I would like to request so many Pratyaprakya as always with Namakar, Namaskaram mantra. Thank you, Peter. May I request one and all. Please hold your hands in prayer pose and close your eyes gently. Namaskar, Mahamantra. Thank you very much, Svanaprakya Ji and Pratyaprakya Ji. I would like to move on to our annual conference, which is at 22nd, and hand over to Ulle Kwanström, a good friend and colleague from the University of Lund, where he's a professor. And he takes on some of the burden of chairing these Zoom meetings that would be otherwise too much, so he will be chairing the first meeting. And please, Ulle, take it away. Thank you very much, Peter. We are of course all most thankful to you for arranging today's workshop, despite the troublesome times in which we live. We all know that you are a person who has a deep and close connection to Jainism. As a matter of fact, you embody the ideal of Ahimsa to the extent that even your name is the name of Tirtankara. Your surname, Flügele, when translated into Sanskrit, is as we all know the name of the 2030 tankara. Just a joke. Anyway, let us begin. As you all know, we have noticed our schedule is tight. It's very tight. Each lecture is assigned 20 minutes and only five minutes is set aside for discussion. So we must try to do our best to stick to the timetable. Our first speaker is the art historian and former director of the Museum of Modern Art in Mumbai, Sarudoshi, whom I think we all know through her excellent and numerous publications. The title of her paper is Violence Depicted in Manuscripts of the Digambara Yashoda Rasarita. And I think this will be a recorded lecture. Non-violence in Jaina philosophy, literature and art. It is indeed an honor to present a paper at this country. And I thank Professor Dr. Peter Flügel, Chair, Centre of Jaina Studies, Professor in the Study of Religions and Philosophies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, for his invitation to participate in this seminar. The title of my paper today is Violence, Intent and Act as Enucitated in Jain Dharma Kathals. In the vast and ancient Jain literary tradition, there are texts from religious doctrines, as well as a rich collection of treatises on non-peronical subjects such as medicine, mathematics and astrology. Included in the latter section are a number of Dharma Kathals, parables, which enucidate religious principles in a simplified and engaging manner. These Dharma Kathals contain elements of fantasy and adventure, as also strange occurrences including supernatural phenomena. They admirably serve the purpose of edifying and instructing the devotees and thereby effectively reinforcing Jain moral values. Certain Dharma Kathals explain the cardinal principle of Jainism, ahimsa, an injunction to refrain from committing hinsa. Hinsa is defined as taking away life by actions of the body, speech and mind and are influenced by anger, pride, deceit and greed. The killing of living beings or engaging in actions hurtful to others leads to sinful karma, consequences of which are born in this life or in future births or in hell. In the treatise Jain Arnabha, Hinsa is described as a gateway to the miserable state. It is also the ocean of sin.  Hinsa is classified as bhava-hinsa, the intention to cause harm and drabha-hinsa, the actual act to cause harm. The concept of Hinsa is to be viewed as being twofold because it makes no distinction between these two types of Hinsa. Even though bhava-hinsa is essentially emotional, whereas drabha-hinsa denotes the actual act of violence. Both forms are equally simple because the act is implicit in the intent. This tenet and its repercussions are graphically delineated in the illustrated Digambar Jain tale of Yashodhar Charita. The story of Yashodhar Charita. King Maridatta Vyaudhe invited Vairavananda, a Kapalika ascetic who claimed supernatural powers. During their conversation, Vairavananda informed the king that it was possible to acquire the ability to move in the air. Provided Goddess Chandramarhi was depreciated with sacrificial offerings of a male and female of every living species. The king, greatly tempted by the possibility, issued orders for the performance of the sacrifice. Just when the rituals were about to commence, Vairavananda noticed that among the pairs of the various species brought for the sacrifice, that of human beings was missing. The king's soldiers went in search of a pair of human beings and apprehended two young acolytes who had just arrived in the city in Jain Monksudatta's group of followers. When King Maridatta saw the two acolytes, he was struck by the grave demeanor and noble deportment. He wondered if they were of royal descent and asked them why they had chosen a spiritual path at such a tender age. Shullaka Abhiguchi then began his narrative. The land of Vavanti, he said, was ruled by King Yashogara and I was his son, Yashodara, in one of my previous births. On noticing a strand of grey hair, King Yashogara appointed his son Yashodara as his successor and departed to the forest. King Yashodara found the duties and responsibilities of governing the kingdom irksome and preferred to spend time with his queens in the harem. One day, Queen Amritmati heard melodious music and an inquiry was informed that the performer was an ugly hunchbacked elephant keeper. The queen found the music irresistible and fell in love with the deformed man and began to visit him surreptitiously at night. One night, King Yashogara was awakened by the sound of footsteps as Queen Amritmati tipped out of the room. He picked up his sword and followed her and was shocked to see her fall at the feet of a hunchbacked elephant keeper apologizing for being late. In fury, the queen's deformed paramur pulled her by her hair, appraiding her while he beat her with a stick. Queen Amritmati calmed him down by saying she would pray to the mighty goddess for her husband's death. The king was ready to help them both but was overcome by revulsion and left. Extremely disturbed at the events that had occurred the previous night, King Yashodara approached his mother and struck himself with a sword saying he wished to die because of a bad dream.  Yashodara was reluctant to perform any ritual involving violence but David to his mother's pleas when she proposed that the sacrificial cock will not be alive but one fashioned out of flower.  Unable to rid himself of the feelings of disgust and despondency, King Yashodara decided to kneel and hand it over the affairs of the state to his son Yashodara. On hearing the news of King Yashodara's departure to the forest, Queen Amritmati appeared inconsolable. She begged her husband to come to the pavilion for a farewell feast as she wished to accompany him. Victored Amritmati served poison food to Chandramati and Yashodara. The former died instantly but Yashodara fell on the ground rising in pain. Wailing in grief, Amritmati threw herself at Yashodara and while clinging to him, strangled him to death. Yashamati performed the funeral rites with piety and prayed for the peace of his father and grandmother. Effects of sin.  As a consequence of this sin, they had to undergo a series of rebirths. In his first birth, Yashodara was born as a peacock.  The little peacock grew into a beautiful herd and the hunter presented him to King Yashamati. Meanwhile, Chandramati was born in her first birth as a dog in Yashamati's palace. One day while wandering around in the palace gardens, the peacock spied Amritmati with a hunchback lover. Recalling the events of his past birth, the peacock angrily attacked him. In defense, Amritmati flung her girdle at him and broke his lip. The dog chased the limping bird and killed it. King Yashamati, in a fit of rage, slew the dog for having killed his pet peacock. In their next rebirths, Yashodara was a snake and Chandramati a porcupine. The porcupine chased and killed the snake and in turn it was killed by a bird with prey. In their following rebirths, Yashodara was born as a large fish and Chandramati is a crafty crocodile. Once when the palace maids came to bathe in the river, the crocodile grabbed one of them and dragged her down to the bottom of the river. This incident angered King Yashamati and he ordered that the crocodile be killed. When the crocodile was captured by chance, the fish also got caught in the net. The crocodile was killed but the fish was taken to the royal kitchen and served as a delicacy to the king. Thereafter in the fourth round of their rebirths, Chandramati and Yashodara were born as wild goats. Once while copulating with Chandramati, Yashodara was killed by a hunter and is so passed into Chandramati's womb. Chandramati was captured and taken to the royal kitchen for the charred ceremonies of Yashamati's late father, Yashodara. When the goat was butchered, the baby goat was found alive in her womb and was reared by the palace attendants. Queen Amritmati, now suffering from leprosy on account of her evil deeds, saw the little lamb and ordered it to be roasted alive for her womb. After being killed as a goat, Chandramati was reborn as a buffalo and was wallowing in a pond when a horse came for a drink of water. In annoyance, the buffalo attacked the horse and brought him to death. The horse owner complained about it to King Yashamati who immediately ordered that the buffalo be roasted alive. In their sixth rebirths, Yashodara and Chandramati were born as beautiful chicks. He as a cock and she as a hen and were presented to King Yashamati. To celebrate the spring festival, King Yashamati and his beloved queen went to their forest lodge where the chicks were kept in a cage.  Their cries disturbed the king, engaged in amorous dalliance which has been and he shot an arrow at them, killing them both at once. The souls of the birds passed into the queen's womb to be born as twins of Eruci and Abaymati. While on a hunting expedition, King Yashamati passed a monk meditating under a tree. That day he failed to find any game and while returning he again passed the same monk and concluded that the sight of the holy man had been a bad omen, causing him to return empty handed from the hunt. He ordered his dogs to attack the monk. The dogs rushed towards the holy man but as they neared him they stopped and stood still. In frustration the king was ready to charge at the holy man with his sword but was restrained by a merchant devotee present there. The merchant informed the king that the holy man was the former king of Kalinga who had renounced his kingdom independence for the sin of punishing an innocent person and was now the highly venerated giant monk Sudatta. In repentance King Yashamati bowed to monk Sudatta and considered cutting off his own head to atone for his sins. Monk Sudatta interrupted his thoughts and prevented him from acting impulsively. Astounded at the monk's ability to read minds, the king implored the monk to tell him where his father, mother and grandfather were at this particular point in time. The monk informed him that his father and grandmother were born as his own twin children, his father as son Abaymati and his grandmother as daughter Abaymati.  King Yashamati was overcome with emotions and wished to become a homeless mendicant. Shillaka Abayruchi concluded by saying that when we heard monk Sudatta, my sister and I recalled our former wives and we fainted. On remaining consciousness, we also desired to take the vows of renunciation. But monk Sudatta, because of our age, advised us to join you somewhere as academics and were captured by your soldiers and walked to this temple. King Mari Dutta was profoundly affected by Abayruchi's narrative and felt guilty at the violence that was going to be perpetrated at the sacrificial ritual that he had arranged. Vairavananda too became illusion about his religions and the mode of worship it advocated. Both King Mari Dutta and Kapalika Vairavananda chose to abandon their former religious beliefs and embrace the path of non-violence. They turned monk Sudatta Sangha as his followers. I wish to express my deep indebtedness to Ms. R. Ibartha, Independent Research Scholar in Knowledge for her constructive suggestions and invaluable contribution towards the preparation of this paper. To forum Pandya, my grateful thanks and sincere appreciation for preparing this superb evening presentation. And I thank you all for being here today and listening to this parable of Yarshadhar Charitya. Thank you. Thank you very much for the most interesting and illuminating lecture. I think we have time for one question and then we have to proceed on through the next speaker. So is there anyone of you who would like to put a question to Dr. Doshi? You can do that now, but we just have time for one question unfortunately. I don't think there are any questions. I have a question. Yes. Hello. Good to see you live. Where are the images from? Can you say something about these wonderful pictures? The images are from a number of manuscripts and this is one of the most profusely illustrated tales in the decumbergene tradition. And the main, as you can see, the main message is on a hymsa and the cause of a hymsa is sort of celebrated in this dharma katha. But the manuscripts are from the 15th century to the 18th century. And they are in all sorts of, from various areas like Rajasthan from UP and these Gujarat, these three or four areas they were illustrated. And they are done by various munis, written by various munis, not just one person. So these are quite very interesting things. I have only shown you some of the episodes being a 15 minute presentation. But actually when you talk about it, it's far more interesting to hear than to read about it. Okay. Thank you very much Dr. Doshi. Thank you. Thank you so much. Our next speaker, I think, needs no further presentation. Hampanaji have contributed extensively to Jain's studies and been part of our conferences at SOAS for many years. His paper has the exciting title, Pearls and Black Pepper. So please, Hampanaji. Hello. Peter? Yeah. Peter is lucky today. Our Abhai Firode has extended his Abhaya Hastan in the very beginning of this thing. Therefore I simply proceed with my paper, Pearls and Black Pepper. The subject of fusing words of different languages is universally important and yet rarely discussed in other languages the way it has metaphorically debated by medieval Kannada writers. The credit goes to Kannada writers Sri Vijaya, Pampa, Pona and Nagavartma and other prakrit, Sanskrit author, Veerasri and Acharya in particular. Poets employ metaphors to spice their writings. The metaphors employed to address the issue of Manipravala deserve a revisit and extensive discussion which is a consequence to literary criticism. The Sanskrit compound Manipravala, red jewel and red gaurad is a metaphor for homogenous mixture of words from different languages. It speaks of words of same kind and is silent about non-homogenous compounds. Addressing the lacuna, Kannada writers extended semantic scope of the Manipravala concept and took it to its logical end. For the opposite of homogenous Manipravala, red jewel and red gaurad mixture, Kannada authors coined the metaphor Muthu and Veerasri, white pearl and black peppa for non-homogenous mixture. Sri Vijaya, 850, was the earliest writer to thoroughly discuss this topic, first in 11 verses and then sum up in two beautiful verses. Quote, traditional scholars prescribe harmonious usage of words identical with Sanskrit, where original Sanskrit words are used in Kannada compositions with little change. Kannada words, however, should not be mixed with Sanskrit ones in the following ways. Sanskrit words that are indeclinable and must, therefore, be understood through context. If these Sanskrit words are mixed with Kannada poetic compositions, the effect is not pleasing but harsh to the ear. Improper and proper mixing is illustrated to emphasize that proper use of Sanskrit words in Kannada works will be pleasing. If Sanskrit words are introduced without knowledge and mixed with Kannada words in compounds, it will be like mixing buttermilk with boiling milk. Incompatibility and compatibility of Kannada and Sanskrit words is explained with suitable examples. When Sanskrit and Kannada are used in homogenous compounds like this, they look beautiful like jewels in a gold ornament. In poetry, one should use soft words arranged beautifully knowing whether they fit or do not fit. Poetry should not be like the mixing of curds with rice paddy. Even if one obtains the desired meaning, if words are strung together in the wrong way, it would be like stringing perils with paper seeds. Words that do not fit should be left out. An entirely new model of norms on literary practices in Kannada was constructed and generated by Jain writers. Assimilation of alien words needs an extra K and more so in mixing. Grammarian Keshiraj of 13th century has cited two metaphors of Nellum Mosul that is rice paddy and curds and Mutthum Velasum, perils and paper to illustrate non-homogenous mixture. Subsequent poet and Shastrakaras have employed the same metaphors maybe because of its propriety. This confirms that Pampa, Konna and Nagavarma and Keshiraja had read and were familiar with the Kavirajamorgam of the 9th century. The Manipravala concept was an ancient innovation by early Jain commentators. In the process of rendering progress and Sanskrit canons and their skolia, translators felt the need for combining words of two different languages for accurately communicating intended meaning. But rule of grammar forbids such compounds under the rubric Ari Samasa hostile compounds. Chief pontiff had to permit the language mixture. Acharya Veerasena of 8th century approved it by giving a new name Manipravala and himself became the pioneer to use it. I have discussed this extensively elsewhere. Sheldon Pollock has discussed the concept of Manipravala in the cosmopolitan vernacular background. Manipravala embodied the very process of localization of the Sanskrit universal in both political discourse and literature that was occurring across southern Asia with the vernacular at first supplementing Sanskrit and later taking on an ever increasing proportion as vernacularization gained power and confidence. Pollock has cited examples from Kannada, Tamil and Malayalam literature. He writes about Veera Choli in Karikai by Puttamitharan of mid-11th century which examines both grammar and literature. The statement that it is here that we find the earliest use of the term Manipravala to refer to register that permits the inclusion of Sanskrit in Tamil poetry is not correct because 200 years and 250 years earlier to this Veerasena Acharya had used the term Manipravala. Recently, Andrew Wallet had reposted his note on the subject because the most common metaphor for a good mixture of language in South Asia is Juyil Coral, Manipravala, which has a very long history. Part of what is good about this mixture is that the elements retain their individuality in one sense, but in another form a homogeneous whole as do red Juyil and red Coral string on a red necklace. The language Nagavarma, also known as Kavitha Gunodaya, broke the following word. The poetry of those horrible poets who write by putting awful Sanskrit together with old Kannada for want of skill, as if stringing pearl and black pepper are skilled readers really taken in. The above words condemns the combination of Kannada and Sanskrit words in composition, comparing it to the stringing together of pearl and black pepper. Nrupathunga and Naesena have also condemned the practice characterizing it respectively as a pouring of buttermilk into boiling milk and as a mixing together of clarified butter and oil. From this it is clear or evident that from the earliest times, purism in the use of Kannada has been advocated and insisted on by the leading writers in that language who were by no means behind in their knowledge of Sanskrit. There is as much difference between good and bad poetry as there is between a lute and a wooden stool. I think this is probably a counter metaphor to Manipravalam. If Juyil Coral minimizes the contrast, then pearl pepper maximizes them since pearl is white and pepper is black. Nagavarma's usage is notable here since it kind of embodies the qualities he is criticizing. Muttung is a Sanskrit word and would have been recognized as such although modified slightly from its Sanskrit form Mutta. But Melisu has no Sanskrit cognate. If early poet's observation on the topic which is missing in Andrew Paul's repost of 2019 is added, it will minimize or it will illuminate and give a new dimension to the important and relevant literary discussion. Now the question is who was the earliest poet to use this phrase before or after Sri Vidya in the 9th century? According to the extent examples chronologically, it is Pampa who looks to be the earliest poet in the beginning of 10th century immediately followed by Pona. As noted above, Manipravalam helped writers and commentators to mix Prakrit and Sanskrit, Kannada and Prakrit or Kannada and Sanskrit homogeneously. But it gave room for unhappy mixtures and warranted strict reminder to standard set by early masters. Sri Vidya and epic poet Pampa and Pona emphasized the need for pleasing mixture of local and alien. The debate did not end there. Polyhister scholar poet Nagavarma of 11th century breathed fresh air to revive the Manipravalam concept. The metaphor Muttum and Melisum had become popular before Pampa was born, whether Gunavarma had also implied it is not known. After the Kaviraja Markam, the metaphor figures in the epic poem Vikramarjuna Vijayam. It figures in an episode where the main character Arjuna is deeply engrossed in tapas austerity infatuated by his beauty. The celestial Urvashi, Menaka, Rambha and Tilottama asked him to give up meditation and satisfy their sexual desire. Therefore, they casual Arjuna, your matted hair Arjuna and ash smeared body is befitting a meditation. But the fever tied to your back, the bow in your hand and the armor you are wearing are odd to penance.  How does it match Arjuna? The self-explanatory metaphor does not require comments. The poet has used it appropriately and the meaning is transparent. Phonan, junior contemporary of poet Pampa, partaking in the discourse has added a fresh air to the debate. He was aware of the Manipravala concept, its historical background and that it figures in the Kaviraja Markam. In addition to the metaphor, pearls and pepper for unpleasant mixture, he has recorded one more metaphor of curds and paddy, morum and nellum. Phonna is the only author who has used both metaphors except that he has substituted the word curds. Therefore, the poet has repeated the same metaphor, but his contribution to the debate is in eliminating the historical background. These details are not found elsewhere. Phonna's critic is as follows. Quote, brief introduction to the context. King Magadha offered precious presents and profusely praised his overlord emperor Shantinatha. The emperor's brother offered a seat by his side to Magadha and told him, Magadha, your words are clear. A self-explanatory vrutti exposition does not warrant a vartika commentary on the original text. Any extra explanation to your transparent speech will amount to Kantashosha drying the throat or wane talk. Your words, Mr. Magadha, are beyond the reach of divine beings. Because to understand their complex words, we have to seek Nyasakaras, our commentator's explanation. Old scholars' words resemble pearl and pepper strength. Only an erudite could write commentary and not an insignificant. For quintessential words, the so-called highly learned are worried in writing commentaries similar to mixing rice, paddy and curds. Others are not at all bothered. Therefore, the construction of words should be cordial and complementary like the soul and body which leads to moral merit. The above two verses, Shantinatha, emperor's brother, continues and concludes his conversation with Magadha. Jiva and Charira, the soul and body, are mutually fused. Similarly, the concordance of Vachana-Rachanayum, the world order, and Artha, its meaning, is embedded in your speech. It is clear Panna is taking a dig at the commentaries with unhappy mixture of words. His details suggest that poets were not happy with the pedantic or non-creative writing. Perhaps commentaries were not popular and that may be one of the reasons for the loss of valuable commentary text. We can also infer that expositors and poets were not in good terms. Words should enter into a poem in accordance with the thought of the poet and should not be permitted to counteract it. The language of the culture land must be maintained in the use of Canada words. Property must be observed for Sanskrit words in due course and due measure and no stumbling over Sanskrit words with their harsh phonemes should be permitted. The composition thereby achieves sweetness and becomes strong, growing forth like the sprout of a wine. Such is the way of the one endured with the consistent political wisdom is the opinion of Pollock. The Vruta in Kaviraja Marka speaks about the suitable words. According to the way of the king of poets, a poem should contain suitable words conveying only intended meanings. Canada should convey what is the universal dilemma, what is idiomatic to the language of the people. Sanskrit words that are harsh should not obstruct the flow. Words should be used so as to demonstrate the poet's ability and should flow naturally like the sprout of a wine. Nagavarma, a prolific writer and a giant of literary zones, is far more profoundly influenced by Sanskrit than Prokhrar. He examines grammar, rhetorical science, poetics, prosody and literature. He has not mentioned the word Manipravala, but he is aware of its specific application in the structure of compounds. Later grammarians have dealt this issue under the rubric Arisamasa compound of saucepies. The concept Manipravala had a wide-ranging effect on syntactic structure of vernacular languages and Sanskrit. Lastly, in the present day context, we can extend the debate by considering the mixture of English words instead of Sanskrit words and Kannada vernacular languages. Because this is an ongoing process and day by day mixing of English words with language of place is increasing. Therefore, the problem and process are running parallel. Thank you for patiently listening to my paper. Thank you very much for most interesting paper, Dr. Hampana. Unfortunately, I don't think we have time for any questions. I mean, the lectures will be recorded and people can always contact you with questions. Unfortunately, I think we have to go on to our next speaker. Andhra Ollit has just put an excellent question on. Maybe this one could be answered in the Q&A page. Okay, let me read that to you, Dr. Hampana. Thank you, Hampana, for this talk. An overview of the use of these metaphors in early Kannada poetry is very valuable. One question. A metaphor of pearls and black pepper appears to be used in the Kaviradha-Marga, not in reference to the mixture of Sanskrit in Kannada, but of words that do not suit the meaning. Do you agree? And if so, who do you think Nagavarma understood the metaphor differently? Why do you think Nagavarma understood the metaphor differently? Recently, the text Kaviradha-Marga, which was written in the year 850 by Sri Vidya, he was a quote poet laureate of Nriputunga, one of the emperors of the Rasakuta dynasty, an imperial dynasty who ruled for 200 years. And the old Kannada work, Kaviradha-Marga, has been translated to English. The entire text has been translated to English by Professor R.V.S. Sundaram in collaboration with one of his friends. And apart from that, well, I will be very happy to draw your attention or any other person or scholar interested in the subject that Sheldon Pollock in his work, that magnum opus work, the language of gods in the world of man, he has also referred to the importance of this Kaviradha-Marga. And yes, well, extensively examine the context of Mutum and Melisum, pearl and black pepper. Thank you very much. Now, our next speaker is Pujinagar Singh. And Pujinagar Singh we know is the most knowledgeable scholar of Jainism and of Jain philosophy. And he has also contributed extensively to Jain studies, as well being part of the workshop as so has for many years. The title of his paper is How to Avoid Hymsa Explained by Pujapada. So please, Pujinagar Singh. So, okay, good afternoon and good evening from Japan. Today, I'd like to explore the idea of a Hymsa or Hymsa in Pujapada's works. Second slide, please. Yes. The Pujapada is most popular as the author of the Sarabata CD, a commentary on Umas Bahamins Tatbata Sutra. The first Sanskrit grammar in Jainism, Jain and the Beakana, in Lebanon is attributed to him. Two works on philosophical subjects are also written by Pujapada, namely Ishtar Padesh and Samadhi Tantra. Today, our discussion is mainly concerned with Sarabata CD, while Samadhi Tantra will be referred to additionally, a third slide, please. In Tatbata Sutra, we come across the word, a Hymsa, for the first time at the later part, namely in the first sutra of chapter 7, it reads, I quote, Hymsa and Lita Steyer, Abrah Macharya, Parigraha, Parigraha Bhioho, Viratil Brattam. This means the vow consists of the living from injury, lie, stale, and chastity and attachment. Definition of Hymsa appears later, namely in the sutra 13 of chapter 6. This means that first of all, Hymsa itself is something to be avoided for the jains, or they should avoid the activity or behavior called Hymsa. The sutra quoted above shows the five kinds of activities to avoid, and Hymsa is put as the first of them, because it is the most important and avoidance of the other four support to Hymsa, namely Hymsa. Then, what the jain intends by the word Hymsa? The sutra 13 explains, I quote, Pramatta Yogat Pranabhyapa, Vyapparopanam Hymsa. I translate Hymsa means taking out vital energy through abnormal behavior, we can't injure no living beings, only living beings are objects of Hymsa. The jains, as scholars or schools of Indian philosophy do, regard the prana or vital energy is fundamental of life. This prana is ten kinds, the five concerning five sense organs, one for body power, one for respiration, one for speech, one for mind, and one for lifespan. This is referred to in Salvatore 6, section 286. Suppose one of our sense organs, say, skin, is forced to stop working by other, we may feel uneasy and get ill. This is a form of violence or Hymsa in the wider sense of the word. Moreover, it must be noted here that the number of pranas which are living beings varies from one to ten in correspondence with its degree of development. The lowest being, plant for example, has one prana while human has ten. This suggests that the activity of Hymsa has degree when it has been done. We can realize this thoroughly, rationally, through just reflecting our daily life. We may take away a life of a plant by pulling it out from the earth. At another occasion, we may kill an animal, say a deer. When we hit it by a curve, both are cases of Hymsa. But in the former, we do not feel sorry while in the latter, many of us may blame ourselves. So the theory of number of pranas can explain the difference of these feelings. Strictly speaking, as understood from the sutra 13, we commit Hymsa when we take away the prana with abnormal behavior. To support this, Tujapada quotes a passage. I quote, biogianti, char-shu-bi-ru, natcha, badena, samiyujianti. This means, I translate, even if one hurts other's breath, he does not commit injury. This means that if we give damage to other person or living beings with proper reason, namely not with abnormal behavior, then we do not kill it. In other words, not all heartings are regarded as Hymsa. For a person with supreme self-control like Tiltankara, no rules would be needed to keep a Hymsa. But for ordinary person like us, there should be some clear norms. Now let us know what should be done to avoid Hymsa or to obey Hymsa or Hymsa. There are two types of norms for our purpose. The visible or concrete one and the mental or abstract one. Of the two, the former is in Tatova Sutra, Chapter 7, Sutra 4, I quote, I translate this. There are five observance for a Hymsa, control of speech, control of thought, regulation of walking, care about taking and putting, and check of drinking and food. The first two concern the three parts of our behavior as described in the Tatova Sutra, Chapter 6, Sutra 1. The other three covers fundamental behavior in our daily life. These can be summed up as control, I mean beauty and care, sanity, as we will see later. Mental or abstract face of the norm is kind of reflection. As Tatova Sutra, Chapter 7, Sutra 9 leads, I quote, Hymsa adish iir amuti apai abad dhira dalishanam. I translate. We must reflect upon loss and blame which we may receive in this world and in next when we commit injury and others. Suppose we commit murder. People who know that fact must feel frightened of us and leave from us. Then we will lose a lot. Moreover, murder according to Pujapada lead us to bad life in the next life. Therefore, we should avoid and hate injure and others. The first several sutras of Chapter 9 of the Tatova Sutra gives detailed description how to avoid a Hymsa and Pujapada explains them more deeply. The first sutra says that the obstruction of influx is stoppage and Pujapada shows a complex relationship of stage of our ethical development. I mean, gunasana with stoppage at great length. Next sutras tell us that the stoppage will be carried out by control, care, virtue, contemplation, overcoming of endurance, conduct, as well as austerity. These five are again explained by Mass Barmin in the following seven sutras. And the commentator gives a comment one by one. For our purpose, the explanation on control and care are important. First, let us have an explanation on control over good tea. Mass Barmin says in the Tatova Sutra, Chapter 9, Sutra 4, samyag yoga nigraha gupti. This means regulation for proper behavior is control. On this, Pujapada comments as follows. I skip the text. I just translate this. Here, behavior means activities of our body, speech, and mind as described. But sometimes we behave according to our desire, sweatshirt, and it may harm others. To avoid this, we must control our behavior. Controlling does not always have a good and favorable result. A notorious thief will control his or her behavior to steal other properties successfully. To exclude such cases and adjective, proper samyag is added in the sutra. And the general supports that our activities draw karmic matters towards us and they cover natural good tendency of jiva. Thus, through the stopping follow of such matter, we can behave properly. In total, the sutra should be understood. In this way, through the regulation of body, speech, and mind for proper behavior, we control our activities. If we perfectly control our activities, automatically we can avoid improper behavior such as his or her. But as imperfect beings, we often fail to do so. For such poor beings, must bharmin propose several kinds of care, samiti. These care on work, work, conversation, begging, receiving, with putting, and discharge. Of course, we have to do these improper ways when many living beings exist. Load where we walk, food and receptacles for them, items we receive and place for putting them, and place or discharge must have a huge number of living beings. Careless activity at such places may harm them easily. Therefore, we should pay our full attention to such places. But why care on conversation is required? This care is not intended to avoid physical violence but mental one. Fujipada says that the monk taking care will tell gently and properly with good friends as well as bad friends. So far, we have seen the idea of a hinsa or a hinsa in Fujipada's Sarabata city. Summing up, a hinsa is the most important element of our behavior. At all costs, a hinsa must be obeyed and the hinsa should be avoided. This attitude is very natural for the Fujipada as a giant. Is that all? In Samadhi Tantra, he declares that our fortune comes with brathas and misfortune comes with non-brathas. If one wants to get liberation, both should be abandoned. Here, in Samadhi Tantra 83, a punyam abratail punyam brathail mokshaka tayouru biahak abratani iwa mokshakal tani brathani api tatas teyajet. Our discussion on a hinsa and that in the Tantra, that of sutra begins with a hinsa as the first and most important brath. But here, Fujipada recommends us to give up it. Moreover, he seems to put less importance on our lineage and religious tradition. Those who stick to their own religion with lineage, or religious marks, cannot attain the final emancipation. This is mentioned in Samadhi Tantra 89. I read, Then what shall we do for getting the emancipation, which is the final goal for obeying the brother of a hinsa? By devotion, Fujipada says, to another outman, or by worshipping it, we can reach the same state which it has attained as a wood catch, catches fire by being put near it. This is mentioned in Samadhi Tantra 97. In the first outman, Here, he does not refer to the extraordinary person, but the common one, like us. And he does not clearly deny the activity for avoiding hinsa, but his opinion in Samadhi Tantra naturally leads to denial of effort to do so. What makes the difference of his opinion in his two works? In these two, he shows his two standpoints. And the author of commentary on the authentic compilion and enthusiastic specialist of meditation, Samadhi. As a former, he has to emphasize the principles or practice of a hinsa because that is the main doctrine in the Jain tradition, perhaps in his days. On the other hand, as a yogin, he gives importance on the meditation, not on keeping Brata. Thank you very much. Thank you very much for your most interesting lecture. I guess it's midnight in Japan now. Yes. I'm very sleepy now. You're very sleepy. But thank you very, very, very much. I guess we should go for tea now, but maybe there is one or two questions. Anyone who wants to put a question to... There's one by Anna in the Q&A. There are two questions. Yes, exactly. I see that. Could you say a bit more about your decision to translate Pramatta Yoga's abnormal behavior instead of careless activity or something similar? In Tattva Sutra, you mean in Tattva Sutra chapter 6, Sutra 13, Pramatta Yoga. Yes. This abnormal behavior means if we control ourselves, we can behave in proper way.  Such an activity doesn't mean hinsa. In this case, Pramatta means abnormal or careless activity. Yeah. Okay. So that was one answer. Yes, careless activity, for example, for that. Yes. Let me see. That's another question. Are there references in the canonical literature that distinguishes hinsa and ahinsa based on care slash carelessness, Pramatta? In the canonical text? Yeah, maybe that's material. So far, I have no idea. There must be such a difference in the canonical literature too. But so far, now I have no idea. No. Okay, another question about Jain. Is the fact of a hinsa or pujapada different from any other Jain acharya? Pardon? Yeah. So does actually pujapada's view on a hinsa differ significantly from any other Jain acharya? I think in Jain also, sorry. Say, a kalanka, a commentator on Sarabata city has not such a tendency. So in a sense, pujapada is unique in Jain tradition in his day. But later, say, in Jnana Arnava, we can find the same opinion as pujapada said. So in Jnana tradition, he may be not so unique. Because later Jnana philosopher has a tendency of tantalism, or some people very eager to practice yoga. Is that okay? Is that fine? I think it's fine. Okay, I think we have to stop there and wish you a really good night's sleep then after. Thank you. Now, is Peter there? Okay, fine, Peter. So should we have a cup of tea now and some good cookies or something? I think we need two. 15 minutes? 15 minutes, yeah. I mean, we cannot avoid, you know, some over-stretching of the program. With this technology, it is impossible, really. So let me introduce without further ado Dr. Himaltrika, as you can see from the University of Jnana, who presents the paper, 84 laciones, the Jaina doctrine of 84 million embodiments. Well, yes, thank you, Peter. I hope you can see the visuals in a wider extension.  Thank you anyway for the invitation and I'm grateful to you all for literally attending my talk. I will first illustrate the doctrine and secondly give an overview of its history in Jnana text. Due to the restriction of time, I can refer to the correspondences in other aesthetic traditions only in a short epilogue. A preprint of my full article on the topic is available at academia.edu. In the context of our workshop, the doctrine concerns the object of Hissa. This is basically an animate being a soul, Jiva, which is believed to have been attracted to a particular place of origin, Yoni, a birthplace where it has to consume the results of previous actions, Karman. The knowledge of the different types of birthplaces is essential if one wants to avoid harm against them. In the history of Jainism, several classification schemes have been provided. Among the better known are, for example, the six groups of souls, which is as tested as early as the Dasa Vialia Sutra. The basic distinction of movable and immovable beings is enfolded into several classes, notably the Uttarajaya Sutra. Widespread are the four Gathis of gods, demons, men, and remaining life forms. A late elaborate version is found in Himachandra's Trishashtisha Laka Purusha Charitra. The doctrine of 84 Lakyonis reflects this alternative classification but has a very specific purport. I illustrate it by an English rendering of the Satlaka Sutra, the Sutra of 700,000. There are 7-luck places of origin for earth bodies, 7-luck water bodies, 7-luck fire bodies, 7-luck air bodies. Plants with a single body have 10-luck, plants with common bodies 14. Beans with two senses have 2-luck, with 3 senses 2, with 4 senses 2. Heavenly beings have 4-luck, hellish beings 4. Animals with 5 senses 4-luck, humans 14-luck. In this way there are 84-luck places of origin. Whatever harm I have done, caused to be done or approved of, by mind, speech, or body, against all of them, may that harm be without consequence. According to court, this text is used twice daily by Shwetambara mendicants. Interesting for the team of our workshop is the last sentence. It is prayed that the rather relentless law of karmic retribution should be suspended somehow. I will not elaborate further on this, but focus on the structure and history of the classification. It is contended that there are 84-luck, that is 84 times 100,000 places of birth. Several classes of embodiments are mentioned. They are grouped here according to similar numbers distributed for each class. Elemental beings have 7-luck divisions each, 20-luck in all. Beans with limited numbers of senses have 2-luck divisions each, 6-luck, etc. The sum total is 84-luck. In the overall scheme of the intellectual history of Jainism, two prominent themes are combined in this classification. The first is the central intention of Jainism to provide a path for individuals to enter the bondage to transmigration. The very high number 84-luck emphasizes the magnitude of the situation. An unimaginable number of live forms implies innumerable individual births, endless varieties of pains. When faced with this classification, one might think, stop that pain right now, avoid afflicting it to your countless fellows of misery and thus pave the path for your individual liberation. The second theme is counting itself, the interest to measure and to classify a characteristic of many stages in Jain intellectual history. This spirit for classification is applied here to grouping and subgrouping all thinkable forms of embodiments. The combination of these two prominent themes led to a very specific feature of the classification at hand. The sum total of live forms appears as if it would be an arithmetical figure, the result of an exact census. However, the number 84-luck figures not only as the sum total of types of embodiment, but realizes a pattern which was frequently applied to temporal spatial phenomena. In Jainism and other ascetics traditions, decimal multiples of 84 often represented some kinds of totality. This was recently presented here at the Sours by Gotsatinski. Examples include the lifespans of Rishaba and other illustrious persons, the height of Mount Neru, the number of places in Hell, etc. With regard to the history of the doctrine in question, we can therefore suppose a point in time when the pattern of totality was firstly applied to forms of embodiment. And when we can suppose a point in time when this general concept was rationalized, when it was shown how exactly the number of 84-luck would be achieved and that it represented the result of an accurate evaluation of the forms of life. In terms of the structural elements of the doctrine, we can thus distinguish between a pattern, the number 84-luck, and the classification that fits this pattern. In the second part of my paper, I will now address the slightly different classifications of Shwetambara and Digambara. I have collected six early references to the doctrine in Shwetambara works. The table indicates the approximate notation. Besides the sole instance in the Kanon, there is one instance in the independent work, Guwahat-Sangahani by Jena Badla, the rest appear in commentary by Sri Lanka, Sita Senagani, Abhayadeva, and Malayagiri. The instance in the Kanon meets the main places of birth I explained to be 8400,000. If there was in fact an early explanation, Panathar, of how this number should be arrived, I did not find it in the vicinity of this text. Sections on Yonis in the Panavana Sutra or the Uttarajaya, Shubhwing's survey, Ipohira study, etc. No one cares to mention such a teaching in an early Shwetambara context. The Ayaranga simply states, the places of birth have many forms. Ipohar-Sangahani transmits the following structure. Earth, water, fire, and air beings have 7 lakh places of origin each. Plants, single and endless ones have 10 and 14 lakh places of origin. For beings with deficient senses, there are respectively 2 lakh and for infernal and heavenly beings respectively for 4 animals, for humans, however, 14. This is clearly an archetype of the classification in the Satlak Sutra. Exactly the same stock appears with minor variations in Sri Lanka's Ajara-Angasutra-Bhakti and Abhaya-Deva-Samavaya-Angaptika. The question is, where does this classification come from? Chinabhadri certainly draws on earlier material while composing the stock. But what about the characteristic segmentation of classes of life forms and particularly the sequence of the enumeration? I'm not sure, but I have two observations to make. Firstly, the 84 lakh pattern is not explicitly referred to in the context of the scoff in the Burhad-Sangahana. All other Sri Tambara attestations of this classification do refer to the 84 lakh pattern. Was this pattern not yet prominent in Chinabhadri's milieu? The second observation attains to the first mention of the doctrine in Sri Tambara commentaries on the Tatva-Athasutra. In about the 9th century, Sita Senagani still wanders, Katam-Yoni Lakshanam-Ashitish-Chattu-Uttara-Pratipaditra. Now, how are 84 lakh places of origin explained? This is Dr. Klaas in the doctrine Bhavachana. It is as follows. Earth, water, fire, and air have each respectively 7 lakh places of origin. And then the teaching of this 84 lakh classification continues. Sita Senagani has in fact occasioned for surprise as neither the Tatva-Athasutra, nor Umas-Ratisparsha, nor the Tikka, began by Haribadra, refer either to 84 lakh pattern or to the classification at hand. There are no surprises for the Digambaras. The complete doctrine is a standard item in the explanation of the Tatva-Athasutra and the concept of Yoni. Starting with Devanandin, the same as Devanandin Kuchapada. The famous commentators Akalanka, Vidyanandin, Vasvaranandin, and Shrutasagarasuri all refer to it. Moreover, during a period of more than 1,000 years, the doctrine is exemplified by one and the same Arya stanza. Nijidharadadu Sathaya, Tharudasa, Vigalini, Esu, Chachiva, Sura, Nira, Yatirya, Chauro, Jodasa, Manwe, Sadasasa. The permanent and the other Nigodas and the four kinds of the element beings have 700,000 distincties each. Plants ten, beings with deficient senses, exactly six, gods, demons, and animals, four, men, 1,400,000. The scope and the purport of the highlighted numbers in the stanza is not at all evident. The translation follows the interpretation of all later commentators. A comparison of the two classification shows that the same classes are addressed with different terms. There seems to be one exception concerning the Nigodas of the Dhygambara list and the Sattarana in the Svetambara list. For the Shubhring and Padmanadjani, however, this is also a difference in name only as the Nigodas of the Dhygambaras are assumed under plants in other Svetambara complex. With this we have the same segmentation of groups, the variation pertains to the sequence in enumeration. From where did the Dhygambaras, the Dhygambara commentators obtain this classification? Probably from the Moolajara. The stanza is transmitted in four independent bracket works. Which are the identified bracket works. The order of which are the Moolajara and the Barasa Anureka. I consider the attestation in the Moolajara to be older because the party and the club excluded the stanza in question from the proposed original version of the Barasa Anureka. The context of the stanza in both old bracket works, however, has a very interesting detail to offer for the history of our doctrine. The 84 luck pattern is not mentioned. The Moolajara and the Barasa Anureka were only interested in the classification. And this classification was not yet considered in the 84 luck framework. So in terms of identified textual attestations, we have 84 luck pattern in the Samavariya's Anga without detailed classification. The Svetambara classification in the Barasa Anurahani without the pattern. Likewise, the Dhygambara classification without the pattern in the Moolajara. Pattern and classification and thus created a doctrine. I think it was Devanandin or one of his teachers, not to remote teachers. In his commentary on the Tattva Akta, the first attestation of the full doctrine reads, The distinction of the places of birth, 8400,000 in number, are to be known from the scriptures. And there it is said, the permanent and the Arunagodas and the four kinds of the element beings have 700,000 distinctions each. Is this statement Devanandin suggested that 8.4 million would be an avidmetical figure brought about by the calculation of numbers stated for these particular classes of lunes in this particular classification. Two traditional cures of unity here, one that explicated the enormity of samsaric life is the 84 luck pattern and another tradition that was dedicated to the exonination of classes in details. From here the combination spread and was to become a doctrine. Reconstructing the history of an idea on the basis of identified textual attestations is scratching the tip of an iceberg. The idea must have been much more alive than a handful of textual bits can reflect. The idea is very much alive today. This screenshot shows videos on the internet that treated also in the concept of Sikhism and Vrishnanrishnan, Nordic-Krishnanrishnan. As far as I have seen, the classification of these religions are congruent with that of Neo-Zedantica, in the south of India in about the 12th century. The tradition is close to Jainism for several reasons. This classification anyway is a distinct alternative to that of Jainism and I think it would be an inviting task to collect and analyze the attestations of the doctrine also in other traditions, classic and modern times. Thomas McIvillie reaches out far into the other direction of the timeline. He proposed that the classification pattern of 84 is a heirloom of Sumerian astrology. The pattern would have gained the significance of temporal spatial totality because the number 84 is a product of the numbers 7 and 12. 7 would signify the seven planets, space and total. 12, the 12 relations of a year, time and total. This proposal is very convincing with regard to the initial symbolic significance of the pattern, but it needed to be shown how precisely the notion entered the Indian scene. Wozatinski follows Johannes von Kerst in assuming that the pattern is a heirloom of Greater Margarita, the culture to the east that was first independent from the full-fledged Aryan migration into the subcontinent. The number 84 would have played no role in Vedic literature, but was prominent with Buddhists, Jainists and the Arjivikas, the initial inheritors of Margarita. In the context of this hypothesis, classification of lifeform would strengthen, again, the connection of Jainists and the Arjivikas. Already, Parthenon Jaini drew attention to the fact that what he called the Gambala classification of unions equals the number of aliens which every being has to pass before reaching salvation in the opinion of the Arjivika-Goschela. There are two more striking parallels. 14, the number attributed to human Jainists and Jainist sources equals the number of primary embodiments according to Goschela. 7, the number attributed to Megodas and element beings in the Muda Arjara equals the classes of unconsciousness beings birthed from brass-like nodes, but also of man and God. His partly overlapping classifications point to variegated developments of beliefs that were initially shared by these ascetic groups. Against this backdrop, it is also understandable that these traditions agreed in applying the number 84 luck to pivotal doctrinal tenets. The common denominator for both applications is that the number meshes a framework which encompasses every phenomenal existence there is. In Goschela's tradition, this framework is instantiated as the time in which individual experiences, phenomenal existence, and after which this existence ends. For the Jainists, the framework points to all possible form of embodiments, a quintessentially animated phenomenon world about which we have to be very careful if we want our individual embodiments ever to end. Thank you very much for your attention. Thank you very much. A wonderful paper. A written version of course, which is extraordinarily written. There's feedback here. Are there any questions? I think there was one in the chat by Suresh Parikh. Suresh Siddhanta is much older than Sumerian. Has this ignored our lack of knowledge about ancient texts or something like that? In this case, one would have to... I'm not aware that Suresh Siddhanta is much older than Sumerian. One would have to argue in that direction or would have to show that the Sumerian astronomy of 2000 before the Common Era would be in fact younger than Suresh Siddhanta. As far as I know, this is not the case. It's the other way around, Sumerian is older than the Suresh Siddhanta. And another question about self-evident truth or critical knowledge or some other hybrid form. You are asked to comment again on histology, please. I don't know how it connects to your paper, but there are no other questions right now. Well, the connection to gynecology, I cannot... for the moment I see also no connection, which I could highlight on here. The only things that comes now to my mind would be that we are talking of different classes of beings, that all of them have different senses. And for me it would be an interesting question what kind of epistemological faculties, humans and gods and narakas, demons would have in regards to the beings who have only five senses. But I fear this is not the background of the question. But if you want to write me, Mr. Pareke, then I would be happy to see if I find something that suits better to your question. Is there any more urgent question? If not, then... I had a question, Peter. Yes? Yes, sorry. I'm not able to access the chat for some reason or the Q&A box. But I wondered if you saw any differences in the giant account of this from the others that you looked at. Yes, as I mentioned. So the classification of the gynas seemed to be only in the context of the gynas whereas what was successful in the second millennium of our time was the classification of the shyvas. So the classification of the shyvas is congruent with the classification found in the Vishnu Puranas, found in Sikhism, found in the Bhagavad-Purana. I only looked at this superficially. But this is another set of classification. But certainly they are the same in the sense that the number of classes of yonis in the end must be 84. Yes, it's... Are there more questions? There's a very intriguing question, number 84. There is some feedback. Maybe those who do not speak switch, please, the phone off their computer microphone. Then we're probably in a better place. I think we move on to the next paper. Thank you very much, Himal. We're looking forward to this appearing in print. So I would like to invite Simon Vinand, Simon Vinand to talk about his paper Justifying Violence and Redistributing Blame. The implication of Deva Prabhasuri's narrative choices in the Pandava Charitra. Thank you, Bita, for introducing me. Can I share my screen with you all? Hello. Thank you for being given this opportunity to present my paper Justifying Violence, Deva Prabhasuri's narrative choices in the Pandava Charitra. My paper deals with how one particular Jain adaptation of the Sanskrit epic Mahabharata deals with the question of violence or how to adapt violence in its adaptation of the Viratabhadra episode. So as many of you will know, the Mahabharata is one of the major Sanskrit epics attributed to the sage Vyasa as its author and depicts the feud between two sets of cousins, the virtuous Pandavas and the villainous Gauravas over the rule of most of Northern India. Jains too have adapted the narrative of Mahabharata in many different types of works and as a literary work on violence, like war and conflicts, it is interesting to look at how Jains dealt with this concept when they adapted the epic. When Jains have adapted this particular epic, they usually included this narrative in the biography of the 22nd Titanka Nemi. The text I am looking at is the Pandava Charitra, Deva Prabhasuri, who was this Shretambaramankh from Gujarat, who was active around the 13th century and might have been affiliated with the Chalukhi court. While many literary works he wrote most importantly the Pandava Charitra, the sizable work, about one-tenth of the size of most manuscripts of the Mahabharata epic. In 18 chapters explicitly starts to mirror the 18 books of the Mahabharata. Why have I chosen this particular adaptation because it is arguably the first true Jain adaptation in Sanskrit to focus on the Pandava Charitra as its title indicates. The Pandava's story was a sub-narrative in the Nemi Nathya Charitra as I have mentioned before. This is the first adaptation which features the Pandava Charitra as its protagonist but this is the first Sanskrit text. What is particularly interesting is its very deliberate faithfulness to the Vyasa Bharata to an extent is more than obvious as I will demonstrate as its adaptation of the Vyata Bharata in the Pandava Charitra contains verbatim lines and this faithfulness is very interesting with regards to the violence elements in that episode because Devkarasuri adheres to the narrative of Vyasa to a certain extent but he also changes certain narrative elements that have to do with violence and how to justify violence as I will explain later. Here is a brief overview of my presentation. First I will give a brief synopsis of the Vyasa Bharata as depicted in the Mahabharata then I will go over the quotation verbatim lines in the Pandava Charitra until finally moving on to the narrative changes in the chain adaptation namely the Pandava Charitra. The Vyasa Bharata is the fourth book of Mahabharata so after the five Pandavas are defeated at the fatal game of dice against their gardens, the Kauravas they are forced to go into exile together with their wife Derpadi for 13 years. The first 12 years are spent in the forest but the 13 year has to be spent in public but unrecognized. So to that end the Pandavas disguise themselves and live at the court of King Virata, the king of the Matsyas so the Vyasa Bharata the eldest Pandava just is himself a gambling Brahmin, Bhiva becomes a cook and wrestler called Malava and Derpadi is just sort of as a traveling maid servant of the type they call Sairandvi they spend a couple of months in relative ease without too many troubles until the end of this day when the brother-in-law of King Virata Kichika spots Derpadi becomes obsessed with her and wants to seduce her so he asks his sister, Queen Siddhasana to send Derpadi to his apartments which is a text which Siddhasana does Derpadi arrives at Kichika's apartments on which Kichika decides to proposition her she refuses she runs away for shelter but she sees her and kicks her in front of her husband's Bhima and Yudhishthir King Virata himself is restrained by Yudhishthir and unfortunately neither Virata nor Yudhishthir are willing to fight Kichika so Derpadi is forced to resort to Bhima for moral support and Bhima comes up with a plan to get rid of Kichika Derpadi is to pretend she is involved with Kichika in a nightly rendezvous at a secluded location but instead of Derpadi Bhima waits upon Kichika and when Kichika arrives he kills him in a gruesome fashion he reduces him to a lump of flesh after word of Kichika's death has gotten round Kichika's brothers desire to revenge himself upon Derpadi whom they blame for Kichika's demise and they abduct her and attempt to burn her alive again it is Bhima who comes to her rescue and again Bhima slays all Kichika's brothers the rest of Virata Palvan is dedicated to the cattle raid by the cowherd of us on the master kingdom in my paper so interestingly the Bhanavachaita contains that said verbatim lines that I found in Vyasa Bharata so it is very clear that Derpadi must have used a manuscript of the Vyasa Bharata or must have been very intimately aware with that particular text so before the Bhanavas in Mahabharata is set up for the master kingdom they first consult with their house priest Dharmu who gives them a speech on how to behave at a king's court in the Bhanavachaita this same speech occurs but is given by Vyasa Bharata instead to his younger brothers and nearly all the lines by Vyasa Bharata are inspired by Dharmu's speech and three consecutive lines are directly taken from Mahabharata as I will show so on the left I give the line from Mahabharata on the right the line in the Bhanavachaita so what man honored by the wise we wish ill to him whose anger inflicts great pain and whose favor bears great fruit as you can see the line on the right is a statement that apart from very minor adjustment is almost identical so I will show the Sanskrit quotes line that I have translated now the consecutive next line from the Bhanavachaita is also a Bhanavas in Mahabharata for kings are displeased with people who lie likewise they despise a minister who speaks falsely again the line in the Bhanavachaita is also very similar to the Bhanavachaita the minister could argue that it's because the Sanskrit word man like thinking one who thinks himself clever could have been a corruption from Manthiranan the equal medical weight so perhaps that's the reason why that has changed the next line Bhanavachaita again is inspired by Mahabharata here I haven't given the line from the critical addition but the line found in the most northern manuscript because it's even closer so again it's only the latter part like live in the king's palace and may attain the favorite king that actually differs there are other examples of near quotations and tiny details that can only be explained by actual manuscript of knowledge in the Bhanavachaita but I will skip it for now because I think it's so clear that from these examples that are given that Depevasui must have known the Mahabharata quite well and try to write texts at some level tries to echo and mirror the Mahabharata so now we'll go on to the alterations and narratives changes so contrary well despite containing almost the big lines Depevasui does not really slavishly adhere to the Mahabharata and he actually introduces certain changes in the subtle changes which relate to the violence for the most part they either down down the willingness and the eagerness of the violence beam and deropity inflicts they justify some of the violence acts or try to justify at a certain level Depevasui even invents we imagine a certain episode from Mahabharata to provide a contrast like an analog between the justified violence Bhima inflicts on Kichike and unjust other example as I will indicate for instance the slaying of Kichike in the Mahabharata is the biggest a very extended dual between Bhima and Kichike and the narrative really focuses on the gruesome death of Kichike in the Mahabharata where there is no real dual and Kichike is killed instantly and they don't really focus on the actual don't focus as much on the actual violence as opposed to the Mahabharata Kichike is killed instantly while Kichike was speaking thus Bhima that is came up to him and embraced him so affectionately that he died then through Kichike whose body was reduced to a lamp of flesh with a window out of the room out of the out of the dance hall onto the ground what's interesting like in Mahabharata Bhima Bhima actually shows Kichike's corpse to Darpari Darpari was sold in the Mahabharata and it's overjoyed Kichike's death in Mahabharata and even rejoices and calls him to gaze upon Kichike's mangled corpse and this is completely absent in the Bhima goes to as soon as he kills Kichike he goes to the kitchen Darpari is not even near the crime scene and she doesn't gloat and rejoice another element for the violent sort of tone down is the episode of the Kichike's brothers in the Mahabharata as well as the Bhima the Kichike's brothers abduct Darpari for they hold responsible for Kichike's death in Mahabharata because it is because Darpari is self actually clipped responsibility whereas in the Bhima it is because they reason Kichike was in love with Darpari so she must have been responsible for his death and what happens in the Mahabharata Bhima hears Darpari screams he comes to a rescue as soon as the Kichike sees the Bhima approach they release Darpari but Bhima has no mercy and slays them all with an uprooted tree whereas in the Bhima hears Darpari screams runs up to them and tries to reason with them first before engaging in violence so for instance this quote from the Mahabharata he said to them why are you dragging this woman away against her will why isn't her husband around here somewhere the Kichike's say that they want to incinerate like burn the death upon which Kichike Bhima speaks like why don't you fear that sinful act of killing that woman you would commit another crime and you would not gain anything by it so again he tries to appeal for the sense of decency he doesn't immediately resort to violence and it isn't until the Upakichike's actually ask them refuse to let Darpari go that Bhima is forced to resort to violence then they answer let someone who has strength and anger in his strong arms rescue the one who wants to throw on the funeral pyre pyre which is Darpari so their response basically amount to come try and stop us and it's only then that Bhima actually kills them all another narrative change found in the Mahabharata is the reimagined dual of Bhima and Jhimuta found in the Mahabharata as compared to the dual between Bhima and Vishakarpada so in the Mahabharata in the couple of months the Bhanavas spent in Virata service Bhima is not only employed as a cook but also as a wrestler and King Virata has this great wrestling festival at some point in the narrative where he has Bhima fight all these wrestlers including one certain wrestler called Jhimuta whom Bhima defeats this sort of episode is sort of reimagined and inserted at a later point in the narrative in the Bhanava Charita after the death of the Kichaka and the Uppakichakas and this is in relation to Sudeshna's rage in the Bhanava Charita so Sudeshna is the wife of King Virata and sister to Kichaka and the Uppakichakas so in the Mahabharata Sudeshna is remarkably indifferent to her brother's death and her kinsman's death whereas in the Bhanava Charita she's actually insulted and angry which would be a more natural reaction and this is clearly sort of narrative invention by the Vasui so in the Bhanava Charita Sudeshna comes up to the King King Virata proclaims like Bhima's killing of a kinsman Uppakichakas is a sort of an insult and he asks him to avenge Bhima so Virata at first refuses because he thinks Bhima's way is strong for me to openly attack but he comes up with a ruse with a subterfuge to kill Bhima what's interesting too is that Sudeshna in a plea to Virata to kill Bhima Bhima Ubalada who's alter ego is that she sort of emotionally black nails him with a threat of suicide and that is very similar to the threat of suicide that Virata makes in the Mahabharata when she asks Bhima to kill Kichakas so it's almost like out of that desire for vengeance it's sort of transposed from Virata to Sudeshna and now this is a Sanskrit line which I've translated in the previous slide and the ploy Virata comes up with to use this wrestler Vishakarpada who happens to have been sent by Duryodhana the rival of one of us to and he argues that there's certainly they should have a duel between Bhima and Bhima because Vishakarpada is a very well trained wrestler surely Bhima should not be able to defeat Vishakarpada Sudeshna's loss for revenge will be satisfied it's interesting in the narrative continually focus between the fact that Vishakarpada has been trained in wrestling whereas Bhima is not and it's not supposed to be a fair fight if it weren't that Bhima is just a kind of being a Panavaj incredible powerful hero and human being so the King Virata has a stage built and there is this contest between Vishakarpada and Bhima and Bhima managed to defeat Vishakarpada and King Virata decides to let go of his plans to satisfy his wife's wishes and he tells her to not let go of his Bhima's death so it's I would argue that it's sort of like an analog of a sort of a mirror of Bhima's and Draupadi's ruse to kill Kichike that is found in this Vishakarpada and Bhima's duel so a woman who has been insulted asks her husband to kill her tormentor and the interesting thing is that the one incident is justified because Kichike has really transgressed as a committed moral offence and Bhima himself comes up with a list with a ruse but he himself offers an up as the instrument of retribution. He himself will fight Kichike worse in Viratas the ruse he uses an unwitting bomb who doesn't really know he's been used to fight another person's battle and I think it's sort of deliberately created by Devra Sui to justify Bhima and Draupadi's give us killing of Kichike especially since in the Bhanavachaita the protagonists are supposed to be Jane characters they're supposed to be Jane persons who worship the Jinnas so how do you deal with the violence that they inevitably commit in this adaptation so I think these toning down the eagerness of violence or not dwell on the violence and give a worse example of unjustified violence makes the Bhanavas come across better and that is my presentation and thank you for listening thank you very much Simon that was fabulous and it just shows what great work is being done in Ghent particularly on narrative literature and Dharamchand, Jane raise the hand please Dharamchand is Dharamchand asking a question you have to unmute yourself aha thank you what positive point do you see in Pandavcharit and what is the intention of writer of Pandavcharit Devra Sui for showing this slain by being of Keechak what is the intention of Devra Sui was he not a nonviolent person or is there any intention of showing this incidence thank you for your question Dharamchand I personally think that Devra Sui wants to balance strike a balance between adapting the contents of Mahabharata he might have written for an audience that goes beyond the Jane audience so he wants to stay true to certain parts of the Mahabharata narrative but at the same time he wants to tone down some parts of the violence but the Keechak is such a central episode and such an often adapted part and it is found in many forms of Indian culture in the Kathakali performances probably even in some lost plays and folk drama so he feels this necessity to depict this slain of Keechak he feels as if he can't deviate there is one Jane adaptation that depicts Bhima having mercy about Keechak and not killing him but that is not the dominant depiction in Jane adaptations especially now in this one which tries to be even closer to the Mahabharata most Jane adaptations of Mahabharata I think the Bhavasui must have felt he could not depict like a non-violent Keechak I think that is my answer there are two more hands I cannot see who raised the hand but on my screen but please pick up maybe the hands were withdrawn I can't see any hands either yeah yeah ok well in that case so thank you very much Simon we are moving on to Julie Hanlon's paper which is on non-violence non-violence in stone and clay the consideration of Jane lithic inscriptions we leave images and ceramic vessels great thank you so much so thank you to be here this afternoon it's Chicago time my name is Julie Hanlon I'm from the University of Chicago and today I'll talk a little bit about my contribution which is on non-violence and stone and clay a consideration of Jane lithic inscriptions relief images and ceramic vessels so a little bit about the overview of the paper in this chapter I examine three categories one is material culture this includes lithic inscriptions stone relief images and ceramics and specifically within the context of Jane monastic hill sites in the Pondia region between the 3rd century BCE and the 10th century CE this region is of particular importance as Mother Eye which was the capital city of the Pondias was an important center of early Janeism in South India not only during some of the earliest periods but also up through the early medieval period so I highlight the forms and features of various inscriptions stone relief images and ceramics and elaborate on the process of their creation I also explore the ways in which these creative processes may be classified as violent based on the content of early Jane agamas and writings of medieval Jane scholars in doing so I aim to draw attention to the archaeological history of Jane material culture in Tamil Nadu and the interesting contrast that seems to exist between the violence or hymsa inherent in the creation of these artifacts and the vows of non-violence a hymsa taken by Jane monastics and laity there are approximately 89 Jane inscriptions in Tamil Brahmi and 180 Indian inscriptions spread across 36 sites in Tamil Nadu the majority of Tamil Brahmi inscriptions which may be dated the Jane ones that is between around 3rd century BCE to 5th century CE are found in Madurai district and associated with caves and rock shelters that were once used by the Jane aesthetics as monsoon retreats and so you can see the clustering around Madurai here and in this map here the red is the Tamil Brahmi and the blue is the vicharatha so you can see that there's this cluster there these Tamil Brahmi inscriptions some of which identified the caves as Palli or monasteries are found engraved on both the exterior and interior surfaces of the caves and of the name donors in the inscriptions a good portion about 22 of them can be identified as the donors as merchants or merchant guilds so from a very early period merchants were actively involved as donors in these relationships many of the hill sites bearing Tamil Brahmi inscriptions continued to be occupied or reoccupied by Jane monastics in the early medieval period as evidenced by the presence of still relief images but Dharatha script was predominantly used in the Pandya region which is a kind of roughly circled here the sort of southern region of Tamil Nadu between the 5th and 11th century CE with the majority of inscriptions in Dharatha occurring between the 7th and 9th centuries the content of Jain Dharatha inscriptions suggest a shift in the composition of the Jain lady in Tamil Nadu between the early historic and the early medieval periods women appearing more frequently as donors as well as a higher percentage of donations being associated with specific Jain monastics and their students so we see this rise in the appearance of Jain monastics and their students and you can really sort of see the growing of the Jain community in these inscriptions while the content of the Tamil Brahmi and Dharatha inscriptions provide a fair amount of information regarding early Jain monastic communities and the donors that supported them information regarding the individuals who carved these inscriptions is lacking however by reconstructing the creative processes for carving inscriptions it becomes evident that the stone masons who carved these inscriptions most likely belonged to an emerging class of emerging and professional artisans distinct from the lady whose donations are recorded in the inscriptions and the Jain monastics who were the recipients of these gifts so a little bit about the process of what went into carving these inscriptions many of the Jain inscriptions are carved on metamorphic charnokites and granites so granite is an exceptionally difficult stone to work with because of its hardness which is between a 7 out of 10 on the most hardness scale and also as a metamorphic rock it has interwoven brains which when you try to beat it can shatter often in unpredictable ways making it difficult to carve so to carve an inscription into granite requires more than just simple iron tools because of how hard the stone is instead the tools must be tempered to increase their hardness and the forces abound throughout much of South India and archaeological evidence suggests that craftsmen in the south began experimenting with carburizing iron from a very early date so archaeological evidence from both Pernatica and Karala of early sort of hoots steel experimentations the form and features of the Tamil Brahmi inscriptions suggest that they were strategically carved upon flattened surfaces so here in the upper left I have a picture from Theropuram Kundrum this is where it was sort of cut this is already sort of flattened by the act of cutting these beds and here also and then this is sort of the flat space on the front of the cave at the Garamangalam so these are the examples of Tamil Brahmi inscriptions while the Vedata inscriptions are predominantly carved upon prepared stone surface so in this example from Karugamalai you can see hopefully a little bit in the image you can see that there's clearly a prepared surface here you can even see sort of the faint line there where a box has sort of been smoothed away to pair space for that inscription and surprisingly obviously the later Vedata inscriptions show better control over the sizing of letters spacing etc as well as increased linguistic complexity and standardization in their content however even within the Tamil Brahmi inscriptions those from Mangalam and Pughalore which reference the Panjian and Charikings respectively are superior in quality and yes I do our superior in quality and complexity so this is a very long inscription from Mangalam and you can see you know even this is dated around like 3rd to 2nd century BCE we have very clear individual letters so this required quite a bit of control to pull off this feat so these differences suggest that these elite donors had access likely to a professional class of scribes and stone masons even at this early date by the medieval period we know that there was differentiation of professional craftsmen in classes of apprentice and master craftsmen who differed both in skill and socio-economic status and these are well documented in Hindu temple inscriptions and thus in the Vakarta inscriptions as well the Jain ones from medieval Jain hill sites were likely similarly carved by these specialized craftsmen what's interesting is that it has been posited that the Jain monks may have played some role in the carving of these early inscriptions and sometimes it's sort of fuzzy as to whether there's some kind of implication of donors engaging actively in the carving of these things however as I will discuss the violence inherent in the creation of these engravings seriously suggests otherwise so within the major vows observed by Jain monastics and the minor vows observed by Jain laity as we all know the vow of non-violence or hemsa's paramount for the monastics this vow is all encompassing and applies to all forms of life no matter how small for the laity this ideal becomes equipoise with constraints of daily life but nevertheless entails a commitment to deliberately avoid and minimize harm so for example harm that results from one's profession or Arambaja hemsa can be minimized by choosing a profession a non-violent profession to guide Jain laity in choosing non-violent professions Svetambara preceptors in the medieval period crafted lists of trades to be avoided and such restrictions were similarly adopted by the Degambaras. The engraving of inscriptions requires I just sort of explained a little bit the mining of ore the cutting of rock both of which may be classified as sort of activities related to hewing and digging Spota Karman which is included among the 15 forbidden trades more directly and definitively more violent and destructive are the processes associated with the creation of these tempered iron tools which were necessary to engrave these inscriptions upon the granite and other metamorphic rocks so smelting and refining metals and metalworking in general are among the forbidden trades related to the use of charcoal or Angara Karman and this prohibition is unsurprising as the furnaces that enable the extraction of ore of the iron from the ore require large amounts of charcoal and this often leads to not only lots of smoke but also considerable deforestation in the creation of this charcoal metalworking also results in piles of accumulated debris included slag, discarded crucibles ceramic fragments and some of these piles of ancient furnaces can still be seen on the surface today at various archaeological sites in South India and the extremely high temperatures of the furnaces are of course deadly so turning to the Jan the early medieval Jan stone relief images while there is textual evidence to suggest that image worship may have been part of Jan religious practice in South India during the early centuries CE the earliest extant stone relief images generally dates around the 7th or 8th century CE most of these images are carved in low relief meaning they do not project significantly from the background and do not feature any undercuts more detailed images in medium to high relief so with undercuts can be found at sites like Karugamalai so none of any of these images featured here provide include undercuts right so there's no the sculptor didn't actually have to go and create open spaces behind the body so that the body or the image is comes out from the stone instead the edges of the figures hit the stone so this is all in sort of low relief such okay yes so these these stone relief images which began emerging in South India and in Tamil Nadu in particular around the 7th or 8th centuries some of these are found at Jan hill sites which earlier had those Tamil Brahmi inscriptions and they also emerge at Jan hill sites and temples that were also starting to flourish during this period we have this sort of large increase in the presence of these inscriptions in the record so while most of the Jan stone relief images are accompanied by inscriptions identifying the donor who financed the carving of the image again the artisans who crafted these works are rarely if ever identified so the Jan stone relief images discussed in the paper so I talk about a lot of different images but they generally fall into one of three categories so one are the elevated large scale images and those are images that could have been seen far at a distance and they generally measure over one meter tall so this is an example of one of those categories from Czechty Purtavu a moderately sized relief images under one meter in length and clusters of Jan images associated with water tanks so this is an example from Peči Palom and these are sort of the moderately sized less than around 0.5 meters tall so from these examples I would like to highlight here a group of six Jan relief images carved roughly at eye level on the side of a boulder at Kilevalovu so this group includes four non-descript that is unidentified or un-differentiated seeded Junas as well as identifiable images of Parshvinov here with the hooded cobra and as well as what appears to be a standing figure of Tashvara what's very interesting about this group of figures is the remains of plaster on two of these images one of which has also retained really beautiful red green and gold painting so that's this picture here the association of Jan images so this is somewhat a return to this the association of Jan images with water tanks is also something that I found quite interesting so these tanks which are located at the Jan health sites in Tamil Nadu around Madurai would have provided water for travelers and devotees who visited the Jan health sites and the images engraved above them communicate a clear association between these water features and the Jan monastics who resided there for example at Samanamalai a series of eight relief images were carved upon above a rock cut tank located sorry at rock cut tank known as Pechi Palam so this is the Pechi Palam from Samanamalai and a similar series of three Jan relief images appear above a rock cut tank located at the base of Tirupurangundram hill and then another set of Jan relief images these up in the top corner are visible above a water tank that runs along an elevated terrace near the summit of Tirupurangundram so much like the carving of lithic inscriptions the carving of relief images begins with identifying a location for the image and surface preparation however unlike inscriptions which can be carved say in a day's time the carving of relief images by nature requires a high degree of skill and planning in execution and certainly progresses much much slower it's a laborious operation that requires strength and diligence you know you're actually physically hammering this stone and the sculptor must proceed very carefully to avoid making an irrevocable error that could ruin the image moreover because many of these images are in elevated locations so this isn't a somewhat elevated location but you'll see some of the other ones for example the one at Samanamalai they would have also have required elaborate sort of scaffolding to support the sculptor as they definitely executed their work the sculptor then proceeds progressively roughing out and removing the layers of stone using a point again these tempered iron points punch or hammer and such initial stages are still visible in unfinished relief images at Saitsai Karugamalai so here you can see this is an unfinished image up here and this image is also unfinished here and then these two images lack inscriptions these two images are finished but only one of the two has an inscription as the work progresses the sculptor transitions to finer picks and chisels to contour and add details and they finish the image using some kind of abrasives such as a wire file or a coarse grain stone to smooth out the cuts now the remains of pigment and plaster on medieval Jain images as I just highlighted a moment ago suggests that the Tamil artisans may have also finished their sculptures by applying a thin layer of plaster followed by the painting which contributed to the details of the image with coarser stones particularly metamorphic rocks applying a paste would have also helped conceal irregularities in the color and texture of the stone because natural pigments are by nature highly perishable much of this detail work has been lost it's very rare to sort of see this with only bits and pieces preserved here and there in carved recesses and niches notably however it is barely common to see a line of holes not this one which is modern but this one here these sort of square holes that are often carved above the Jain images so these holes would have once held large wooden beams that again with other forms of organic material would have formed a canopy to protect these images from the elements and such canopies would have also served to protect the painted surfaces as well and today these holes remain empty and the stone relief images beneath them you know bereft of any surface treatments or decoration or in many cases protection from the elements sorry the violence inherent in the production of Jain relief images is similar to that of inscriptions but to a greater detail that is the shallow insistence necessary to engrave an inscription are smaller and less destructive than the cuts required to carve a relief image in both cases the artist is required to temper their tools in high heat and regularly sharpen them to maintain their effectiveness thus for a sculptor in early medieval or ancient India certainly some basic knowledge of metalsmithing and the ability to execute this and harden one's own tools which is one of the forbidden trades is required the act of cutting stone is also highly strenuous and the verbs used to describe the process in both English and in Tamil are the same as those used for physical violence so to scratch or kill cut corpus, strike, mek de, beat, ari of OJain inscriptions tell us very little about the identity of the sculptures who carve these stone images the strenuous physical labor the use of iron tools and the destruction of rock would have certainly precluded a Jain monk or nun from carrying out this work and the fact that stone masons and sculptors must quarry rock regularly and temper their metal tools may have also deterred Jain lady from taking up these professions so finally turning to the last part is the ceramics from Jain hill sites so in the summer of 2016 there was a archaeological survey of six Jain hill sites along the Nagamalai hill range northwest of Motherai so here's Motherai and these are the sites all six had evidence of Tamil Brahmi inscriptions and rock cut beds and four of the six sites also bore evidence of Jain images and their descriptions ceramics that could be stylistically dated to the early historic and medieval periods were observed on the surface of all six sites so this is just from surface observations and I explain a little bit about how surface ceramics are formed in the paper so shirts from a variety of vessels could be identified though jars were most commonly identified and this is because jars are often thicker and so they're more durable so they're more likely to be overrepresented in surface samples the most common ceramic wares observed at the Jain sites included red planeware red slipped and polished wear and black and red wear and of particular interest was the observation of bowl sherds of black slipped and polished wear and black and red wear that could be stylistically dated to the early historic period so this is one example of black slipped and polished wear a posit that such sherds found at Jain monastic hill sites may represent the remains of alms bowls described in the acharanga sutra from 4th to 3rd century BCE and in greater detail in the later chedda sutras in new yurtis so according to the ogre near yurti composed around 7th to 8th century an ideal pot was perfectly round well polished and was exclusively used by the monk to whom it was bestowed the Jain Agama suggests that monks were responsible for maintaining the surface treatment of the ceramics they used and the great attention was paid to the oiling and polishing of alms bowls and monks were required to inspect them daily as part of Pradhivekana so the inspection of the clothing and utensils this Jain monastic practice of coating the alms bowl aimed to reduce the porosity of the vessel thereby rendering the food within the bowl untainted by the residue of its earlier contents so this basically made the bowl's water resistant and they wouldn't absorb the food oils and things like that while polishing a bowl is a rather passive practice the production of the ceramic vessels themselves entails a creativity of violence on multiple levels from the coring of the clay to the beading and shaping of the vessel to the firing of the vessel in a kiln moreover kilns produce a great deal of very thick smoke and this is why many of these early on very often even today these kiln areas are generally located far on the outskirts of the villages and this thick smoke can be harmful obviously to air bodies as well as to humans and other animals who breathe in the air the violence of the potter's craft is creatively conveyed in this passage from the Bhojapadvanda which I enjoy very much a Sanskrit text composed around the 11th century and dedicated to the Rajput King Bhoja so in it the personified pot cries out to King Bhoja seeking justice for the harm that has befallen him and so I'll just read this the potter digs me with his axe and makes me ride on a donkey so that would have been in the clay stage when he's been extracted from the ground then the wretched potter beats me with his feet and rotates me on the wheel with a stick so that's the shaping and forming of the vessel he cuts me with a string so when they're cutting the clay he beats me and bakes me so that's the shaping out of the vessel with paddles and putting in the kiln all these I bear with patience further the ladies of the village incessantly tap me with their fingers to test my quality which I can no longer bear in something you can even do today so how highly fired a ceramic is, you can actually hear it in the tinkling so if you tap it and it makes a sort of a higher sound it's been highly fired a low sound and it's thick and lower fired so to conclude overall the violent nature of the artistic and material processes entailed in the creation of gene lithic inscriptions stone relief images and ceramic vessels clear just very clear distinctions between the artisans who produce these material artifacts and the J and lay donors and J and monastic recipients in closing I argue that it's important to consider how these categories of J and material culture were created and by whom as a way to really try to get at reconstructing the life histories of these objects how were they made, who made them how were they used, who's hat how were they traded and what was their life prior to us either finding them in this case on the side of a hill in southern Tamil Nadu or for other kinds of artifacts varied in the ground reconstructing the life histories of objects in turn may elucidate the social and economic economic relationships connecting J and lay and monastic communities to the larger societies and cultures in which they were historically and geographically situated thank you thank you very much Julie that was absolutely fabulous and this last image is wonderful yes are there any questions for Julie Briani Julie thanks I wondered if you had any thoughts about whether this sense that sometimes harms could be justified if they served some kind of religious purpose and I was especially interested in the water tanks wondering about what was their like purposes in terms of offering an image of a kind of a greater truth but also serving maybe travelers do you have any thoughts on that in terms of that particular area yes so with regard to the first comment I also sort of play around with this idea and the paper as well so for example J and donors did obviously commission many of these sculptures which by commissioning them thereby set in motion all of these other kinds of forms of violent harm and as you said when something is done with sort of a higher purpose and also this would also apply certainly to the dating of water tanks as well this can sort of offset that violence with regard to the water tanks and their use these were I think I might have skipped over the paragraph perhaps but these water tanks they're at points near the summits very closely associated with these early J and monastic communities as well as at Tirupuramkundram they're located at the base so the JN the early JN caves that are located at Tirupuramkundram are not at the base of the hill so what's interesting here is that you wouldn't have had to have engaged necessarily or gone up to visit the J and monastic area in order to visit this well or this water tank at the base so this is really providing a service to sort of anyone sort of passing by and Tirupuramkundram over the years had lots and lots of different kinds of pilgrims and visitors we also have the large Burugan temple at the base of this hill as well and then later the Muslim shrine at the top so this is also communicating or signaling this association between this gift of water and the presence of these J and monastics at the site and Julia Shaw has done some work on this with regard to Buddhist monasteries and Buddhist water structures in northern India and so this is something I'm really interested in sort of looking at more closely questions in the chat where is the last image situated this one yes this one is at Elora so this is not in Tamil Nadu this is my standard thank you slide so yeah this is an image of Mahavira from the Jain caves at Elora and another question related to that probably is it because of Ahimsa the artists for Jains switch to the painting caves at Elora that's a wonderful question but certainly the Jain caves at Elora have some very elaborate and detailed sculptures so Lisa Owen has written on this and these sculptures do indeed have complex undercuts and so you see both the paintings on the walls as well as the undercuts and here you also have a lot of the really elaborate paintings are those in the Buddhist caves at Elora Ginesh raised the hand are you still wanting to ask a question Ginesh doesn't seem so well there is a question you raised a lot of discussion here I don't think we have time to cover all of these questions a question is whether there is Hindu influence that's a question that I often get when I present on the Jain images and the answer is that at least in the case of South India where I work we see is we see this emergence of image worship really kind of happening across Buddhist Hindu and Jain religious traditions with also the accompaniment as we start to see these new temples being built in stone these are accompanied equally by these manuals and some of these manuals one of which I discuss in the chapter the Manasada has a section for Hindu temples has a section for Buddhist temples and has a section for Jain temples and how to understand Jain images as well and so there's been some research on this and the general sort of consensus that scholars are sort of going towards is that the people who are creating these images were not necessarily probably were not necessarily one particular religious identity or another but rather the similarities that we're seeing is because of the complexity of these images many of the same craftsmen who are crafting one at a Hindu temple and then later they go to a Jain monastic site and carve there so the similarities is also because of an emerging aesthetic as well as the fact that it's likely that artisans worked at multiple kinds of sites which would have sort of led to this sort of overlapping Maybe you can keep your answer short there's a long very interesting comment from Anna relating to the question whether to what extent Jain laity can harm one sense beings whether this comes into play and it seems that artisan crafts are permissible occupations for laity Based on the I mean I don't know I would have to be reading some more but at least in terms of the medieval texts that I was consulting there are certain crafts that aren't forbidden and even today in Gujarat the people who do all of the work with the emerald gems and the other gems and the cutting those are not Jains those roughing out of the gems and the gemstones and those kinds of like in metalsmithing are traditionally not crafts that have been done pursued by Jains but perhaps Anna you should message me and I can get corrected I would love to learn more about that there we have an interesting answer please have a look truly at the long Q&A list you can maybe answer directly later may I suggest we have a shorter tea break just grab something and then Ulle takes over to chair the final three presentations right Ulle are you I'm policing the time now should we say like ten minutes break or something like that sure okay okay so welcome to the third and last session of this workshop our next speaker is Breanne Donaldson who currently serve as the presidentional chair in giant studies at the University of California Irvine one of Breanne's projects has been to examine principles of bioethics in the Jain tradition and the result of this project which have been conducted in collaboration with Anna Bicell will be published later this year at the University of California Press so most welcome Breanne and we look forward to listening to your lecture thank you so much thanks also Peter for bringing us together it's really good to have a chance to be with you all even if it's virtual the book about these sutra describes five types of action or that might be involved in a given act and it's described here as physical action instrumental action hostile action tormenting action and murderous action a teaching lesson is provided to explicate these five aspects of action which describes a hunter his bow and zero if a man who takes a bow and shoots an arrow hits a living being he is involved in the five actions and so are the bodies of which his bow and arrow are made meaning the wood of the bow the bow string it's tendon the arrow meaning it's shaft the feather the barb and the string if however the arrow hits the living being while falling back down the man and the bow are involved only in the first four actions whereas the arrow the bodies of which it's made and the beings that received the falling arrow are involved in the five actions so according to this story if a hunter sets out to kill a living being then he and all the living beings constituting his bow and arrow will be involved in the five actions right this term put the or Sanskrit sparsha suggests having contact with an alternate translation being touched by the actions this remarkable passage breaks down discrete elements within a given act if the hunter didn't set out to harm a living being he's not touched by the fifth consequence of murderous action yet even if that particular intention is lacking the hunter is still touched by the consequences of actions that are physical instrumental hostile in preventing further the bodies that make up the bow and the arrow are involved in all five including murderous action even though according to the Jain's own account of life forms these beings lack a mind if we follow Suzuko here is claim that the nucleus of the Bhagavati Sutra emerges in a quote age of theorization and quote between the earliest strata of the canon and then later more systematic texts we can see that these Kriya and this wider Kriya framework is an important hinge between earlier and later teachings especially as pertaining to nonviolence and to karma so Kriya is an interesting term that evolves several meanings in the earlier canon for instance we can see it as any deed or action as such it can also refer to self-generating activity of the soul or the Jeev which is a reclamation of the term Kriya from the heretical view of the Kriya Vadins that the soul was unchanging elsewhere Kriya is an evil deed associated with negative consequences of 18 harmful actions and then also another use Kriya as a possible forerunner to positive karma so why would the Bhagavati use the term Kriya to identify distinctive aspects of harm both physical and mental I put for three possible reasons why the five-fold formula of Kriya might have been suitable at that time one is a growing mendicant community the second is a development of a path of positive rebirth for lay people and third is engaging with rivals so I'm going to start with the first two reasons the early stages of the acharanga sutra and sutra-katanga sutra delineate the primary causation of harm as physical action or ramba and then I saw this in Julie and your slides as well and then the secondary causation of harm as mental possessiveness or parigraha now this formulation was prior to the formal structure of five vows or even the regular use of the word ahinsa that physical action was the primary cause of harm was reflected in the uncompromising physical restraints prescribed in the early texts in which monks were to meticulously avoid digging bathing, lighting fires, walking etc. this stringent emphasis on non-action seemingly presents no pathway of gradual progression for weaker mendicants who struggle with the physical restraints much less for householders who are still described in the sutra-katanga too as quote killers of beings and acquires of property and we can see there that that's reflecting a kind of direct violation of aramba and then parigraha one either restrains activity or one does not there's no space for positive effort or intention so in the overall chapter I map the growth of the mendicant community in the early canonical period in part drawing from this work that peter mentioned in insistent life when we're looking at bioethics in the giant tradition so I map the growth of the mendicant community in the early canonical period from solitary individuals to teachers and student groups meaning that we have mendicants at different levels of discipline who can't perfectly practice non-action and then we also have possibly an increasing dependence on lay people that are needed to support that growing mendicant community and those lay people thus they need a pathway and an incentive to do action for the right purpose of meeting the needs of mendicants namely the possibility of positive rebirth which was not previously theorized in the first canonical period for the third reason the role of action and intent was an ongoing polemical debate with Buddhist rivals during this period in the chapter I find textual examples in which the Buddha locates moral responsibility in mental action rather than physical and I include a few passages that directly challenge the contrary view that physical harms have a greater moral significance and likewise giant texts directly engage Buddhist teachers so Sutra Katanga too records a kind of subtle version of this argument in which the Buddhist opponent claims that only living beings possessing mind can perform conscious harms that accrue karma but the Jaina apologist rejects this claiming that even single sensed beings who lack mind are still karmically responsible for action due to their being unrestrained here we can see the passage the sentient beings and the senseless ones both are wrong in their conduct and commit sins through cruelty so the Jaina response we can see that the Jaina sages they want to preserve an important role for physical action as causing harm we could think of this as perhaps the ethical side and also maintain that all beings even those without a mind still participate in karmic responsibility and we can think of that as the ontological side of the argument but they're also recognizing the need to provide righteous paths for their own mendicant and lay community who cannot practice non-action fully so I placed the fivefold Kriya in that context so with that background let's return to the list of the Kriya in the Bhagavati Sutra although I focus primarily on set one in the chapter I do want to point out that there is a second set of Kriya in the Bhagavati that I'd like to consider with you as well and I identify three roles that I think these sets of Kriya are serving the first is Kriya as contact so in set one which I've outlined here in blue we see action as foundationally physical however physical action may additionally be instrumental hostile tormenting or murderous depending on the actor's aim and or the proximity to the results or the consequences the teaching lesson of the hunter arrow and bow makes clear that if the hunter intends to kill a living being the hunter and all the constituent parts of the arrow and bow are responsible for all five Kriya however if the arrow is shot into the air the hunter is responsible for putting the first four actions into play but not responsible for the last contact of murderous action the constituent aspects of the bow and arrow however they lack the mind cannot escape karmic responsibility of this murderous contact even more remarkably we now see in set two outlined in green that the first term of purpose of harm is described with the Prakrit Arambia Kriya and this very term Arambha which described any physical action in the Atranga Sutra has now taken on a technical meaning and an internal quality purpose of action in the Bhagavati Sutra Ohira argues that set one actually emphasizes the physical aspect of Kriya likely formulated on the basis of Hinsa which would later be canonized in the five vows while set two stresses the mental action of Kriya formulated on the basis of Parigraha which would also be incorporated later in the vows these sets of Kriya draw attention to the significant role of contact both in the sense of physical proximity as a critical component of harm that is physically touching but also contact as an actions karmic result that is being touched by consequences related to a particular aspect of action in these two sets of Kriya both physical and mental actions can be touched by consequences in the second role Kriya describes action that follows a course so in addition to being touched by consequences through both physical and mental action Walter Schubert argues that any offense follows a course the very opening line of the Bhagavati sheds light on this insight through the unique principle of the Chalamane Chali or what Ernst Luhman calls the irrevocable factum tenet meaning that quote the action once set in motion equals the completed action the Bhagavati explains the tenet this way what one is about to get rid of equals gotten rid of what one is about to cut equals cut what one is about to break equals broken what one is about to burn equals burned what one is about to kill equals killed and so on now the appeal to intention here is hard to ignore insofar as the intent to break for instance is regarded as already broken this tenet is likely unique to the Bhagavati's concern not only because it's the opening line of the text but because it doesn't seem to show up anywhere else the tenet lacks any technical definition and it relies primarily on narrative examples to explain it in different stories in one story when a monk sets out to meet an elder in order to confess a fault he's regarded as loyal even if some accident prevents him from arriving because quote the action in progress equals the completed action in our story of the hunter arrow and bow we can see some indirect parallels with the Kriya that intending to kill equals killed though the tenet is never formally applied to that particular narrative in one other use the irrevocable factum tenet illustrates the concern of heresy the Bhagavati among students who contradict Mahavir's teachings the disciple turned heretic Jamali for instance after falling ill request that a bed be made up for him realizing that a bed being made is certainly not a bed fully made resulting in his public disavowal of Mahavir's teachings our own Peter Flugo offers a helpful synthesis of these two interpretations in German I might add so I really had to work for this translation Flugo demonstrates how Jamali's perspective reflects a karmic understanding that's at odds with Mahavir's in Jamali's view of the unmade bed quote an action is only considered to be completed when all sub steps have been completed and the end result is achieved meaning the bed is fully made correspondingly the karmic effect of an action on the agent would only be felt after the entire process is completed end quote so this is counter to Mahavir who locates karmic accrual and at the observed initiation point of action including any later sub steps that might happen in different contexts or by different means Kriya when it viewed through the irrevocable fact intended seems to describe any actions put in motion by an initial karmically significant decision toward a goal that will lead to either an accumulation or a reduction of material karma and finally Kriya as hierarchical actions that are applicable to all beings these two sets of five fold Kriya may function in the text to provide an alternate more technical formulation of the concern articulated in the irrevocable fact intended Flugo describes these Kriya as hierarchical actions that is actions that presuppose and logically imply other actions Shubrin describes the actions as bound in mutual relativity if we just look at the set in blue which was my primary focus the teaching lesson suggests that a hunter shooting an arrow may imply all five aspects if the intention was to kill a murderous action would certainly be physical but a physical action need not necessarily be murderous the hunter could have just been going for target shooting so actions may differ according to their motivation but how then is the bow an arrow responsible for all five Kriya if the beings that constitute those objects lack a mind and I think answers here seem speculative at best Shubrin acknowledges that the animation of weapons might serve two purposes first to reference the important distinction between beings that can do little to impact their karmic intake and humans who can do the most and second as a reminder that all humans may have previously existed as any kind of being almost anticipation of the later theory of Nagodes or the smallest one sense beings that live and die in aggregate clusters little able to impact their karma at all Flugo suggests that the authors may have merely been trying to clarify Kriya as extending the scope of karma and responsibility in situation in which multi-causal factors come into play but it strikes me that the responsibility of the arrow and the bow in this hierarchy hierarchy of actions retains I think three important Jaina features first against the Buddhist exclusion of non-human beings from karmic participation the Jaina worldview posits the life force or jive in all beings enabling their participation in the karmic framework of cause and effect toward moksha second even though intention is a growing factor in Jaina accounts of karmic harm physical contact by the parts of the bow and arrow remain a significant karmic factor where beings are capable of touching others and being touched by the consequences third harm can be caused in myriad ways as expressed in the earliest affirmation of the aturanga sutra that I did it I shall cause another to do it I shall allow another to do it that is if the hunter sets in motion actions that result in the death of a living being he may not personally bear the karma of murderous action but he causes the beings that constitute the bow and arrow to accrue that karmic cost as instruments such a reading would add additional support to the important Jaina mandate to minimize possessions not only because of one's attachments to those items but because possessions can be used as instruments in actions that are not karmically neutral ultimately the Bhagavati's five fold Kriya contributes to a more nuanced reading of Jaina nonviolence and karma theory the Kriya sets make clear that violence consists of many discrete acts both mental and physical recognize that a course of events must be set in motion and that multiple living beings may be involuntarily deployed as instruments of harm in a given act multiplying the karmic costs and also diversifying the karmic responsibility of a single action the five fold Kriya preserve critical elements of Jaina philosophy such as the karmic importance of action within a vibrant cosmology while also evolving an account of nonviolence that moves beyond the personal practices of individual mendicants to a growing number of followers including lay community members who must also strive for harm reduction within the wider community thanks very much for most interesting lecture and I hope there are some questions or comments among the participants anyway let's see the chat here I have a question the the example of the the arrow that falls down and injures a creature and even the wood is made responsible for the injury caused how do you interpret that Peter why do you pick out the wood because when we look at it it's like the arrow is made of the wood it's made of the bow string the tendon so what is it about the wood for instance that just just any of it I have to say I hardly know what to make out of any of it that's why I really wanted this passage because I'm always interested in this way that these the it's such a unique within global philosophy the way that the China thinkers just refuse to give up on some kind of non-human agency and even to the and it's so different I think than when we think about kind of contemporary perspectives of that you know that's that many beings either are either mechanistic or that they live by instinct or that they have you know we can't hold them responsible that the Jiang view just never accepts this and so I think it's just you know I guess really thinking through this sense that of a physicality that especially in the concept of contact that the actual parts of the kind of the matter the Jeeva Jeev combo when it touches something this put that there's something about that physical materiality of the contact that means that beings can't be off the hook even if it's wood or the feather or whatever is the bow part and my argument just as a footnote was also that this is to get demonstrate more provide more clarity about different elements that are relevant in describing an action intention, condition consequence etc so not just the hierarchical conditionality but different aspects of an action of which with relation to Jamali that example I was of the opinion that Mahavira looks at the completed action and Jamali looks at intended action action as something projected into the future whereas for Mahavira only what has been done counts and whatever has been done has been done and is of course comically accounted automatically for the mechanism anyway thank you very much fabulous okay thank you very much and then there was a question I think okay was a question where maybe someone raised a hand ah see here no I don't see any hand I'm sorry then I missed it okay thank you our next speaker is Samani Pratibha Pradhania from the Jane World Peace Center and she will talk about Ahimsa Prashikshana a socio-religious initiative thank you to organizers Ahimsa Prashikshana a socio-religious initiative the generic term prediction refers to educating someone in a particular subject or training equipping with a certain skill it is common term that applies to all source of learning when prediction is associated with a religious, ethical or social agenda such as Ahimsa it adopts a specific teaching Acharya Mahaprakya a prominent Jane Acharya initiated Ahimsa Prashikshana in 1991 to promote and widen the scope of non-violence and interfit harmony Ahimsa is most prominent and well-known phenomena in Jainism the Ahimsa Prashikshana is a socio-religious initiative which has a four-fold strategy theory and history of non-violence Paddhati and Itihas transformation of heart Ridae Parivartan attitudinal change Drishtikon Parivartan change in lifestyle Jivan Shelly Parivartan it is argued that Ahimsa Prashikshana is a modernized outlook of the cardinal principle of Ahimsa though the process of secularization broadening the scope of application of Ahimsa is in cooperation with various elements Mahaprakya has attempted to transform the self and society this paper explored the innovative ways in which the Guru can transform the ideology and conduct of the masses without religious conversion or a change in religious and cultural identity through the use of intermediate goals related to social and moral well-being. I term this sort of mass engagement of the Guru as engaged spirituality scientific analysis of Jain siddhant and practices in process of redefining various concept in the light of science is a way towards modernity. Mahaprakya's deliberate adoption of modern scientific approach in significant aspect of science, psychology and liberal approach towards secular presentation of Ahimsa is an expression of Jain modernism for which the key feature is as defined by Peter Flughel belief in the superiority of the present over the past in this study we gain an understanding of how seemingly old fixed concepts are not in reality but they are still considered and reformulated for the current need of people in the history of Ahimsa in the context of Mahavira and his teaching Jainism has formed a full system of restaurant and rules which are the ways of observing Ahimsa at external extreme level for the aesthetic with the five great vows Samiti and Gupti the life of Jain lady is also framed by the complex set of 12 vows made to encourage Ahimsa which is addressed to all possible area of life and such as profession food behavior and their travel limitation of acquisition and position so through these old 12 vows we can see there is a boundary of vrata we gain an understanding of how these rules which are fixed but they still represented in a modern way he had used various branches of knowledge and shape in the modern context first of all causing of the violence are very important without the understanding of the causes one cannot come out from this problem it has taken greed, fear, hostility anger egoism intolerance and absolutistic way and absolute behavior and all these are very much important for understanding the causes of violence when the change in this perspective then the overcoming the violent feeling and instinct will be possible merely studying the theory and history one cannot achieve change into attitude beliefs and lifestyle the second dimension of the training of non-violence is change of heart here the term heart is very important the word heart does not mean logical heart or but it has different meaning here here it means emotion or feeling the ayurveda text vashishti yoga chapter 8 upholds that there are two hearts one beside the lungs and the other in the brain the genesis of emotion is in the limbic system a part of the brain according to acharya mahapragya change in heart means replacing the negative emotion into positive one attachment, jealousy, disgust etc are all negative feeling while friendliness, compassion mercy, love, affection are the positive emotions the process of transformation of such emotion is known as change of the heart it requires the change through the process trained to the one's mindset with different practices that is abhyas and mahapragya also talk about the economic health and non-violence training is very important so voluntary parting the wealth and that is known acquisition decentralization of the economy economic health is very important for the non-violence legitimate means of making money just distribution of the wealth as we seen that small part of wealth is distributed then many projects can be carried out restaurant in commercialism and limitation of want is also important for the economic health of the world and same time mahapragya never ignore the physical body the somatic health is also important for the non-violence training here the intrinsic relation between physical health and non-violence if the impaired health is there it generate violence one of the factor is responsible for the suicide many case study reveal that there is the ineducate level of sugar in the blood your slides do not move forward you can't see them okay so I think let me finish first this so the disorder in spleen and liver also contribute to the violent thought therefore training in different aspect of health science is important for the practice of non-violence acarya mahapragya employed the tool of preksha meditation for the transformation of habit and behavior during the preksha dhyan practice practitioners are always encouraged to visualize white color at the center of forehead the center of enlightenment this center is correlating with the pituitary gland which is known as master gland it suggests that one imagine rising moon at the center of forehead or any white color which is associated with the lesha pure lesha shukla lesha according to acarya mahapragya leshas are micro vibration or the karmic color that act as a legend between spiritual self and physical self of the living organism though the perception of specific color one is able to transform benvolent lesha into malevolent lesha into benvolent lesha and resulting into the total eradication of cruelty hatred etc on the same time this is the perception based practices and on the other hand mahapragya involve the psychology the contemplative experience of the central tool in the realm of somatic psychology anupriksha practices can actually help us to rewire the brain towards the new habits and new habits formation is possible through the neuro endocrinology for a person experiencing heightened anger fear anxiety and direct attention might choose to focus on the feeling of once grounding into the earth rather than direct sensation of anger fear anxiety this practice allows people to reorient their attention towards balance also enabling them to create a space between their impulses and their response mahapragya addresses using these small activities in the sitting into group group meditation group pranayama group exercise he notes that there are certain activities harmonize group of people he maintained that healing is a communal endeavor and that is settled body initiative others and settle others as well means influencing each other's vibration some of these harmonizing activity include like humming sound breathing breathing long deep and rhythmic swas preksha and together with these practices pranayama and also rubbing the somatic parts rocking and rolling all these are similar practices and I think they are