I can't debase it once. Okay. Okay, go. A few seconds. Ramula. Welcome to our esteemed panelists this afternoon to our colleagues and friends from International Idea and to viewers in Fiji and across the Pacific. We welcome you to this webinar. We thank you for making the time, the commitment and the effort to join us as we log in to an important, an important conversation that we will be having today. And titled which traits makes a CSO and electoral activist. Because of the one hour gap, we will try to go straight into the program. The speakers will be allocated about 10 to 15 minutes to make a presentation, and then there'll be question and answers that will follow. We have received at least one advanced question that the speakers of course will be addressing in the course of their presentation, or when we conclude the their presentation this afternoon. But if you also have any other advanced or follow up question that you'd like to make during the presentation, please feel free to post into the question. The chat, the chat space, and we'll make sure that that's also addressed in the discussion time. Without much further ado, of course, ladies and gentlemen, again, thank you. Thank you for joining us. We will hand the platform to Mr. Rajan Morty, who is the Pacific coordinator for International Idea to give us a few of his opening remarks, and then I will introduce our esteemed speakers. Thank you, Mr. Morty over to you. So you'll need to unmute yourself for Rajan, if you don't mind. Hi, everyone. My name is Rajan Morty and I'm the program coordinator for PG International Idea. A very warm welcome to the third webinar of the democratic development in Melanesia webinar series 2021. We are very glad that you have joined us this afternoon. As mentioned today's topic is which trade may be CSO and electoral activation. Now, why did we choose this topic. The CSOs in the Melanesian region, Fiji in particular, over the years have shown keen interest on elections in their respective countries. Many of the CSOs are not specialized in political and electoral reforms, which is not unusual. This webinar has been designed with the thought that the CSOs can be encouraged by the presentation on how to become an effective electoral activist among other great work that is being done by the CSOs. Our speakers this afternoon are Titi Angrani, who is the board member of Perudam, which is association for election and democracy in Indonesia, having previously been its executive director for 10 years. Our second speaker is Louis Tito Grena, who is a former election commissioner in Philippines and has been active in civil society activities involving electoral reforms and election monitoring work. Tito Grena is the co-founder of the legal network for truthful elections in short lengthy. A CSO specializing on electoral reform and has recently observed a fellow beside in Palawan region in March. Now, why did we choose Indonesia and Philippines for our presentation. The reason why CSOs Indonesia and Philippines is because both the countries have CSOs who are specialized in political and electoral reforms. These two countries are closest to the Melanesian region and they have been active for decades and not years on electoral matters, and they will have useful experience to share with us today. Also, these two countries are the most democratic countries in the Southeast Asia. Of course, every country's context is different, but there are common threats that can be found. We hope that the presentation this afternoon will be helpful to the participants and to help in their approach towards electoral reforms in their respective countries. Thank you for joining us. Thank you very much, Mr Moti for your opening remarks this afternoon. I am of course delighted to be the moderator for this important webinar. We thank you for also for highlighting the purpose, the reasons why we are engaging in this conversation and why we've invited this esteemed speakers from Indonesia and Philippines respectively. And if it is on that note, I welcome our esteemed speakers, Mistiti and Mr. Louis Mistiti from Indonesia. I greet you, of course, I greet you and of course Mr. Louis I greet you also welcome to the Pacific. And we are delighted to have you as Rajan has briefly introduced them. Our next task now is to at least give a little bit more background on who the speakers are so that that we can have an appreciation of the expertise and the experience as they share with us the experience before we come in a time of question and answers. I also welcome our participants and friends who are connecting via the Facebook live platform welcome to the webinar this evening this afternoon that's organized by the International Institute for democracy and electoral assistance or international idea. Firstly, ladies and gentlemen, our first speaker is Mistiti Angaraini, who is from Indonesia. Salam Mistiti and again welcome. Mistiti is currently the advisory board member of the Association for Elections and Democracy or Perluden, an NGO that is engaged in the research and advocacy of elections and democracy in Indonesia. Mistiti previously was a member of the Election Supervisory Committee at the central level for the 1999 general elections, and in the 2006 to 2008. Mistiti worked with rehabilitation and reconstruction body for aka Nias or BRR aka Nias in managing legislative strengthening program at the tsunami affected areas throughout aka Nias. In 2017 mistiti was recognized as a democracy ambassador by international idea for her work in promoting free fair and democratic elections. Maybe at this juncture, ladies and gentlemen, we will hear from Mistiti before I then invite Mr. Louis as well as introducing before his session so mistiti welcome and I give you the platform. Yeah. Thank you, Mr. Romulo, can you hear my voice. You are very loud. Thank you. I hope you all can see my PowerPoints on the screen. Good morning for friends in Jakarta and Indonesia and also good afternoon for all friends in Fiji. Thank you so much to international idea for inviting me to join this conversation. I believe that I can learn many things from Louis from believe in and also from all the friends in Fiji. I think I have 10 minutes I will start my presentation to share my own experiences and also my experience with Perludem Association for election and democracy in dealing with the electoral activism in Indonesia. My name is Titi Angraini. You can call me Titi. I worked with Perludem more or less for 12 years. And now I assign as the advisory board member. You can contact me through my email or my IG, Instagram or my Twitter, as I wrote on the screen. What is Perludem? You can check through our website, perludem.org. Perludem is an independent non-profit organization that carries out research at focusing, monitoring, education and training in the field of election and democracy. We are focusing specifically on election and democracy. For policy makers, organizers, it means election organizers, EMBs, election contestant, political parties and candidates, individual candidates or candidate representing political party and also voters. And who source of funds come from fundraising and other non-binding assistance. We receive assistance from international idea to do so many research and also from like IFAS, USET and so on and so on. When we work to promote election and democracy in Indonesia, Perludem and its personnel are guided by the agreed values of as follows. First, non-partisan, second, integrity and then fair, equality, participatory, freedom and independent. Those values guided us in doing our activities in dealing with election and democracy issues in Indonesia. So all of our programs and even our daily attitudes must represent all those values. This is what we call it Perludem's strategic values. Or in Bahasa Indonesia what we call it Nilay-Nilay Organisasi Perludem. And related to our topics this afternoon or this morning, what are main traits that I use in doing my activities as an electoral activist. First, as electoral activists, we are not political observers. Me and Perludem activists work and deliver its opinion based on data, what we call it as data activism, data electoral activism. Perludem activists do not comment on the electability of candidates, do not provide political support for and on behalf of any candidates. And what we didn't do, we didn't do partisan activism. For example, predict which coalition would succeed in the election, which candidate would win, which candidate had the greatest chance to win or to lose and so on. However, me and Perludem activists promote values based on democratic election principles. So what we promote is based on the democratic principles. For example, how to be a good voter, how to choose democratic leaders, educate the public to guard free and fair election, et cetera, that the main traits conducted by us in Perludem. Policy advocacy is one of the main activities of Perludem, because we are in Perludem believes that democratic elections start from a good legal framework. Therefore, Perludem is very active in conducting policy advocacy in order to realize a quality election law. We advocate to parliament, to government, to EMBs, election management bodies, because in Indonesia we are so unique, Mr. Romulo, in Indonesia we have three EMBs, election commission, election supervisory body and the Ethic Honorary Council to supervise the election organizers ethics. So we have three EMBs in Indonesia. And also we work with political parties, community leaders, academics, university actors and all relevant parties. But one principle that we committed is that the policy advocacy conducted proportionally and equally to all stakeholders. For example, in 2016, Perludem and the civil society coalition across issues and institutions prepared an alternate draft of the election law and presented it to the parliament and the government as material for the preparation of the election law which they were working on. So we have our own draft that we propose to government and parliament. The draft developed together among CSOs, not only election CSOs, but also human rights CSOs, woman CSOs, youth CSOs, indigenous people CSOs, so it's across issues and institutions. Perludem is also very active in packing legal efforts to constitutional court. In Indonesia, beside Supreme Court, we also have constitutional court. For example, to conduct judicial review of articles of laws that are deemed to be contrary to the constitution. So we are not only doing advocacy through policy makers, but also through the courts. We are very active in dealing with the courts. This is the coalition. When we submit the alternate draft on the election law, you can see that more than 40 CSOs gather together to develop the CSO draft and then this draft widely disseminated to all stakeholders dealing with election. You can see woman CSOs, woman research institute, and then this is university institution and then human rights institution and then these people with disabilities institution. So we try to invite as many as organization to join this coalition. And then the product of this coalition is an alternate draft of election law. This is one of the picture when I was invited to present the draft from civil society in front of the Commission 2 of National Parliament of the Republic of Indonesia. This is in the early of the pandemic era, early of 2020. This is the leaders of the Parliament, the Commission 2 of Indonesian Parliament and it's me, some of the members of the parliament joined the session through the online platform Zoom. So we are very often invited by parliament to deliver our insights and opinion on elections law. This is when we disagree with the result of the law. As you can see on the screen, I went me and Perluden, we went to constitutional court to appeal on the some articles on the law that violating the constitution. This is in the middle of 2020 during the pandemic, COVID-19 pandemic. This is before the pandemic. This is the first picture when we submit petition on the parliamentary threshold, because in Indonesia we think that the numbers of the parliamentary threshold, not what is it, promulgated or not developed based on the, what is it, realistic and reasonable arguments. The second picture when we went to constitutional court to defend the right to vote for the indigenous voters and for the voter with disabilities. So not only dealing with the policymakers, but we also went to the court to fight for the quality election law. We are also working closely with the election management bodies, me myself and also several friends, some friends in Perluden, several colleagues in Perluden, being part of the bridge trainers team. The bridge is the training training team that promoted by international idea, IFAS, UNDP and AEC. So me involved, me myself and some colleagues in Perluden also involved in doing training for election organizers. The second picture when I conducted training for election organizers in Lampung province, it is one of the province in Indonesia, and I regularly invited to give training for the election organizers and also both from election commission and also election supervisory body. We have a good cooperation to strengthen the capacity of election organizers in Indonesia. But we also face challenges for being an electoral activist. I think it's very common, faced by the electoral activists, accusation of being a comprador of foreign interest. Usually when we are getting close with the election, there were so many narratives on comprador of foreign interest. And the second one is suspicions about the source of the Perluden funds, particularly in the relation to foreign funding. And the third one, I think this is the biggest problem we face now in Indonesia, lack of funding and organization sustainability. So it puts us to be more creative to do the fundraising by selling books. We have our printed publication and we sell books. We conduct trainings for those who are interested to join the training. And then the allegation that we sided with one of the parties. But mostly, however, more often by group A we are accused of siding with group B and vice versa. For us that it means that we are still neutral when all the groups thinking that you are part of the other group. And the last one, activities during the pandemic are mostly done online. We face some of the Zoom hacking and also attacks on social media by the buzzer. For us, maybe in Perluden, it may be a minor annoyance, but for those who just want to become activists, it can be so scary. I think that's all for my presentation. I would like to hear comments, critics and respond from you all. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much, Ms Titi, for enlightening us about the work that you do and the important role of training community awareness and of course highlighting key issues within the electoral spaces in Indonesia. We note the context of the work that you do, the struggles, the challenges, and of course I'm sure the participants will probably like to ask further questions during our question and answer time. But of course, if there's anyone that has any question for me, Titi, feel free to put it up on the chat part of component of Zoom or via Facebook if you're watching via Facebook. But I'm sure there'll be a lot of important questions that will come out from the civil society groups as we hear the work that you're currently doing. But if you don't mind, we will go to Mr. Louis and then we'll get the questions together once he completes his presentation. On that note, ladies and gentlemen, again, we welcome those that have just joined us, particularly from the Republic of Palau and across the Pacific, as had been alluded to. This is a webinar that's targeting Melanesian countries, but for this purpose in particular, we are looking at Fiji, specifically Fiji, and therefore, but we also welcome participants that are joining across the oceans today. Now, ladies and gentlemen, I'll briefly introduce Mr. Louis Guia from the Philippines, Mr. Guia. He was a commissioner at the Commission on Elections, or the COMLEC, in the Philippines. President Benigo Aguino III appointed him to the position on 15th April 2013 with a term that was completed only last year in February. He was appointed an election commissioner. Mr. Guia has had more than 20 years of direct election experience in the Philippines. He started his election work as an executive assistant of the chairman of COMLEC in 1992 to 1995. He subsequently became an election law consultant in the poor body between 1996 and 1998. Mr. Guia was also a domestic and an international election consultant. He has assisted COMLEC in drawing up its strategic plan in 2011 by sharing international standards on election dispute resolution and political finance. He wrote articles on the Philippine automated election law of 2008, an election dispute resolution reform in 2010, and on political finance laws and campaign finance reform, 2007 and 2010, and on updating the legal framework of elections in 2008 and 2010, respectively, among other roles that he has engaged in. Again, Mr. Guia, we are delighted to have you come and speak to us and share with us your varied experience, particularly from the electoral management body side. So we now give you the platform. Thank you. Good morning, everyone. Do you hear me? Very clear. Thank you. Okay. All right. So, yes, I'm very glad and honored to be invited to participate in this webinar for Fiji and the other Melanesian country. It's very appropriate for me to take off from the presentation of my good friend, Titi Angriani from Indonesia, because whatever she told you, everything that she told you are things that are also applicable in my own experience in my country. Well, I was introduced as an election commissioner and as an election consultant, but prior to that I have been involved in a lot of civil society organization that deals with electoral reforms and election observation. So my experience brought me from being a volunteer in civil society endeavors to observe, monitor election and to propose election reform, and later on I joined the Election Commission of the Philippines and became an election regulator myself. So I know that whenever we talk about the experience of one country, I must be a bit more careful about understanding the context of the audience that I am trying to make a presentation for. So I'm sure that the context in the Philippines is might be different from that of Fiji and in other Melanesian country, but I hope that my sharing with you which will basically be my own experience with Resonate in terms of maybe providing some lessons or points that can be adopted in your country. Now, let me start by talking about election observation and monitoring. Well, from our context election observation monitoring consists of undertakings by non-partisan independent groups. Well, by non-partisan, I mean groups that do not support any of the contending political parties nor the position that they're taking electorally in an election campaign. In other words, non-partisan means not being connected to any of the contending groups in election, but also non-partisan in the sense that you are not perceived to be identified with either or with those contesting the elections. Now, what is the objective of election observation monitoring? Of course, that is one. One is to reduce incentives for fraud. Because when politicians and election management body knows that independent groups are looking at the process, then incentives and inclination to commit fraud is lessened. Now, it is also a way to assess the conduct of election based on accepted standards. And because there is an independent assessment of the elections by civil society group, then probably reforms in the electoral process can be had. So that is how we see election monitoring and election observation. Now, in relating the Philippine experience, I think it's important for me to be sharing with you the context, historical context of how CSOs participation in election have developed. Now, well, we have had our authoritarian, in our history, we have had experienced authoritarian regime or rule, and that is between 1972 and 1986, where there was just one president. There were pockets of elections or electoral activities, but these electoral activities are basically perceived to be without integrity and are designed to favor incumbents. So they were really not democratic elections the way democratic elections should be. And in 1983, the foremost opposition leader in the country, Benigno Aquino Junior, was assassinated and that triggered the middle class in the country to rise up. And there was then the incentive to look at the way the government and then elections are conducted in the Philippines. Because of pressure, the then incumbent President Marcos called for an unscheduled election, we called it SNAP presidential election 1986. And this provided an MP to those who were traditionally apathetic or those who are not politically involved to form or to volunteer in a group called National Citizens Movement for free elections. And this was the first non-governmental organization and movement that attracted a lot of people because there was this incentive to look at the electoral process to make sure that the previous practices of cheating and previous practices of cheating can be prevented. There was a lot of international coverage in the election and having a nationwide network of monitors was seen to be a way by which the administration then who controls the election would be prevented from, let's say, destroying the integrity of the process. So that was it and it was headed by basically private sector personalities and the core of this group were faith-based organizations, primarily the Catholic Church in the Philippines. Now, and yes, there was a transition from a basically authoritarian regime to a democratic regime and among those who were involved in the CSO or the Civil Society Initiative to monitor the elections became a member or even became the chair of the Election Commission in 1991. And that was Christian Munsod. And what followed was some sort of a reformist election commission because civil society personalities became part of the government of the Election Commission. And there was this and this sort of help speed up the transition from an authoritarian government setup to that of a democratic setup. So even the face of CSO participation in elections have changed. So from monitoring the electoral process, meaning the voting counting and the tabulation process as well as voter registration process, CSOs involved in elections have transformed or have adapted projects that involve proposing how election laws can be improved. There were even proposals to, you know, revisit the constitutional setup from a presidential form of government to one that is parliamentary. So in other words, what I'm saying is that, you know, from just looking at the process, the procedural aspect of election, meaning voting counting and tabulation, the civil society perspective became open to looking at reforms in the legal infrastructure of election. Okay, so and then there was this shift of focus also when the Philippines adopted the use of optical scan system in 2010 elections, people are now looking at the other aspects of elections like campaign finance, like looking at how inclusive the process is by, you know, focusing on voters that are vulnerable to being excluded in the process like indigenous people, like your persons with disabilities, like persons deprived of liberties or elections by those in detention. Now, so that is the history that I think I hope I was able to, you know, in very briefly narrate the transition of civil society involvement in election from that of just observing the process to to looking at the more substantive aspect of elections, the legal framework, the democraticness of elections, so that's how it developed. Now, of course, there are some issues also involving the relationship between election, the election management body and civil society organizations doing election work. And let me talk to you about that. Now, but, you know, we also have experienced the situation where, you know, EMBs and EMOs or EMO is an election monitoring organization or CSOs involved in elections. There's an enmity, you know, EMOs try to criticize the EMB for its performance and the EMBs try to shun away NGOs from participating or from, you know, from being involved in the process. Well, I have been to both side of the coin. So from my point of view, this is what causes the usual enmity between election management body and election monitoring organization. So sometimes election management body proceeds from a paradigm of authority. Since we are giving the mandate to run the election, it's our responsibility. We have the authority to make decision. But in so far as election management organization, in so far as CSOs are concerned, they are guided by defined norms and ideals of what election should be and how it should be run. So CSOs are more guided by the ideals of democratic, genuine democratic elections. So EMBs perspective is usually defined within the confines of a regulation framework, while CSOs are, you know, governed by the framework of maximum participation, meaning everyone should be involved in elections. And election management bodies have the legal responsibility to run elections to make it successful to, because they are ultimately legally responsible to the constitution, to the parliament and or to the president. Well, CSOs have moral responsibility to ensure that that elections really becomes meaningful to the people in the sense that you know, because in election, of course, sovereignty, as we say resides in the people, and that's where CSOs are guided in when they work on elections. Election management bodies, the reality is that election management bodies are constrained by bureaucratic structures and processes, you know, the function elections are election processes or formal election processes use government money.  But the CSOs would look at the delay as somewhat something that needs that may be hard to explain, or they cannot just accept the explanation of, you know, bureaucratic constraint as hampering a quicker resolution of issues that should lead to reform. Now election management bodies tend to have, tend to think that they have the monopoly of expertise in elections, and therefore think of others as people who don't know that much. But sometimes, on the other hand, civil societies think that they have the monopoly of good intentions that the election management bodies do not really have this in mind. So, these are the things that causes the conflict, causes conflicts between election management body and CSOs involved in elections. So, what is the goal there? I think it's important for CSOs and election management bodies to foster mutual understanding. Because anyway, CSOs and EMBs have common societal objectives. Both of them should, you know, aspire for free and fair election. Both of them should aspire for honest, orderly, and peaceful, safe elections. Both of them should look at inclusive, transparent, and accountable elections. Okay, both of them, both of that sector wants genuine democratic elections. So, there should really be no conflict between CSOs and EMBs. They just have to understand the respective roles in the society. So, election management bodies are primarily responsible for the success of the election and their decisions are usually final. However, election management bodies should also listen to what CSOs have to say in terms of what the common good is because CSOs articulate the aspirations of the people. And they have to understand that CSOs are guided by defined standards, which may not be easily understood by those in government. Now, so what should be the ideal relationship between government, election commission, or the secretariat of election, on the one hand, and on the other hand, civil society organizations or election monitoring organizations. One, they should, the relationship should be built on trust and mutual respect. And there should always be continuing dialogue and open lines of communication. Because what is what is going on between CSOs and government is usually proceeds, usually proceeds from mistrust. So a continuing dialogue and continuing open line of communication would somehow bridge the gap between the perspective of government and civil society. And maybe it's good to also involve in collaboration in finding solutions to problems in electoral process rather than, you know, presenting, rather than not talking and rather than, you know, throwing brickbats against each other. And it may be good that at the end of the day, both the government and the CSO share in the success in the conduct of election. So I have a few examples of how these were done in the Philippines. Now there are civil society groups which have, that have worked with the election commissions and has produced a good result like the groups that I've been involved with. The legal network for truthful election has been doing works for indigenous people and some, and it has partnered with the, partnered with the election commission to make the process more inclusive. So some of the suggestions that came from, from civil society were adopted as regulations by election commission. And at the end of the day, it improved the process like, for instance, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, PCIJ, had written some, you know, articles on campaign and political finance or money and politics issues. And that, you know, sort of gotten the attention of the election commission, and the election commission started energizing its, its, the whole bureaucracy to create a campaign finance office, whose job it is to look at the money, the expenses, and donations, expenses incurred by candidates during elections, and donations received by political parties. So, and just like in Indonesia, personalities of the Barrier Civil Society organization are invited in our Congress or in our parliament to as resource speaker in, in laws or electoral reform laws that are being deliberated in our legislature. But of course, it is also important for civil society group to keep an arm's length distance from the, from the government. And because that is their role, their role is to represent the people in looking at processes of the government to hold government accountable and, and, and to make sure that the government through the election commission does its work in, in, in, in election. So, you can collaborate, but you can, but while keeping an arm's length distance from government. So that is how effective civil society organizations have conducted themselves and it is not a, it has not always been the relationship has not always been good. But there is always, there should always be this attempt, and that is what both sides are doing to, to bridge some of the gaps and try to understand each other's position. So I think I will end there and I will welcome questions. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. Louis. Thank you again to you and Miss Titi for your very comprehensive discussions around the experiences as well as your ongoing work in the various hats that you have talked to us about in the electoral spaces of both Indonesia and the Philippines. And now, ladies and gentlemen, I will open up the platform for questions. If you have any questions, please, if you can indicate that by your either through the emoji, or you can just turn on your screen and give me a wave and I'll hand over the platform to you. But I also note that we had received an advanced question from Miss Tantakubula, and if that has not been forwarded to the speakers, then I'm happy to, I see Miss Tantakubula here and if you'd like to ask his questions to the panelists then please feel free to do that. Now we open up the platform for questions this afternoon. Thank you. If there's any question, but otherwise, Miss Louis and Miss Titi, there was an advanced question that we had received and had been forwarded, you know, that we had received from Mr. Tantakubula. If you have not had the opportunity to see the questions, I'm happy to provide that for you. But first, and so the first question is in a situation where a government that came to power by military coup and has introduced a decreed constitution and electoral system that is rigged in favor of the government. What is the most effective way for an NGO with interest in electoral change to actively influence change? I know that you had spoken, Mr. Louis, about the challenges that the Philippine history that's probably similar in post-conflict societies like ours. So maybe I'll give you first the opportunity and then if Miss Titi would like to also contribute. Yes, thank you, Romulo. That's not an easy question to answer because of course Fiji has its own context, but it's really looking at democracy and how CSOs would see democracy flourishing in their own country. And that is, to me, I think there is a natural, somehow automatic progression on the part of CSOs to look at how democracy is in their country and how they can engage. Of course, my presentation and that of Titi's is based on a situation where there is already established government and the constitutional and legal framework seem to have been accepted by most of the population and the thing that you would try to look at are some things that are not as basic as probably the viability of the constitution itself being made to the term that was used was imposed on the country. So that's a very different situation, but I think there's a natural progression of civil society activation to look at how people can engage the government and perhaps take action on how things can be fixed at your end. And of course that will always start with raising awareness and creating a constituency of reform minded citizens that will specifically look at democratic reforms. I think that's the first step there. Thank you, Mr. Luya, Mr. Titi, would you like to add anything to that earlier comment over to you then. Okay. Thank you, Mr. Romulo. In Indonesia there was an attempted military coup in the early of 90s, but it failed. So we don't have like a government coup in Indonesia, but we were under an authoritarian government for more than 32 years. Then there was a people power in 1998 and followed by the recite nation or the step down of President Suharto. It's not easy to have 32 years of fascism or authoritarian regime. So it took a long time to fight for the democratic government, democratic regime like what we have now. One thing I learned because I'm part of the reform movement in 1998, together with Mr. Adi Aman. Actually, Adi Aman is my senior in university. External or international community support is playing a very significant role. How we can get other supports and learn and sharing knowledge and movement with other countries will help us to strengthen our movement. We have a massive student and university movement in 1997 until 1998. That's why and then Suharto resigned from his position and we have a massive reform process in Indonesia. But it is also not easy for Mr. Ramulo because now we have so many homework to deal with, especially on how we can strengthen the democratic institution, specifically political party. So we reform our voters, we reform our government, but sometimes we forget to reform our political parties. Now we are facing one of the biggest problem is dysfunction of political parties in Indonesia. So I can say that international community support, international organization supports to our movement is very important. Thank you. Thank you very much for highlighting those very important points and you know, I think what you really what you said is that it's an ongoing process. It's an ongoing engagement with civil society and with the political actors and the different bodies that infuse within the electoral space so thank you for that. Is there any question either from the Facebook audience or from any of our audience that are online via zoom. Otherwise, then we'll look at the other questions that have been sent in from Mr. I'll give this time if there's any question from the participants. All right, because of time, because of time, I will continue to move on and if there's any question then then we will come to the participants this afternoon. The second question that had been sent this morning is, is it possible for an NGO to influence change by trying to work with the electoral office and the politicians in the government. Have there been any progressive results achieved by NGOs that took this strategic approach. Maybe misty if you don't mind, I'll ask you if you can answer this first before I hand the platform to Mr. Lee. Thank you. Yeah, thank you, Mr. Romulo. I think I already a little bit explain about this in my presentation in my PPT. So it's very possible to influence the policy making process and also to influence the regulation making process. But as mentioned by Mr. Louis that every country has its specific situation in Indonesia, relatively CSO and parliament and government and EMBs, we can have a good cooperation without interference each other. For example, as I mentioned earlier in my presentation, in 2016, we formed a huge coalition to promote alternate draft on election law and then doing a massive advocacy to promote that draft to parliament, government, and then other stakeholders. And some of the provisions adopted by government and parliament and many of it's not adopted by them. So, but I think that's a good example that building a good cooperation and coalition among CSOs is one of the fundamental strategy. By having a coalition of CSO, at least we can accommodate many ideas from different groups from a woman activists, people with disability activists, and then minority groups, university actors, human right activists, we try to invite involvement of all of the organization. It's not easy, it takes long time to deal with so many heads, so many opinion, and also so many institution, but by having like international idea in international election foundation, I fast to support this coalition and this movement, at least we can achieve some of our goals. So, I'm sure that Indonesian situation is different with Fiji, but by having dialogue, by having an intense communication with the political actors with governments, we can achieve our goals. For example, Mr. Romulo, because I have a good relationship and communication with MPs, female MPs, female parliament MPs, members. So, I regularly talk to them about the ideas about our initiatives, and they are the female MPs, usually will deliver the ideas, the opinion to other, their other colleagues. That also helps us in advocating our issues. So, we try to build as a massive coalition we can do, and also talk intensively with the policy makers. Thank you, Mr. Romulo. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Iti, for your comprehensive response. You know, in cooperation as well as international support as two of the things that I could pick up from your response this afternoon. I thank you for that. I'll leave it at that and cross over to Mr. Louis, and then if there's anyone else in the audience that would like to do a follow up question, please feel free to unmute your screen and ask your question. Mr. Louis, would you like to respond to the same question? Yes, very quickly. Well, the same experience in the Philippines as it is in Indonesia, as is in Indonesia, most of the reforms actually in election administrations and the improvement of perspective within the election administration came from the participation of civil society group in the process. So, you know, looking at, you know, more giving focus on the vote, on voting by indigenous peoples, by persons with disabilities, these are concepts that came that were introduced by civil societies participating in the process with the election commission. Looking at campaign finance. Well, previously what election management body merely looks at the voting counting and, you know, the traditional usual things that you see in elections. But, you know, when civil society started recommending that the election commission should look at campaign finance as well. And then, you know, that made the election commission develop its capacity to monitor. Well, it's not perfect. There are a lot of things to improve on. But what I'm saying is that the initiative and the perspective comes from the civil society. This is what collaboration can do. And yes, you know, the civil society group or civil society organizations were able to come up with those kinds of recommendation because of international support. So there were also support from international donor organization which, you know, enabled civil society to work on this. So they are homegrown suggestions supported by, you know, international international organization inspired by international best practices probably. So yes, it happened in my country. Thank you, Mr. Louis. That's that's wonderful to hear that, you know, and as you constantly both emphasize that even though the context are different, that, you know, there's also that similarity when you see how the CSOs movements continue to advocate for the changes that is required in terms of and that's done through collaboration, as well as collisions. So thank you. Thank you for that point. Now, there are some questions that are popping up now on our chat screen. So Miss Titi and Mr. Louis, if you've had the opportunity to read that, if not, I'm happy to read through them and also for the benefit of our Facebook audience. But Miss Titi, there's a question here for you from Miss Lena Tameng, and she's asked that, can you say something about how you're able to build a broad CSO collision around electoral reform? And is there any tips on how to do the same elsewhere given that CSOs have their own goals and ambitions? I know you probably have not worked with the CSOs in Fiji, but you know, maybe in terms of Miss Lena's question, if you can see how that may work in Fiji's context. So over to you, Mr. Thank you, Mr. Romulo. It's a hard question, yeah. From my experience, it's not an uneasy activity, but we start by doing dialogue and communication. So dialogue and communication among CSOs is very important. Goodwill and then try hard to not like follow our ego is a main basis to have a good coalition. And also what I learned from my experiences, support from the senior activists was helping us to make it easier. Like in Indonesia, we have like Mr. Hadar Nafis-Gumay, one of the participants who follows this webinar from Facebook, and also Professor Ramlan Surbakti, Mr. Luigya know him so well. One of the very senior electoral academicians, they are, we talk to them and then discuss about the idea to have like alternate draft on the election law. And then by having support from IFAS, International Idea, many colleagues from university, academician, progressive community leaders, progressive religious leaders, and then we can form this coalition. So dialogue, communication, goodwill and try hard not to, what is it, use your ego is the key to form this coalition. It's not easy. And the second one is not all of our ideas accepted by government and parliament or policy makers. But in Indonesia, we have constitutional court. This is one of the product of reform process in 1998. We have constitutional court where we can go when we think that the articles in the law, what is it, contrary with the constitution. Usually when we think that the articles in the law against the constitution, me as a constitutional law, constitutional lawyer, went to constitutional court to fight for the better provisions on the law. So consistency is the second word to express what we do in doing electoral activism. It's not easy. It takes a long time. So if you are not consistent, you will so easy will give up. And sometimes we'll accept the offer to be part of the political parties or to be part of the government in power. So I think that's my comments on the question. Mr. Omulo. Thank you very much, Ms. City, for your question. Definitely. It's a difficult one. And again, context would be different. But thank you for showing us how at least you and your group in Indonesia have managed to address this challenge. You know, I hear about collision as well as looking at key partners to be able to continue to bring about that change. Now, before we continue with any other questions, I note that Ms. Terai, she's also here online had posted a question on this Zoom platform. Mr. Ray, if you are hearing me, I would you like to ask your question to the panelists. Mr. Ray, are you available? Okay, because of time. The question that she had posted Mr. Louis and Mr. City is in a society where the government refuses to engage in meaningful dialogues and I know that you had alluded to this a little bit earlier on Mr. dialogues with CSOs, especially those that speak out against the government, what can be done to ensure that collaboration between the two is fostered. So maybe I'll hand over to Mr. Louis and as a former member of EMB in the Philippines and how do you deal with personalities and those related challenges of working and making sure that you know it's the common goal of strengthening electoral processes. So over to you Mr. Louis and then maybe Ms. City if you'd like to also respond to that. Thank you. Yes, before I became a commissioner at the Philippine Election Commission, I was a what you call a civil society activist on electoral reform. So it can get frustrating when you know especially when the election management body wouldn't listen to what you have to say as to how things can be improved and they would have their own way. And that happens. Well, what is usually done is to create a demand, make them listen to you. And the only way to do that is to create a bigger constituency, maybe engage the media, talk about issues, make sense to general public. You know, at the end of the day, your politicians will be accountable or would listen to the people if you make enough noise, then they'll at the very least give you a venue where you can talk. And if it makes sense, then, you know, you'll be heard. Probably. I don't know. I mean, of course, PGN context is difficult but that's how it is done here. And if you would make politicians look good by listening to you, then there is more incentive for them to open their doors to having you. You have to understand where they're coming from. I mean they have to look good. They have to look nice. You have a good proposal. So probably you might want to share it with them, give them a bit of some ownership of what you have to propose as an activist, and perhaps things would open. Now, when I became part of the commission, that is what I had. I mean, I can never be successful if I don't listen to my former colleagues because all of these ideal things about democracy and about being inclusive came from my association with the civil society. So if I don't give them venue to participate, then I would not be achieving my purpose. I will amount to nothing. So perhaps what you can do is to, you know, of course you have to organize. You have to continue making noise and make them, well, I don't know if I can use this word. Force them to listen to you. Force them to talk to you. I think that can be done. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Louis. Miss Titi. Yeah, I think I have a similar comment to Mr. Louis, but I would like to add some points from my experiences if the policymakers, they don't want to listen to CSO activists or CSO institution. So we expand the de-advocacy work. We invite other groups to also talk about the issues, talk about the changes to be encouraged. For example, in Indonesia, we have two biggest Muslim organizations, Nahdatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. So we talk to them because government and parliament willing to listen to them. We talk to big mass organization. And also we talk to the prominent academician who willing to promote reform. So we expand the narrative. We expand the message, not only delivered by us CSOs, but also by the religious organization leaders, public leaders, indigenous people leaders, and also prominent academicians. So we invite them to also join the movement and also media. We work with the independent journalists. So that's why we can deliver the message widely. That's my comment, Mr. Romulo. Thank you. Thank you for, for highlighting that other important aspect, as Mr. Luiz also alluded to the importance of within our context looking at how religious leaders and this influential community voices also can be strategic partners in raising electoral issues and electoral awareness. So that's that's very important also, I guess, for us here in Fiji. If there's any other members of the panel from any other panelists today, logging in if you'd like to ask any question. We have about three or four minutes before I will ask maybe Mr. Louis and Miss Titi, if you have any other concluding thoughts or remarks that you'd like to share with us on this very important topic. Particularly given the experiences that you have, as well as the ongoing challenges of CSO activism in the electoral spaces in Fiji. And then I'll ask you to then wrap up if there's no other question from the panelists but for now, we have, we have about two to three minutes. If there's anyone that would like to ask a question to any other panelists. Any question from panel members logging in today. If not, I'm happy to ask another question that's been posted up but I give this opportunity to anybody who'd like to ask a question first. There's a lot in your presentation to digest to the two speakers. So I'm sure there's a lot of thinking happening this afternoon. If not, there is a question that had been posted by Mr. Herman on the zoom chat that that and his question is to the speakers, democracy and elections are now international issues. Although in every country the issue of democracy and elections is different. However, it still boils down to aspects of law enforcement and human rights. So how do election activists in various countries collaborate to solve to solve this common problem in future. In the past now we've been very futuristic. So if you'd like to attempt to answer that question, then I give you the platform, maybe miss Titi, and then Mr. Louis to answer the question so over to you miss Titi. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you for the question. Mr. Herman from Dompu is Nusa Tenggara. It's one of the city in Indonesian province. I'm very happy to have you here. Well, I think we cannot make a differentiation between election and human rights, because election is part of the human rights, how we fulfill the right to vote and to write to be candidate equally. So, from my experience, I try to have a like cooperation dialogue and also coalition between election NGOs and also human rights NGOs as I mentioned earlier, and also, I'm also part of the election international election community. To them is part of the unfrell movement, Asia Network for Free Election, member of ADN, Asia Democracy Network. So by having that international network, we hope that we can be part of the international movement, give response to the international situation. We have like a petition on Myanmar situation. We also promote petition on the democracy in Hong Kong. So by having like network with international organization, international movement, it helps us to adjust with the current progress and current issues on election and human rights. I think that's my comment, Mr. Romulo. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Appreciate it. Mr. Louis. Yes, I just want to reiterate what my friend to be said. Electoral rights are human rights, so you cannot really dissociate electoral elections and human rights, and it proceeds from a recognition of electoral rights being ingrained as what consists of human dignity. You don't have electoral rights and you don't have human rights, so that's how it is. And it's collaboration really amongst like-minded democracy activists. It's actually my occasional conversation with Titi, Pakadar, with some activists in Thailand, Malaysia that energizes my work in my own country. And it's really keeping the conversation amongst yourselves. In other words, the civil society groups in Fiji, they need not be democracy or election focused, but there is always a democracy and election aspect in what you do. If you are a gender rights advocate, if you are a human rights advocate, if you are economic equality advocates, there is always an election aspect to what you do. And it's good for you to collaborate among yourselves, at least bound by what should bring you in, and that's democratic rights, to promote your respective advocacy. And being connected with your fellow Malaysian civil society activists, looking at democracy and election as well, will help. And expanding it further to let's say your neighbors in Australia and perhaps in Southeast Asia, Indonesia and Philippines, will actually make you feel that you're not alone. And this is something that is innate in every human being, the right to participate in government. So be constantly connected, continue the conversation however difficult things are. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Louis. I think you know that's an important point also that you both raised as we're coming to the conclusion of this webinar, highlighting again the importance of this process to human rights and the rights of people not only to choose their government, but also to be governed by the government of their choice in that sense. So thank you both for highlighting those points. I'm extremely mindful that we may have a few minutes, but there's an important question that Mr. Ndakubu also sent in his list of questions that I'll probably also ask and give you the opportunity to respond to that and then maybe we can then move to wrapping up our webinar this afternoon. The final question is, how can Melanesian governments and outside NGOs effectively help activist NGOs in Fiji in their desire to achieve a fairer and more democratic electoral system. So basically, for the NGOs that do this work in Fiji and, you know, the challenges that they face etc. How can they tap into the networks and NGOs and people like yourselves to support and collaborate with them in building and strengthening their capacity as well as learning from some of the traits that you have successfully implemented in your respective countries. So maybe Mr. Louis, if you don't mind, I'll give you the platform first before Miss Titi and then we will wrap up our webinar this afternoon. Over to you, Mr. Louis. Thank you. Yeah, thank you. Thank you, Romolo. We're here. I think Titi will say the same thing. We're here. We're willing to help. You know your context better, but we can share our experience and probably you can pick some similarities that you can adopt in your own context. I just formed a small think tank. It's called Democratic Insights Group and it does works along the line of democratic reform. So, and there are other groups. Just be connected. Let's keep the conversation going. And if this can be supported by international donor organizations as well and this will be very good. So just that probably Romolo, the challenges are. There will be difficulty. We have not achieved the ideal even if we have been doing this for 30, 40 years probably. But just go on. Just keep on doing what we need to do. That's it. Thank you very much, Mr. Louis, for those nuggets. Before I wrap up, I'll hand over to Miss Titi and then of course we'll conclude our discussions. Yeah, I think it's a very interesting and important question. Yeah, follow to Mr. Louis statement that every country is unique, every election system is unique. There's no ideal election system to each country but what we are looking for is a fit election system. I can learn from other countries. Me, myself, my organization, Paludem, and I'm sure my colleagues from Indonesian CSOs committed to continuing to communicate and share knowledge and experiences with CSOs in PG. In the long process, it requires patience, consistency, more and more dialogue, and by having international ideas and many international organizations bridging our cooperation, bridging our discourse, I think it will help us to strengthen each other. I'm sure that democracy is like a cycle. Now in Indonesia, believe it or not, we have CSO, what is it, watch CSO watch, not to ensure the freedom of CSOs in doing their activities, but to what is it to observe, to monitor the CSO activists. So, I think that's one of the challenges, one of the challenges we face now in Indonesia. We not only facing challenges from political actors, but also we face a challenge from our colleagues from civil society, or who call themselves as civil society. I think that's my response, Mr. Romulo, we have to strengthen each other. We have to communicate, we have to share, and what is it we have to stay in touch, keep contact to what is it to keep democracy moving on. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much, Miss Titi. I'm sure that your context, you know, you've both offered to continue the dialogue, your context are, and is available with the International Ideas Office, Mr. Rajan, Mr. Adi, and if there's any interest from any of the CSO groups that are watching this today or will be watching it in the future, maybe they could contact you both, if that's all right from your end. That then, of course, brings us to the conclusion of this webinar. But before I wrap up the dialogue and the discussions, is there any last thoughts you'd like to share with us today? I know that it's probably still early in the morning in both your regions. It's going to the afternoon here in Fiji about to about four o'clock, but if you have any last nuggets of wisdom you'd like to share with us, maybe I'll give you a minute each or so, and then I'll wrap up our discussion for today. Miss Titi, first to you please. Yeah, I thank International Idea for providing this forum. I learned a lot from the questions and also from Mr. Louis, me and Mr. Louis have a long cooperation, and also I learned a lot also from him, and for the future I would like to still communicate and having cooperation with all CSOs from Fiji. Please don't mind, don't feel hesitated to contact me. I'm very happy to share my knowledge and experience. Thank you so much. Thank you. Mr. Louis. Yes, I would like to thank International Idea, Adi, Lina, Rajan and everyone there, of course Romulo for that excellent facilitation, and it's really, you know, being patient, I think Titi emphasized that it's not going, things are not going to happen overnight, the challenges are enormous. I saw a comment by my friend Pak Hadar Gumay when he said, you know, we can advance democracy but there will always be those who will pull it back. So it is a constant fight, it's a constant struggle, but CSOs have to be there, they have to just be patient, they have to continue the conversation, and yes we will make ourselves available. I don't think it's going to be an issue with me and Titi and I speak from experience because just like what Titi said, I've learned a lot from my occasional conversations with her. In fact, the last time was when she was invited to talk about the local elections in Indonesia under COVID situation and that somehow informed civil society perspective in how we can conduct our own elections next year under COVID. So you see, when we talk and we converse and we continue to keep the line open, we can actually benefit from shared knowledge and experiences. So let's do that. Thank you very much, Mr. Louis, Ms. Titi, we congratulate you both for not only the extensive experience you bring to this conversation today, but the work that you continue to do for the democratic and electoral processes of your respective countries. So thank you for being gracious with your time and your expertise to share that with us. What I've learned in summary from today's conversation is that, you know, not only has it been an informative dialogue, but it has also provided provoking insights on how you have worked with your challenges, with your resources, with your networks and to create the opportunities that is needed to bring the electoral changes in both Indonesia and the Philippines. Both of you obviously are giants in your own right, providing extensive experiences to the CSOs as well as within the government sector and through the legislative process to bring about the legislative changes that is needed to continue to strengthen the electoral frameworks in Indonesia and Philippines respectively. And of course you've also highlighted that despite the significant contextual differences that the universal principles of democratic elections and the values that are associated with democratic elections are somewhat common across the democratic divide and across our different societies. So, you know, in summary, of course, there is no perfect system. There's no perfect electoral system. There are many challenges that CSOs will face, but learning from each other as well as talking to each other and building collisions is an important way forward to ensure that CSOs remain engaged and active in this space. The, of course, the ongoing discussions and dialogue from strengthening to on strengthening the electoral systems and people is important. And particularly in order to realize this fundamental human right, the rights of people to choose their government needs to constantly be safeguarded, not only by the legal frameworks that are in place, but also especially by CSOs and the community of voices that continue to speak to strengthen our electoral system. Having said that, you know, I know it is only left from me from my end as the moderator to thank you.  Thank you again to each and every participant logging in from Fiji from the Pacific and right across the world in particular to our friends from Indonesia and other Asian countries that are also logging in. So those that will be following this post dialogue. Thank you for being part of this very important conversation on democratic development in Melanesian states, but in this context for Fiji. Thank you to the fantastic team at International Idea, both your officers in Europe and in Australia. Thank you for creating this platform, it's an important platform, and it needs to be an ongoing one. As we continue to build knowledge, experience, and work with each other in strengthening our electoral spaces. So from me to you all, thank you, Salamat, and terima kasih. Thank you, everyone.


Oh, hey, hey, Coach Dave. Happy Thanksgiving, guys. Happy Thanksgiving, you too. So yeah, Coach was just trying to see where you all are at. I'm trying to get the office back on track. We went and looked at the 26 possessions, but couldn't come up with a theme that kept up. It looks like a whole bunch of different things there.  It's our job to score points. It's our job to stay on the field. Third down conversions obviously are an issue that we need to get better at. That starts with execution from the coaching all the way down, making sure that we're putting the guys in the right position, making sure we're giving them the right looks. In practice, they can go out and execute. There's always going to be unscotted looks. So hopefully, guys, you've taught them the rules and they rely back on the fundamentals of the play. Again, it takes everybody to play well on offense, from the coaches all the way down to the players, to how we think about where we want to be offensively. We've had good stretches of offense this season, where we've maintained drives, scored points, and critical situations stayed on the field. We need to get back to that. And again, I think it's all about going back to the fundamentals of each position, stressing to the guys how important and critical situations to go back and rely on that. And also, it's not the press. I think when you all of a sudden try to make a play, that's not there, and you put yourself on a position, it affects the whole offense. And we just got to make sure, from coaching all the way down to playing, that we understand that we stay within ourselves and not press in those situations. In our short yardage, coach kept talking about package plays, where I guess the quarterback's got a package and he can call different stuff. Do you have to look at that package to make sure you try to convert some of them, 31, sports from ones? Yeah, sure. I think everything obviously, you're under the evaluation. We had a short week last week. It gave us obviously time as an offensive staff to go through things that we need to improve on. And again, you evaluate everything. So the look that you got defensively to what inevitably stopped the play to make sure that we put our guys in the best position. And then we go out with a great mindset and practice this week, which again, I felt yesterday guys approached the practice and a Wednesday practice with a great mindset, great attitude, coaches had great energy. So again, I'm looking forward for some of that more this week. Thanks. Thanks, Dylan. Michael. Happy. Happy Thanksgiving there. Would you ever say if you had bad practice?  And you put the film on and it really wasn't as good as you thought. Some days you come up to practice field and you're like, man, that wasn't very good.  Again, I judge it more about the energy, the enthusiasm, the execution the actual assignments of the players and you felt good about where you're at. So why do you feel like the explosive runs haven't been there for this offense this year? Where has been the missing part of that? I'm sure you've heard this. I'm not the first to tell you this and I probably won't be the last, but you know, in the run game, just like in the past game, but especially in the run game, it takes all 11 of the guys. So there's certain times where there's been a cavity and for whatever reason, there's been a situation where that hasn't turned into an explosive. Again, I go back to the fact of you just don't want guys to press or just look for it. You want guys to have great feel, but we're lying on what they see and trust what they see. The minute you start acting outside of the actual framework and trying to do something too much or you're trying to do something extra, I think typically that ends up hurting you. Again, we're gonna go back to the fact that we're lying on the fundamentals, trust what you see, trust your eyes, and especially at this level, it happens fast, trust what you see and execute the play to what we're asked to do. And it's the same thing for coaches, making sure we put them in the best position. Could there be something to, when maybe those holes have been there and those options have been there, that it gets in guys heads that you guys haven't really been that productive there and it could give them that half second of concern or whatever, is that a possibility where that could be why it just hasn't matched up where you could get one? Yeah, again, it's a good question. I think that would be suited to ask individual guys, for me, from the offensive perspective, again, we just go back to, from a coaching perspective, did we give the players a chance to be successful? If yes, what led to a good player, not a good play? If we did not give them a chance to be successful, what did the defense do schematically for us not to be successful? And then we evaluate ourselves. This is what's great about pro sports, in my opinion, it's self-evaluation constantly. You go into it, even when stuff happens well, it doesn't mean it's always because of great execution. Sometimes a guy just makes a play. I used to say this all the time when I coached the quarterback. If the quarterback spins out of three missed tackles and throws off his back foot, 45-yard touchdown pass, I never drilled that. That's not coaching. That's just God-given ability, mom, dad, and God. The quarterback drives back and he three hitches and he shifts over the ball with one hitch and the first and the progression's wide open. Yeah, let's talk about that with the coaching. And sometimes it just happens throughout the plays like that. And you go back and you always evaluate why or why not. And I think it's great self-awareness for all of us. It's a humbling sport. I was taught this a long time ago when I entered this league as a player. You either humble or you're about to be humbled. And again, this is what's great about the NFL and each Sunday is a new narrative and a new game. Did Dave or Goan ever have one of the spinning plays through for 45-yard touchdown service? Or is that the anti-Dave or Goan play? Yeah, that was when I was doing the clipboard. I drew it on the clipboard, exactly how I would do it as a backup quarterback.  But yeah, I mean, I always find it interesting. At the end of the day, sometimes a guy makes an unbelievable play. Like the guy made the play. You can drill all you want. Sometimes a guy just makes an unbelievable play. Good and bad, by the way. Appreciate it. Thanks, Dave. Happy Thanksgiving, man. Hope you get some time, Tim. Josh. First of all, forgive my ignorance on this subject. When you talk about the package play, are you just talking about two? It's an either or. We just send you to the line of scrimmage with one A or B. You broke up a little bit, Josh. I couldn't hear the whole question. I'm sorry. I'm sorry. Can you hear me? I got you now. Yep, sorry. When you're talking about package plays, is that just you send Matt to the line of scrimmage with A or B? Is it just two options? Sometimes, you know, other times there could be another essential prong to the play in which he has an adjustment depending upon coverage. But again, our goal is obviously always, right? As you sit here in your game plan all week, is to put the guys in the best position. And sometimes, you know, given that ability to get out of a certain play because of a certain look to give you an advantage. Sure, we're going to do that. And sometimes you walk up, you know what you want to run. You know the defense. It's a call and a run. It's a bread and butter play. So there's different variances of how you go about those certain situations. A lot of different subject. When Arthur talks a lot about physicality, how do you affect that Wednesday through Saturday in an environment where you only have so many contact practices? What things do you do, markers, do you look forward to say, this is a physical team and this is how we're going to help maintain that or increase that? That's a great question. The way the rules are set up in the NFL in terms of the actual padded practices that you can have. Again, I think sometimes with the physicality, I'm speaking offensively. It goes back to maintaining great leverage, having great energy off the ball regardless of position. You know, I think most people talk about the O line or when the running back has the ball, you know, the old adage in football, low man wins. So you don't necessarily have to have the pads on to see the explosion off the ball or great pad level. I think those equate to physicality. I mean, a lot of guys in this league are strong, right? Physically strong, weight room strong.  So in my mind, when you watch that in the non-padded practices, right? You're seeing the position in which guys put themselves in. If they're in great position, more than likely, right?  If he's out of position, I don't care how strong you are or how tough you are. You're probably gonna lose that battle in the national football league. So it's a great litmus test to see how guys display physicality when there's no pads on. How does the core, I asked Matt this question yesterday, but how does a quarterback set a tone of physicality from that position? How did you try to do it when you were playing? Matt and I are completely different. I was 252 pounds, if I threw an incompletion, I tried to run you over the next play. It wasn't very smart. Like Matt operates at a much higher level in terms of the execution of throwing for how many yards he has. Again, I do think though, from a position of quarterback in terms of physicality, it equates to me a toughness in the pocket. Again, everybody thinks they can go back there. You watch it on TV.  Or the back and you got to get up from it. And I think what goes sometimes, I don't say mischaracterized, but the toughness in the pocket sometimes is not the sack you just took, but the hit you just took, you get back up, you go back in the huddle and you call the play as if nothing just happened. And you take the next play in a past situation as if you just did not get hit the last play. So you see a lot of guys at times, right? They get up and for whatever reason, the next rep, they maybe aren't as sturdy in the pocket as they should be. Well, it's probably the rep or rep before that that they took a hit in the pocket. Again, Matt over his career, and there's been a number of quarterbacks. Matt over his career though, gets back up, calls play in the huddle and takes a new play as a new play and displays physicality and toughness that way, how he is and how he operates in the pocket, regardless of just what just happened to him. Again, I've always admired him about him and there's another other quarterbacks that done the same thing as you admire in terms of physicality and toughness. Thanks, Dave. Got it. Thanks, Jeff. Hey, coach, I was curious, is there any difference in Matt's leadership style after a win versus after a loss? Are there any changes that you notice? It's a good question, you know, just obviously being with him here for my first season, what I do appreciate about Matt is he's the same guy every day and he's consistent. I think when you're at this level, players or coaches, you're looking for consistency. And regardless of the outcome before or after, Matt approaches each player as a new play, he approaches his teammates the exact same way. He knows when to speak up, he knows when not to, he knows the tone in which he needs to talk to the coaches and players with. Obviously it goes with a lot of years in this league but the one thing I can tell you is Matt is a example of consistency as a human being, as a person and I do admire and appreciate that about him. We've seen some examples of him being pretty fiery and then other times where he kind of exudes calm. Like, do you have to know when to raise your voice so it doesn't become one note and like how does he handle those types of things? Yeah, sure. I mean, again, he would be better to tell you than I would just observing what I think he does a great job of. He understands the moment. Again, I think his game winning drives of how many he's had in his career kind of exude the fact that he understands how to operate in highly critical and stressful situations. But again, he's not, when I say he's consistent, that also means like he knows when to be, how he needs to be in order for him and his teammates to be successful. And again, seeing a day in, day out, it's one thing for someone to tell you that. It's another thing to see it in action and Matt's been about the action with that, which has been great to see. Thank you. Thanks for the name. Yes. What have you seen from the Warner Bat rule? Well, absolutely mess this first. Allison had a great game last game for us running the football. What have you seen from Allison that helped him have a great game and just in practices? Great question, Anthony. I think what you see is what I've said before in this league, guys sometimes just need opportunity and what he's done is been a consistent model of how he practices on the scout team. So again, when you're in the NFL and you're not the starter or you're not maybe the backup and you're trying to work your way up, the reality is you get your work and running the other teams plays. And there's a lot to be told from that, how you approach that, the seriousness in which you do it, how you go about your business. And he's been great. And so when you see that and you see how he's done that, I think you ask anybody on the staff, we had complete and total confidence. If he were to get carries in the game, he would do his job. That's all we asked these guys to do. And again, you saw on the field on Thursday and I think he did what he was asked to do, nothing more. Again, it's all about guys getting opportunities in this league. There's a lot of really good players, sometimes good players, unfortunately throughout the history of the NFL don't get to see the time that maybe other guys get but doesn't mean they're not good players. They just haven't been afforded the opportunity at times. And my last question is, of course, within the running back room, I kind of talked with Mike Davis about yesterday about just running. He said sometimes he's second, guess is because sometimes you may be getting a little bit of yardage here and there. My question is, more so, what do you just tell your running backs to stay focused so that when they, so that they can break a big run or get that big chunk of run? Yeah, sure. I think, you know, obviously it goes back to what I said earlier. This game will never be anything more than about the fundamentals. When you start to, it's all positions. It's not just one certain position. The minute you start to do something outside of what you're trained to do over the last OTA training camp and into the season and you rely on something that's not your base or your foundation, I think all positions will have issues. The minute you trust your eyes and you trust your fundamentals and what you've been trained to do, it doesn't matter what the situation is. You rely back on what you're trained to do and what you put yourself through. And again, that's been the stress point. That's what we tell the players that that message has not changed just because of the last two games offensively. That's been a consistent theme ever since we arrived here. So again, we continue to message that. Guys understand it. And again, if you believe in what you're preaching, I think you don't waver from it. And we've seen guys come out this weekend and showed up. Got time for one more, D-Led. D-Led, no Thanksgiving dinner questions, dessert questions. Come on, D. You're muted, D-Led. Might've been one there. Still muted. Nah, nah, we're good. Nah, no Thanksgiving questions there. I'm sure you've fallen on the playoffs. Throw one on the back end. All right. How about saying that in the playoffs there? Yeah, yeah, I've been watching the Cleveland playoffs. I've been lobbying to get you on the top 100 list. I found out that another quarterback from Ignatius Scott Murthals ahead of you. Unbelievable.  Come on. Yeah, my boy Branson's going to. I'm lobbying Branson to redo the list. Thank you. Yeah, I know I'm on like the top 1,000 list, not the cake crack. You're probably still ahead of me, though, D-Led. Come on. Nah. But hey, just the importance of depth from your position. You've been with teams that made it to the playoffs. I mean, this team is trying to get there. The importance of depth and then if Drew Dalman ready if needed. Depth, if Drew Dalman's ready if needed, and where you at on mac and cheese. But my one last question. All right, I love it. That's a three prong. There's no chance I remember all that. So the first part right about depth. Yeah, yeah. Here's how I feel, right? I've been preaching since I've had a great opportunity to talk to you guys each week. And this competition breeds that. So as we talk about it, guys, and all these, Allison's a great example. Continue to go out there and compete each day. You never know when your opportunity is going to arise. You never know once you're going to be your chance. And this league, when you get an opportunity regardless of how much or how little the opportunity is, take advantage of it. And again, that goes to the same thing with depth. That builds your depth when there's great competition. When guys know there's a chance for them to compete and when they have an opportunity, they'll get a chance to play. So that's that part of it. In terms of Drew, I think it goes like I just said to everybody, that's not just a Drew question about, is he ready? We expect everybody who gets a helmet on game day to be ready to play. And if you don't get a helmet on game day, we expect you to come out and compete during the week in case or whatever is an emergency where you have to get brought up to be ready to play. And that's just not the physical part.  So that's all positions. The mac and cheese, look, D-Led, I grew up in an Italian home with Italian immigrant parents. I didn't have mac and cheese for Thanksgiving. Now we had lasagna, D-Led. So that's the Italian mac and cheese, essentially. All right, from that standpoint. So that's where I'm going with that. All right, that's awesome. Thanks, D-Led. I appreciate it, man. Thanks, guys. Happy Thanksgiving. Happy Thanksgiving.


Now, here's a musical treat, the world premiere of a new mini opera called The Incompetence Opera. It stars Maria Ferrante, Ray Bowens, and the Peter Principal Chorus, accompanied by the Dunning Kruger Effective Orchestra. Now, here is our narrator, Karen Hopkins. Thank you, Lamchop. A psychologist walks into a bar. The psychologist commiserates with the bartender. The bartender commiserates with the psychologist. Each feels stuck in their careers. The waitstaff and the customers in the bar commiserate with them. As they all commiserate, you might want to think about the Peter Principal. The Peter Principal, described in the 1960s by Canadian psychologist Lawrence J. Peter, explains that in any organization, people are promoted until they reach their level of maximum incompetence. Let me repeat that. The Peter Principal explains that in any organization, people are promoted until they reach their level of maximum incompetence. The Peter Principal got the bartender and the psychologist to where they are today. It'll probably keep them there. Let's listen to them lament. In trouble when I was young, they made me go see a shrink. She sized me up offered me a job interpreting blotted ink. She disappeared. Don't know why she went. The job was vacant. They consented when they offered me promotion, which I accepted. Pissing ignorance of psychology, I did what I thought was best. I told the clients to blow their nose and always stick out their chest. My boss got angry, then she resigned. So they made me boss, hey, I didn't mind. They offered me promotion, which I accepted. If your bosses had questioned your competence, had you managed to manage things when managing something you don't know how to do? If my bosses had any sense, they would question my competence. How I managed to do what I do when I do not know what to do. If your bosses had any sense, they would question their competence. Have they managed to manage things when managing something they don't know how to do? If my bosses had any sense, they would question their competence. How I managed to do what they do when they do not know what to do. Maybe there's uncertainty. It's hard to say how much, but certainly there's uncertainty. Maybe there's uncertainty. And then we get stuck with that. They really worked because it's managed by friend, Doug Jerks. My troubled tale is just like yours. Like maybe they made a man to the night. They ran away and their culture enjoyed. I never looked at the seats. I offered me promotion with... If your bosses had any sense, they would question your competence. Have you managed to manage things when managing something you don't know how to do? If my bosses had any sense, they would question my competence. If your bosses had any sense, they would question their competence. Have they managed to manage things when managing something they don't know how to do? If my bosses had any sense, they would question their competence. The psychologist and the bartender are still stuck in the bar commiserating with each other about how they're stuck in their careers. So everyone else is still stuck in the bar listening to them. So now the psychologist is going to share his lofty professional knowledge with us. So he's going to tell us all about something all of us already know about, something called the Peter Principle. So let's drink in his wisdom. Above the point where we're competent, we're scared to tweet hot while I explain, and then perhaps I will explain again. Explain to you this great principle so you'll understand this great prince. Principle was his idea. He wrote a book all about this principle. So to speak, we're stressed. They base promotions on who is best. The one best worker is then removed from whatever that worker is best at. If what I'm saying makes any sense. The psychologist has just learned about an important psychology research paper. The psychologist is going to explain it to us. It's something called the Dunning-Kruger effect. It's very emotional. See for yourself.


Welcome to this course on Transition Metal Organometallics in Catalysis and Biology. We have been discussing a very important topic, which is a Nobel Prize award winning topic Olefin Polymerization in the past few lectures. In this regard, we have approached this topic from two perspectives, to start with we have looked into it from the perspective of application point of view, particularly we started talking about polymer classification from the application perspective, and we have spoken about various kinds of polymers like thermoplastic, duroplastic, elastomers, elastoplastic materials or thermoplastic elastomers and reversible duroplastic. So these were all classified based on the properties of the polymer, then in the same topic we have looked into polymer classification based on the chemistry perspective from a chemistry perspective based on the process by which they are synthesized, and in this context we have looked at two kinds of classification, one is condensation polymerization, the other is addition polymerization depending on the reaction by which they are formed. If they use a condensation reaction, where a small molecule is eliminated as a path to polymerization, then these are condensation polymers, whereas when the monomers are just added without elimination of any molecule, they are called addition polymers, and for one main feature of addition polymer is that the composition of the monomer and the composition of the repeat unit of the polymer are the same, they are constant. So we have done that, and again we have also looked into the classification of polymer from the perspective of the mechanism point of view, and these were from the mechanism by which these polymers are formed. In this context, these polymers can be divided into two types based on the pathways they take, one is step growth polymerization, the other is chain growth polymerization, and we had seen what are their characteristic molecular weight profile of the polymers, so formed in this process as a function of person conversion of the reaction, polymerization reaction, and what we had seen that in the step growth process the molecular weight sort of increases drastically significantly towards the end of the polymerization, that means towards the end of at higher person conversion, whereas molecular weight does not have a bearing in case of chain growth polymerization on the percent of the conversion of the polymerization reaction. So in this context, we have also discussed about the various types of polyethylene, which are obtained and the types of processes which are synthesized, and polyethylene are of three types based on their densities. The first one is LDP, these are synthesized by these are called low density polyethylene. Polyethylene can be classified into three parts, the first is the LDP or low density polyethylene. The next one is HDPE or high density polyethylene, the other one may be I write it later, the next one after low density polyethylene is LLLDP, this is linear and then HDPE is high density polyethylene HDPE, this is there are three types of polyethylene depending on the branching, this polyethylene has different material properties, some are soft, some are hard and brittle, some are transparent, some are opaque. Now in the last class, we have also discussed about the industrial processes that are used for preparing this kind of polyethylene, and the first one that we have spoken about was this ICI, Imperial Chemical Industries, first developed this process for preparing LDP linear low density in 1993, so this is probably the oldest polyethylene polymer to have been prepared industrially, and presently these LDP are prepared radical polymerization using oxygen initiators, so like peroxo compound. Now this radical polymerization is not good, because it has several limitations requires high pressure of around 2800 bar, so and also the reaction is uncontrolled as a result polyethylene obtained are branched, has significant branching and they are soft material without non-crystallinity, so the next process are the process which is used for preparing high density polyethylene HDPE is the Philip process, this was discovered by Hogan in 1956, and this is used for making this high density polyethylene, and it was using chromium trioxide as the catalyst, as a pre-catalyst, but the real chemistry was done, and this was done on a heterogeneous fashion on a silicon surface, done on a heterogeneous fashion in a silicon surface, so this Philip's process actually uses chromium II and chromium IV as the active metal centers, which carry out this polymerization process. We have also seen that the improvement of the Philip's process was reported by Union Carbide, which is a chromocene, which is a chromocene low valent, low valent chromium compound as the precursor for this HDPE. Now there is another variant of the Philip's process, which uses hydrogen to control the chain length, so chain length under Philip's process is controlled by metered addition of hydrogen, chain length is controlled under metered addition of hydrogen, and that gives rise to this low density polymer, and this is how this LLDP is produced. Now in context of this, there was a significant discovery, which is another process called Unipole process from Union Carbide, which uses fluid bed reactor, they have been used for producing both LLDPE as well as HDPE, so this is an interesting process. What we see if we sum up that there are several industrial processes involved for producing various grades of polyethylene, to start with it was the ICI or Imperial Chemical Industries, currently also radical polymerization is used with oxygen initiators for producing LDP, low density polyethylene for HDPE, it was a heterogeneous chromium trioxide process in the 50s by called Philip's process, which was producing HDPE, and then Union Carbide comes into play and produces HDPE with chromocene, which is a low valent chromium precursor, and finally, by a controlled metered addition of hydrogen to Philip's process, one can get LLDP as well as LLDPE, so Philip's process can give both, it can give HDPE, and Philip's process with hydrogen can also give LLDPE, and after this there was a technological breakthrough in form of this Unipole process, which uses fluid bed reactor, and then this can be used for producing both LLDPE and HDPE, so this is a technological breakthrough from Union Carbide, where they have gone from conventional reactor to fluid bed reactor, a new technological development for producing this high molecular weight polyethylene, so this shows the chemical reactivity space from an industrial perspective for producing the various grades of polyethylene, so what we can see that this low density polyethylene is the one, which is produced by radical polymerization, whereas both LLDPE and LLDPE are produced by ionic or cationic coordination in solution polymerization, so now we are going to move on to something more interesting that during the course of the development of all these Philip's process and then Unipole process, there was a parallel development on Ziegler development towards Ziegler data catalyst was taking place simultaneously, and the studio starts with this off bow reaction or chain growth reaction on aluminum, and so we are going to take a look at this exciting development as we proceed further in this lecture. The off bow reaction is this reaction is primarily used for the formation of linear aliphatic compounds with a maximum chain length C200, so at that time this was a sort of polymerization on the back of aluminum of bow reaction, which is called chain growth reaction at the back of aluminum, and which could give linear aliphatic compound of maximum length of C200, so that is really long chain compounds, and the reaction of this is given as R2Al ethyl N-1CH2CH2 at 90 to 120 degree centigrade 100 bar gives R2Al CH2CH2N, now what is happening is these CH2CH2 unit is getting added on this metal ethyl bond in high pressure, and this off bow reaction, this is what is called off bow reaction, and this reaction competes with another reaction called hydroalumination, and this is given as R2Al CH2CH2RD, giving dehydroalumination, sorry this is dehydroalumination R2Al H plus CH2 double bond CHRD, and these can be explained as a beta hydride elimination, and this is explained as such, so one gets aluminum hydride and this alpha olefin, now these are really a long chain products, long chain polymer, and Carl Ziegler was observing this formation of these long chain polymers in his laboratory during systematic study of off bow reaction Ziegler observed opposite effect, that is quantitative conversion of ethylene to one butene, so instead of observing a very high polymer chain with Ziegler observed that in one cases he had observed a quantitative conversion to just oligomerized product or dimerization of ethylene to one butene, and this was a surprising observation and was later attributed to the presence of impurity in the reactor, and this is supposed to be nickel impurity reactor, and that was later as the famous nickel effect, so while pursuing this off bow reaction under different condition, carrying out a systematic study a professor Ziegler called Ziegler observed that in certain cases exactly opposite was happening, that is a conversion of quantitative conversion of ethylene instead of making polymer was making one butene, and this was sort of contrasting and surprising observation at the time of the study, where the focus of the off bow reaction was to make long chain polymer, and here they were quantitatively getting dimer, so this surprising observation was later attributed to the presence of impurities in the reactor particularly the nickel impurities and which was famous which was later came to be known as the famous nickel effect that actually triggered the discovery of Ziegler Nata polymerization, so with this I stop come to an end of today's lecture, in today's lecture we have looked at the various industrial processes that are prevalent or were prevalent in producing or accessing various kinds of polyethylene ranging from LDPE, LLDPE and HDPE, and we are also put in a perspective various discoveries and changes that were affected on individual processes to access each of these polymers, we have also looked into the beginning of the discovery of the Ziegler Nata catalysis starting from off bow reaction and how the opposing effect of nickel impurities led to dimerization of ethylene into one butene, so that was later recognized as the famous nickel effect and which even triggered the discovery of Ziegler Nata catalysis, so with this I thank you for being with me in this lecture, we are going to discuss further from the point of nickel effect to Ziegler Nata and various types of other Ziegler Nata catalysis examples as we take this topic up in the next class, till that thank you and goodbye.


We just got done watching Dumb and Dumber. I've seen it a million times. One of my favorite comedies. Connor, what did you think? Eight out of ten. Eight out of ten. What was your favorite part of the film? The end scenes. With the hot ladies asking for some oil boys.  But there's so many good moments from them singing Mockingbird, yelling the most annoying noise in the world, making Seabass pay for his meal.  They sell a dead bird to a blind kid. It's just the whole thing is completely insane. I love every minute of it. If you haven't seen Dumb and Dumber, it's one of Jim Carrey's best. Check it out. Anything you want to add? Nope. Oh, okay. Perfect.


Hello and welcome to the session. In this session we are going to discuss the following question and the question says that find out the mode for the following data of a company for the size of uniform trousers of the employees. Here the distribution is given such that the size of the waist is given in inches and is represented by X and the number of employees is represented by F. There are 20 employees with waist size 22, 46 employees with waist size 24, 28 employees with waist size 26, 150 employees with waist size 28, 92 employees with waist size 30, 56 employees with waist size 32, 24 employees with waist size 34, 13 employees with waist size 36, 9 employees with waist size 38 and 7 employees with waist size 40. The value which has the maximum frequency becomes the modal value with a condition that the difference between the modal value and the value exceeding or succeeding to it three large key idea. Let us proceed with the solution. Here by inspection we find that the maximum frequency is 150 corresponding to which the waist size is 28 that is so 28 becomes the modal value provided the difference between the maximum frequency and the frequency preceding to it or succeeding to it must be large which is true in our case. Hence the mode size is 28 inches which is the required answer. This completes our session. Hope you enjoyed this session.