the payment of twenty million dollars to Spain by the United States for the Philippines, and the determination of the status of the inhabitants of the seated territories by Congress. The great decision had been made. Its issue was in the hands of the Senate, where the Democrats and the populists held the balance of power under the requirement of the two-thirds vote for ratification. The Contest in America over the Treaty of Peace. The publication of the treaty committing the United States to the administration of distant colonies directed the shifting tides of public opinion in two distinct channels, out of the policy and opposition to it. The trend in Republican leadership, long in the direction marked out by the treaty, now came into the open. Perhaps a majority of the men highest in the councils of that party had undergone the change of heart reflected in the letters of John Hay, Secretary of State. In August of 1898 he had hinted in a friendly letter to Andrew Carnegie that he sympathized with the latter's opposition to imperialism, but he added quickly, the only question in my mind is how far it is now possible for us to withdraw from the Philippines. In November of the same year he wrote to White Law Reed, one of the peace commissioners at Paris. There is a wild and frantic attack now going on in the press against the whole Philippine transaction. Andrew Carnegie really seems to be off his head. But all this confusion of tongues will go its way. The country will applaud the resolution that has been reached and you will return to the role of conquering heroes with your brows bound with oak. Senator Beverage of Indiana and Senator Platt of Connecticut, accepting the verdict of history as the proof of manifest destiny, called for unquestioning support of the administration in its final step. Every expansion of our territory, said the latter, has been in accordance with the irresistible law of growth. We could no more resist the success of expansions by which we have grown to be the strongest nation on earth, than a tree can resist its growth. The history of territorial expansion is the history of our nation's progress and glory. It is a matter to be proud of, not to lament. We should rejoice that Providence has given us the opportunity to extend our influence, our institutions and our civilization into regions hitherto close to us, rather than contrive how we can thwart its designs. This doctrine was savagely attacked by opponents of McKinley's policy, many a stance Republican joining with the majority of Democrats in denouncing the treaty as a departure from the ideals of the Republic. Senator Vest introduced in the Senate a resolution that, under the Constitution of the United States, no powers given to the federal government to acquire territory, to be held and governed permanently as colonies. Senator Hoer of Massachusetts, whose long and honorable career gave way to his lightest words, invaded against the whole procedure and to the end of his days believed that the new drift into rivalry with the European nations as a colonial power was fraught with genuine danger. Our imperialistic friends, he said, seemed to have forgotten the use of the vocabulary of liberty. They talk about giving good government. We shall give them such a government as we think they are fitted for. We shall give them a better government than they had before. Why, Mr. President, that one phrase conveys to a free man and a free people the most stinging of insults. In that little phrase, as in a seed, contained the germ of all despotism and of all tyranny, government is not a gift. Free government is not to be given by all the blended powers of earth and heaven. It is a birthright. It belongs, as our fathers said, and as their children said, as Jefferson said, and as President McKinley said, to human nature itself. The Senate, more conservative on the question of annexation than the House of Representatives, composed of men freshly elected in the stirring campaign of 1896, was deliberate about the ratification of the treaty. The Democrats and populists were especially recalcitrant. Mr. Bryan hurried to Washington and brought his personal influence to bear in favor of speedy action. Patriotism required ratification. It was said in one quarter. The country desires peace and the Senate ought not to delay. It was urged in another. Finally, on February 6, 1899, the requisite majority of two thirds was mustered. Many a senator who voted for the treaty, however, sharing the misgivings of Senator Hor as to the dangers of imperialism. Indeed, at the time, the senators passed a resolution declaring that the policy to be adopted in the Philippines was still an open question, leaving to the future, in this way, the possibility of retracing their steps. The Attitude of England. The Spanish War, while accomplishing the simple objects of those who launched the nation on that course, like all other wars, produced results wholly unforeseen. In the first place, it exercised a profound influence on the drift of opinion among European powers. In England, sympathy with the United States was, from the first, positive and outspoken. The state of feeling here, wrote Mr. Hay, then ambassador in London, is the best I have ever known. From every quarter, the evidences of it come to me. The royal family, by habit and tradition, are most careful not to break the rules of strict neutrality. But even among them, I find nothing but hearty kindness and, so far as it is consistent with propriety, sympathy. Among the political leaders on both sides, I find not only sympathy, but a somewhat eager desire that the other fellows shall not seem more friendly. Joseph Chamberlain, the distinguished liberal statesman, thinking no doubt of the continental situation, said in a political address at the very opening of the war that the next duty of Englishman is to establish and maintain bonds of permanent unity with our kinsmen across the Atlantic. I even go so far as to say that, terrible as war may be, even war would be cheaply purchased if, in a great and noble cause, the stars and stripes and the union jack should wave together over an Anglo-Saxon alliance. To the American ambassador, he added significantly that he did not care a hang what they say about it on the continent, which was another way of expressing the hope that the warning to Germany and France was sufficient. This friendly English opinion, so useful to the United States when a combination of powers to support Spain was more than possible, removed all fears as to the consequences of the war. Henry Adams, recalling days of humiliation in London during the Civil War, when his father was the American ambassador, cruelly remarked that it was the sudden appearance of Germany as the grisly terror that frightened England into America's arms. But the net result in keeping the field free for any easy triumph of American arms was nonetheless appreciated in Washington where, despite outward calm, fears of European complications were never absent. American policies in the Philippines and the Orient. The Filipino revolt against the American rule. In the sphere of domestic policies, as well as in the field of foreign relations, the outcome of the Spanish war exercised a marked influence. It introduced at once problems of colonial administration and difficulties in adjusting trade relations with the outlying dominions. These were further more complicated in the very beginning by the outbreak of an insurrection against American sovereignty in the Philippines. The leader of the revolt, Aguinaldo, had been invited to join the American forces in overthrowning Spanish dominion and he had assumed, apparently without warrant, that independence would be the result of the joint operations. When the news reached him that the American flag had been substituted for the Spanish flag, his resentment was keen. In February, 1899, there occurred a slight collision between his men and some American soldiers. The conflict thus begun was followed by serious fighting which finally dwindled into a vexatious guerrilla warfare, lasting three years and costing heavily in men and money. Atrocities were committed by the native insurrectionists and, sad to relate, they were repaid in kind. It was argued in defense of the army that the ordinary rules of warfare were without terror to men accustomed to fighting like savages. In vain did McKinley assure the Filipinos that the institutions and laws established in the islands would be designed not for our satisfaction or for the expression of our theoretical views, but for the happiness, peace, and prosperity of the people of the Philippine islands. Nothing short of military pressure could bring the warring revolutionists to terms. Attacks on Republican imperialism. The Filipino insurrection, following so quickly upon the ratification of the treaty with Spain, moved the American opponents of McKinley's colonial policies to redouble their denunciation of what they were pleased to call imperialism. Senator Hoare was more than usually caustic in his indictment of the new course. The revolt against American rule did but convince him of the folly hidden in the first faithful measures. Everywhere he saw a conspiracy of silence and justice. I have failed to discover in the speeches, public or private, of the advocates of this war, he contended in the Senate, or in the press, which supports it and them, a single expression anywhere of a desire to do justice to the people of the Philippine islands, or of a desire to make known to the people of the United States the truth of the case. The catch words, the cries, the pithy and pregnant phrases of which their speech is full, all mean dominion. They mean perpetual dominion. There is not one of these gentlemen who will rise in his place and affirm that if he were a Filipino, he would not do exactly as the Filipinos are doing, that he would not despise them if they were to do otherwise. So much at least they owe of respect to the dead in buried history, the dead in buried history so far as they can slay and bury it of their country. In the way of practical suggestions, the senator offered as a solution of the problem, the recognition of independence, assistance in establishing self-government and an invitation to all powers to join in a guarantee of freedom to the islands. The Republican answer. To McKinley and his supporters, engaged in a sanguinary struggle to maintain American supremacy, such talk was more than quixotic. It was scarcely short of treasonable. They pointed out the practical obstacles in the way of uniform self-government for a collection of seven million people, ranging in civilization from the most ignorant hillmen to the highly cultivated inhabitants of Manila. The incidents of the revolt and its repression, they admitted, were painful enough. But still nothing is compared with a chaos that would follow the attempt of a people who had never had experience in such matters to set up and sustain democratic institutions. They preferred rather the gradual process of fitting the inhabitants of the islands for self-government. This course in their eyes, though less poetic, was more in harmony with the ideals of humanity. Having set out upon it, they pursued it steadfastly to the end. First they applied force without stint to the suppression of the revolt. Then they devoted such genius for colonial administration as they could command to the development of civil government, commerce, and industry. The Boxer Rebellion in China. For a nation with a worldwide trade, steadily growing as the progress of home industries redoubled the zeal for new markets, isolation was obviously impossible. Never was this clearer than in 1900, when a native revolt against foreigners in China, known as the Boxer Uprising, compelled the United States to join with the powers of Europe in a military expedition and a diplomatic settlement. The Boxers, a Chinese association, had for some time carried on a campaign of hatred against all aliens in the celestial empire, calling upon the natives to rise in patriotic wrath and drive out the foreigners, who they said, were lacerating China like tigers. In the summer of 1900, the revolt flamed up in deeds of cruelty. Missionaries and traders were murdered in the provinces. Foreign legations were stoned. The German ambassador, one of the most cordially despised foreigners, was killed in the streets of Peking, and to all appearances, a frightful war of extermination had begun. In the month of June, nearly 500 men, women and children, representing all nations, were besieged in the British quarters in Peking, under constant fire of Chinese guns and in peril of a terrible death, intervention in China. Nothing but the arrival of armed forces made up of Japanese, Russian, British, American, French and German soldiers and marines prevented the destruction of the beleaguered aliens. When once the foreign troops were in possession of the Chinese capital, diplomatic questions of the most delicate character arose. For more than half a century, the imperial powers of Europe had been carving up the Chinese empire, taking to themselves territory, railway concessions, mining rights, ports, and commercial privileges at the expense of the huge but helpless victim. The United States alone, among the great nations, while as zealous as any in the pursuit of peaceful trade, had refrained from seizing Chinese territory or ports. Moreover, the Department of State had been urging European countries to treat China with fairness, to respect their territorial integrity and to give her equal trading privileges with all nations, the American policy of the open door. In the autumn of 1899, Secretary He had addressed to London, Berlin, Rome, Paris, Tokyo, and St. Petersburg his famous note on the open door policy in China. In this document, he proposed that existing treaty ports and vested interests of the several foreign countries should be respected, that the Chinese government should be permitted to extend its tariffs to all ports held by alien powers except the few free ports, and that there should be no discrimination in railway and port charges among the citizens of foreign countries operating in the empire. To these principles, the governments addressed by Mr. Hay finally acceded with evident reluctance. On this basis, he then proposed the settlement that had to follow the boxer uprising. The policy of the government of the United States, he said to be the great powers, in the summer of 1900, is to seek a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese empire. This was a friendly warning to the world that the United States would not join in a scramble to punish the Chinese by carving out more territory. The moment we acted, said Mr. Hay, the rest of the world paused and finally came over to our ground, and the German government, which is generally brutal but seldom silly, recovered its senses and climbed down off its perch. In taking this position, the Secretary of State did but reflect the common sense of America. We are, of course, he explained, opposed to the dismemberment of that empire, and we do not think that the public opinion of the United States would justify this government in taking part in the great game of spoliation now going on. Heavy damages were collected by the European powers from China for the injuries inflicted upon their citizens by the boxers, but the United States, finding the sum awarded in excess of the legitimate claims, returned the balance in the form of a fund to be applied to the education of Chinese students in American universities. I would rather be, I think, said Mr. Hay, the dupe of China than the chum of the Kaiser. By pursuing a liberal policy, he strengthened the hold of the United States upon the affections of the Chinese people, and in the long run, as he remarks himself, safeguarded our great commercial interests in that empire. Imperialism in the Presidential Campaign of 1900. It is not strange that the policy pursued by the Republican administration in disposing of the questions raised by the Spanish War became one of the first issues in the Presidential Campaign of 1900. Anticipating attacks from every quarter, the Republicans, in renominating McKinley, set forth their position in clear and ringing phrases. In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibility of our victories in the Spanish War, the President and Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the West Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That course created our responsibility before the world and with the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed from Spain to provide for the maintenance of law and order and for the establishment of good government and for the performance of international obligations. Our authority could not be less than our responsibility and wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty of the government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection and to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them by law. To give more strength to their ticket the Republican Convention in a whirlwind of enthusiasm nominated for the vice presidency against his protest Theodore Roosevelt, the governor of New York and the hero of the Rough Riders so popular on account of their Cuban campaign. The Democrats as expected picked up the gauntlet thrown down with such defiance by the Republicans. Mr. Bryan whom they selected as their candidate still clung to the currency issue. But the main emphasis, both of the platform and the appeal for votes was on the imperialistic program of the Republican administration. The Democrats denounced the treatment of Cuba and Puerto Rico and condemned the Philippine policy in sharp and vigorous terms. As we are not willing, ran the platform to surrender our civilization or to convert the Republic into an empire. We favor an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose to give to the Filipinos. First, a stable form of government. Second, independence. Third, protection from outside interference. The greedy commercialism, which dictated the Philippine policy of the Republican administration attempts to justify it with the plea that it will pay. But even this sorted and unworthy plea fails when brought to the test of facts. The war of the criminal aggression against the Filipinos entailing an annual expense of many millions has already cost more than any possible profit that could accrue from the entire Philippine trade for years to come. We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and intimidation and oppression at home. It means the strong arm which has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what millions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. It will impose upon our peace-loving people a large standing army, an unnecessary burden of taxation and would be a constant menace to their liberties. Such was the tenor of the appeal to the voters. With the issues clearly joined, the country rejected the Democratic candidate even more positively than four years before. The popular vote cast for McKinley was larger than that cast for Brian Smaller than in the Silver election. Thus, vindicated at the polls, McKinley turned with renewed confidence to the development of the policies he had so far advanced. But fate cut short his designs. In the September following his second inauguration, he was shot by an anarchist while attending the Buffalo Exposition. What a strange and tragic fate it has been of mine, wrote the Secretary of State, John Hay. On the day of the President's death, to stand by the beer of three of my dearest friends, Lincoln, Garfield, and McKinley, three of the gentlest of men all risen to the head of the state and all done to death by assassins. On September 14th, 1901, the Vice President Theodore Roosevelt took up the lines of power that had fallen from the hands of his distinguished chief, promising to continue absolutely unbroken the policies he had inherited. Summary of national growth and world politics. The economic aspects of the period between 1865 and 1900 may be readily summed up. The recovery of the South from the ruin of the Civil War, the extension of the railways, the development of the Great West, and the triumph of industry and business enterprise. In the South, many of the great plantations were broken up and sold in small farms. Crops were diversified, the small farming class was raised in the scale of social importance, the cotton industry was launched, and the coal, iron, timber, and other resources were brought into use. In the West, the free arable land was practically exhausted by 1890 under the terms of the Homestead Act. Gold, silver, copper, coal, and other minerals were discovered in abundance. Numerous rail connections were formed with the Atlantic Seaboard. The cowboy and the Indian were swept away before a standardized civilization of electric lights and bathtubs. By the end of the century, the American frontier had disappeared. The wild, primitive life so long associated with America was gone. The unity of the nation was established. In the field of business enterprise, progress was most marked. The industrial system, which had risen and flourished before the Civil War, grew into immense proportions and the industrial area was extended from the Northeast into all parts of the country. Small business concerns were transformed into huge corporations. Individual plants were merged under the management of gigantic trusts. Short railway lines were consolidated into national systems. The industrial population of wage earners rose into the tens of millions. The immigration of aliens increased by leaps and bounds. The cities overshadowed the country. The nation that had once depended upon Europe for most of its manufactured goods became a competitor of Europe in the markets of the earth. In the sphere of politics, the period witnessed the recovery of white supremacy in the South. The continued discussion of the old questions, such as the currency, the tariff, and national banking, and the injection of new issues like the trusts and labor problems. As of old, foreign affairs were kept well at the front. Alaska was purchased from Russia. Attempts were made to extend American influence in the Caribbean region. A Samoan island was brought under the flag and Hawaiian islands were annexed. The Monroe Doctrine was applied with vigor in the dispute between Venezuela and Great Britain. Assistance was given to the Cubans in their revolutionary struggle against Spain, and thus there was precipitated a war which ended in the annexation of Puerto Rico and the Philippines. American influence in the Pacific and the Orient was so enlarged as to be a factor of great weight in world affairs. Thus questions connected with foreign and imperial policies were united with domestic issues to make up the warp and woof of politics. In the direction of affairs, the Republicans took the leadership for they held the presidency during all the years except eight between 1865 and 1900. References. J. W. Foster, a century of American diplomacy, American diplomacy in the Orient. W. F. Redaway, the Monroe Doctrine. J. H. Latine, the United States and Spanish America. A. C. Coolidge, United States as a world power. A. T. Mahon, interest of the United States in the sea power. F. E. Chadwick, Spanish-American War. D. C. Warchester, the Philippine Islands and their people. M. M. Kala, self-government in the Philippines. L. S. Rowe, the United States and Puerto Rico. F. E. Chadwick, the relations of the United States and Spain. W. R. Shepard, Latin America, Central and South America. Questions. One, tell the story of the international crisis that developed soon after the Civil War with regard to Mexico. Two, give the essential facts relating to the purchase of Alaska. Three, review the early history of our interest in the Caribbean. Four, amid what circumstances was the Monroe Doctrine applied in Cleveland's administration? Five, give the causes that led to the war with Spain. Six, tell the leading events in that war. Seven, what was the outcome as far as Cuba was concerned? The outcome for the United States? Eight, discuss the attitude of the Filipinos toward American sovereignty in the islands. Nine, describe McKinley's colonial policy. Ten, how is the Spanish war viewed in England? On the continent. Eleven, was there a unified American opinion on American expansion? Twelve, was this expansion a departure from our traditions? Thirteen, what events led to foreign intervention in China? Fourteen, explain the policy of the open door. Research topics. Hawaii and Venezuela. Hawaii and Venezuela. Dewey, national problems. American nation series. Pages 279 through 313. McDonald, documentary source book. Pages 600 through 602. Hart, American history told by contemporaries. Volume four, pages 612 through 616. Intervention in Cuba. Latin A. America as a world power. American nation series. Pages 3 through 28. McDonald, documentary source book. Pages 597 through 598. Roosevelt, autobiography. Pages 223 through 277. Hayworth, the United States in our own time. Pages 232 through 256. Hart, contemporaries. Volume four. Pages 573 through 578. The war with Spain. Elson, history of the United States. Pages 889 through 896. Terms of peace with Spain. Latin A. Pages 63 through 81. McDonald, pages 602 through 608. Hart, contemporaries. Volume four, pages 588 through 590. The Philippine insurrection. Latin A. Pages 82 through 99. Imperialism as a campaign issue. Latin A. Pages 120 through 132. Hayworth, pages 257 through 277. Hart, contemporaries. Volume four, pages 604 through 611. Biographical studies. William McKinley, M.A. Hannah, John Hay, Admiral's, George Dewey, W.T. Sampson, and W.S. Schley, and Generals W.R. Shafter, Joseph Wheeler, and H.W. Lawton. General Analysis of American Expansion. Syllabus in History, New York State, 1920. Pages 142 through 147. End of Chapter 20. Recording by Anthony Wilson. End of History of the United States by Charles A. Beard and Mary Ritter Beard. Part six, National Growth and World Politics.


Buffalo Bills. Damn. This team's a wagon, dude.  They were on a 56-nothing run over a six-quarter run, actually. It was unbelievable. After that first week against the Pittsburgh Steelers, the Buffalo Bills won on this demolition run. And I loved it. I didn't know how.  Is that what they did? Is that why the Packers have come back in one as well? But it seems like the Bills have done it in much more dominant fashion, so much so it is going down. The record books for their point margin, even though they lost their first games, okay? They lost. I would assume that all these other teams did not lose a game in their first five games since 2000. Highest point differential through their first five games since 2K.


I think men love more authentically than women. Huh? And this is what I mean by that. You said it, you said it. I said, I think men love more authentically than women. And this is why. I can agree. But go ahead. Before you say your spiel, I'm going to see where you're going with it and see if I'm feeling where you're going from. You've heard me say it before. OK, so, OK, because women, we can find and look and figure out how to love somebody. We can love your potential. We can love what you're going to become or we're going to make you. Correct. But when a man falls in love with a woman, he pursues her with a vigor like nothing else. When he's in love with that woman, that is his love. That's what he's like. He's focused on it. But us, we can find a way to love. You know, yeah, we will love some potential. We've done it. We've done it before. I've done it before plenty of times. I love what they will become. I ain't doing it no more. I ain't doing it. Thank you all for deliverance. But we and when we say we love somebody, because our feelings are so a part of our makeup that we jump into it. That was those feelings of love, whatever, like whatever it is. And we overlook a multitude of faults and mess with the man. It's hyper focused when it's that woman. But when we's in it, OK, I'm breaking off for you. Oh, well, break it down. Break it down. What you got? And it brought me back to when I heard y'all heard this saying a man marries who he wants and a woman marries who she can. And I heard that and I got upset and I was like, wait a minute, what you mean? But when you think about it, a man is very solid on his boundaries when it comes to his legacy and given his last name.  But when it comes to his last name and his legacy as a wife, he don't bend on his boundaries. Us as women, if he has the potential to be a good husband and we can kind of make it up and make it look like what we wanted to be will bend on dealbreakers and boundaries in order to get a ring. Because we fantasize about marriage. But a man, I don't care what you do. You can threaten to leave. You can leave. He'll be there with you 10 years if you stay. But when he gets ready to get married, he's going to marry who he wants. I don't understand. I don't agree with me. I was I don't know when I had to think about that and be mature about that.  But let's think about when I went back through the relationships I had been in. A lot of them was because I could not because that's who I wanted because I picked something that I could deal with and make up this man and build a man and then go along with it. But in those men that would not commit those men that stayed in those situations, he wasn't bending.  I don't care if you swing from the chandelier, come clean, whatever it is. It don't matter because whatever it is he's looking for in a wife. If you don't have it, you won't get a ring. He's going to peep it. He's going to peep it early. He's going to give you years to change it. And if you don't change it, you know, he he he already got an exit strategy. See, that's how, like you said, a man loves a woman, right? I mean, if like, let me give you an example. If we find a woman that's broken, right? We'll love that broken woman. We'll try to raise her up out of her brokenness. And the day that she doesn't acknowledge that value that he's put into her, he excellent. He's never going to marry that because he already know that you didn't take the time to evaluate the time that he put in to that whole span of your growth and development.   It is.  Right. It ain't that he don't want to marry you. It's something in you that he see that ain't marraable. Which means he should exit as women try to force that instead of saying, if you ain't figured out in a year or two, baby, we can be cool, but I'm out because whatever it is you want to see, either I'm not getting it and I'm not going to waste any more of my time.   But if not, I'm out. Yeah, so to go back to the point, men love more authentically than women. What I mean by that, women are in love with love. Yes. And because of that, I think you guys are wired to stick anybody in that spot. You can you can make him fit and part of the reason I know that, like when I've had conversations, right, that I was involved with.  Very often, a woman's sex dream, it's a silhouette of a man. It's not even somebody they know. Very often, like when I ask, OK, who was it? It was just a shadow. I be knowing who I be. I'm a dreamer. But when I say that to say, you guys are socialized from little girls to fall in love with the process, the pageantry of love, the the courting phase and the dates. And you know what I'm saying? He put his hand on my thigh and we walked down the aisle and all that stuff. On the flip side, when a man figures out that realizes he's in love, that's not a happy experience.  Because that was. Oh, wow. So now because again, our two jobs are provided protect. I love her means that I'm willing to die for her. That's not part of your responsibility. Right. Right. So we're not going to be as flippant or as, you know, generous with that love.  Right. There was a stand up special by Patrice O'Neill. He was talking about this club and it's sectioned off based on people's relationships, status and their gender. So there's a group of single men having a good old time. They happy they drinking a pop and bottles of wine.  Where my boy? There's a group of women in a relationship. They happy as hell. They popping bars. They having a good time with my man. Welcome to my right. And then there's a group. And then there's a guy throwing a pop quiz round. I like it. And then there's a group of you're fine. You're good. Yeah. And then there's a group of single men. Marry me. Oh, man. Marry me. They miserable.  I wonder why? Because again, for men, we think about love through the lens of duty. We think about love through the lens of responsibility. These aren't sex, sexy things, right?  Even if I don't want to, whether that's battle, whether that's work, whatever the case may be, as a single dude, you live in for yourself.  If she get off work late, you on the phone, making sure she going down a lit up, you know, it's innate to us. So with that being said, we're not enthusiastic about that process because that's another job for me. So if a woman gets me to fall in love with her, she got me. She got me. What makes you fall in love with a woman? So wait, I was going to say, are we able to ask a question? So would you say that's why me and run from that? Absolutely. Or run from commitment because of that responsibility that comes with loving a woman in commitment. So two things.    I've been guilty of that Monday. The thing is, we have to understand. I'm racing against a financial clock. You're racing against a biological clock.  Even if we be in real sixteen. By and large, the devil is alive. But for most men, our clock is based on can I pay a mortgage? Can I support a wife and two children? Can I support two car payments? Can I support insurance and things like that? And for most of us, we're not going to get there till thirty five. Right. Thirty early. And this is if he's a tech bro and things like that. So yeah, we're not as enthusiastic about y'all. Like jumping into that with y'all. But the unfortunate thing about it is when he's ready, you might not be able to pop kids out. So that the time line, the exactly that's where that tension is. And he might now be looking at let's say he's thirty five. He might not be looking at a thirty year old whereas he wasted your time or he let you go, whatever the case may be. Yeah. And it's the unfortunate reality. And I'm still trying to figure out what the solution is because I'm not hugely on like huge age gap relationships. Yeah.  But I mean, I understand the financial part, but what if you got a partner that's a go get it?  What happens in those nine months? What happens in those nine months when she can't get it? She can sit down the whole nine months. But that's that's how we think. Because remember, men are provided and protect. Right. Prevision is about getting the money. Protection is about protecting what you have. But that's also rhetorical in the sense where. Think about being a bodyguard, right? Let's say I'm your bodyguard and we're about to go out this door. OK. I have to assume there's somebody right here by the stab. There's a sniper on that roof. There's some there's a puddle right there. You might triple. I have to be pro worst case scenario oriented. Similarly, men are worst case scenario oriented. So whether you are able to help me out during your pregnancy, we're going to default to you can't. We're going to default to what if she loses her job? We're going to default to. So until I can feel confident in my ability to literally take care of you, I might not be as enthusiastic about and then this whole new age thing or we building together and things like that. But again, women are also talking out the other side of the neck. I want a man who makes six figures. Six would come to the table six inches and six pack and all that. Well, I hear a lot of men talking out the side of the neck. How about the women to have and we got to go 50, 50 on news and you got to pay people. What about the 50 50? Men are doing that too. Let's talk about. Let's say 50 50 anyway. Let's talk about. You can't get the ring. Now they're like, oh, I got. She got to bring something to the table now, man.  Like what? When does that happen? Where was that disconnect? Because the women started using the man for the money. Oh, I guess. It turned into it went from we looking at men to provide and protect to the women starting to be like, oh, I'm going to take it for all he got. I want all his coin. He's going to buy me this. He's going to buy me that. And they're not valuing the providing and protecting part. Like you should feel honored that a man wants to do these things for you and not feel like let me take all his stuff. And so now I'm being looking at us like all we want is money. When in reality, no, I do not make my own. Now, if you want to give me some, thank you, but I ain't about to be out here. Like, oh, I only want to be with you because you got a coin in your pocket. I can kill this. I'll say this. One of the things that, you know, doing this has taught me is sometimes we over-represent certain subgroups of people. Okay. And what I mean by that is, you know, like on YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, you always see these videos of women who, yeah, I'd rather date a drug deal and things like that. Not realizing that oftentimes, let's say I'm out doing interviews with a camera, it tends to be that type of individual that's willing to be interviewed. The good women are not willing to be interviewed. They're gonna walk past, oh, thank you, I'm good. So those people who are like, yeah, he got it. Flew me out. Those are the ones who are the most bombastic. And then they end up over-represented. Similarly, I think unfortunately with what about these 50-50 dudes? Personally, I don't know any 50-50 dudes. And I think what happens is a lot of the, like I said earlier, a lot of the 50-50 archetype type of dudes are the ones who do the best with women. They were typically raised by a single mother.   Low-key, people don't realize that it's femininity. It's pseudo masculinity, which is femininity. We don't identify it that way. But that is the type of behavior that's incentivized.  So obviously he's going to expect it from the woman that he's with. And now we're using him to over-represent Black men, not knowing that there's a whole swath of Black men who are willing to take care of you the whole nine. Unfortunately, he might not have a swag.  That's manipulation. But a lot of women are used to men being emotional in that way. Right? He's going to be boring because he's peaceful. And not toxic. I think it's an age thing now. And maybe not. I think it's a mature thing. And it's a healthy thing. It's the people who are on a healing journey who want to deal with whatever their issues are to and be more realistic about their expectations because that sounds crazy to me. In our 20s, yes. Baby, I wanted to be a hood drug dealer for real. I did. I had a couple. Okay? Yeah. I'm 35. I never wanted them because I'm skinny. I'm skinny. Well, I'm a BK and that was rebellious. So I did that. But it's also to the men that are the good men, they've come across a woman that has said, I'm going to take him for everything I got. Now he's broken. So when you meet the good woman, then now you are traumatized and have PTSD. Now you're trying to figure out what's her motive. Exactly. Because although you coming at me a different way, you still might have a motive.  You see, that segway into what I was about to say, I feel like the 50-50 thing has come about because men have sat back in observance to see the men who have had the financial success. I mean, just completely abiliated. So I mean, I can't match a Tiger Woods pocket, but I can see the example that no matter what amount of money I get to establish that with a woman, her loyalty ain't to that. So the thing is men like, okay, well, I'm not going to provide that no more in the sense of me taking care of everything because now he want to know whether or not the relationship is real. You're going to go 50-50 with me. It's our thing versus my thing, right? So he wants to feel a little more secure now. So he's looking at it as, okay, well, I got all these examples of all these celebrities and ball players who make the money I'll probably never see who take care of the woman who still is not appreciated. So men now are starting to have that awareness that I'm not going to fork everything out and get left, but I did that myself personally. You know, I dealt with everything financially for 20 years, right? And then my ex-wife decided she wanted to leave because I couldn't put the type of time in with her when I was running a business, right? She found somebody that was less valuable than me to give her time.


Baltimore gets ready to head to Detroit this coming Sunday. One of the biggest things we'll be looking for from the Ravens is consistency You two team keep it clean what's going on is engraving here with another video and in this video We're here to talk about the game We got coming up against Jared golf and those Detroit Lions now in this game We are facing the much different looking Lions than what we faced over the last eight years because before It was Matt Stafford in the Detroit Lions and obviously when you make a big change at quarterback like they did That plays huge dividends to your team I mean look at what the Ravens did when they made a big change at quarterback and how that worked out for him but with Jared golf Starting off with him. This is a quarterback that is capable of getting it going He is he's been to his Super Bowl quarterback not a Super Bowl winning quarterback, but he's a Super Bowl quarterback He's played well enough to get his team to a Super Bowl in the past Now he is in a much different situation He is in a much different environment and not as a shot to the Lions anything like that But I feel like the expectations are much lower With him being in Detroit, but at the same time that can make him that much more dangerous That can make the Lions that much more dangerous now in this game The Lions their biggest offensive weapon in my eyes is Hawkinson the tight end Hawkinson And the Ravens biggest struggle is The middle of the field They have struggled for years to just protect the middle of the field to cover the middle of the field Tight ends have feasted On the Ravens, and I mean you look at the past two games Darren Waller, he was the Raiders go-to Travis Kelsey. He was the chiefs go-to Hawkinson is the Lions go-to and you know that he's their go-to weapon And they are going to go to him often and early So in this game What I want to see is consistency and when we talk about consistency Last week against the chiefs Travis Kelsey was just beating Malik Harrison all night And again couldn't be too mad at Malik Harrison because that is Travis Kelsey But at the same time the Ravens they made adjustments A little late and it was better late than never but they ended up bringing out Chris board So I would expect them Especially because you want to take Hawkinson out the game from jump You don't want lions getting into any kind of rhythm whatsoever I will bring Chris board out early If that's going to be your cover linebacker, that's your best cover linebacker I will bring him out early or even have Tyus Bowser Try to cover So between those two or even bringing in safety help to cover Hawkinson whatever you got to do Make them go somewhere else with that football do not let Hawkinson be their number one target Remove him from the game Because for the lion if Ravens can make The Hawkinson like if they can take him out of the game That will make things that much easier now staying on a wink on the defensive side of the ball I expect him to blitz Now I know a lot of Ravens fans like oh, no, no, don't blitz don't blitz You see how it worked against Patrick Mahomes. Look Patrick Mahomes is Patrick Mahomes Jared golf is a completely different quarterback than Patrick Mahomes and the Ravens cannot Have this mindset where they like all right. No, we just not gonna blitz at all Now, of course, you still want to have success with a three or four man rush But at the same time I expect him to blitz a lot more this week than he did last week and last week They just didn't want to get burned. They didn't want to get burned. They didn't want to get beat They just did not want to get taken advantage of due to the blitz But this this week I think they'll have a lot more confidence In the blitz in the blitz possibly even getting home But and and how effective that blitz can be against a jaren golf now With the lions the ravens first priority in every game Our defense is to stop the run. It's a stop to run And of course the lions have deandre swift, but they also have probably one of A guy who's got a lot of new fans In the in the nfl from all of his takes that he's put out all his videos and stuff that he all the clips that you've seen of him And that would be uh jamal williams And he has become almost a household name because initially he was somebody that I was not aware of until I kept seeing all the videos and stuff Um, and he has obviously has a really good sense of humor But I want the ravens to not have him smiling at all this coming sunday They need to That tackle tackle because week one And in week two two They've been struggling with tackling that has been the tackling has not been clean, man So they need to wrap up like wrap up tackle from jump Patrick queen He has certainly struggled over the past two weeks when it's come to tackling And another thing too with just he's been getting pushed back So we just want Patrick queen and go extra hard in the weight room this week Because he will continue to be tested. It's going to be like that all season.  You don't want them missing tackles You got to bring them down because a miss tackle Can change not only a play, but it can change a game safe instance two-yard completion And the linebacker wraps up tackle. Okay, two-yard completion. Cool But safe instance is that same two-yard completion linebacker misses the tackle The running back or wide receiver they break and that two-yard completion ends up being a 15-yard completion Or even a 20-yard or even a 40-yard or a 60-yarder Could we seen it before but we don't want to see it again So Ravens have to tackle and tackle well Marlon Humphrey and Anthony Avery They need to just continue doing what they've been doing Marlon Humphrey The golf will not be afraid to or hopefully they make him afraid and hopefully they don't give him much time to But he's going to have some deep shots. He's going to try some deep shots Whether it be on Marlon Humphrey, whether it be on Anthony Avery, whether it be on Devon Young, whoever it may be on He's going to try it So Marlon Humphrey and really Anthony Avery too. He wasn't tried with any deep passes last week But um, it's important that they get their heads turned around It's important that the tracking on the ball is on point this week because although Detroit is still early in the season Now Detroit hasn't been looking like a good team But all it takes is a couple of sparks and a little bit of confidence and the team that's on two They can have all the confidence in the world, especially if they play in a team like the Ravens and they get some stuff going Especially the through the air That's all it takes So Ravens need to make sure that does not happen And for the most part this year As far as the deep ball They've been uh guarding the cover in that pretty well. No Marlon Humphrey did give up the touchdown last week against the chiefs um and He did give up the touchdown in overtime against the Raiders Uh, but overall Besides those couple of plays Ravens have been covering the deep ball Well, so hopefully that continues right now as of the recording of this video We do not know the status of one to Sean Elliott. He did leave The game on Sunday night against the chiefs with a concussion So we'll see what happens with him Brandon Stevens came in But then he got benched for geno stones So we don't know what the status of the safeties is as of right now So we'll know that maybe by the time you see this video Or not.  He was out there a lot. He got into a rhythm. He got better. He made game changing plays And this guy is a rookie.  Yeah, you want your guys to remain fresh You want to have a nice rotation and all that but if a guy's hot leave him in let him do his thing Um, so that will be that will be pretty much it with for the Ravens defense Now, um special teams Justin Tucker, this was the team that Justin Tucker kicked that super long field goal on Monday night football against Obviously different team different coaches different quarterbacks different players different all that stuff, but Same franchise Justin Tucker. We just expect him to continue doing uh what he's been doing And just the consistency Sam cook I don't really expect him to get a lot of action I know over these past couple of weeks. I believe in both games. The Lions have allowed at least Five touchdowns each And in their first two games of the year Uh, so with the Ravens I expect them to continue that. Um, I expect I expect this game to be something like I had expected week one against the raiders to be Um, I want to see those week one Ravens not the 2021 week one Ravens, but the normal week one Ravens Where they just come out They're strong They they they're firing away. They're taking advantages or mismatches and they just they dominated Now I do expect this to be a game that's really dominated by the Ravens I expect their offense to do really well One thing that I'm going to look for the consistency like we talked about but the consistency With both hollywood and sammy walkins, but also Use this game to try to get devon duvenay involved a bit Maybe even a little bit of pro shape maybe some wireless I know it's only one ball and it can't really go around to everybody like that But try to sprinkle in some duvenay a little bit here and a little bit there Just to get him going because you don't want him to be cold And not that he can be so cold because he is on special teams He's a punt and kick returner But you want to get him sprinkled in on his offense because you know duvenay he can make some plays happen So I want greg roman and lamar jackson to find a way to get devon duvenay involved Something with lamar jackson since we're speaking about offense an improvement that I want to see from him In this game is the deep ball The last two weeks he's missed a couple of opportunities with the deep ball With hollywood against the chiefs He missed early on in the game. I think first drive he missed the deep ball Then the following play end up throwing an interception So if he would have hit that deep ball then that interception doesn't happen But that's why every play made it matters that much more and if you're missing deep balls If you're missing the long shots, then you leave in points You leave in yards and you leave in all of that stuff on the field and you can't do that No matter what team is against you cannot leave and you end up leaving points on the field So you can't do that And and speaking of lamar too not just with the deep ball, but we we need to see The turnovers stop Because if we look at the the raiders game two fumbles loss We look at the chiefs game two interceptions And both of those turnovers all four of those turnovers, excuse me turnovers from both games They kept the opponents in the game You eliminate those two turnovers in in each game Ravens are probably two and oh And they are probably a convincing two and no two Especially over the chiefs Because again, remember when the chiefs touched and not to say they're patching with homes You know patching my home they could could have easily got a touchdown back, but you never know Because raven spotted them a touchdown with that pick six So lamar Got to cut down on the turnovers have to Because that's that's not gonna fly if it kept up like that all season It's not gonna fly especially come playoff time But in order to even get to the playoffs you got to cut down on the turnovers And I don't expect him to go out here to turn the ball over twice every game That's not lamar football They have just been some unfortunate circumstances over these past two games But I expect them to clean that up big time Because they they cleaned up the fumbles because he was getting tackled On a Sunday night football against the chiefs. So they cleaned up the fumbles. He didn't fumble the ball But the the interceptions that that can't be a thing um Tyson Williams Ravens need to continue riding with him continue riding with the hot hand Tyson Williams is going off against the lions ride it out Ride it out. Of course, they're gonna sprinkle some more Devontae Freeman in here too and Latavius Murray. He'll still be in there as well But ride with that hot hand now Tyson Williams. He needs to continue doing what he's doing except he needs to start with the fumbles The fumbles again turnovers are an easy way to keep a team around Especially when it's a team that not and this again know this respect to the lions But especially if it's a team that shouldn't be hanging around with you That's an easy way to keep them in the game easy way So Tyson Williams got a hold on to that ball I hope ravens give him the alex collins treatment to where they really work on those fumbles because it's so Big and and that can really propel his career that much forward respect. He got to take advantage of this opportunity You don't get opportunities like that. He's he's not even supposed to really even be here right now Well, he probably would have ended up being a third running back But this situation should not even be happening right now because we're supposed to have gusts It was we're supposed to have jk dobbers even justice hill But the situation is what it is obviously so he got to take full advantage of it in the fumbling. He got to cut that down So I expect him to continue doing what he's doing. Patrick record Uh continue being a nice lead blocker They've been moving him out at tight end and all that putting them next to the the offensive line And he's been blocking well. So that's the known for Patrick record and speaking of the offensive line Will this be a game where we get ronnie stanley back? I don't expect it, but hey, we'll see But the offensive line has to continue to block well open up them running lanes and keep lemar jackson up right Protect him. They did a great job of doing that against the chiefs Like you wouldn't have even known that frank clark Or christ jones even played in the game last week You wouldn't have you wouldn't have even known by the way that the offensive line was protecting lemar just great They did a phenomenal job of it. I was just shocked and I was glad to be shocked Especially for how they were against the raiders the previous week But um that that needs to continue that has to continue because Everything starts in the trenches everything starts with the offensive line everything starts up front So that offensive line they they have to be ready Mark andrews I expect a bigger game probably a bigger game For mark andrews in this game then he got combined the last two games I expect mark andrews to have his sort of break out his coming out party This week against the lions And him you know him and hoggerson They they're gonna be going back and forth. They're gonna be watching each other. They're gonna be watching each other numbers It's double. Oh, okay. He did that. All right, you know, let me try to do this But I think mark andrews gonna get the best of them simply because ravens just It's weird to say it but they have more weapons They have more weapons And of course it all starts with the quarterback position lamar jackson is a weapon himself But then everything's surrounding him. I think the ravens are built a little stronger than the detroit lions are On offense So it's up to them to take full advantage of that for greg roman to get different guys involved and again just continue The consistency the offense has to continue to put up drives Stack points man stack drive stack points keep moving that ball downfield Keep moving it downfield We don't want drives stalling out. We don't want drives to get stopped Do we expect them to score on every single drive? No We don't would it be nice if they do? But you don't expect them to but I do expect them to overall Just have a great game um as far as the score prediction for me uh I would say probably 30 38 I say 38 17 something like that. I think this would be The first decisive win of the season the first convincing win of the season For the ravens and it just I think they they really got a build off of that kc game Now I know that that game was emotionally exhausting. It was a lot So ravens could come out of this game and start off a little bit slow Just based off of the last game and just everything that that was but I do expect them to really Get rolling both on offense and on defense and again if they can take out hawkinson If they can take him out of this game That will put them just in in phenomenal shape and if they not only take him out But also if they can consistently get to jared golf That will be a huge difference maker For the ravens, but I do expect them to win this game I'm not overlooking the lions at all because it is any given sunday as we know Because we've been on both sides of the football with ravens expected to blow somebody out And like again, well, there was a jaguars game monday night football a long time ago. I forget the year We just knew them ravens are gonna tell you what they're gonna destroy the jaguars ravens lost like 12 to 9 or something like that Offense just could not get it moving defense was holding it down.  They expected to get beat like the playoff game against the broncos The mile high miracle And then even the following week against the the patriots like the afc Just the the the kings of the afc at that time. They were running the show And ravens obviously took care of business And then even in the limo era too We've seen it Ravens expected to blow out this team here and there. Oh, they don't do it But then they they expected. Oh man ravens could lose this. Nope. They flipped the script So you just you just never know but I do expect the ravens to Take care of business uh in detroit. So team keep it clean. I love y'all I appreciate y'all looking forward to a really really good game uh from baltimore and hopefully they Hold it down. We out


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This is stock number 91170, a 2012 GMC Yukon Denali. This vehicle has a 6.2 liter V8 motor. From this HD video, you'll be able to tell that this vehicle is extremely clean all the way around. We take all of our videos in 1080p HD, so if you have HD capabilities on your computer tablet or smart device, turn them on right now. This silver is the color. It has Bridgestone Duler HL27555R20 tires and they are on chromed 20 inch Denali rims. And these tires look like they have roughly right around 50% of the tread left, so a good amount of tread left on these tires. Didn't see one single dent or ding on that front fender. The hood looks like it's in really nice condition, as well as the grille and emblems. These are nice and clear, passenger side rim, no scuffs or scrapes on that. And as you go down this side of the vehicle, you can see just how clean the body is, how reflective the paint is. We take these HD videos so if you are far away or even if you're close by and just cannot make the trip down, you can still see the vehicle, hear the vehicle, and of confidence in what you're looking at before you even get here. We want to make sure you get the most accurate representation of the vehicle as possible so that when you get here, there's no surprises. Factory running boards, didn't see any dents or dings down this side of the vehicle. Back rim is in the same condition as the other three, no scuffs or scrapes, and the back tires have just as much tread as the front tires. Rear bumper cover is in excellent condition and rear bumper itself. Back up sensors, no dents or dings or cracks. The rear gate is in excellent condition as well. This is a power lift gate. You can see it does have the full towing package with the receiver hitch and seven-pin wiring. Here is the cover for that receiver hitch. See it's an excellent condition. And the storage area back here is very clean as well. These seats are removable, pretty easy.  Seats come right out. There's a power button right there. The other thing I like about these Yukon's and Tahos is there's a little button under here. Press that button and that's rear glass. You can still get into the back even though you have the gate down. So if you have a trailer or a boat or something on the back and you can't get into the back with the gate, you can still get in with the glass. Down this side of the vehicle, just as clean as the passenger side. Just again, I didn't see any dents or dings on this side of the vehicle. Does have power folding mirrors with the built-in directional signals and the blind spot indicators. So it does have blind spot monitoring on it. Inside the Denali package gives you the tan leather interior. There are no rips. There are no tears on these seats. Both of these seats are heated and cooled. The carpeting is an excellent condition underneath. No rips or tears on that. More windows power locks and like I said, power mirrors that power fold in, also power fold out. You have your heated, cooled seat buttons and your memory driver seat. Auto headlamps, power tilt. You have a wood grain trim steering wheel. The steering wheel is heated. You have your cruise controls on that side. Radio and Bluetooth audio controls on that side. That wood grain trim goes all the way around. You can see the steering wheel is in excellent shape. The instrument cluster is nice and clear and clean. Has 45,085 miles on it. This one has the factory navigation system. You also have backup camera, dual climate control, power pedals, backup sensors and stability track. These buttons up here for your information center and you can see it does have the tap shift which is a six speed manual or automatic with the tap shift. On-star capabilities. You do get a power sunroof and then there's home link buttons and your buttons for your sunroof and you can also open the rear gate from here as well. Passenger seat. Very, very clean as well. No rips, no tears. This vehicle has never been smoked in. Smells very clean inside. Passenger carpeting and floor mat is very clean. We'll take a quick look at the back seats and then we'll check under the hood. Back seats much of the same. Second row is heated so you got your heated seat buttons for your air and audio controls. Has latch child safety system for your car seats. These seats do fold down and then up so you can get into the back easy. You can see that the carpeting on this vehicle is very clean all the way through. Third row seats are very clean as well. No rips or tears on them. And the headliner is in really nice condition all the way through. Rural carpeting and floor mats nice and clean. Very clean vehicle all the way around. Under the hood much of the same 6.2 liter V8 motor runs very smooth. This vehicle has been fully safety and inspected by a service shop as a fresh oil and filter change. All the fluids have been checked and topped off and this vehicle is 100% mechanically ready to go. To see more pictures of this GMC Yukon or one of our other 400 new and used cars, trucks, SUVs, minivans, Wranglers, you name it we got it go to our website www.summitauto.com. Full pictures and descriptions of every single vehicle on our lot. Videos of every single used vehicle that we have in stock all at summitauto.com. Thank you so much for checking out my video.  Once again that number is<PHONE_NUMBER>. Thanks again for checking out my video. If you like it you can go to our YouTube channel which is youtube.com slash summitauto. Like subscribe and share check out more videos and in fact in a second you'll see a link to subscribe to our YouTube channel on your left. A link to more used inventory videos on your right and if you haven't been to our website go there right now www.summitauto.com. Thanks again.