Section 21 of Great Epochs in American History, Volume 1. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Bill Mosley, Lano County, Texas, USA. Great Epochs in American History, Volume 1. Voyages of Discovery and Early Explorations, 1,000 AD to 1682 by Francis Whiting Halsey. Section 21. Cabeza de Vaca's Journey to the Southwest, 1535 to 1536. De Vaca's Own Account. Castillo returned at the end of three days to the spot where he had left us and brought five or six of the people. He told us he had found fixed dwellings of civilization, that the inhabitants lived on beans and pumpkins, and that he had seen maize. This news, the most of anything, delighted us, and for it we gave infinite thanks to our Lord. Castillo told us the Negro was coming with all the population to wait for us in the road not far off. Accordingly we left, and having traveled a league and a half, we met the Negro and the people coming to receive us. They gave us beans, mini pumpkins, calabashes, blankets of calhide, and other things. As this people and those who came with us were enemies, and spoke not each other's language, we discharged the latter, giving them what we received, and departed with the others. Six leagues from there, as the night set in, we arrived at the houses, where great festivities were made over us. We remained one day, and the next set out with these Indians. They took us to the settled habitations of others, who lived upon the same food. From that place onward was another usage. Those who knew of our approach did not come out to receive us on the road, as the others had done, but we found them in their houses, and they had made others for our reception. They were all seated with their faces turned to the wall, their heads down, the hair brought before their eyes, and their property placed in a heap in the middle of the house. From this place they began to give us many blankets of skin, and they had nothing they did not bestow. They have the finest persons of any people we saw, of the greatest activity and strength, who best understood us and intelligently answered our inquiries. We called them the cow nation, because most of the cattle killed are slaughtered in their neighborhood, and along up that river for over fifty leagues, they destroy great numbers. They go entirely naked after the manner of the first we saw. The women are dressed with deerskin, and some few men, mostly the aged, who are incapable of fighting. The country is very populace. We asked how it was they did not plant maize. They answered that it was that they might not lose what they should put in the ground, that the rains had failed for two years in succession, and the seasons were so dry the seed had everywhere been taken by the moles, and they could not venture to plant again until after water had fallen copiously. They begged us to tell the sky to rain and to pray for it, and we said we would do so. We also desired to know whence they got the maize, and they told us from where the sun goes down. There it grew throughout the region, and the nearest was by that path. Two days being spent while we tarried we resolved to go in search of the maize. We did not wish to follow the path leading to where the cattle are, because it is toward the north, and for us very circuitous, since we ever held it certain that going toward the sunset we must find what we desired. Thus we took our way and traversed all the country until coming out at the south sea. Nor was the dread we had of the sharp hunger, through which we should have to pass, as in verity we did throughout the seventeen days' journey, of which the native spoke, sufficient to hinder us. During all that time in ascending by the river they gave us many coverings of cowhide, but we did not eat of the fruit. Our sustenance each day was about a handful of deer-suit, which we had a long time been used to saving for such trials. Thus we passed the entire journey of seventeen days. As the sun went down upon some plains that lie between chains of very great mountains, we found a people who for the third part of the year eat nothing but the powder of straw, and that being the season when we passed, we also had to eat of it, until reaching permanent habitations, where was abundance of maize brought together. They gave us a large quantity of grain and flour, pumpkins, beans, and shawls of cotton. With all these we loaded our guides, who went back the happiest creatures on earth. We gave thanks to God our Lord for having brought us where we had found so much food. Some houses are of earth, the rest all of cane mats. From this point we marched through more than a hundred leagues of country, and continually found settled domiciles with plenty of maize and beans. The people gave us many deer and cotton shawls better than those of New Spain, many beads and certain corals found on the South Sea, and fine turquoise's that come from the North. Indeed they gave us everything they had. To me they gave five emeralds made into arrowheads, which they use at their singing and dancing. They appeared to be very precious. I asked whence they got these, and they said the stones were brought from some lofty mountains that stand toward the North. Where were populous towns and very large houses, and that they were purchased with plumes and the feathers of parrots? Among this people the women were treated with more decorum than in any part of the India's we had visited. They wear a shirt of cotton that falls as low as the knee, and over it half-sleeves with skirts reaching to the ground, made of dressed deerskin. It opens in front and is brought close with straps of leather. They soap this with a certain root that cleanses well, by which they are unable to keep it becomingly. Shoes are worn. The people all came to us that we should touch and bless them. They being very urgent which we could accomplish only with great labor, for sick and well all wished to go with a benediction. These Indians ever accompanied us until they delivered us to others, and all held full faith in our coming from heaven. While traveling we went without food all day until night, and we ate so little as to astonish them. We never felt exhaustion. Neither were we, in fact, at all weary, so enured were we to hardship. We possessed great influence and authority. To preserve both we seldom talked with them. The Negro was in constant conversation. He informed himself about the ways we wished to take, of the towns there were, and the matters we desired to know. We passed through many and dissimilar tongues. Our Lord granted us favor with the people who spoke them, for they always understood us and we them. We questioned them and received their answers by signs, just as if they spoke our language and we theirs. For although we knew six languages, we could not everywhere avail ourselves of them. They're being a thousand differences. Throughout all these countries the people who were at war immediately made friends that they might come to meet us and bring what they possessed. In this way we left all the land at peace, and we taught all the inhabitants by signs which they understood, that in heaven was a man we called God, who had created the sky and earth, him we worshipped and had for our master. That we did what he commanded, and from his hand came all good, and would they do, as we did, all would be well with them. So ready of apprehension we found them that could we have had the use of language by which to make ourselves perfectly understood. We should have left them all Christians. Thus much we gave them to understand the best we could, and afterward when the sun rose they opened their hands together with loud shouting toward the heavens, and then drew them down all over their bodies. They did the same again when the sun went down. They are a people of good condition and substance, capable in any pursuit. In the town where the emeralds were presented to us the people gave Dorantes over six hundred open hearts of deer. They ever keep a good supply of them for food, and we call the place Weblo de los Corazones. It is the entrance into many provinces on the South Sea. They who go to look for them and do not enter there will be lost. On the coast is no maize, the inhabitants eat the powder of rush and of straw, and fish that is caught in the sea from rafts, not having canoes. With grass and straw the women cover their nudity. They are a timid and dejected people. We think that near the coast by way of those towns through which we came are more than a thousand leagues of inhabited country, plentiful of subsistence. Three times the year it is planted with maize and beans. Deer are of three kinds, one the size of the young steer of Spain. There are innumerable houses such as are called Bajíos. They have poisoned from a certain tree the size of the apple. For effect no more is necessary than to pluck the fruit and moisten the arrow with it, or if there be no fruit to break a twig and with the milk do the like. The tree is abundant and so deadly that if the leaves be bruised and steeped in some neighboring water the deer and other animals drinking it soon burst. We were in this town three days. The day's journey farther was another town at which the rain fell heavily while we were there and the river became so swollen we could not cross it which detained us fifteen days. In this time Castillo saw the buckle of a sword belt on the neck of an Indian and stitched to it the nail of a horseshoe. He took them and we asked the native what they were. He answered that they came from heaven. We questioned him further as to who had brought them thence. They all responded that certain men who wore beards like us had come from heaven and arrived at that river bringing horses, lances, and swords and that they had lanced to Indians. In a manner of the utmost indifference we could feign we asked them what had become of those men. They answered that they had gone to see putting their lances beneath the water and going themselves also under the water. Afterward that they were seen on the surface going toward the sunset. For this we gave many thanks to God our Lord. We had before despaired of ever hearing more of Christians. Even yet we were left in great doubt and anxiety thinking those people were merely persons who had come by sea on discoveries. However, as we had now such exact information we made greater speed and as we advanced on our way the news of the Christians continually grew. We told the natives that we were going in search of that people to order them not to kill or make slaves of them nor take them from their lands nor do other injustice. Of this the Indians were very glad. We passed through many territories and found them all vacant. Their inhabitants wandered fleeing among the mountains without daring to have houses or till the earth for fear of Christians. The sight was one of infinite pain to us. A land very fertile and beautiful, abounding in springs and streams, the hamlets deserted and burned, the people thin and weak, all fleeing or in concealment. As they did not plant, they appeased their keen hunger by eating roots and the bark of trees. We bore a share of the famine along the whole way, for poorly could these unfortunates provide for us. Themselves being so reduced, they looked as though they would willingly die. They brought shawls of those they had concealed because of the Christians, presenting them to us, and they related how the Christians at other times had come through the land, destroying and burning the towns, carrying away half the men and all the women and the boys, while those who had been able to escape were wandering about fugitives. We found them so alarmed they dared not remain anywhere. They would not, nor could they, tilt the earth, but preferred to die rather than live in dread of such cruel usage as they received. Although these showed themselves greatly delighted with us, we feared that on our rival among those who held the frontier and fought against the Christians, they would treat us badly and revenge upon us the conduct of their enemies. But when God our Lord was pleased to bring us there, they began to dread and respect us, as the others had done, and even somewhat more at which we no little wondered. Hence it may at once be seen that, to bring all these people to be Christians and to the obedience of the Imperial Majesty, they must be one by kindness, which is a way certain, and no other is. They took us to a town on the edge of a range of mountains, to which the ascent is over difficult crags. We found many people there collected out of fear of the Christians. They received as well and presented us all they had. They gave us more than two thousand back loads of maize, which we gave to the distressed and hungered beings who guided us to that place. The next day we dispatched four messengers through the country, as we were accustomed to do, that they should call together all the rest of the Indians at a town distant three days march. We set out the day after with all the people. The tracks of the Christians and march where they slept were continually seen. At midday we met our messengers who told us they had found no Indians, that they were roving and hiding in the forests, fleeing that the Christians might not kill, nor make them slaves. The night before they had observed the Christians from behind trees and discovered what they were about, carrying away many people in chains. From this spot called the river Petuton, to the river to which Diego de Guzmán came, where we heard of Christians, may be as many as eighty leagues. Thence to the town where the rains overtook us, twelve leagues, and that is twelve leagues from the South Sea. Throughout this region, where so ever the mountains extend, we saw clear traces of gold and lead, iron, copper, and other metals. Where the settled habitations are, the climate is hot, even in January the weather is very warm. Thence toward the Meridian, the country unoccupied to the North Sea, is unhappy and sterile. There we underwent great and incredible hunger.  The people of the fixed residences and those beyond regard silver and gold within difference, nor can they conceive of any use for them. When we saw sure signs of Christians and heard how near we were to them, we gave thanks to God our Lord for having chosen to bring us out of a captivity so melancholy and wretched. The delight we felt led each one conjecture, when if he shall remember the length of time we were in that country, the suffering and perils we underwent. That night I entreated my companions that one of them should go back three days' journey after the Christians who were moving about over the country, where we had given assurance of protection. Neither of them received this proposal well, excusing themselves because of weariness and exhaustion. And although either might have done better than I, being more youthful and athletic, yet seeing their unwillingness, the next morning I took the Negro and eleven Indians and, following the Christians by their trail, I traveled ten leagues, passing three villages, at which they had slept. The day after I overtook four of them on horseback who were astonished at the sight of me, so strangely habited as I was, and in company with Indians. They stood staring at me a length of time, so confounded that they neither hailed me nor drew near to make an inquiry. I bade them take me to their chief. Accordingly we went together half a league to the place where was Diego de Alcaraz their captain. After we had conversed he stated to me that he was completely undone. He had not been able in a long time to take any Indians. He knew not which way to turn, and his men had well begun to experience hunger and fatigue. I told him of Castillo and Dorantes, who were behind, ten leagues off, with a multitude that conducted us. He thereupon sent three cavalry to them, with fifty of the Indians who accompanied him. The Negro returned to guide them while I remained. I asked the Christians to give me a certificate of the year, month, and day I arrived there, and of the manner of my coming, which they accordingly did, from this river to the town of the Christians, named San Miguel, which the government of the province called New Galicia are thirty leagues. End of section twenty-one, recording by Bill Mosley, Lano County, Texas, USA. Section twenty-two of Great Epochs in American History, volume one. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org, recording by Bill Mosley, Lano County, Texas, USA. Great Epochs in American History, volume one. Voyages of Discovery and Early Explorations, 1000 A.D. to 1682, by Francis Whiting Halsey. Section twenty-two, The Expedition of Coronado to the Southwest, 1540 to 1541, Coronado's Own Account. At length I arrived at the valley of the people called Caracones. The 26th day of the month of May, and from Criacán until I came dither, I could not help myself, save only with a great quantity of bread of maize. For seeing the maize and the fields were not yet ripe, I was constrained to leave them all behind me. In this valley of the Caracones we found more store of people than in any other part of the country which we had passed, and great store of tillage. But I understood that there was store thereof in another valley called the Lord's Valley, which I would not disturb with force, but sent dither Melchior Diaz with wares of exchange to procure some, and to give the said maize to the Indians, our friends, which we brought with us, and to some others that had lost their cattle on the way, and were not able to carry their victuals so far which they brought from Criacán. It pleased God that we got some small quantity of maize with this traffic, whereby certain Indians were relieved and some Spaniards. And by that time that we were come to this valley of the Caracones, some ten or twelve of our horses were dead through weariness, or being overcharged with great burdens, and having but little meat, they could not endure the travel. Likewise some of our Negroes and some of our Indians died here, which was no small want unto us for the performance of our enterprise. They told me that this valley of the Caracones is five days journey from the Western Sea. I sent for the Indians of the Seacoast to understand their estate, and while I stayed for them, the horses rested, and I stayed there four days, in which space the Indians of the Seacoast came unto me, which told me that two days sailing from their coast to the sea, there were seven or eight highlands right over against them well inhabited with people, but badly furnished with victuals, and were a rude people. And they told me that they had seen a ship pass by, not far from the shore, which I will not want to think whether it were one of those that went to discover the country, or else a ship of the Portugals. But after we had passed these thirty leagues we found fresh rivers and grass like that of Castile, and especially of that sort which we called Scaramoio. Many nut trees and mulberry trees, but the nut trees differ from those of Spain in the leaf, and there was flax, but chiefly near the banks of a certain river, which therefore we called El Río del Lino, that is to say the river of flax. We found no Indians at all for a day's travel, but afterward four Indians came out unto us in peaceful manner, saying that they were sent even to that desert place to signify unto us that we were welcome, and that the next day all the people would come out to meet us on the way with victuals, and the master of the field gave them a cross, willing them to signify to those of their city that they should not fear, and they should rather let the people stay in their houses, because I came only in the name of His Majesty to defend and aid them. And this done, Fernando Alvardo, returned to advise me that certain Indians would come unto them in peaceable manner, and that two of them stayed for my coming with the master of the field. Whereupon I went unto them and gave them beads and certain short slokes, willing them to return unto their city and bid them to stay quiet in their houses and fear nothing. And this done I sent the master of the field to search whether there were any bad passage which the Indians might keep against us, and that he should take and defend it until the next day that I should come thither. So he went, then found in the way a very bad passage, and might have sustained a very great harm, wherefore there he seated himself with his company that were with him, and that very night the Indians came to take that passage to defend it. And finding it taken, they assaulted our men there. And as they tell me, they assaulted them like valiant men, although in the end they retired and fled away. For the master of the field was watchful, and was in order with his company. The Indians, in token of retreat, sounded on a certain small trumpet, and did no hurt among the Spaniards. The very same night the master of the field certified me hereof. Whereupon the next day, in the best order that I could, I departed in so great want of victual, that I thought that if we should stay one day longer without food, we should all perish for hunger, especially the Indians, for among us all we had not to bushels of corn. Wherefore it behooved me to prik forward without delay. The Indians here and there made fires, and were answered again afar off, as orderly as weak for our lives could have done to give their fellows understanding how we marched and where we arrived. As soon as I came within sight of this city of Granada, I sent Don Garcias Lopez Compe-Moster, Friar Daniel, and Friar Luis, and Fernando Vermeizo, somewhat before with certain horsemen, to seek the Indians and advertise them that our coming was not to hurt them, but to defend them in the name of the Emperor our Lord, according as his Majesty had given us in charge, which message was delivered to the inhabitants of that country by an interpreter. But they, like arrogant people, made small account thereof because we seemed very few in their eyes, and that they might destroy us without any difficulty, and they struck Friar Luis with an arrow on the gown, which by the grace of God did him no harm. In the mean space I arrived with all the rest of the horsemen and footmen, and found in the fields a great sort of the Indians which began to shoot at us with their arrows, and because I would obey your will and the command of the Marques, I would not let my people charge them, forbidding my company, which entreated me that they might set upon them, in any wise to provoke them, saying that that which the enemies did was nothing, and that it was not neat to set upon so few people. On the other side the Indians, perceiving that we stirred not, took great stomach and courage unto them in so much that they came hard to our horses' heels to shoot at us with their arrows. Whereupon seeing that it was now time to stay no longer, and that the Friars also were of the same opinion, I set upon them without any danger, for suddenly they fled part to the city which was near and well fortified, and other into the field which way they could shift, and some of the Indians were slain, and more had been if I would have suffered them to have been pursued. But considering that hereof we might reap but small profit, because the Indians that were without were few, and those which were retired into the cities, with them which stayed within at the first, were many, where the Victuals were aware of we had so great need, I assembled my people, and divided them as I thought best to assault the city, and I compassed it about, and because the famine which were sustained suffered no delay, myself with certain of these gentlemen and soldiers, put ourselves on foot, and commanded that the crossbows and Harkabusiers should give the assault. It should beat the enemies from the walls that they might not hurt us, and I assaulted the walls on one side where they told me there was a scaling ladder set up, and that there was one gate, but the crossbowmen suddenly break the strings of their bows, and the Harkabusiers did nothing at all, for they came thither so weak and feeble that scarcely they could stand on their feet. And by this means the people that were aloft on the walls to defend the town were no way hindered from doing us all the mischief they could, so that twice they stroked me to the ground with infinite number of great stones which they cast down, and if I had not been defended with an excellent good headpiece which I wore, I think it had gone hardly with me. Nevertheless my company took me up with two small wounds in the face, in an arrow sticking in my foot, and many blows with stones on my arms and legs, and thus I went out of the battle very weak. I think that if Don Garcius Lopez de Cardenas, the second time that they struck me to the ground, had not suckered me with striding over me like a good knight, I had been in far greater danger than I was, but it pleased God that the Indians yielded themselves unto us, and that this city was taken, and such store of maize was found therein as our necessity required. It remains now to certify your honor of the seven cities, and of the kingdoms and provinces whereof the Father Provincial made report unto your lordship, and to be brief, I can assure your honor, he said the truth in nothing that he reported, but all was quite contrary, saving only the names of the cities and great houses of stone, for although they be not wrought with turquoise's, nor with lime or bricks, yet are they very excellent good houses of three or four or five lofts high, wherein are good lodgings and fair chambers with ladders instead of stairs, and certain cellars under the ground very good and paved which were made for winter.  The seven cities are seven small towns, all made with these kind of houses that I speak of, and they stand all within four leagues together, and they are all called the Kingdom of Sibola, and every one of them have their particular name, and none of them is called Sibola, but all together they are called Sibola. And this town, which I call a city, I have named Granada, as well because it is somewhat like unto it, as also in remembrance of your lordship. In this town where I now remain, there may be some two hundred houses, all composed with walls, and I think that with the rest of the houses, which are not so walled, they may be together five hundred. There is another town near us, which is one of the seven, and it is somewhat bigger than this and another of the same bigness that this is of, and the other four are somewhat less, and I send them all painted unto your lordship with the voyage. And the parchment wherein the picture is was found here with other parchment. The people of this town seem unto me of a reasonable stature, and witty, yet they seem not to be such as they should be, of that judgment and wit to build these houses in such sort as they are. For the most part they go all naked, except their privy parts which are covered, and they have painted metals like those which I ascend unto your lordship. They have no cotton wool growing, because the country is cold, yet they wear metals thereof, as your honor may see by the show thereof, and true it is that there was found in their houses certain yarn made of cotton wool. They wear their hair on their heads like those of Mexico, and they are well nurtured and conditioned, and they have turquoise's, I think, good quantity, which with the rest of the goods which they had, they accept their corn, they had conveyed away before I came thither, for I found no women there, nor no youth under fifteen years old, nor no old folks about sixty, saving two or three old folks who stayed behind to govern all the rest of the youth and men of war. They were found in a certain paper two points of emeralds, and certain small stones broken which are in color somewhat like granites, very bad, and other stones of crystal which I gave one of my servants to lay up to send them to your lordship, and he hath lost them, as ye telleth me. We found here guinea cocks, but few.  I believe them not, for they are excellent good and greater than those of Mexico. The season which is in this country and the temperature of the air is like that of Mexico, for some time it is hot, and some time it raineth, but hitherto I never saw it rain, but once there fell a little shower with wind, as they are want to fall in Spain. The snow and cold are want to be great, for so say the inhabitants of the country, and it is very likely so to be, both in respect to the manner of the country, and by the fashion of their houses and their furs and other things which this people have to defend them from cold. There is no kind of fruit, nor trees of fruit. The country is all plain, and is on no side mountainous, albeit there are some hilly and bad passages. There are some store of fowls, the cause thereof is the cold, and because the mountains are not near. Here is no great store of wood, because they have wood for their fuel sufficient for leagues off from a wood of small cedars. There is most excellent grass within a quarter of a league hence, for our horses as well to feed them in pasture as to mow and make hay, whereof we stood in great need because our horses came hither so weak and feeble. The vitrules which the people of this country have is maize, whereof they have great store, and also small white peas and venison, which by all likelihood they feed upon, though they say no, for we found many skins of deer, of hares, and conies. They eat the best cakes that ever I saw, and everybody generally eateth of them. They have the finest order and wage grind that we ever saw in any place, and one Indian woman of this country will grind as much as four women of Mexico. They have most excellent salt in kernel, which they fetch from a certain lake a day's journey from hence. The Kingdom of Totontiak, so much extolled by the Father Provincial, which said that there were such wonderful things there, and such great matters, and that they made cloth there, the Indians say is on hot lake, about which are five or six houses, and that there were certain other, but that they are ruinated by war. The Kingdom of Morata is not to be found, neither have the Indians any knowledge thereof. The Kingdom of Akkus is one only small city, where they gather cotton, which is called Akkuku. This is a town wherein too the Kingdom of Akkus is converted. Beyond this town they say there are other small towns which are near to a river, which I have seen and have had report of by the relation of the Indians. I would to God I had better news to write unto your Lordship. Nevertheless I must say the truth, and as I wrote to your Lordship from Kuliakan, I am now to advertise your honor as well of the good as of the bad. Yet this I would have you be assured, that if all the riches and the treasures of the world were here, I could have done no more in the service of His Majesty and of your Lordship than I have done in coming hither, whether you have sent me, myself and my companions, carrying our victuals upon our shoulders and upon our horses three hundred leagues, and many days going on foot, prevailing over hills and rough mountains, with other troubles which I cease to mention, neither purpose I to depart unto the death. If it pleases Majesty and your Lordship, that it shall be so. Three days after this city was taken, certain Indians of these people came to offer me peace, and brought me certain turquoises and bad mantles. And I received them in His Majesty's name with all the good speeches that I could devise, certifying them of the purpose of my coming into this country, which is in the name of His Majesty and by the commandment of your Lordship, that they and all the rest of the people of this province should become Christians and should know the true God for their Lord and receive His Majesty for their King and earthly sovereign. And herewithal they returned to their houses, and suddenly the next day they set in order all their goods and substance, their women and children and fled to the hills, leaving their towns as it were abandoned, wherein remained very few of them. When I saw this within eight or ten days after being recovered of my wounds, I went to the city, which I say to be greater than this where I am, and found there some few of them, to whom I said they should not be afraid, and that they should call their governor unto me, albeit for as much as I can learn or gather, none of them hath any governor, for I saw not there any chief house, whereby any preeminence of one over another might be gathered. I would have sent your Lordship with this dispatch many musters of things which are in this country, but the way is so long and rough that it is hard for me to do so. Nevertheless, I send you twelve small mantles, such as the people of this country are want to wear, and a certain garment also which seemeth unto me to be well made. I kept the same, because it seemed to me to be excellent well wrought, because I believe that no man ever saw any needlework in these indies, except it were, since the Spaniards inhabited the same. I send your Lordship also two clothes painted with the beasts of the country, although as I have said the picture be very rudely done, because the painter spent but one day in drawing of the same. I have seen other pictures on the walls of the houses of this city, with far better proportion and better made. I send your honor one oxide, certain turquoises, two earrings of the same, and fifteen combs of the Indians, and certain tablets set with these turquoises, and two small baskets made of wicker. Whereof the Indians have great store. I send your Lordship also two rolls, which the women in these parts are want to wear on their heads when they fetch water from their wells, as we used to do in Spain, and one of these Indian women, with one of these rolls on her head, will carry a picture of water without touching the same with her hand up a ladder. I send you also a muster of the weapons, wherewith these people are want to fight, a buckler, a mace, a bow, and certain arrows, among which are two with points of bones, the like whereof, as these conquerors say, have never been seen. Footnote, from Coronado's letter to Mendoza, dated August 3rd, 1540, Mendoza being viceroy of Mexico, by whom Coronado had been sent out. Coronado's expedition was a great disappointment to all concerned in it, in as much as it resulted in failure to find the fabled seven cities of Sabola. He had three hundred Spaniards with him and eight hundred Indians. Instead of finding great towns as promised by Marcos and others, he discovered only a poor village of two hundred people, situated on a rocky eminence. The expedition however, in spite of this failure, remains one of the most important exploring expeditions ever undertaken in America. Opinions differ as to how far north Coronado went, some maintaining that he reached a point north of the boundary line between Kansas and Nebraska. His letter was printed by Hakliut in volume three of his voyages and may be found in the Old South leaflets. Mr. Thwaites says of the expedition, quote, disappointed but still hoping to find the country of gold. Coronado's gallant little army, frequently thinned by death and desertion, for three years beat up and down the southwest wilderness, now thirsting in the deserts, now pinned up in gloomy canyons, now crawling over pathless mountains, suffering the horrors of starvation and of despair, but following this will of the wisp with a melancholy perseverance seldom seen in man save when searching for some mysterious treasure. Coronado apparently twice crossed the state of Kansas, though mighty plains and sandy heaths, says the chronicler of the expedition, smooth and wearisome and bare of wood, all that way the plains are as full of cookback oxen buffaloes, as the mountain Serena in Spain is of sheep. They were a great sucker for the hunger and want of bread which our people stood in. One day it rained in that plain a great shower of hail as big as oranges, which caused many tears, weaknesses, and vows. The wanderer ventured as far as the Missouri, and would have gone still further eastward, but for his inability to cross the swollen river. Cooperating parties explored the upper valleys of the Rio Grande and Gila, ascended to Colorado for 240 miles above its mouth, and visited the grand canyon of the same river. Coronado at last returned, satisfied that he had been victimized by the idle tales of travelers. He was rewarded with contumely and lost his place as governor of New Galicia, but his romantic march stands in history as one of the most remarkable exploring expeditions of modern times." Francisco Vasquez de Coronado was born at Salamanca in Spain about 1500 and died in Mexico sometime after 1542. He is believed to have gone to Mexico in 1535 with Mendoza de Viceroy, who in 1539 made him governor of a province. In the footnote, end of section 22, recorded by Bill Mosley, Lano County, Texas, USA. Section 23 of Great Epochs in American History, Volume 1. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Great Epochs in American History, Volume 1. Voyages of Discovery and Early Explorations. 1000 A.D. to 1682 by Francis Whiting Holsey. Section 23, The Discovery of the Mississippi by De Soto. 1541. Parkman's account. Footnote from Parkman's pioneers of France and the New World by permission of the publishers Little, Brown and Company. Hernando De Soto was born at Badeos, Spain in 1500 and died near the Mississippi River, probably on May 21, 1542. Before discovering the Mississippi, he had been in Panama and Nicaragua, had been active with Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, from which he returned very rich to Spain, and in 1587 had been appointed Governor of Cuba and Florida, with orders to explore and settle the country. It was while engaged in the latter work that he discovered the Mississippi. De Soto's route has been determined only approximately. He is believed first to have made a circuit northward from Tampa, through Florida into Georgia and perhaps into Carolina, then going westward to Alabama and Mobile Bay. From the latter he turned northward again, then going westward to the Mississippi, which he is believed to have crossed at Chickasaw Bluffs in May 1541. From this point he went northward and almost reached the Missouri. He then turned southward and reached the junction of the Red River and Mississippi, where he died of malaria fever. Of his men, 250 perished from disease or in combat with the Indians. End of footnote. Hernando De Soto was the companion of Pizarro in the conquest of Peru. He had come to America a needy adventurer with no other fortune than his sword and target, but his exploits had given him fame and fortune and he appeared at court with the retinue of a nobleman. Still his active energies could not endure repose and his avarice and ambition goaded him to fresh enterprises. He asked and obtained permission to conquer Florida. While this design was an agitation, Quebec de Vaca, one of those who had survived the expedition of Narváez, appeared in Spain and for purposes of his own spread abroad the mischievous falsehood that Florida was the richest country yet discovered. De Soto's plans were embraced with enthusiasm. Nobles and gentlemen contended for the privilege of joining his standard and setting sail with an ample armament. He landed at the Bay of Espiritus Santo, Dautapa Bay in Florida with 620 chosen men, a band as gallant and well appointed, as eager in purpose and audacious in hope as ever trod the shores of the new world. The clangor of trumpets, the naing of horses, the fluttering opinions, the glittering of helmet and lance startled the ancient forest with unwanted greeting. Amid this pompous chivalry, religion was not forgotten. The sacred vessels and vestments with bread and wine for the Eucharist were carefully provided and De Soto himself declared that the enterprise was undertaken for God alone and seemed to be the object of his special care. These devout marauders could not neglect the spiritual welfare of the Indians whom they had come to plunder. And besides fetters to bind and bloodhounds to hump them, they brought priests and monks for the saving of their souls. The adventurers began their march. Their story has been often told. For month after month and year after year, the procession of priests and cavaliers, crossbowmen, archipousiers, and Indian captives laden with the baggage, still wandered on through wild and boundless wastes, lured hither and thither by the igneous fatus of their hopes. They traverse great portions of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, everywhere inflicting an enduring misery, but never approaching their phantom El Dorado. At length in the third year of their journey, they reached the banks of the Mississippi, 132 years before its second discovery by Marquette. One of their number describes the Great River as almost half a league wide, deep, rapid, and constantly rolling down trees in driftwood on its turbid current. The Spaniards crossed over at a point above the mouth of the Arkansas. They advanced westward but found no treasures, nothing indeed but hardships, and an Indian enemy, Furious, writes one of their officers as mad dogs. They heard of a country toward the north where maize could not be cultivated because the vast herds of wild cattle devoured it. Footnote. The bison, or buffalo, is here referred to. End of footnote. They penetrated so far that they entered the range of the roving prairie tribes for one day as they pushed their way with difficulty across great plains, covered with tall, rank grass. They met a band of savages who dwelt in lodges of skin sewed together, subsisting on game alone and wandering perpetually from place to place, finding neither gold nor the South Sea for both of which they had hoped. They returned to the banks of the Mississippi. De Soto says one of those who accompanied him was a stern man and a few words. Even in the midst of reverses, his will had been law to his followers, and he had sustained himself to the depths of disappointment with the energy of a stubborn pride, but his hour was come. He fell into deep dejection, followed by an attack of fever, and soon after died miserably. To preserve his body from the Indians, his followers sank it at midnight in the river, and the sullen waters of the Mississippi buried his ambition and his hopes. The adventurers were now, with few exceptions, disgusted with the enterprise and longed only to escape from the scene of their miseries. After a vain attempt to reach Mexico by land, they again turned back to the Mississippi and labored with all the resources which their desperate necessity could suggest to construct vessels in which they might make their way to some Christian settlement. Their condition was most forlorn. Few of their horses remained alive, their baggage had been destroyed at the burning of the Indian town of Bavila, and many of the soldiers were without armor and without weapons. In place of the Galantarae, which, more than three years before, had left the harbor of Espirito Santo, a company of sickly and starving men were laboring among the swampy forests of the Mississippi. Some clad in skins, and some in mats woven from a kind of wild vine. Seven breakantines were finished and launched, and trusting their lives on board these frail vessels, they descended the Mississippi, running the gauntlet between hostile tribes who fiercely attacked them. Reaching the gulf, though not without the loss of eleven of their number, they made sail for the Spanish settlement on the river Panico, where they arrived safely, and where the inhabitants met them with a cordial welcome. Three hundred and eleven men thus escaped with life, leaving behind them the bones of their comrades strewn broadcast through the wilderness. End of Section 23. Section 24 of Great Epochs in American History, Volume 1. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Bill Mosley, Lano County, Texas, USA. Great Epochs in American History, Volume 1. Voyages of Discovery and Early Explorations. 1,000 A.D. to 1682 by Francis Whiting Halsey. Section 24. The Death of De Soto. 1542 by one of De Soto's companions. The Governor fell into great dumps to see how hard it was to get to the sea, and worse because his men and horses every day diminished, being without succor to sustain themselves in the country, and with that thought he fell sick. But before he took his bed he sent an Indian to the kakike of Kigalta to tell him that he was the child of the son, and that all the way that he came, all men obeyed and served him, that he requested him to accept of his friendship and come unto him, for he would be very glad to see him, and in sign of love and obedience, to bring something with him of that which his country was most esteemed. By the time the Indian returned with his answer the Governor had be taken himself to bed, being evil handled with fevers, and was much aggrieved that he was in case to pass presently the river and to seek him, to see if he could abate that pride of his. Considering the river went now very strongly in those parts, for it was near half a league broad and sixteen fathoms deep, and very furious, and ran with a great currant, and on both sides there were many Indians, and his power was not now so great, but that he had need to help himself rather by slights than by force. The Indians of Guachoya came every day with fish in such numbers that the town was full of them. The Governor felt in himself that the hour approached wherein he was to leave this present life, and called for the king's officers, captains, and principal persons, to whom he made a speech. Partazor de Gallegos answered in the name of all the rest, and first of all comforting him. He sat before his eyes how short the life of this world was, and with how many troubles and miseries it has accompanied, and how God showed him a singular favor which soonest left it, telling him many other things fit for such a time. And touching the Governor which he commanded they should elect, he besought him that it would please his lordship to name him which he thought fit, and him they would obey. And presently he named Luis de Moscoso de Alvorado, his captain general, and presently he was sworn by all that were present and elected for Governor. The next day, being the 21st of May 1542, departed out of this life, the valorous, virtuous, and valiant captain, Don Fernando de Soto, Governor of Cuba, and Adelantado of Florida, whom Fortune advanced, as it uses to do others, that he might have the higher fall. He departed in such a place, and at such a time, as in his sickness he had but little comfort, and the danger wherein all his people were of perishing in that country, which appeared before their eyes, which caused sufficient why every one of them had need of comfort, and why they did not visit nor accompany him as they ought to have done. Luis de Moscoso determined to conceal his death from the Indians because Fernando de Soto had made them believe that the Christians were immortal, and also because they took him to be hardy, wise, and valiant, and if they should know that he was dead, they would be bold to set upon the Christians, though they lived peaceably by them. As soon as he was dead Luis de Moscoso commanded to put him secretly in the house, where he remained three days and moving him from dense, commanded him to be buried in the night at one of the gates of the town within the wall, and as the Indians had seen him sick and missed him, so did they suspect what might be, and passing by the place where he was buried, seeing the earth moved, they looked and spake one to another. Luis de Moscoso, understanding of it, commanded him to be taken up by night and to cast a great deal of sand into the mantles, wherein he was wound up, wherein he was carried in a canoe, and thrown into the midst of the river. The Caquique de Oaxoya inquired of him, demanding what was become of his brother and Lord, the Governor. Luis de Moscoso told him that he was gone to heaven, as many other times he did, and because he was to stay there certain days he had left him in his place. The Caquique thought with himself that he was dead and commanded two young and well proportioned Indians to be brought thither, and said that the use of that country was, when any Lord died, to kill Indians to wait upon him, and serve him by the way, and for that purpose by his commandment were those come thither, and prayed Luis de Moscoso to command them to be beheaded, that they might attend and serve his Lord and Brother. Luis de Moscoso told him that the Governor was not dead, but gone to heaven, and that of his own Christian soldiers he had taken such as he needed to serve him, and prayed him to command those Indians to be loosed, and not to use any such bad custom from dents forth. Straight away he commanded them to be loosed, and to get them home to their houses. Footnote. From the narrative of the gentleman of Elvos, the author's name being unknown, but written by one of De Soto's companions, a Spaniard, and first printed in 1557. The author has been supposed to be Alvaro Fernandez, but this is only a matter of conjecture. The translation here used is that made by Hakliut, printed in London in 1809, and included in the Old South leaflets. End of Footnote. End of Section 24. Recording by Bill Mosley, Lano County, Texas, USA. Discovery and Early Explorations. 1000 A.D. to 1682. By Francis Whiting Halsey. Section 25. Drake's Visit to California, 1579. By one of Drake's companions. From Guatulco we departed the day following, Viz. April 16, 1579, setting our course directly into the sea. Whereon we sailed five hundred leagues in longitude, to get a wind, and between that and June 3, fourteen hundred leagues in all, till we came into forty-two degrees of north latitude. Wherein the night following we found such alteration of heat, into extreme and nipping cold, that our men in general did grievously complain thereof, some of them feeling their healths much impaired thereby. Neither was it that this chanced in the night alone, but the day following carried with it not only the marks, but the stings and force of the night going before, to the great admiration of us all. For besides that the pinching and biting air was nothing altered, the very ropes of our ship were stiff, and the rain which fell was an unnatural congealed and frozen substance, so that we seemed rather to be in the frozen zone, than in any way so near unto the sun, or these hotter climates. The third day following, vis the twenty-first, our ship having received a leak at sea, was brought to anchor nearer the shore, that her goods being landed she might be repaired. But for that we were to prevent any danger that might chance against our safety, our general first of all landed his men, with all necessary provision, to build tents and make a fort for the defense of our cells and goods, and that we might, under the shelter of it, with more safety, whatever should be fall, and our business, which, when the people of the country perceived us doing, as men set on fire to war in defense of their country, in great haste and companies, with such weapons as they had, they came down unto us. And yet with no hostile meaning or intent to hurt us, standing, when they drew near, as men ravished in their minds, with the sight of such things as they never had seen or heard of before that time, their errand being rather with submission and fear to worship us as gods, than to have any war with us as with mortal men, which thing, as it did partly shoo itself at that instant, so did it more and more manifest itself afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst them. At this time, being willed by signs to lay from them their bows and arrows, they did as they were directed, and so did all the rest, as they came more and more by companies unto them, growing in a little while to a great number, both of men and women. To the intent, therefore, that this peace which they themselves so willingly sought, might, without any cause of the breach thereof on our part given, be continued, and that we might with more safety and expedition end our business in quiet, our general, with all his company, used all means possible gently to entreat them, bestowing upon each of them liberally, good and necessary things to cover their nakedness, with all signifying unto them that we were no gods but men, and had need of such things to cover our own shame, teaching them to use them to the same ends, for which cause also we did eat and drink in their presence, giving them to understand that without that we could not live, and therefore were but men as they. Not withstanding nothing could persuade them, nor remove that opinion which they had conceived of us, that we should be gods. In recompense of those things which they had received of us, as shirts, linen cloth, etc., they bestowed upon our general, and diverse of our company, diverse things, as feathers, calls of network, the quivers of their arrows made of fawn skins, and the very skins of beasts that their women wore upon their bodies. Having thus had their fill of this time's visiting and beholding of us, they departed with joy to their houses, which houses are dig-drowned within the earth, and have from the uppermost brims of the circle clefts of wood set up, and joined close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a church, which, being covered with earth, suffer no water to enter and are very warm. The door in the most part of them performs the office also of a chimney to let out the smoke. It's made in bigness and fashion like to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slope-wise. Their beds are the hard ground, only with rushes strewed upon it, and lying round about the house have their fire in the midst, which by reason that the house is but low vaulted, round and close, giveeth a marvellous reflection to their bodies to heat the same. Their men, for the most part, go naked. The women take a kind of bull-rushes, and combing it after the manner of hemp, make themselves thereof a loose garment, which, being knit about their middles, hangs down about their hips, and so affords to them a covering of that which nature teaches should be hidden. About their shoulders they wear also the skin of a deer with the hair upon it. They are very obedient to their husbands and exceeding ready in all services, yet of themselves offering to do nothing without the consents or being called of the men. Against the end of three days more the news having the wild spread itself farther, and, as it seemed, a great way up into the country, were assembled the greatest number of people which we could reasonably imagine to dwell within any convenient distance round about. Amongst the rest the king himself, a man of goodly stature and comely personage, attended with his guard of about one hundred tall and warlike men. This day, Viz, June 26th, came down to see us. Before his coming were sent two ambassadors or messengers to our general, to signify that their hyal, that is, their king, was coming and at hand. They, in the delivery of their message, the one spake with a soft and low voice, prompting his fellow. The other pronounced the same word by word after him with a voice more audible, continuing their proclamation, for such it was, about half an hour. Which being ended, they by signs made request to our general to send something by their hands to their hyal or king, as a token that his coming might be in peace. Our general willingly satisfied their desire, and they, glad men, made speedy return to their hyal. Neither was it long before their king, making as princely a show as he possibly could, with all his train came forward. In their coming's forwards they cried continually after a singing manner, with a lusty courage, and as they drew nearer and nearer towards us, so did they more and more strive to behave themselves with a certain comeliness and gravity in all their actions. In the forefront came a man of a large body and goodly aspect, bearing the scepter or royal mace, made of a certain kind of black wood. And in length about a yard and a half before the king, whereupon hanged two crowns, a bigger and a lesser, with three chains of a marvellous length, and often doubled, besides a bag of the herb tabah. The crowns were made of knit work, wrought upon most curiously with feathers of diverse colors, very artificially placed, and of a formal fashion. The chains seemed of a bony substance, every link or part thereof being very little, thin, most finely burnished, with a hole pierced through the midst. The number of links going to make one chain is in a manner infinite, but of such estimation it is amongst them that few be the persons that are admitted to wear the same, and even they to whom it's lawful to use them, yet are stinted what number they shall use, as some ten, some twelve, some twenty, and as they exceed in number of chains, so thereby are they known to be the more honorable personages. Next unto him that bear this scepter was the king himself, with his guard about him. His attire upon his head was a call of knit work, wrought upon somewhat like the crowns, but differing much both in fashion and perfectness of work. Upon his shoulders he had on a coat of the skins of conies, reaching to his waist. His guard also had each coats of the same shape, but of other skins, some having calls likewise stuck with feathers, or covered over with a certain down, which groweth up in the country upon an herb much like our lettuce, which exceeds any other down in the world for fineness, and being laid upon their calls by no winds can be removed. In the meantime, our general having assembled his men together, as forecasting the danger and worst that might fall out, prepared himself to stand upon sure ground, that we might, at all times, be ready in our own defence, if anything should chance otherwise than was looked for or expected. Wherefore every man being in a warlike readiness, he marched within his fenced place, making against their approach a most warlike show, as he did also at other times of their resort, whereby if they had been desperate enemies they could not have chosen but have conceived terror and fear, with discouragement to attempt anything against us, in beholding of the same. When they were come somewhat near us, trooping together, they gave us a common or general salutation, observing in the meantime a general silence, whereupon he who bear the scepter before the king, being prompted by another whom the king assigned to that office, pronounced with an audible and manly voice, what the others spake to him in secret, continuing, whether it were his oration or proclamation, at the least half an hour. At the close whereof there was a common amen in sign of approbation, given by every person, and the king himself, with the whole number of men and women, the little children only remaining behind, came further down the hill, and as they came set themselves again in their former order. And being now come to the foot of the hill and near our fort, the scepter-bearer, with a composed countenance and stately carriage, began a song, an answerable thereunto observed a kind of measures in a dance, whom the king with his guard and every other sort of person following, did in like manner sing and dance, saving only the women, who danced but kept silence. As they danced they still came on, and our general perceiving their plain and simple meaning gave order that they might freely enter without interruption within our bulwark, where after they had entered they yet continued their song and dance a reasonable time, their women also following them, with their wassel bowls in their hands, their bodies bruised, their faces tome, their dugs, breasts and other parts bespotted with blood trickling down from their wounds, which with their nails they had made before their coming. After that they had satisfied, or rather tired themselves in this manner, they made signs to our general to have him sit down, unto whom both the kings and diverse others made several orations, or rather indeed, if we had understood them, supplications, that he would take the province and kingdom into his hand and become their king and patron, making signs that they would resign unto him their right and title in the whole land, and become his vassals in themselves and their posterities, which that they might make us indeed believe that it was their true meaning and intent, the king himself with all the rest, with one consent and with great reverence, joyfully singing a song, set the crown upon his head, enriched his neck with all their chains, and offering unto him many other things, honoured him by the name of Hio, adding there unto, as it might seem, a song and dance of triumph, because they were not only visited of the gods, for so they still judged us to be, but the great and chief god was now become their god, their king and patron, and themselves were become the only happy and blessed people in the world. These things being so freely offered, our general thought not meet to reject or refuse the same, both for that he would not give them any cause of mistrust or disliking of him, that being the only place wherein at this present we were of necessity and force to seek relief of many things, and chiefly for that he knew not to what good end God had brought this to pass, or what honour and profit it might bring to our country in time to come. Wherefore, in the name and to the use of her most excellent majesty, he took the scepter, crown, and dignity of the said country into his hand, wishing nothing more than that it had lain so fitly for her majesty to enjoy, as it was now her proper own, and that the riches and treasures thereof, wherewith in the upland countries it abounds, might with as great convenience he be transported to the enriching of her kingdom here at home, as it is in plenty to be attained there, and especially that so tractable and loving a people as they should themselves to be, might have means to have manifested their most willing obedience the more unto her, and by her means as a mother and nurse of the Church of Christ, might by the preaching of the gospel be brought to the right knowledge and obedience of the true and ever-living God. The ceremonies of this resigning and receiving of the kingdom being thus performed, the common sort, both of men and women, leaving the king in his guard about him, with our general, dispersed themselves among our people, taking a diligent view or survey of every man, and finding such as pleased their fancies, which commonly were the youngest of us, they presently enclosing them about offered their sacrifices unto them, crying out with lamentable shrieks and moans, weeping and scratching and tearing their very flesh off their faces with their nails. Neither were it the women alone which did this, but even old men, roaring and crying out, were as violent as the women were. Few were the days wherein they were absent from us during the whole time of our abode in that place, and ordinarily every third day they brought their sacrifices, till such time as they certainly understood our meaning, that we took no pleasure but were displeased with them, whereupon their zeal abated, and their sacrificing for a season, to our good-liking ceased. Notwithstanding they continued still to make their resort unto us in great abundance, and in such sort that they off-time forgot to provide meat for their own sustenance. This country our general named Albion, and that for two causes, the one in respect of the white banks and cliffs which lie toward the sea, the other that it might have some affinity even in name also with our own country, which was sometimes so-called. Before we went from thence our general caused to be set up a monument of our being there, as also of her majesties and successors write and title to that kingdom, namely a plate of brass, fast-nail to a great and firm post, whereon is engraven her grace's name and the day and year of our arrival there, and of the free giving up of the province and kingdom, both by the king and people, into her majesties' hands, together with her highness's picture and armies, in a piece of six pence current English money, showing itself by a hole made of purpose through the plate, underneath was likewise engraven the name of our general, et cetera. The Spaniards never had any dealing or so much a set of foot in this country, the utmost of their discoveries reaching only to many degrees southward of this place. And now, as the time of our departure was perceived by them to draw nigh, so did the sorrows and miseries of this people seem to themselves to increase upon them. And the more certain they were of our going away, the more doubtful they should themselves what they might do, so that we might easily judge that that joy, being exceeding great, were with they received us at our first arrival, was clean-drowned in their excessive sorrow for our departing. For they did not only lose on a sudden all-myrth joy glad countenance, pleasant speeches, agility of body, familiar rejoicing one with another, and all pleasure whatever flesh and blood might be delighted in. But with sighs and sorrowings, with heavy hearts and grieved minds, they poured out woeful complaints and moans, with bitter tears and ringing of their hands, tormenting themselves. And as men refusing all comfort, they only accounted themselves as castaways, and those whom the gods were about to forsake, so that nothing we could say or do was able to ease them of their so heavy a-berthan, or to deliver them from so desperate a-straight, as our leaving of them did seem to them that it would cast them into. The twenty-third of July they took a sorrowful farewell of us, but being loath to leave us, they presently ran to the top of the hills to keep us in their sight as long as they could, making fires before and behind, and on each side of them, burning therein, as is to be supposed, sacrifices at our departure. End of Section 25. Section 26 of Great Epics in American History, Volume 1. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Betty B., Great Epics in American History, Volume 1. Voyages of Discovery and Early Explorations, 1000 A.D. to 1682, by Francis Whiting Halsey. Section 26. Hudson's Discovery of the Hudson River, 1609, by Robert Dewitt, Hudson's Secretary. The first of September, 1609, fair weather, the wind variable between east and south, we steered away north northwest. At noon we found our heights to be 39 degrees, three minutes. The second, in the morning, close weather, the wind at south in the morning, from 12 until 2 o'clock, we steered north northwest, and had sounding 1 and 20 fathoms, and in running one glass we had but 16 fathoms, then 17, and so shoulder and shoulder until it came to 12 fathoms. We saw a great fire but could not see the land. Then we came to 10 fathoms, whereupon we brought our taxa board and stood to the eastward east southeast four glasses. Then the sun arose and we steered away north again, and saw the land from the west by north to the northwest by north, all like broken islands, and our soundings were 11 and 10 fathoms. Then we left in for the shore, and fair by the shore we had seven fathoms. The course along the land we found to be northeast by north, from the land which we had first sight of until we came to a great lake of water, as we could judge it to be, being drowned land which made it to rise like islands which was in length 10 leagues. The mouth of that land hath many shoulds and the sea breaketh on them as it cast out of the mouth of it, and from that lake or bay the land lieth north by east, and we had a great stream out of the bay, and from thence our sounding was 10 fathoms, two leagues from the land. At five o'clock we anchored, being little wind, and rode in eight fathoms water. The night was fair. This night I found the land to hail the compass eight degrees, far to the northward office we saw high hills, for the day before we found not above two degrees of variation. This is a very good land to fall with, and a pleasant land to see. The third, the morning misty, until ten o'clock, then it cleared, and the wind came to the south southeast, so we wade and stood to the northward. The land is very pleasant and high, and bold to fall with all. At three o'clock in the afternoon we came to three great rivers, so we stood along to the northern most, thinking to have gone into it, but we found it to have a very shold bear before it, for we had but ten foot water. Then we cast about to the southward, and found two fathoms, three fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came to the southern side of them. Then we had five and six fathoms, and anchored. The fourth in the morning, as soon as the day was light, we saw that it was good riding farther up. So we sent out boat to sound, and found that it was a very good harbor, and four and five fathoms, two cables linked from the shore. Then we wade and went in with our ship. Then our boat went on land with our net to fish, and caught ten great mullets, of a foot and a half long a piece, and a ray as great as four men could hail into the ship. So we trimmed our boat and road still all day. At night the wind blew hard at the northwest, and our anchor came home, and we drove on shore, but took no hurt. Thanked be God for the ground is soft sand and o's. This day the people of the country came aboard of us, seeming very glad of our coming, and brought green tobacco, and gave us of it for knives and beads. They go in deer skins loose, well-dressed. They have yellow copper, they desire clothes, and are very civil. They have great store of maize, or Indian wheat, whereof they make good bread. The country is full of great and tall oak. The fifth in the morning, as soon as the day was light, the wind seized, and the flood came. So we heaved off our ship again into five fathoms water, and sent our boat to sound the bay, and we found that there was three fathoms hard by the southern shore. Our men went on land there, and saw great store of men, women, and children, who gave them tobacco at their coming on land. So they went up into the woods, and saw great store, of very goodly oaks, and some currants. For one of them came aboard, and brought some dried, and gave me some, which were sweet and good. This day many of the people came aboard, some in mantles of feathers, and some in skins of diverse sorts of good furs. Some women also came to us with him. They had red copper tobacco pipes, and other things of copper they did wear about their necks. At night they went on land again, so we rode very quiet, but durst not trust them. The six in the morning was fair weather, and our master sent John Coleman with four other men in our boat over to the north side to sound the other river, being four leagues from us. They found by the day shoaled water two fathoms, but at the north of the river eighteen and twenty fathoms, and very good riding for ships, and a narrow river to the westward between two islands. The lands they told us were as pleasant with grass, and flowers, and goodly trees as ever they had seen, and very sweet smells came from them. The tenth fair weather we rode still till twelve of the clock. Then we wade, and went over, and found it shoaled all the middle of the river, for we could find but two fathoms, and a half and three fathoms for the space of the league. Then we came to three fathoms, and four fathoms, and so to seven fathoms, and anchored, and rode all night in soft, oasy ground. The bank is sand. The eleventh was fair, and very hot weather. At one of the clock in the afternoon we wade, and went into the river, the wind at south-south-west, little wind. Our soundings were seven, six, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, thirteen, and fourteen fathoms. Then it shoaled it again, and came to five fathoms. Then we anchored, and saw that it was a very good harbor, for all winds, and rode all night. The people of the country came aboard of us, making shoe of love, and gave us tobacco and Indian wheat, and departed for that night. But we durst not trust them. The twelfth, very fair and hot. In the afternoon at two o'clock we wade, the wind being variable between the north and the north-west. So we turned into the river, two lakes, and anchored. This morning, at our first road in the river, there came eight and twenty canoes, full of men, women, and children, to betray us. But we saw their intent, and suffered none of them, to come aboard of us. At twelve o'clock they departed. They brought with them oysters and beans, whereof we bought some. They have great tobacco pipes of yellow copper, and pots of earth to dress their meat in. It floweth southeast, by south within. The thirteenth fair weather, the wind northerly. At seven o'clock in the morning, as the flood came, we wade, and turned four miles into the river. The tide being done, we anchored. Then there came four canoes aboard, but we suffered none of them to come into our ship. They brought great store of very good oysters aboard, which we bought for trifles. In the night I set the variation of the compass, and found it to be thirteen degrees. In the afternoon we wade, and turned in with the flout, two lakes and a half further, and anchored all night, and had five fathoms of soft, oasy ground, and had a high point of land, which shoot out to us, bearing north by east, five leagues off us. The fourteenth in the morning, being very fair weather, the wind southeast, we sailed up the river twelve leagues, and had five fathoms, and five fathoms, and a quarter less, and came to a straight between two points, and had eight, nine, and ten fathoms, and it attended northeast by north, one league, and we had twelve, thirteen, and fourteen fathoms. The river is a mile broad, there is a very high land on both sides. Then we went out northwest, a league and a half deep water. Then northeast by north, five miles, then northwest by north, two leagues, and anchored. The land grew very high and mountainous, the river is full of fish. The fifteenth in the morning was misty, until the sun arose, then it cleared, so we wade with the wind at south, and ran up the river twenty leagues, passing by high mountains. We had a very good depth as six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteen fathoms, and great store of salmons in the river. This morning our two savages got out of a port, and swam away. After we were under sail, they called to us and scorned. At night we came to other mountains which lie from the river side. There we found very loving people, and very old men, who we were well used. Our boat went to fish and caught great store of very good fish. The seventeenth, fair sun shining weather and very hot. In the morning, as soon as the sun was up, we set sail and ran up six leagues higher, and found shoals in the middle of the channel, and small islands but seven fathoms water on both sides. Toward night we borrowed so near the shore that we grounded, so laid out our small anchor and heaved off again. Then we borrowed on the bank in the channel, and came aground again. While the flound ran, we heaved off again, and anchored all night. The eighteenth in the morning was fair weather, and we rode still. In the afternoon our masters mate went on land with an old savage, a governor of the country, who carried him to his house and made him good cheer. The nineteenth was fair and hot weather at the flound, being near eleven o'clock. We weighed and ran higher up two leagues above the shoals, and had no less water than five fathoms. We anchored and rode in eight fathoms. The people of the country came flocking aboard and brought us grapes and pumpkins, which we bought for trifles. And many brought us beaver skins and otter skins, which we bought for beads, knives, and hatchets, so we rode there all night. The twentieth in the morning was fair weather. Our masters mate with four men more went up with our boat to sound the river, and found two leagues above us, but two fathoms water, and the channel very narrow, and above that place seven or eight fathoms. Toward night they returned, and we rode still all night. The one and twentieth was fair weather, and the wind all southerly. We determined yet once more to go farther up into the river to try what depth and breadth it did bear. But much people resorted aboard, so we went not this day. Our carpenter went on land and made a four yard, and our master and his mate determined to try some of the chief men of the country, whether they had any treachery in them. So they took them down into the cabin, and gave them so much wine and aquavita that they were all married, and one of them had his wife with them, which say'd so modestly, as any of our country women would do in a strange place. In the end one of them was drunk, which had been aboard of our ship all the time that we had been there, and that was strange to them, for they could not tell how to take it. The canoes and folk went all on shore, but some of them came again, and brought strobes of beads, some at six, seven, eight, nine, ten, and gave him, so he slept all night quietly. The two-and-twentieth was fair weather. In the morning our master's mate and four more of the company went up with our boat to sound the river higher up. The people of the country came not aboard till noon, but when they came and saw the savage as well, they were glad. So at three of the clock in the afternoon they came aboard and brought tobacco and more beads, and gave them to our master, and made an oration, and shewed him all the country around them. Then they sent one of their company on land, who presently returned, and brought a great platter full of venison, dressed by themselves, and they caused him to eat with them. Then they made him reverence and departed, all save the old man that lay aboard. This night at ten of the clock our boat returned in a shower of rain from sounding of the river, and found it to be at an end for shipping to go in, for they had been of eight or nine leagues and found but seven foot water and unconstant soundings. The three-and-twentieth fair weather, at twelve of the clocks we weighed and went down two leagues to a shoal that had two channels, one on the one side and another on the other, and had little wind whereby the tide laid us upon it. So there we sat on ground the space of an hour till the flood came. Then we had a little gale of wind at the west, so we got our ship into deep water and rode all night very well. The four-and-twentieth was fair weather. The wind at the northwest we weighed and went down the river seven or eight leagues, and at half ebb we came on ground on a bank of oes in the middle of the safe there till the flood. Then we went on land and gathered, good store of chestnuts. At ten of the clock we came off into deep water and anchored. The second, fair weather, at break of day we weighed the wind being at northwest and got down seven leagues. Then the flood was come strong so we anchored. Then came one of the savages that swam away from us and are going up the river with many other, thinking to betray us, but we perceived their intent and suffered none of them to enter our ship.  In recompense were of we discharged six muskets and killed two or three of them. Then above and a hundred of them came to a point of land to shoot at us. There I shot a falcon at them and killed two of them, whereupon the rest fled into the woods. Yet they manned off another canoe with nine or ten men which came to meet us. So I shot at it also a falcon and shot it through and killed one of them. Then our men with their muskets killed three or four more of them. So they went their way, within a mile after we got down two leagues beyond that place and anchored in a bay, clear from all danger of them on the other side of the river, where we saw a very good piece of ground. And hard by it there was a cliff that looked at the color of a white green, as though it were either copper or silver mine, and I think it to be one of them by the trees that grow upon it, for they be all burned and the other places are green as grass. It is on that side of the river that is called Manahata. There we saw no people to trouble us and rode quietly all night but had much wind and rain. We continued our course toward England without seeing any land, by the way, all the rest of this month of October. And on the seventh day of November, Silo Novo, being Saturday by the grace of God, we safely arrived in the range of Dartmouth in Devonshire in the year 1609. End of section 26. Section 27 of Great Epics in American History. Volume 1. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Betty B. Great Epics in American History. Volume 1. Wages of Discovery and Early Explorations. 1000 A.D. to 1682 by Francis Whiting Halsey. Section 27. Champlain's Battle with the Iroquois on Lake Champlain, 1609 by Champlain himself. We continued our course to the entrance of Lake St. Peter, where the country is exceedingly pleasant and level and cross the lake in two, three and four fathoms of water, which is some eight leagues long and four wide. On the north side, we saw a very pleasant river extending some 20 leagues into the interior, which I named St. Suzanne. On the south side, there are two, one called Riviera Du Pont, the other Riviera de Gen, which are very pretty and in a fine and fertile country. The water is almost still in the lake, which is full of fish. On the north bank, there are seen some slight elevations at a distance of some 12 or 15 leagues from the lake. After crossing the lake, we passed a large number of islands of various sizes containing many nut trees and vines and fine meadows with quantities of game and wild animals, which go over from the mainland to these islands. Fisher here are more abundant than in any other part of the river that we have seen. From these islands, we went to the mouth of the river of the Iroquois, where we stayed two days, refreshing ourselves with good venison, birds and fish, which the savages gave us. Here, there sprang up among them some difference of opinion on the subject of the war, so that a portion only determined to go with me, while the others returned to their country with their wives and the merchandise which they had obtained by barter. I set out accordingly from the fall of the Iroquois river on the 2nd of July. All the savages set to carrying their canoes, arms and baggage overland, some half a league in order to pass by the violence and strength of the fall, which was speedily accomplished. We set out the next day, continuing our course in the river as far as the entrance of the lake. There are many pretty islands here, low and containing very fine woods and meadows, with abundance of fowl and such animals of the chase as stags, fallow deer, fawns, robux, bears and others, which go from the mainland to these islands. We captured a large number of these animals. There are also many beavers, not only in this river, but also in numerous other little ones that flow into it. These regions, although they are pleasant, are not inhabited by any savages on account of their wars, but they withdraw as far as possible from the rivers into the interior in order not to be suddenly surprised. The next day we entered the lake, which is of great extent, say, 80 or 100 leagues long, where I saw four fine islands, 10, 12 and 15 leagues long, which were formerly inhabited by the savages, like the river of the Iroquois, but they have been abandoned since the wars of the savages with one another prevail. There are also many rivers falling into the lake, bordered by many fine trees of the same kinds as those we have in France, with many vines finer than any I have seen in any other place, also many chestnut trees on the border of this lake, which I had not seen before. Continuing our course over this lake on the western side, I noticed, while observing the country, some very high mountains on the eastern side, on the top of which there was snow. I made inquiry of the savages whether these localities were inhabited when they told me that the Iroquois dwelt there and that there were beautiful valleys in these places, with plains productive in grain, such as I had eaten in this country, together with many kinds of fruit without limit. They said also that the lake extended near mountains some 25 leagues distant from us as I judge. I saw on the south other mountains no less high than the first but without any snow. When it was evening, we embarked in our canoes to continue our course, and as we advanced very quietly and without making any noise, we met on the 29th of the month the Iroquois, about 10 o'clock at evening at the extremity of a cape, which extends into the lake on the western bank. They had come to fight. We both began to utter loud cries, all getting their arms in readiness. We withdrew out on the water, and the Iroquois went on shore, where they drew up all their canoes close to each other, and began to fell trees with poor axes, which they acquire in war sometimes, using also others of stone. Thus they barricaded themselves very well. Our forces also passed the entire night, their canoes being drawn up close to each other, and fastened to poles, so that they might not get separated, and that they might be all in readiness to fight, if occasion required. After arming ourselves with light armor, we each took an arch-boost and went on shore. I saw the enemy go out of their barricade, nearly 200 in number, stout and rugged in appearance.  Our men also advanced in the same order, telling me that those who had three large plumes were the chiefs, and that they had only these three, and that they could be distinguished by these plumes, which were much larger than those of their companions, and that I should do what I could to kill them. I promised to do all in my power, and said that I was very sorry they could not understand me, so that I might give order and shape to their mode of attacking their enemies, and then we should, without doubt, defeat them all, but that this could not now be obviated, and that I should be very glad to show them my courage and good will when we should engage in the fight. As soon as we had landed, they began to run for some 200 paces toward their enemies, who stood firmly, not having as yet noticed my companions, who went into the woods with some savages. Our men began to call me with loud cries, and in order to give me a passageway, they opened in two parts, and put me at their head, where I marched some 20 paces in advance of the rest, until I was within about 30 paces of the enemy, who at once noticed me, and halting, gazed at me, as I did also at them. When I saw them making a move to fire at us, I rested my musket against my cheek, and aimed directly at one of the three chiefs. With the same shot, two fell to the ground, and one of their men was so wounded that he died some time after. I had loaded my musket with four balls. When our sides saw this shot so favorable for them, they began to raise such loud cries that one could not have heard it thunder. Meanwhile, the arrows flew on both sides. The Iroquois were greatly astonished that two men had been so quickly killed, although they were equipped with armor woven from cotton thread, and with wood which was a proof against their arrows. This caused great alarm among them. As I was loading again, one of my companions fired a shot from the woods, which astonished them anew to such a degree that seeing their chiefs dead, they lost courage and took to flight, abandoning their camp and fort, and fleeing into the woods, wither I pursued them, killing still more of them. Our savages also killed several of them, and took 10 or 12 prisoners. The remainder escaped with the wounded. 15 or 16 were wounded on our side with arrow shots, but they were soon healed. After gaining the victory, our men amused themselves by taking a great quantity of Indian corn and some meal from their enemies, also their armor, which they had left behind that they might run better. After feasting sumptuously, dancing and singing, we returned three hours after with the prisoners. The spot where this attack took place is in latitude 43 degrees and some minutes, and the lake was called Lake Champlain. After going some eight leagues, toward evening they took one of the prisoners to whom they made a harangue, enumerating the cruelties which he and his men had already practiced toward them without any mercy, and that in like manner he ought to make up his mind to receive as much. They commanded him to sing if he had courage, which he did, but it was a very sad song. Recording by Betty B. Great Epics in American History, Volume 1, Voyages of Discovery and Early Explorations, 1000 A.D. to 1682, by Francis Whiting Halsey. Section 28, Marquette's Discovery of the Mississippi, 1673, Marquette's Own Account. I embarked with Monsieur Joliet, who had been chosen to conduct this enterprise on the 13th May, 1673, with five other Frenchmen in two bark canoes. We laid in some Indian corn and smoked beef for our voyage. We first took care, however, to draw from the Indians all the information we could concerning the countries through which we designed to travel, and drew up a map on which we marked down the rivers, nations, and points of the compass to guide us in our journey. The first nation we came to was called the Full-Evlon, or the Nation of Wild Oats. I entered their river to visit them as I had preached among them some years before. The Wild Oats, from which they derived their name, grow spontaneously in their country. I acquainted them with my design of discovering other nations to preach to them the mysteries of our holy religion, at which they were much surprised and said all they could to dissuade me from it.  That the war they have won with the other would expose me to be taken by their warriors, as they are constantly on the lookout to surprise their enemies. That the Great River was exceedingly dangerous and full of frightful monsters who devoured men and canoes together, and that the heat was so great that it would positively cause our death. I thanked them for their kind advice, but told them I would not follow it, as the salvation of a great many souls was concerned in our undertaking, for whom I should be glad to lose my life. I added that I defied their monsters, and their information would oblige us to keep more upon our guard to avoid a surprise. And having prayed with them and given them some instructions, we set out for the Bay of Puan, where our missionaries had been successful in converting them. The next day, being the 10th of June, the two guides, Miami's, embarked with us inside of all the village, who were astonished at our attempting so dangerous an expedition. We were informed that at three leagues from the Muscootons, we should find a river which runs into the Mississippi, and that we were to go to the West-South-West to find it. But there were so many marshes and lakes that if it had not been for our guides, we could not have found it. Before embarking, we all offered up prayers to the Holy Virgin, which we continued to do every morning, placing ourselves and the events of the journey under her protection. And after having encouraged each other, we got into our canoes. The river upon which we embarked is called Mesconson, Wisconsin. The river is very wide, but the sandbars make it very difficult to navigate, which is increased by numerous islands covered with grapevines. The country through which it flows is beautiful. The groves are so dispersed in the prairies that it makes a noble prospect, and the fruit of the trees shows a fertile soil. These groves are full of walnut, oak, and other trees unknown to us in Europe. We saw neither game nor fish, but roebuck and buffaloes in great numbers. After having navigated thirty leagues, we discovered some iron mines, and one of our company, who had seen such mines before, said these were very rich in ore. They are covered with about three feet of soil and situate near a chain of rocks whose base is covered with fine timber. After having rode ten leagues farther, making forty leagues from the place where we had embarked, we came into the Mississippi on the 17th of June, 1673. The mouth of the Mesconson, Wisconsin, is in about forty two and a half north latitude. Behold us then upon the celebrated river, whose singularities I have attentively studied. The Mississippi takes its rise in several lakes in the north. Its channel is very narrow at the mouth of the Mesconson, and runs south until it is affected by very high hills. Its current is slow because of its depth. In sounding we found nineteen fathoms of water. A little further on it widens nearly three quarters of a league, and the width continues to be more equal. We slowly followed its course to the south and southeast to the forty two degree north latitude. Here we perceive the country change its appearance. There were scarcely any more woods or mountains. The islands are covered with fine trees, but we could not see any more robux, buffaloes, bustards, and swans. We met from time to time monstrous fish, which struck so violently against our canoes that at first we took them to be large trees, which threatened to upset us. We saw also a hideous monster. His head was like that of a tiger, his nose was sharp, and somewhat resembled a wild cat.  He looked upon us for some time, but as we came near him, our oars frightened him away. When we threw our nets into the water, we caught an abundance of sturgeons, and another kind of fish like our trout, except that the eyes and nose are much smaller, and they have near the nose a bone like a woman's busk, three inches broad and a foot and a half long, the end of which is flat and broad. And when it leaps out of the water, the weight of it throws it on its back. Having descended the river as far as 41 degrees, 28 minutes, we found that turkeys took the place of game and the piscius that of other animals. We called the piscius wild buffaloes because they very much resemble our domestic oxen. They are not so long, but twice as large. We shot one of them and it was as much as 13 men could do to drag him from the place where he fell. We continued to descend the river, not knowing where we were going and having made a hundred leagues without seeing anything but wild beasts and birds. And being on our guard, we landed at night to make our fire and prepare our repast and then left the shore to anchor in the river, while one of us watched by turns to prevent a surprise. We went south and southwest until we found ourselves in about the latitude of 40 degrees and some minutes, having rode more than 60 leagues since we entered the river. We took leave of our guides about the end of June and embarked in presence of all the village who admired our birch canoes as they had never before seen anything like them. We descended the river looking for another called peccatononi, Missouri, which runs from the northwest into the Mississippi. As we were descending the river, we saw high rocks with hideous monsters painted on them and upon which the bravest Indians dare not look.  Their tails are so long that they pass over their beads and between their forelegs, under their belly and ending like a vicious tail. They are painted red, green, and black. They are so well drawn that I cannot believe they were drawn by the Indians. And for what purpose they were made seems to me a great mystery. As we fell down the river and while we were discoursing upon these monsters, we heard a great rushing and bubbling of waters and small islands of floating trees coming from the mouth of the peccatononi river. Missouri was such rapidity that we could not trust ourselves to go near it. The water of this river is so muddy that we could not drink it. It so discolors the Mississippi as to make the navigation of it dangerous. This river comes from the northwest and empties into the Mississippi and on its banks are situated a number of Indian villages. We judged by the compass that the Mississippi discharged itself into the Gulf of Mexico. It would however have been more agreeable if it had discharged itself into the South Sea or Gulf of California. Having satisfied ourselves that the Gulf of Mexico was in latitude 31 degrees 40 minutes and that we could reach it in three or four days journey from the Arkansas River and that the Mississippi discharged itself into it and not to the eastward of the Cape of Florida nor into the California Sea, we resolved to return home. We considered that the advantage of our travels would be altogether lost to our nation if we fell into the hands of the Spaniards from whom we could expect no other treatment than death or slavery. Besides, we saw that we were not prepared to resist the Indians, the allies of the Europeans, who continually infested the lower part of this river. We therefore came to the conclusion to return and make a report to those who had sent us so that having rested another day, we left the village of the Arkansasa on the 17th of July 1673, having followed the Mississippi from the latitude 42 degrees to 34 degrees and preached the gospel to the utmost of my power to the nations we visited. We then ascended the Mississippi with great difficulty against the current and left it in the latitude of 38 degrees north to enter another river, Illinois, which took us to the lake of the Illinois, Michigan, which is a much shorter way than through the river, Wisconsin, Wisconsin, by which we entered the Mississippi. End of section 28