Book 2, chapters 14 and 15 of Wars of the Jews. The Wars of the Jews by Josephus, translated by William Weston. Book 2, chapters 14 and 15. Chapter 14. Festus succeeds Felix, who is succeeded by Albinus as he is by Flores, who by the barbarity of his government forces the Jews into the war. 1. Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix as procurator, and made it his business to correct those that made disturbances in the country, so he caught the greatest part of the robbers and destroyed a great many of them. But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office as the other had done, nor was there any sort of wickedness that could be named, but he had a hand in it. Accordingly he did not only in his political capacity, steal and plunder everyone's substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there either by the senate of every city or by the former procurators to redeem them for money, and nobody remained in the prisons as a malifactor but he who gave him nothing. At this time it was that the enterprises of the seditious at Jerusalem were very formidable. The principal men among them purchasing leave of Albinus to go on with their seditious practices, while that part of the people who delighted in disturbances joined themselves to such as had fellowship with Albinus, and every one of these wicked wretches were encompassed with his own band of robbers, while he himself, like an arch-robber or a tyrant, made a figure among his company and abused his authority over those about him in order to plunder those that lived quietly. The effect of which was this, that those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peace when they had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered, but those who had escaped were forced to flatter him that deserved to be punished out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the others. Upon the whole nobody durst speak their minds, but tyranny was generally tolerated, and at this time there were those seeds sown which brought the city to destruction. 2. And although such was the character of Albinus, yet did Jesseus Flores who succeeded him demonstrate him to have been a most excellent person upon the comparison. 3. Not long after this beginning of Flores, the wickedest of all the Roman procurators of Judea, and the immediate occasion of the Jewish war at the twelfth year of Nero in the seventeenth of Agrippa, or AD 66, the history in the twenty books of Josephus' antiquities ends, although Josephus did not finish these books till the thirteenth of Domitian, or AD 93, twenty-seven years afterward, as he did not finish their appendix containing an account of his own life till Agrippa was dead, which happened in the third year of Trajan, or AD 100, as I have several times observed before. End footnote. 4. For the former did the greatest part of his rogueries in private and with a sort of dissimulation, but Jesseus did his unjust actions to the harm of the nation after a pompous manner, and as though he had been sent as an executioner to punish condemned malifactors, he omitted no sort of rapine or a vexation. Where the case was really pitiable he was most barbarous, and in things of the greatest turpitude he was most impudent. Nor could anyone outdo him in disguising the truth, nor could anyone contrive more subtle ways of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it but a petty offense to get money out of single persons, so he spoiled whole cities and ruined entire bodies of men at once, and did almost publicly proclaim it all the country over, that they had liberty given them to turn robbers upon this condition, that he might go shares with them in the spoils they got. Accordingly this his greediness of gain was the occasion that entire toparches were brought to desolation, and a great many of the people left their own country and fled into foreign provinces. 3. And truly, whilst Jesseus Gallus was president of the province of Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against Flores. But when he was come to Jerusalem upon the approach of the Feast of Unleavened Bread, the people came about him not fewer in number than three millions. Footnote. Here we may note that three millions of the Jews were present at the Passover, 8065, which confirms what Josephus elsewhere informs us of, that at a Passover a little later they counted 256,500 paschal lambs, which at twelve to each lamb, which is no immoderate calculation, came to three millions and seventy-eight thousand, and footnote. These besought him to commiserate the calamities of their nation, and cried out upon Flores as the bane of their country. But as he was present and stood by Cestius, he laughed at their words. However, Cestius, when he had quieted the multitude, and had assured them that he would take care that Flores should hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner, returned to Antioch. Flores also conducted him as far as Caesarea, and deluded him, though he had at that very time the purpose of showing his anger at the nation, and procuring a war upon them, by which means alone it was that he supposed he might conceal his enormities, for he expected that if the peace continued he should have the Jews for his accusers before Caesar, but that if he could procure them to make a revolt, he should divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge by a misery that was so much greater. He therefore did every day augment their calamities in order to induce them to a rebellion. 4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Caesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial determination. At the same time began the war in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisans Giar. Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us, for the Jews that dwelt at Caesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Caesarean Greek. The Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price. But as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place in way of a front to them, and made working shops of them and left them but a narrow passage, and such was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen and forbade them to build there, but as Floris would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the Publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Floris, with the offer of eight talons, to hinder the work. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Caesarea to Sebaste, and left this addition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out. 5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding a pace to their synagogue, a certain man of Caesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel and set it with the bottom upward at the entrance of that synagogue and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted and the place was polluted. Whereupon the sober and moderate part of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse to their governors again, while the seditious part, and such as were in the fervor of their youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight. The seditions also among the Gentiles of Caesarea stood ready for the same purpose, for they had by agreement sent the man to sacrifice beforehand as ready to support him, so that it soon came to blows. Hereupon Jacondas, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither and took away the earthen vessel and endeavored to put a stop to this addition. Footnote, take here Dr. Hudson's very pertinent note. Quote, by this action, says he, the killing of the bird over an earthen vessel, the Jews were exposed as a leperous people, for that was to be done by the law in the cleansing of a leper, Leviticus 14. It is also known that the Gentiles reproached the Jews as subject to the leprosy and believed that they were driven out of Egypt on that account. This, that eminent person Mr. Reland suggested to me. End quote, end footnote. But when he was overcome by the violence of the people of Caesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law and retired to Narbatah, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Caesarea sixty furlongs. But John and twelve of the principal men with him went to Flores to Sebaste and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them. And with all possible decency put him in mind of the eight talons they had given him, but he had the men seized upon and put in prison and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Caesarea. Six. Moreover as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion, but Flores acted herein as if he had been hired and blew up the war into a flame and sent some to take seventeen talons out of the sacred treasure and pretended that Caesar wanted them. At this the people were in confusion immediately and ran together to the temple with prodigious clamors and called upon Caesar by name and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Flores. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Flores and cast the greatest reproaches upon him and carried a basket about and begged some spills of money for him as for one that was destitute of possessions and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged and provoked to get still more, and instead of coming to Caesarea as he ought to have done in quenching the flame of war which was beginning thence and so taking away the occasion of any disturbances on which account it was that he had received a reward of eight talons he marched hastily with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem that he might gain his will by the arms of the Romans and might by his terror and by his threatenings bring the city into subjection. Seven, but the people were desirous of making Flores ashamed of his attempt and met his soldiers with acclamations and put themselves in order to receive him very submissively, but he sent Capito a centurion beforehand with fifty soldiers to bid them go back and not now make a show of receiving him in an obliging manner whom they had so fowlily reproached before and said that it was incumbent on them in case they had generous souls and were free speakers to just upon him to his face and appeared to be lovers of liberty not only in words but with their weapons also. But this message was the multitude amazed and upon the coming of Capito's horsemen into the midst of them they were dispersed before they could salute Flores or manifest their submissive behavior to him. Accordingly they retired to their own houses and spent that night in fear and confusion of face. Eight, now at this time Flores took up his quarters at the palace and on the next day he had his tribunal set before it and sat upon it when the high priests and the men of power and those of the great eminence of the city came all before that tribunal, upon which Flores commanded them to deliver up to him those that had reproached him and told them that they should themselves partake of the vengeance to them belonging if they did not produce the criminals. But these demonstrated that the people were peaceably disposed and they begged forgiveness for those who had spoken amiss, for that it was no wonder at all that in so great a multitude there should be some more daring than they ought to be and, by reason of their younger age, foolish also, and that it was impossible to distinguish those that offended from the rest while everyone was sorry for what he had done and denied it out of fear of what would follow. That he ought, however, to provide for the peace of the nation and to take such councils as might preserve the city for the Romans and rather for the sake of a great number of innocent people to forgive a few that were guilty than for the sake of a few of the wicked to put so large a good a body of men into disorder. 9. Flores was more provoked at this and called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder that which was called the Upper Marketplace and to slay such as they met with. So the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their commander in a sense agreeable to their desire of gain, did not only plunder the place they were sent to, but forcing themselves into every house they slew its inhabitants. So the citizens fled along the narrow lanes and the soldiers slew those that they caught and no method of plunder was omitted. They also caught many of the quiet people and brought them before Flores, whom he first chastised with stripes and then crucified. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day with their wives and children, for they did not spare even the infants themselves, was about three thousand and six hundred. And what made this calamity the heavier was the new method of Roman barbarity, for Flores ventured even to do what no one had done before, that is to have men of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal, who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity not withstanding. Footnote Here we have examples of native Jews who were of the equestrian order among the Romans and so ought never to have been whipped or crucified according to the Roman laws. See almost the like-case in St. Paul himself acts twenty-two versus twenty-five to twenty-nine. And footnote Chapter fifteen Concerning Bernice's petition to Flores to spare the Jews but in vain, as also how, after the seditious flame was quenched, it was kindled again by Flores. One About this very time King Agrippa was going to Alexandria to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero, but as his sister Bernice was come to Jerusalem and saw the wicked practices of the soldiers she was sorely affected at it and frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Flores and begged of him to leave off these slaughters. But he would not comply with her request nor have any regard either to the multitude of those already slain or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to the advantage he should make by this plundering. Nay, this violence of the soldiers break out to such degree of madness that it spent itself on the queen herself, for they did not only torment and destroy those whom they had caught under her very eyes, but indeed had killed herself also unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace and had stayed there all night with her guards, which she had about her for fear of an insult from the soldiers. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem in order to perform a vow which she had made to God, for it is usual with those who had been either afflicted with a distemper or with any other distresses to make vows, and for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices to abstain from wine and to shave the hair of their head. Which things Bernice was now performing and stood barefoot before Flores' tribunal and besought him to spare the Jews. Yet could she neither have any reverence paid to her nor could she escape without some danger of being slain herself? Footnote. This vow which Bernice, here and elsewhere called queen, not only as daughter and sister to two kings, a grip of the great and a grip of junior, but the widow of Herod, king of Chalcis, came now to accomplish at Jerusalem was not that of a Nazarite, but such a one as the religious Jews used to make in hopes of any deliverance from a disease or other danger as Josephus here intimates. However, these thirty days abode at Jerusalem for fasting and preparation against the oblation of a proper sacrifice seems to be too long unless it were wholly voluntary in this great lady. It is not required in the law of Moses relating to Nazarites number six and is very different from St. Paul's time for which preparation was but one day, Acts 21-26. So we want already the continuation of the antiquities to afford us light here as they have hitherto done on so many occasions elsewhere. Perhaps in this age the traditions of the Pharisees had applied the Jews to this degree of rigor not only as to these thirty days' preparation but as to the going barefoot all that time which here Bernice submitted to also. For we know that as gods in our Saviour's yoke is usually easy and is burdened comparatively light in such positive injunctions, Matthew 11-30, so did the scribes and Pharisees sometimes find upon men heavy burdens and grievous to be born even when they themselves would not touch them with one of their fingers, Matthew 23-4 and Luke 11-46. However, Noldius well observes that Juvenal in his sixth satire alludes to this remarkable penance or submission of this Bernice to Jewish discipline than just upon her for it as Deutacitus, Dio, Swetonius and Sextus Aurelius mentioned her as one well known at Rome and footnote. 2. This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius Giar. Now on the next day the multitude who were in a great agony ran together to the upper market place and made the loudest lamentations for those that had perished and the greatest part of the cries were such as reflected on florists at which the men of power were affrighted together with the high priests and wrenched their garments and fell down before each of them and besought them to leave off and not to provoke florists to some incurable procedure besides what they had already suffered. Accordingly the multitude complied immediately out of reverence to those that had desired it of them and out of the hope they had that florists would do them no more injuries. 3. So florists was troubled that the disturbances were over and endeavored to kindle that flame again and sent for the high priests, together with the other eminent persons, and said the only demonstration that the people would not make any other innovations would be this, that they must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Caesarea whence two cohorts were coming. And while these men were exhorting the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand and gave directions to the centurions of the cohorts that they should give notice to those that were under them not to return the Jews' salutations, and that if they made any reply to his disadvantage they should make use of their weapons. Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple and desired them to go and meet the Romans and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions, but the consideration of those that had been destroyed made them inclined to those that were the boldest for action. 4. At this time it was that every priest and every servant of God brought out the holy vessels and the ornamental garments wherein they used to minister in sacred things. The harpers also and the singers of hymns came out with their instruments of music and fell down before the multitude and begged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures. You might also see then the high priests themselves with dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of any covering but what was rent. These besought every one of the eminent men by name and the multitude in common that they would not for a small offense betray their country to those that were desirous to have it laid waste, saying, quote, what benefit will it bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from the Jews, or what amendment of your affairs will it bring you if you do not now go out to meet them? And what if they saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from floris to begin a war? That they should thereby gain their country and freedom from all further sufferings, and that, besides, it would be a sign of great want of command of themselves if they should yield to a few seditious persons, while it was fitter for them who were so great a people to force the others to act soberly, end, quote. 5. By these persuasions which they used to the multitude and to the seditious, they restrained some by threatenings and others by the reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met the soldiers quietly and after a composed manner, and when they were come up with them they saluted them, but when they made no answer the seditious exclaimed against floris, which was the signal given for falling upon them. The soldiers therefore encompassed them presently and struck them with their clubs, and as they fled away the horsemen trampled them down so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes of the Romans and more by their own violence in crushing one another. Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while everybody was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was retarded and a terrible destruction there was among those that fell down, for they were suffocated and broke into pieces by the multitude of those that were uppermost, nor could any of them be distinguished by his relations in order to the care of his funeral. The soldiers also who beat them fell upon those whom they overtook, without showing them any mercy, and thrust the multitude through the place called Biseda, as they forced their way in order to get in and seize upon the temple and the tower Antonia. Footnote I take this Biseda to be that small hill adjoining to the north side of the temple, whereon was the hospital with five porticoes or cloisters, and beneath which was the sheep-pool of the Biseda, into which an angel or messenger at a certain season descended, and where he or they who were first put into the pool were cured, John 5.1, etc. This situation of Biseda, in Josephus, on the north side of the temple, and not far off the tower Antonia, exactly agrees to the place of the same pool at this day. Only the remaining cloisters are but three. The entire buildings seem to have been called the New City, and this part, where was the hospital, peculiarly Biseda or Biseda, and footnote. Flores also being desirous to get those places into his possession, brought such as there were with him out of the king's palace, and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel, Antonia, but his attempt failed, for the people immediately turned back upon him and stopped the violence of his attempt, and as they stood upon the tops of their houses, they threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they were sorely galled thereby, because those weapons came from above and they were not able to make a passage through the multitude which stopped up the narrow passages, they retired to the camp which was at the palace. 6. But for the seditious they were afraid lest Flores should come again and get possession of the temple through Antonia. So they got immediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia and cut them down. This cooled the avarice of Flores, for whereas he was eager to obtain the treasures of God in the temple, and on that account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters were broken down, he left off his attempt. He then sent for the high priests and the Sanhedrim, and told them that he was indeed himself going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a garrison as they should desire. Hereupon they promised that they would make no innovations in case he would leave them one band, but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill-will against that band on account of what they had suffered from it. So he changed the band as they desired, and with the rest of his forces returned to Caesarea. End of Book 2, Chapters 14 and 15. Book 2, Chapter 16 of Wars of the Jews. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. The Wars of the Jews by Josephus, translated by William Wiston. Book 2, Chapter 16. Sestius sends Neopollitanus the Tribune to see in what condition the affairs of the Jews were. Agrippa makes a speech to the people of the Jews that he may divert them from their intentions of making war with the Romans. One. However, Floris contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent to Sestius and accused the Jews falsely of revolting from the Roman government, and imputed the beginning of the former fight to them, and pretended they had been the authors of that disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did themselves right to Sestius, as did Bernice also, about the illegal practices of which Floris had been guilty against the city, who, upon reading both accounts, consulted with his captains what he should do. Now some of them thought it was best for Sestius to go up with his army, either to punish the revolt if it was real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a sureer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them. But he thought it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehand to see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the intentions of the Jews. Accordingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose name was Neapolitanus, who met with King Agrippa as he was returning from Alexandria at Jamnia, and told him who it was that sent him, and on what errands he was sent. And here it was that the high priests and men of power among the Jews, as well as the Sanhedrin, came to congratulate the king upon his safe return, and after they had paid him their respects they lamented their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment they had met with from Floris, at which barbarity Agrippa had great indignation, but transferred after a subtle manner his anger towards those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat down their high thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that they had not been so unjustly treated in order to dissuade them from avenging themselves. So these great men, as of better understanding than the rest, and desirous of peace, because of the possessions they had, understood that this rebuke which the king gave them was intended for their good. But as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congratulated both Agrippa and Neopollitanus. But the wives of those that had been slain came running first of all and lamenting. The people also, when they heard their mourning, fell into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa to assist them. They also cried out to Neopollitanus, and complained of the many miseries they had endured under Floris, and they showed them, when they were come into the city, how the marketplace was made desolate and the houses plundered. They then persuaded Neopollitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city with one only servant, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans and were only displeased at Floris, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round and had sufficient experience of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple where he called the multitude together, and highly commended them for their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to keep the peace. And having performed such parts of divine worship at the temple, as he was allowed to do, he returned to Sestius. 3. But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to the king and to the high priests, and desired they might have leave to send ambassadors to Nero against Floris, and not by their silence afford a suspicion that they had been the occasions of such great slaughters as had been made, and were disposed to revolt, alleging that they should seem to have been the first beginners of the war if they did not prevent the report by showing who it was that began it. And it appeared openly that they should not be quiet if anybody should hinder them from sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of Floris, yet did he not think it fit for them to overlook them as they were in a disposition for war. He therefore called the multitude together into a large gallery and placed his sister Bernice in the house of the Assumonians that she might be seen by them, which house was over the gallery at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the temple to the gallery, and spake to them as follows. 4. Footnote In this speech of King Agrippa we have an authentic account of the extent and strength of the Roman empire when the Jewish war began. And this speech with other circumstances in Josephus demonstrate how wise and how great a person Agrippa was, and why Josephus elsewhere calls him a most wonderful or admirable man. He is the same Agrippa who said to Paul, Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian, Acts 26, 28, and of whom St. Paul said, He was an expert in all the customs and questions of the Jews. See another intimation of the limits of the same Roman empire in of the war. But what seems to me very remarkable here is this, that when Josephus in imitation of the Greeks and Romans, for whose use he wrote his antiquities, did himself frequently he into their they appear by the politeness of their composition and their flights of oratory, to be not the real speeches of the persons concerned, who usually were no orators, but of his own elegant composure. The speech before us is of another nature, full of undeniable facts, and composed in a plain and unartful but moving way. So it appears to be King Agrippa's own speech, and to have been given Josephus by Agrippa himself, with whom Josephus had the greatest friendship. Nor may we omit Agrippa's constant doctrine here, that this vast Roman empire was raised and supported by divine providence, and that therefore it was in vain for the Jews or any others to think of destroying it. Nor may we neglect to take notice of Agrippa's solemn appeal to the angels here used, the like appeals to which we have in St. Paul, 1 Timothy 522, and by the apostles in general, in the form of the ordination of bishops, and footnote. Quote, Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the pure and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel. For all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be to your advantage, that so the former may grow wiser and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. And let not any one be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say do not please them, for as to those who admit of no cure but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over. But still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those who have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty. But before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight, I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together.  But if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaint against your particular governors? For if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators. Now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation.  For this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience. And the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe. Yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you, nor half Caesar against whom you are going to make war injured you? It is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you, for they who are in the West cannot see those that are in the East, nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one to do so with such mighty people for a small cause, and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain. Nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue forever, and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor born without calamities coming therewith. However, as to the desire for recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late, whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it. For the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just, but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection and then runs away is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty. For it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible that you might never have admitted the Romans into your city when Pompey came first into the country. But so it was that our ancestors and our kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are both as to money and strong bodies and valiant souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city, who pursued Xerxes that proud prince when he sailed upon the land and walked upon the sea and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe, and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and break so great a part of Asia at the lesser Salamis, are yet at this time servants to the Romans, and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. Those Lacedaemonians, also, who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Plataea, and had a Giselaus for their king, and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. Those Macedonians, also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change and pay their obedience to those whom for more over 10,000 other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty and yet do submit.  What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet that may seize upon the Roman seas? And where are those treasures which may be sufficient to your undertakings? Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? Nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that. For all you freighties is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north. And for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cady's their limit on the west. Nay, indeed they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? Perhaps it will be said it is hard to endure slavery. Yes, but how much harder this is to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun. These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Henlochi and Colchi and the nation of Tarii, those that inhabit the Bosporus and the nations about Pontus and Mayotus, who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable and very tempestuous? How strong a plea made Bithynia and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians and Sicilians, put in for liberty? But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days' journey and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution and much more defensible than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? Do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? Are not the Illyrians who inhabit the country adjoining as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? By which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Danes. And for the Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, revolted, yet they are now very quiet under one Roman legion. Moreover, if each disadvantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all as being so thoroughly walled around by nature, on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. Now, although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, may have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans and derive their prosperous condition from them.  But by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans and their good fortune which is of greater efficacy than their arms, these Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities. Nor half the gold dug out of the minds of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and sea do it, nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape, nor more could the ocean with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and had a distance so remote from Rome. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives everywhere. Yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the rind for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants, and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had, for the Romans sailed away to them and subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than the continent of this habitable earth, and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large an island? And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, sent hostages to the Romans? Whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? And this, without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio, nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridite, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Sirtis, a place terrible to such as barely here it described, the Nassamans and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. And as for the third part of the habitable earth, Africa, whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bound by the Atlantic sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this over and above pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt in your neighborhood. This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians and Arabia the happy and borders upon India. It has seven million five hundred thousand men besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax. Yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, its length being thirty furlongs and its breadth no less than ten. And it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year. Nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months in the year. It is also walled around on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts or seas that have no havens or by rivers or by lakes, yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune. However, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remote parts of Egypt and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. Where then are all these people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? For all that are in the habitable earth are under the Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance. But certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor if they should follow such ill advice will the Parthians permit them to do so. For it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covenants between them if any under their government march against the Romans. What remains there for is this, that you have recourse to divine assistance. But this is already on the side of the Romans, for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God's providence.  And how can you then, most of all, hope for God's assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you. And if you do observe the custom of the Sabbath days, and will not be revealed on to do anything thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days in which the besieged rested. But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war, for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers. And how will you call upon God to assist you when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now all men that go to war do it either as depending on divine or on human assistance. But since you're going to war will cut off both these assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands and burning this most excellent native city of yours? For by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten. But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes. For we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without foreseeing them. But for him who rushes into manifest ruin he gains reproaches instead of commissuration. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by agreement or that when the Romans have got you under their power they will use you with moderation or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city and utterly destroy your whole nation. For those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place wither to flee since all men have the Romans for their lords already or are afraid they shall have hereafter. Nay indeed the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only but those of them which dwell in other cities also. For there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them whom your enemies will slay in case you go to war and on that account also. And so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake of a few men and they who slay them will be pardoned. But if that slaughter be not made by them consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. Have pity therefore if not on your children and wives yet upon this your metropolis and its sacred walls. Spare the temple and preserve the holy house with its holy furniture for yourselves. For if the Romans get you under their power they will no longer abstain from them when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully required.  And if you will follow that advice which you ought to do you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me. But if you indulge your passions you will run those hazards which I shall be free from. 5. When Agrippa had spoken thus both he and his sister wept and by their tears repressed a great deal of the violence of the people. But still they cried out that they would not fight against the Romans but against Flores on account of what they had suffered by his means. Two which Agrippa replied that what they had already done was like such as make war against the Romans. For you have not paid the tribute which is due to Caesar. 6. Footnote. Julius Caesar had decreed that the Jews of Jerusalem should pay an annual tribute to the Romans accepting the city Joppa and for the sabbatical year and footnote. And you have cut off the cloisters of the temple from joining to the tower Antonia. You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt if you will but join these together again and if you will but pay your tribute. For the citadel does not now belong to Flores nor are you to pay the tribute money to Flores. End of Book 2 Chapter 16. Book 2 Chapter 17 of the Wars of the Jews. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org. The Wars of the Jews by Josephus. Translated by William Whitson. Book 2 Chapter 17. How the War of the Jews with the Romans began in concerning Manohem. 1. This advice the people hearkened to and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice and began to rebuild the cloisters. The rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages and collected the tributes and soon got together forty talons which was the sum that was deficient. And thus did Agrippa then put a stop to that war which was threatened. Moreover he attempted to persuade the multitude to obey Flores until Caesar should send one to succeed him. But they were hereby more provoked and cast reproaches upon the king and got him excluded out of the city. Nay some of the seditious had the impudence to throw stones at him. So when the king saw that the violence of those that were for innovations was not to be restrained and being very angry at the contumalies he had received he sent their rulers together with their men of power to Flores to Caesarea that he might appoint whom he thought fit to collect the tribute in the country while he retired to his own kingdom. 2. And at this time it was that some of those that principally excited the people to go to war made an assault upon a certain fortress called Masada. They took it by treachery and slew the Romans that were there and put others of their own party to keep it. At the same time Eleazar the son of Ananias the High Priest a very bold youth who was at that time the governor of the temple persuaded those that officiated in the divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account and when many of the High Priests and principal men besought them not to omit the sacrifice which it was customary for them to offer for their princes they would not be prevailed upon. These relied much upon their multitude for the most flourishing part of the innovators assisted them but they had the chief regard to Eleazar the governor of the temple. 3. Here upon the men of power got together and conferred with the High Priests as did also the principal of the Pharisees and thinking all was at stake and that their calamities were becoming incurable took counsel what was to be done. Accordingly they determined to try what they could do with the seditious by words and assembled the people before the brazen gate which was that gate of the inner temple court of the priests which looked toward the sun rising and in the first place they showed the great indignation they had at this attempt for a revolt and for their bringing so great a war upon their country after which they confuted their pretense as unjustifiable and told them that their forefathers had adorned their temple in great part with donations bestowed on them by foreigners and had always received what had been presented to them from foreign nations and that they had been so far from rejecting any person's sacrifice which would be the highest instance of impiety that they had themselves placed those donation about the temple which were still visible and had remained there so long a time that they did now irritate the Romans to take arms against them and invited them to make war upon them and brought up novel rules of a strange divine worship and determined to run the hazard of having their city condemned for impiety while they would not allow any foreigner but Jews only either to sacrifice or to worship therein and if such a law should be introduced in the case of a single private person only he would have indignation at it as an instance of inhumanity determined against him while they have no regard to the Romans or to Caesar and forbid even their oblations to be received also that however they cannot but fear lest by thus rejecting their sacrifices they shall not be allowed to offer their own and that this city will lose its principality unless they grow wiser quickly and restore the sacrifices as formerly and indeed amend the injury they have offered foreigners before the report of it comes to the ears of those that have been injured for and as they said these things they produced those priests that were skillful in the customs of their country who made the report that all their forefathers had received the sacrifices from foreign nations but still not one of the innovators would hearken to what was said nay those that ministered about the temple would not attend their divine service but were preparing matters for beginning the war so the men of power perceiving that this addition was too hard for them to subdue and that the danger which would arise from the Romans would come upon them first of all endeavored to save themselves and sent ambassadors some to floris the chief of which was Simon the son of Ananias and others to a grippa among whom the most eminent were Saul and antipas and Christobaras who were of the kings kindred and they desired of them both that they should come with an army to the city and cut off the seditious before it should be too hard to be subdued now this terrible message was good news to floris and because his design was to have a war kindled he gave the ambassadors no answer at all but a grippa was equally solicitous for those that were revolting and for those against whom the war was to be made and was desirous to preserve the Jews for the Romans and the temple and metropolis for the Jews he was also sensible that it was not for his own advantage that the disturbances should proceed so he sent three thousand horsemen to the assistance of the people out of Aronitus and Batania and Trachonidus and these under Darius the master of his horse and Philip the son of Jacobus the general of his army five upon this the men of power with the high priests as also all the part of the multitude that were desirous of peace took courage and seized upon the upper city Mount Zion for the seditious part had the lower city and the temple in their power so they made use of stones and slings perpetually against one another and threw darts continually on both sides and sometimes it happened that they made incursions by troops and fought it out hand to hand while the seditious were superior in boldness but the king's soldiers in skill these last strove chiefly to gain the temple and to drive those out of it who profaned it as did the seditious with Eleazar besides what they had already labor to gain the upper city thus there were perpetual slaughters on both sides for seven days time but neither side would yield up the parts they had seized on six now the next day was the festival of xylophone upon which the custom was for everyone to bring wood for the altar that there might never be a want of fuel for that fire which was unquenchable and always burning upon that day they excluded the opposite party from the observation of this part of religion and when they had joined to themselves many of the Sakhar I who crowded in among the weaker people that was the name for such robbers as had under their bosoms swords called sick a they grew bolder and carried their undertaking further in so much that the king's soldiers were overpowered by their multitude and boldness and so they gave way and were driven out of the upper city by force the others then set fire to the house of Ananias the high priest and to the palaces of a grippa and Bernice after which they carried the fire to the place where the archives were reposited and made haste to burn the contracts belonging to their creditors and thereby to dissolve their obligations for paying their debts and this was done in order to gain the multitude of those who had been debtors and that they might persuade the poor or sort to join in their insurrection with safety against the more wealthy so the keepers of the records fled away and the rest set fire to them and when they had thus burnt down the nerves of the city they fell upon their enemies at which time some of the men of power and of the high priests went into the vaults underground and concealed themselves while others fled with the king soldiers to the upper palace and shut the gates immediately among whom were Ananias the high priest and the ambassadors that had been sent to a grippa and now the seditious were contented with the victory they had gotten and the buildings they had burnt down and proceeded no further seven but on the next day which was the 15th of the month Loos ab they made an assault upon Antonia and besieged the garrison which was in it two days and then took the garrison and slew them and set the citadel on fire after which they marched to the palace where the king's soldiers were fled and parted themselves into four bodies and made an attack upon the walls as for those that were within it no one had the courage to sally out because those that assaulted them were so numerous but they distributed themselves into the breastworks and turrets and shot at the besiegers whereby many of the robbers fell under the walls nor did they cease to fight one with another either by night or by day while the seditious supposed that those within would grow weary for want of food and those without supposed the others would do the like by the tediousness of the siege eight in the meantime one manohem the son of Judas that was called the Galilean who was a very cunning sophister and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyreneas that after God they were subject to the Romans took some of the men of note with him and retired to Masada where he broke open King Herod's armory and gave arms not only to his own people but to other robbers also these he made use of for a guard and returned in the state of a king to Jerusalem he became the leader of a sedition and gave orders for continuing the siege but they wanted proper instruments and it was not practicable to undermine the wall because the darts came down upon them from above but still they dug a mine from a great distance under one of the towers and made it totter and having done that they set on fire what was combustible and left it and when the foundations were burnt below the tower fell down suddenly yet did they then meet with another wall that had been built within for the besieged were sensible beforehand of what they were doing and probably the tower shook as it was undermining so they provided themselves of another fortification which when the besiegers unexpectedly saw while they thought they had already gained the place they were under some consternation however those that were within sent to manohem and to the other leaders of the sedition and desired they might go out upon a capitulation this was granted to the king soldiers and their own countrymen only who went out accordingly but the Romans that were left alone were greatly dejected for they were not able to force their way through such a multitude and to desire them to give them their right hand for their security they thought it would be a reproach to them and besides if they should give it them they durst not depend upon it so they deserted their camp as easily taken and ran away to the royal towers that called hibicus that called faceless and that called merry omni but manohem and his party fell upon the place once the soldiers were fled and slew as many of them as they could catch before they got up to the towers and plundered what they had left behind them and set fire to their camp this was executed on the sixth day of the month gorpias alul nine but on the next day the high priest was caught where he had concealed himself in an aqueduct he was slain together with hezekiah his brother by the robbers hereupon the seditious besieged the towers and kept them guarded lest any one of the soldiers should escape now the overthrow of the places of strength and the death of the high priest ananias so puffed up manohem that he became barbarously cruel and as he thought he had no antagonist to dispute the management of affairs with him he was no better than an insupportable tyrant but elias are and his party when words had passed between them how it was not proper when they revolted from the romans out of the desire of liberty to betray that liberty to any of their own people and to bear a lord who though he should be guilty of no violence was yet meaner than themselves as also that in case they were obliged to set someone over their public affairs it was bitter they should give that privilege to anyone rather than to him they made an assault upon him in the temple for he went up thither to worship in a pompous manner and adorned with royal garments and had his followers with him in their armor but elias are in his party fell violently upon him as did also the rest of the people and taking up stones to attack him with all they threw them at the sophister and thought that if he were once ruined the entire sedition would fall to the ground now manaheim and his party made resistance for a while but when they perceived that the whole multitude were falling upon them they fled which way everyone was able those that were caught were slain and those that hid themselves were searched for a few there were of them who privately escaped to masada among whom was elias are the son of jairus who was of kin to manaheim and acted the part of a tyrant at masada afterward as for manaheim himself he ran away to a place called oflah and there lay skulking in private but they took him alive and drew him out before them all they then tortured him with many sorts of torments and after all slew him as they did by those that were captains under him also and particularly by the principal instrument of his tyranny whose name was epsilon ten and as I said so far truly the people assisted them while they hoped this might afford some amendment to the seditious practices but the others were not in haste to put an end to the war but hope to prosecute it with less danger now they had slain manaheim it is true that when the people earnestly desired that they would leave off deceiving the soldiers they were the more earnest in pressing it forward and this till matilius who was the roman general sent to elias are and desired that they would give him security to spare their lives only but agreed to deliver up their arms and what else they had with them the others readily complied with their petition sent to them gory on the son of nicodemus and ananias the son of saddock and judas the son of jonathan that they might give them the security of their right hands and of their oaths after which milidius brought down his soldiers which soldiers while they were in arms were not meddled with by any of the seditious nor was there any appearance of treachery but as soon as according to the articles of capitulation they had all laid down their shields and their swords and were under no further suspicion of any harm but were going away a liaisirs men attacked them after a violent manner and encompassed them around and slew them while they neither defended themselves nor and treated for mercy but only cried out upon the breach of their articles of capitulation and their oaths and thus were all these men barbarously murdered accepting the tilius for when he and treated for mercy and promised that he would turn Jew and be circumcised they saved him alive but none else this loss to the Romans was but light there being no more than a few slain out of an immense army but still it appeared to be a prelude to the jews own destruction while men made public lamentation when they saw that such occasions were afforded for a war as were incurable that the city was all over polluted with such abominations from which it was but reasonable to expect some vengeance even though they should escape revenge from the Romans so that the city was filled with sadness and every one of the moderate men in it were under great disturbance as likely themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of the seditious for indeed it so happened that this murder was perpetrated on the Sabbath day on which day the Jews have a respite from their works an account of divine worship and a book to chapter 17 book to chapter 18 of the wars of the Jews this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Doug Delisle the wars of the Jews by Josephus translated by William Winston book to chapter 18 the calamities and slaughters that came upon the Jews one now the people of Caesarea had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour when the soldiers were slain which one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence in so much that in one hour's time above 20,000 Jews were killed and all Caesarea was emptied of his Jewish inhabitants for florists caught such as ran away and sent them in bonds to the galleys upon which stroke that the Jews received at Caesarea the whole nation was greatly enraged so they divided themselves into several parties and laid waste to the villages of the Syrians and their neighboring cities Philadelphia and Seminites and Jorasa and Tepela and Scythopolis and after them Gdera and Hippos and falling upon Golanitis some cities they destroyed there and some they set on fire and then went to Qadasa belonging to the Tyrians and to Ptolemaeus and to Gava and to Caesarea nor was either Sebastia or Ascalon able to oppose the violence with which they were attacked and when they had burnt these to the ground they entirely demolished Anthony and Qadasa many also the villages that were about every one of those cities were plundered and an immense slaughter was made of the men who were caught in them to however the Syrians were even with the Jews and the multitude of the men whom they slew for they killed those whom they caught in their cities and that not only out of the hatred they bear them as formally but to prevent the danger under which they were from them so that the disorders in all Syria were terrible and every city was divided into two armies and camped one against the other and the preservation of the one party was in the destruction of the other so the daytime was spent in shedding of blood and the night in fear which was of the two the more terrible for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews they had the Judaizers in suspicion also and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other as if they were certainly foreigners moreover greediness of gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party even to such as had a bold appeared very mild and gentle towards them for they without fear plundered the effects of the slain and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses as if they had been gained in a set battle and he was esteemed a man of honor who got the greatest share as having prevailed over the greatest number of his enemies it was then common to see cities filled with dead bodies still laying on buried and those of old men mixed with infants all dead and scattered about together women also lay amongst them without any covering for their nakedness you might then see the whole province full of inexpressible calamities while the dread of still more barbarous practices which were threatened was everywhere greater than what had already been perpetrated three and thus far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners but when they made excursions to sythopolis they found Jews that acted as enemies for as they stood in battle array with those of sythopolis and preferred their own safety before their relation to us they fought against their own countrymen nay their alacrity was so very great that those of sythopolis suspected them these were afraid therefore lest they should make an assault upon the city in the nighttime and to their great misfortune should thereby make an apology for themselves to their own people for the revolt from them so they commanded them that in case they would confirm their agreement and demonstrate their fidelity to them who were of a different nation they should go out of the city with their families to a neighboring grove and when they had done as they were commanded without suspecting anything the people of sythopolis lay still for the interval of two days to tempt them to be secure but on the third night they watched their opportunity and cut all their throats some as they lay unguarded and some as they lay asleep the number that was slain was above 13,000 and then they plundered them of all they had four it will deserve our relation what befell Simon he was the son of one Saul a man of reputation among the Jews this man was distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body and the boldness of his conduct although he abused them both to the mischiefing of his countrymen for he came every day and slew a great many of the Jews of sythopolis and he frequently put them to flight and became himself alone the cause of his armies conquering but a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same nation with him for when the people of sythopolis through their darts at them in the grove he drew his sword but he did not attack any of the enemy for he saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude but he cried out after a very moving manner and said oh you people of sythopolis I deservedly suffer for what I have done with relation to you when I gave you such security of my fidelity to you by slaying so many of those that were related to me wherefore we very justly experience the perfidiousness of foreigners while we acted after a most wicked manner against our own nation I will therefore die polluted wretches I am by mine own hands for does not fit I should die by the hand of our enemies and let the same action be to me both a punishment for my great crimes and a testimony of my courage to my commendation that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag of that he it was that slew me and no one may insult upon me as I fall now when he had said this he looked round about him upon his family with eyes of commiseration and of rage that family consisted of a wife and children and his aged parents so in the first place he caught his father by his gray hairs and ran his sword through him and after him he did the same to his mother who willingly received it and after them he did the like to his wife and children everyone almost offering themselves to his sword as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies so when he had gone over all his family he stood upon their bodies to be seen by all and stretching out his right hand that his action might be observed by all he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels this young man was to be pitied on account of the strength of his body and the courage of his soul but since he had assured foreigners of his fidelity against his own countrymen he suffered deservedly five besides this murder at sythopolis the other cities rose up against the Jews that were among them those of ascalon slew two thousand five hundred and those of tolemaeus two thousand and put not a few into bonds those of tire also put a great number to death but kept a greater number in prison moreover those of hippos and those of gedera did the like while they put to death the boldest of Jews but kept those of whom they were afraid in custody as did the rest of the cities of syria according as they everyone either hated them or were afraid of them only the anti-octans and the sedantans and the pamians spared those that dwelt with them that would not endure either to kill any of the Jews or to put them in bonds and because they spared them because their own number was so great that they despised their attempts but I think the greatest part of this favor was owing to their commiseration of those whom they saw to make no invasions as for the gerassans they did no harm to those that abode with them and for those who had a mind to go away they conducted them as far as their borders reached six there was also a plot laid against the Jews in a gripis kingdom where he was himself gone to sestius gallus to anti-oct but had left one of his companions whose name was noirus to take care of the public affairs which noirus was of kin to king sohemus footnote of the sohemus we have mentioned made by tacitus we also learn from dial that his father was king of the arabians of itiria which itiria is mentioned by st. Luke chapter 3 verse 1 both whose testimonies are quoted here by dr. Hudson and a footnote now there came certain men 70 in number out of batania who are the most considerable for their families and prudence for the rest of the people these desire to have an army put into their hands that if any tumult should happen they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as might rise up against them this noirus sent out some of the king's armed men by night and slew all those 70 men which bold action he ventured upon without the consent of a grippa and was such a lover of money that he chose to be so wicked to his own countrymen though he brought ruin on the kingdom thereby and thus cruelly did he treat the nation and this contrary to the laws also until a grippa was informed of it who did not indeed dare to put him to death out of regard to sohemus but still he put an end to his procuratorship immediately but as to the seditious they took the citadel which was called Cyprus which was above Jericho and cut the throats of the garrison and utterly demolished the poor fortifications this was about the same time that the multitude of the Jews that were at macorus persuaded the Romans who were in garrison to leave the place and deliver it up to them these Romans being in great fear lest the place should be taken by force made an agreement with them to depart upon certain conditions and when they had obtained the security they desired they delivered up to citadel into which the people of macaris put a garrison for their own security and held it in their own power seven but for Alexandria the sedition of the people of the place against the Jews was perpetual and this from that very time when Alexander the great upon finding the readiness of the Jews and assisting him against the Egyptians and as a reward for such their assistance gave them equal privileges in the city with the greecians themselves which honorary reward continued among them under his successors who also set apart for them a particular place that they might live without being polluted by the Gentiles and were therefore not so much intermixed with foreigners as before they also gave them this further privilege that they should be called Macedonians nay when the Romans got possession of Egypt neither the first Caesar nor anyone that came after him thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on the Jews but still conflicts perpetually arose with the greecians and although the governors did every day punish many of them yet did the sedition grow worse but at this time especially when there were tummels and other places also the disorders among them were put into a greater flame for when the Alexandrians had once a public assembly to deliberate about an embassage they were sending to Nero a great number of Jews came flocking to the theater but when their adversaries saw them they immediately cried out and called them their enemies and said they came as spies upon them upon which they rushed out and laid violent hands upon them and as for the rest they were slain as they ran away but there were three men whom they caught and hauled them along in order to have them burnt alive but all the Jews came in a body to defend them who at first threw stones at the greecians but after that they took lamps and rushed with violence into the theater and threatened that they would burn the people to a man and this they had soon done unless Tiberius Alexander the governor of the city had restrained their passions however this man did not begin to teach them wisdom by arms but sent among them privately some of the principal men and thereby entreated them to be quiet and not provoke the Roman army against them but the seditious made a jest of the entreaties of Tiberius and reproached him for so doing. 8. Now when he perceived that those who were for innovations would not be pacified till some great calamity should overtake them he sent out upon them those two Roman legions that were in the city and together with them 5,000 other soldiers who by chance were come together out of Libya to the ruin of the Jews.  These soldiers rushed violently into that part of the city that was called Delta where the Jewish people lived together and did as they were bitten though not without bloodshed on their own side also. For the Jews got together and set those that were the best armed among them in the forefront and made a resistance for a great while but when once they gave back they were destroyed unmercifully and this their destruction was complete some being caught in the open field and others forced into their houses which houses were first plundered of what was in them and then set on fire by the Romans wherein no mercy was shown to the infants and no regard had to the agent but they went on into the slaughter of persons of every age till all the place was overflowed with blood and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps nor had the remainder been preserved had they not be taken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their condition and gave orders to the Romans to retire accordingly these being accustomed to obey orders left off killing at the first intimation but the populace of Alexandria bears so very great hatred to the Jews that it was difficult to recall them and it was a hard thing to make them leave their dead bodies. 9. And this was the miserable calamity which at this time befell the Jews at Alexandria. Here upon Cestius thought fit no longer to lie still while the Jews were everywhere up in arms so he took out of Antioch the 12th Legion entire and out of each of the rest he selected two thousand with six cohorts of footmen and four troops of horsemen besides those auxiliaries which were sent by the kings. Of these Antioch is sent two thousand horsemen and three thousand footmen with as many archers and Agrippus sent the same number of footmen and one thousand horsemen. Sohemus also followed with four thousand a third part whereof were horsemen but most part were archers and thus did he march to Ptolemaus. There was also great numbers of auxiliaries gathered together from the free cities who indeed had not the same skill in martial affairs but made up in their alacrity and in their hatred to the Jews what they wanted in skill. There came also along with Cestius Agrippa himself both as a guide in his march over the country and a director what was fit to be done. So Cestius took part of his forces and marched hastily to Zabulon a strong city of Galilee which was called the city of men and divides the country of Ptolemaus from our nation. This he found deserted by its men the multitude having fled to the mountains but full of all sorts of good things. Those he gave leave to the soldiers to plunder and set fire to the city although it was of admirable beauty and had its houses built like those in Tyre and Sidon and Baritus. After this he overran all the country and seized upon whatsoever came in his way and set fire to the villages that were around about them and then returned to Ptolemaus but when the Syrians and especially those of Baritus were busy in plundering the Jews pulled up their courage again for they knew that Cestius was retired and fell upon those that were left behind unexpectedly and destroyed about 2,000 of them. Footnote, Spanheim notes on the place that this later Antiochus who was called Epifauas is mentioned by Dio and that he is mentioned by Josephus elsewhere twice also and footnote. Ten and now Cestius himself marched from Ptolemaus and came to Caesarea but he sent part of his army before him to Joppa and gave order that if they could take that city by surprise they should keep it of that in case the citizens should perceive they were coming to attack them that they should stay for him and for the rest of the Army, but that in case the citizens should perceive they were coming to attack them that they then should stay for him and for the rest of the army. So some of them made a brisk march by the seaside and some by land and so coming upon them on both sides they took the city with ease and as he inhabitants had made no provisions beforehand for a fight nor had gotten anything ready for fighting, the soldiers fell upon them and slew them all with their families and then plundered and burnt the city. The number of the slain was 8,400. In like manner, Sestius sent also a considerable body of horsemen to the toparchy of Narbertine that adjoined to Caesarea who destroyed the country and slew a great multitude of its people. They also plundered what they had and burnt their villages. But Sestius sent Gallus, the commander of the twelfth legion, into Galilee and delivered to him as many of his forces as he supposed sufficient to subdue that nation. He was received by the strongest city of Galilee, which was Sophorus, with acclamations of joy, which wise conduct of that city occasioned the rest of the cities to be in quiet. While the seditious part and the robbers ran away to that mountain, which lies in the very middle of Galilee and is situated over against Sophorus, it is called Azaman. So Gallus bought his forces against them. But while those men were in the superior parts above the Romans, they easily threw their darts upon the Romans as they made their approaches and slew about two hundred of them. But when the Romans had gone round the mountains and were gotten into the parts above their enemies, the others were soon beaten, nor could they who had only light armor on sustain the force of them that fought them armed all over. Nor when they were beaten could they escape the enemy's horsemen, in so much that only some few concealed themselves in certain places hard to come at among the mountains while the rest above two thousand and a number were slain. End of Book 2, Chapter 18, Recording by Doug Delisle. Book 2, Chapter 19, of the Wars of the Jews. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Doug Delisle. The Wars of the Jews by Josephus, translated by William Weston, Book 2, Chapter 19. What Cestius did against the Jews and how, upon his besieging Jerusalem, he retreated from the city without any just occasion in the world. There's also what severe calamities he underwent from the Jews in his retreat, one. And now Gallus, seeing nothing more that looked towards an innovation in Galilee, returned with his army to Caesarea, but Cestius removed with his whole army and marched to Antipatris. And when he was informed that there was a great body of Jewish forces gotten together in a certain tower called Apfek, he sent a party before to fight them. But this party dispersed the Jews by offriding them before it came to a battle. So they came, and finding their camp deserted, they burnt it, as well as the villages that lay about it. But when Cestius had marched from Antipatris to Lyda, he found the city empty of its men, for the whole multitude were gone up to Jerusalem to the Feast of Tabernacles. But note, here we have an eminent example of that Jewish language which Dr. Wale truly observes. We several times find used in the sacred writings, I mean where the words all or whole multitude etc. are used for much the greatest part only. But not so as to include every person without exception, for when Josephus had said that the whole multitude, all the males of Lyda, were gone to the Feast of Tabernacles, he immediately adds that however no fewer than fifty of them appeared, and were slain by the Romans. Other examples somewhat like this I have observed elsewhere in Josephus, but as I think none so remarkable as this, and footnote. Yet did he destroy fifty of those that showed themselves, and burnt the city, and so marched forwards. And descending by Bette Boron, he pitched his camp at a certain place called Gabel, fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. Two. But as for the Jews, when they saw the war approaching to their metropolis, they left the Feast, and betook themselves to their arms, and taking courage greatly from their multitude went in a sudden and disorderly manner to the fight with a great noise, and without any consideration had of the rest of the seventh day, although the Sabbath was the day in which they had the greatest regard. Footnote. We have also in this in the next section two eminent facts to be observed, namely the first example that I remember in Josephus of the onset of the Jews' enemies upon their country when their males were gone up to Jerusalem to one of their three sacred festivals, which during the theocracy God had promised to preserve them from. Exodus chapter 34 verse 24. The second fact is this, the breach of the Sabbath by the seditious Jews in an offensive fight contrary to the universal doctrine and practice of their nation in these ages, and even contrary to what they themselves afterward practiced in the rest of this war. And footnote. But that rage which made them forget the religious observation of the Sabbath made them too hard for their enemies in the fight. With such violence therefore did they fall upon the Romans as to break into their ranks and to march through the midst of them, making a great slaughter as they went, in so much that unless the horsemen and such part of the footmen as were not yet tired in the action had wheeled round and suckered that part of the army which was not yet broken, Cestius with his whole army had been in danger. However, five hundred and fifteen of the Romans were slain, of which number four hundred were footmen and the rest horsemen, while the Jews lost only twenty-two, of whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of Manobasis, king of Adiabene, and their names were Manobasis and Canadias, and next to them were Niger, Aparea, and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted from King Agrippa to the Jews, for he had formally served in the army. When the front of the Jewish army had been cut off, the Jews retired into the city, but still Simon, the son of Giora, fell upon the backs of the Romans as they were sending up Bethoran and put the hidemost of the army into disorder and carried off many of the beasts that carted the weapons of war and led Shem into the city. But as Cestius tarried their three days, the Jews seized upon the elevated parts of the city and set watches at the entrances into the city and appeared openly resolved not to rest when once the Romans should begin to march. Three, and now when Agrippa observed that even the affairs of the Romans were likely to be in danger, while such an immense multitude of their enemies had seized upon the mountains round about, he determined to try what the Jews would agree to by words, as thinking that he should either persuade them all to desist from fighting or, however, that he should cause the sober part of them to separate themselves from the opposite party. So he sent Borceus and Phoebus the members of his party that were the best known to them and promised them that Cestius should give them his right hand to secure them of the Romans' entire forgiveness of what they had done amiss if they should throw away their arms and come over to them. But the Cestius, fearing lest the whole multitude, in hopes of security to themselves, should go over to Agrippa, resolved immediately to fall upon and kill the ambassadors. Accordingly they slew Phoebus before he said a word, but Borceus was only wounded and so prevented his fate by flying away. And when the people were very angry at this, they had the seditious beaten with stones and clubs and drove them before them into the city. Four. But now Cestius, observing that the disturbances that were begun among the Jews, afforded him a proper opportunity to attack them. Took his whole army along with him and put the Jews to flight and pursued them to Jerusalem. He then pitched his camp upon the elevation called Scopus or Watchtower, which was distant seven furlongs from the city. Yet did he not assault them in three days' time out of expectation that those within might perhaps yield a little? And in the meantime he sent a great many of his soldiers into neighboring villages to seize upon their corn. And on the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of the month hyperboretus, when he had put his army in array he brought it into the city. Now for the people they were kept under by the seditious, but the seditious themselves were greatly affrighted at the good order of the Romans and retired from the suburbs and retreated into the inter-part of the city and into the temple. But when Cestius was coming to the city, he set the park called Bessitha, which is also called Sinopolis or the new city on fire, as he did also to the timber market, after which he came into the upper city and pitched his camp over against the royal palace. And had he but at this very time attempted to get within the walls by force, he had won the city presently, and the war had been put an end to it once. But Tyranius Pricius, the mustermaster of the army, and a great number of the officers of the horse had been corrupted by Floris and diverted from that his attempt. And that was the occasion that this war lasted so very long, and thereby the Jews were involved in such incurable calamities. Five. In the meantime, many other principal men of the city were persuaded by Ananus, the son of Jonathan, and invited Cestius into the city, and were about to open the gates for him. But he overlooked this offer partly out of his anger at the Jews, and partly because he did not thoroughly believe they were in earnest. Once it was that he delayed the matter so long that the seditious perceived the treachery, and threw Ananus and those of his party down from the wall, and pelting them with stones drove them into their houses. But they stood themselves at proper distances in the towers, and threw their darts at those that were getting over the wall. Thus did the Romans make their attack against the wall for five days, but to no purpose. But on the next day, Cestius took a great many of his choicest men, and with them the archers, and attempted to break into the temple at the northern quarter of it. But the Jews beat them off from the cloisters, and repulsed them several times, and when they were gotten near to the wall, till at length the multitude of the darts cut them off, and made them retire. But the first rank of the Romans rested their shields upon the wall, and so did those that were behind them, and the like did those that were still more backward, and guarded themselves with what they call Testudo, the backside of a tortoise, upon which the darts that were thrown fell and slid off without doing them any harm, without being themselves hurt, and got all things ready for setting fire to the gate of the temple. Six. And now it was that a horrible fear seized upon the Cestius, in so much that many of them ran out of the city, as though it were to be taken immediately. But the people upon this took courage, and where the wicked part of the city gave ground, thither did they come in order to set open the gates, and to admit Cestius as their benefactor, who had he but continued the siege a little longer, had certainly taken the city. But it was, I suppose, owing to the aversion God had already at the city and the sanctuary that he was hindered from putting an end to the war that very day. Footnote. There may be another very important and very providential reason. Be here assigned for this strange and foolish retreat of Cestius, which, if Josephus had been now a Christian, he might probably have taken notice of also. And that is, the affording the Jewish Christians in the city, an opportunity of calling to mind the prediction and caution given them by Christ about 33 and a half years before, that when they should see the abomination of desolation, the idolatrous Roman armies with the images of their idols in their ensigns, ready to lay Jerusalem desolate, stand where it ought not, or in the holy place, or when they should see Jerusalem any one instance of a more un-politic, but more providential, compassed with armies. They should then flee to the mound to conduct then this retreat of Cestius visible during this whole reigns, by complying with which those Jewish Christians fled the siege of Jerusalem, which yet was providentially such a great to the mountains of Peria and escaped this destruction. Sea tribulation has had not been from the beginning of the world to that time. No. Nor was there perhaps nor should ever be. And footnote. Seven. It then happened that Cestius was not conscious either how the besieged disparate of success, nor how courageous the people were for him. And so he recalled his soldiers from the place, and by despairing of any expectation of taking it, without having received any disgrace, he retired from the city without any reason in the world. But when the robbers perceived this unexpected retreat of his, they resumed their courage and ran after the hinder parts of the army and destroyed a considerable number of both their horsemen and footmen. And now Cestius lay all night at the camp which was at Scopus.  They also fell upon the flank on each side of the army, and threw darts upon them obliquely, nor durced those that were hindmost turned back upon those who wounded them behind, as imagining that the multitude of those that pursued them was at the Mets. Nor did they venture to drive away those that pressed upon them on each side, because they were heavy with their arms, and were afraid of breaking their ranks to pieces. And because they saw the Jews were light and ready for making incursions upon them. And this was the reason why the Romans suffered greatly, without being able to revenge themselves upon their enemies. So they were galled all the way, and their ranks were put into disorder, and those that were thus put out of their ranks were slain, among whom were Priscus, the commander of the Sixth Legion, and Longinus, the Tribune, and Emilius Secundus, the commander of a troop of horsemen. So it was not without difficulty that they got to Gabel, their former camp, and that not without the loss of a great part of their baggage. There it was that Sestius stayed two days, and was in great distress to know what he should do in these circumstances. But when on the third day he saw a still much greater number of enemies, and all the parts round about him full of Jews, he understood that his delay was to his own detriment, and that if he stayed any longer there, he should have still more enemies upon him. Eight. That therefore he might fly the faster. He gave orders to cast away what might hinder his army's march. So they killed the mules and other creatures, accepting those that carried their darts and machines, which they retained for their own use, and this principally because they were afraid lest the Jews should seize upon them. He then made his army march on as far as Bethoran. Now the Jews did not so much press upon them when they were in large open places, but when they were penned up in their descent through narrow passages, then did some of them get before and hindered them from getting out of them, and others of them thrust the hindermost down into the lower places, and others of them thrust the hindermost down into the lower places, and the whole multitude extended themselves over against the neck of the passage and covered the Roman army with their darts. In which circumstances, as the footmen knew not how to defend themselves, so the danger pressed the horsemen still more, for they were so pelted that they could not march along the roads in their ranks, and the ascents were so high that the cavalry were not able to march against the enemy. The precipices also and valleys into which they frequently fell and tumbled down were such on each side of them that there was neither place for their flight, nor any contrivance could be thought of for their defense. Till the distress they were at last in was so great that they betook themselves to lamentations and to such mournful cries as been used in the utmost despair. The joyful acclamations of the Jews also, as they encouraged one another, echoed the sounds back again. These last composing a noise of those that at once rejoiced and were in a rage. Indeed, things were come to such a pass that the Jews had almost taken Cestius's entire army prisoners, had not the night come on when the Romans fled to Bethoran and the Jews seized upon all the places round about them and watched for their coming out in the morning. Nine, and then it was that Cestius, despairing of obtaining room for a public march, contrived how he might best run away, and when he had selected four hundred of the most courageous of his soldiers, he placed them at the strongest of their fortifications and gave order that when they went up to the morning guard, they should erect their ensigns, that the Jews might be made to believe that the entire army was still there, while he himself took the rest of his forces with him and marched without any noise thirty furlongs. But when the Jews perceived in the morning that the camp was empty, they ran upon those four hundred who had deluded them and immediately threw their darts at them and slew them, and then pursued after Cestius. But he had already made use of a great part of the night in his flight and still marched quicker when it was day, in so much that the soldiers, through the astonishment and fear that they were in, left behind their engines for sieges and for throwing of stones and a great part of the instruments of war. So the Jews went on pursuing the Romans as far as Antipatras, after which, seeing they could not overtake them, they came back and took the engines and spoiled the dead bodies and gathered the prey together which the Romans had left behind them, and came back running and singing to their metropolis, while they had themselves lost a few only, but had slain of the Romans five thousand and three hundred footmen and three hundred and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened on the eighth day of the month Dias in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero. End of book two, chapter nineteen, recording by Doug Delisle.