I Stuck some pots on I did these ones before yesterday I didn't show you but I'll put them on now. So this is going from the positive to the anode this is going from the negative to the Grid oh, no, sorry. I've got that all the wrong way round Right, this is going from the positive To the grid this one This is going from the negative to the grid So like I'm here, so there's a 50k pot there There's a 500k pot here here instead of the 22k resistor. I've put a 50k pot and Here right on 5k is a 5k pot where the four points 7 should be Yeah, that's still the same And these are 330 nanopores, and that's still the same this 100k pot here resistor Which is that sucker down there So we have a little bit of fapping around until you can about I got it It says 440 440 and 480 It says 400 400 millivolts But it says for well, it's flashing to 420 and 440 So what I'm going to do now is I'm going to disconnect these All these parts and then take values. I think that this could be adjusted more because this is right on 5k the adjustment and Well, if I Gotta put this camera Try to see you can see it This is all gonna go horribly wrong now because this takes quite a bit of balancing and messing about not the camera and the pots To get it, you know, it's all tweaked up I was just gonna show you the adjustment you can make so if I adjust the plate resist that Which is this one here if I adjust this You're gonna get to see over there. What goes on if this camera stays still We're gonna just it though and say just a little bit. That's not me enough But these are these are not sold or anything these pots So we see it dropping down now we're at 2.2 volts peak to peak near the same Begin now that's going past the 22k. I'm pretty sure now that's that's You know, that's all the way to one side of that pot. I'm pretty sure that's the 50k part It's on 5.7 to volts peak to peak now if I do the The negative side of the grid and adjust that Oh It's a bit sensitive down there. That's on a 500k pot And that's I was gonna say, I think that's all the way. That's not all the way to the 400k. You see now It's got like a bottom I start turning that back again And if I turn it further than that, we're getting a losing in So that's the deformity. Okay, then if I do the The grids again, but from the positive side and this is the 47k the 50k part of a 47k resistor You're real slow in general That's like all the way to the 50k But it's lost a little bit. So I just back it off again Now do it's not as good as what I did a minute ago But I'll probably have to go around the whole thing because if you're just one part then the whole lot needs to be Sweet again, this is back on the plate. That's just gonna Back that off a little bit Because on the plate should it be 22k. So it should be like halfway on this part If I turn that's halfway now. We've got 4.3 volts. I'll give it the 50k We've got 528 So I just adjust the positive to the grid again See if we get any more out of that. I just back that off slightly. Oh, that's the negative on the grid Lot of adjustment there Lot of adjustment now we're back on five five point five point eight Five point eight Volts peak to peak Now, of course, there's this one Down here as well. Well, that's on 5k and I mean it does adjust if I put it to 2.5k, then we start starts pulling out the bottom Just because I say you're trying to get my hand in there at this angle with the way this is set up But even if I adjust this so we're gonna have two hands, I can't can't show you What I'm trying to do is start just in the part way up So that's like halfway up now. It's probably got like two to two and a half k You can see that it starts around then off the bottom and pulling it up. We're down to five point four Now I know it's gonna try to adjust it back again. I'm gonna try and Get this back over the screw head There we go not pulling it out as you can see that but that's time to go back again So around five Take it all the way to the 5k I'm actually pulling it out That's like five seven two anyway five point eight again folks And it's pretty much all the way down that red marker looks right in So that's what you can do is wrap around put some parts on there And that's five point eight. We've got four point four going in and we got like five point eight This is set at one volt per division And this is that five hundred millivolts of division And yeah, there you go. I just want to show that so And what I'm gonna do is I'm not gonna do it right now on camera because it's gonna be a bit of a thing about is I'm gonna switch it off I'm gonna take off. I'm gonna take off each of these And I'm gonna measure The the resistance and I'll come back and tell you what that is on each of them. Okay


Rwy'n gofio gyda'r ffordd. Nid yw'r cydweithio yn gwybod yw'r gweithio? Nid yw'n gweithio yw'r cydweithio yn gyfer mewn gwirio. Mae'n gwirio'n gweithio oherwydd yng Nghymru'r Hwyl Fylltys i ddifus gyda gael mynd cael ei gwybod. Mae hyn yn gwirio'n gwirio'n gweithio i gael i gyfnodd gyfnodd gyda'r newydd. Yn ymgyrch ar gyfer gweithio, mae'n gwirio'n gweithio ar gyfer gweithio yw'r cydweithio Mae'r drosbryr yn y Merthyr yn Indio, a'r gwneud hynny oherwydd mae'n ddau gennyddiad yn ymweld ymweld. Mae'n ddweud o'r llwyddiadau rhan oherwydd ymddangos yn y cywbeth. Felly mae'r syniad wedi arferio mefyddangos, mae'n ymweld yn cymdeithasio yn yw, mae'n ymweld yn cymdeithasio ar ymweld. Mae'r bwysig o'r biofataeth oherwydd mae'r byw yn hynod... Ieis caws i ni i'r adилаeth yma a angen cymaint i'r adeach i ddiwan. Rydw i'n meddwl gwybod yn rhywbeth aturthiol a'r adeach ein bod ni'n trafodau, ac byddi'n rhefrwyngo'n li i'r adeiladau. Rydw i'n meddwl i'n meddwl i'r adeiladau. Rhywun yn bwysig i'r gymryd yn rhoi, dweud. Rhyw i'n gwneud i ddim yn bwysig, knowi ddim pob, tynnu nhw, ddim awr, dyma'n gael... As Yr Ystafell, wedi'i dyfnod i wedi gwneud unrhyw ymddangos cyfrannu i unrhyw unrhyw i'rMarth Fath am yn Dairam Salih Diasbara? the language attitudes identities and linguistic varieties in the Damsala diaspora. My research looks at the association between these three parts and I will claim that the salient aspects of my findings are valid representations of the Tibetan Damsala diaspora. I can make such claims I will argue because the subject matter is a salient feature for the Tibetans living in Damsala. I've got quite a lot to get through, so I might skip some tables at the end, because I've got, yeah, anyway, here we go, so. In terms of some background information, this is Tibet, approximately according to what the authorities in Damsala would equate to. It's 2.5 million kilometres squared in size. What I'm going to talk to you about today is some of the salient identity constructs. This is quite useful to show you that there's something called the Chukusung Three Main Provinces of Tibet. In terms of vocabulary, I'm going to be talking about Ud Sang and Amdol and Camelot. Ud Sang is the main region on the plateau. Amdol is this guy up here and Camelot is here. The Tibetan Thomas region is essentially mostly Ud Sang, for example, and Lhasa is in Ud Sang. In terms of other vocabulary, it's going to be worth mentioning at this stage. We're also going to talk about Sanjos and Shijaks. Shijaks is the Tibetan word for settlement, and in the Tibetan diaspora, those born in India or might often refer to themselves or be labelled with the Shijak identity construct. Sanjos, which is new arrivals, are those that come from the Tibetan regions in the PRC, the People's Republic of China, that come into the diaspora. It's worth mentioning. I can't quite say it. That's Darren Sala there. That's some of the major vocabulary. Also, I'm going to be talking about three, I might be talking about three abbreviations quite a lot. Instead of Tibetan Darren Sala diaspora, I'm going to say TDD, Tibetan Darren Sala diaspora. Then there's the PRC, which I mentioned, and the CTA, which is the Central Tibetan Administration, which was previously called the Government in Exile. To sum up the history as briefly as I can, if we look at the last 100 years, in 1913, Tibet claimed its independence, its de facto independence, as it's sometimes referred to. By 1950, the People's Liberation Army invaded Tibet and there was a joint share of power on the surface, or you could argue that the existing Lhasa government was a puppet state of the Chinese. Until 1959, where you had the Tibetan uprising and then the Dalai Llama went into exile. More recently, it's probably just worth pointing out that a salient aspect of the history could be viewed in terms of the protests, especially in the late 80s, and the protests around 2008 to do with the Olympics in Beijing, and the self-immolations that were committed by Tibetans as a form of protest. To talk about the Tibetan Darren Sala, the TDD, Tibetans began residing in Darren Sala in 1960. It's viewed as the capital in exile, or the hub of the Tibetan diaspora. 127,000 Tibetans reside outside the Tibetan areas of the PRC, and that's approximately 3% of the Tibetan population as a whole. According to the demographic survey of Tibetans in exile produced by the Planning Commission of the CTA in 2009, 94,000 Tibetans were living in India across 41 settlements with just under 14,000 living in the scattered settlement of Darren Sala. 70% of Tibetan refugees in South Asia belong to the former provinces of Utsang and Ngari. We're just going to talk about Utsang, so 70% belong to Utsang, 25% to Cam and 5% to the Andal province, according to Rubio. Darren Sala is a place that Tibetans view as one that facilitates the opportunity to go abroad. This adds to the notion of the transient aspect of living in the diaspora. 3,220 Tibetans living in Darren Sala stated that they intended to migrate. A second salient issue regarding the transient population is that approximately half, or slightly over half of the Tibetans that came into exile from the Tibetan regions in the PLC have gone back. This is due to temporary visas and end of their education or a lack of opportunities for them to subsist. According to Rubio, again in 2004, those that returned to Tibet are ostracised and persecuted by the Chinese authorities. Tibetans born in India also feel the constraints of living in the diaspora due to questions about rights and land ownership and such like. OK, so just to talk about the language briefly. Tibet belongs to the Bodic branch of Tibetan Burman. A salient aspect of it are the multiple varieties within Tibetan. Tanaj recognises 220 Tibetan dialects spoken by approximately 6 million people. One of the defining aspects of the linguistic boundaries of these dialects or varieties is the mutual unintelligibility. The foremost distinction between the varieties of the Tibetan language of phonological, lexical and syntactical and 80% of the Tibetan population in the PRC are a marginalised group of rural peasants and nomads and so they're generally considered to be monolingual. Kipuri in 2009 identifies the simulation policies as a deliberate attempt to deny indigenous groups their own identity and cultures and cause indigenous varieties to die out. So, as Tanajus states, Tibetan in all its forms must be regarded as an endangered language condemned to an irreversible decline if not outright extinction within two generations, if the present linguistic policies in the PRC continue. It's worth noting that that was in 2003, so maybe that's not quite the case. In the diasporate culture, the Dalai Lama claims that the diasporate culture is a lot more pure than the Tibetan culture inside Tibet. One of the salient features of this diasporate culture is something which Anand calls the diasporate culture of preservation. So, there's a need to protect traditions and the Tibetan culture, all things Tibetan. However, Yang Dong Dun Ddu criticises this cultural conservativism saying that this has led to the culture being ossified or there's periods of inertia and Clifford describes this as forming acts of impurity within the Tibetan culture itself. There's reason though for them to want to have a salvage mentality of their culture. The CTA claim that 7.5 million Han Chinese live in what used to constitute Tibet while the Tibetan population remains at 6 million. Sering Shakya argues that the Tibet issue though has no political expediency and uses Palestine as a comparison. Continuing the idea about the diasporate culture of Tibet, it's often bombarded with notions of orientalism or stereotyping or it's often romanticised. So, Rubio refers to this as the mythos of Tibet and Anand calls it Tibetan Exotica. So, for example, peace and non-violent descriptions of Tibetans originating from the diaspora are politicised notions of Tibetan culture and identity that are unprecedented and distinctly modern and are a reaction to exile as opposed to colonisation. So that's an example of how they're politicised but then Anand will also, Anand says or asserts that Tibetans are laboured with the victim of Chinese brutality or Western exoticism. So this victimisation paradigm is one that he argues depreciates the idea of Tibetan agency in the diaspora and depoliticises their culture, the diasporic culture. So you have an ebb and flow between them being accused of not being political and their political ambitions or whatever being depolitical. OK, so what this research is going to investigate, what I'm going to show, the linguistic repertoires and speech practices of the members of the TDD, the language attitudes and the identity constructions. The data for this research was collected over a period of a year in the TDD and it combines quantitative and qualitative research instruments. The results for these three data collection techniques which I'll talk about in a minute and the data from those were triangulated and they facilitated comparisons, correlations and contextualisation. The research incorporates an interpretive perspective in conjunction with a strong motivation to use informant descriptions of linguistic and cultural items. So to talk a little bit about language attitudes, in the most basic concept an attitude can be defined as a disposition to respond favourably or unfavourably towards an object, a person or an institutional event. However, this doesn't discount the idea that you can have numerous interpretations of a particular event or person etc. Attitudes are defined as latent hypothetical characteristics or psychological constructs where direct observation is unachievable. However, Gunther et al 2009 argues that mental and emotional phenomena are no less real than physical behaviour. Language attitudes are also considered to be an integral part of community competence. The major implication therefore is that speakers are capable of making linguistic choices with each choice having different consequences in terms of perception for the listener as well as the speaker. Finally, Lambert talks about the three components of language attitude being cognitive, effective and cognitive. The major dimensions along which views about language vary in social psychology framework are social status and group solidarity. Social distinctions between a standard and non-standard linguistic variety reflect a relative social status or social power with language vitality attributed to the value of solidarity. In-group solidarity or language loyalty reflect the social pressures to maintain a linguistic variety even one without prestige, one with covert prestige. Colmys argues that in a diasporate situation symbolic value or hyperisation of value can be attributed to heritage varieties. However, migrant varieties face extinction within generations according to chambers unless extraordinary initiatives are taken. To end, I'd also like to talk about a cat. However, interlocutors can exaggerate linguistic features to cause diversity among linguistic varieties as well as converging in acts of accommodation. This is in the cat theory. Does that make sense? Interlocutors can pronounce the differences in linguistic varieties to show their identity or language loyalty or they can accommodate other linguistic varieties in acts of convergence. These are my research questions, which I've gone over already. It's looking at linguistic varieties. The intelligibility reported among Tibetan variety speakers and the identity constructs as well as the attitudinal aspect which reports on to see whether there's a paradoxical situation where prestige and stigma traits are both reported. Wether a member of the TDD will act both favourably and unfavourably towards another Tibetan variety? It's possibly worth. I've talked about the Chukusun regions, the Udzankham and Amdol. Within these regions are multiple varieties associated to that identity construct which I'm talking about in terms of Tibetan varieties. You will have Amdol varieties, Cam varieties and Udzank varieties. It's called in Tibetan it's K, Udzankh. If I say that, you'll know. Udzankh or Amdol K or such like. Sorry, I don't know where I am. I've done that twice now. Just to go back to the intelligibility aspect. One of the main things I wanted to look at with regard to that was a polynomic language situation which is according to Jaffe, a polynomic language is defined both by its internal variation which would be phonological, morphological and lexical multiplicities and by speakers' recognitions of linguistic unity and diversity. Jaffe talks about Corsica. You'll have multiple varieties of Corsica with speakers retaining their own linguistic variety with increased comprehension. That's what I want to see what was going on here, if that was going on here. The research instrument. I used the questionnaire survey interviews in a verbal guise test. Each research instrument was perceived as advantageous to the research as a whole. The large sample size of the questionnaire survey would allow for an adequate representation of the TDD. The controlled aspect of the verbal guise test and interviews would provide informants with an opportunity to express their perceptions of Tibetan identity and linguistic circumstances in depth. It's also worth pointing out that the key aspect of the research under investigation was the collection of data regarding TDD members' perceptions and attitudes as opposed to behaviour. While questionnaires and interviews might be fairly self-explanatory I also want to maybe talk about the verbal guise test very briefly here. A verbal guise test sought to elicit indirect attitudinal responses to the fall linguistic, to the four diabetic varieties of Andalke, Camke, Utsanke and Shijak. As well as the Chukusum varieties, I think I mentioned Sanjos and Shijak. Shijak was a diasporic variety, a diabetic variety that my master's research picked up on, that members of the TDD were self-reporting. The verbal guise test is a variation of a match guise test, which is a social linguistic experiment technique first used by Lambert in 1960. Both tests were used to elicit indirect measurements of language attitudes. Verbal guise tests and match guise tests present informants with a number of voices that they can evaluate principally in regards to status and solidarity traits. So what they're doing, if you don't know, is they want to control all of the variables apart from accent. So they have a numerous dialogue, one dialogue spoken numerous times by, if it's a match guise test, one person doing impersonation, if it's a verbal guise test, by in this case four different people. So all of the other variables are controlled apart from the accent and then informants can rate their attitudes towards these accents. So the accent variable was conceived as an appropriate variable to measure TDD members' attitudes. The example I give is to do with Welsh. Boris Giles and Jeff Vell asserts that the Welsh accent can also serve as a marker of ethnic identity. The mere possession of the Welsh accent was as effective as eliciting a favourable reaction from Welsh subjects as speaking the language itself. So there you go. Right, to look at the data, tune. So right, this is going into my data. Again, in terms of abbreviations, QS is the Questionnaire Survey and that's the verbal guise tests. Overall I had 801 informants for the Questionnaire Survey, 56 for the interviews and 156 for the verbal guise tests. So the Democratic Survey of 2009, oh thank you, that's very kind. Excuse me, you can hear me all right now. So the Democratic Survey 2009 stated that 55.6% of the Tibetan population in Darum Sala were male and 44.4% were female. So in terms of being representative of the Questionnaire data is quite good for that. It's quite similar to the Demographic Survey done by the Tibetans. According to the Demographic Survey, 59.3% of the Tibetan diaspora population in 2009 was aged between 10 and 34 years. The Questionnaire Survey maybe is more representative. The means start at about 25 to 32 years. So the question had been more representative perhaps. 64.7% of the verbal guise informants and 84% of the interview informants were born into bed. So again, looking at the Questionnaire data, 58.3% of QS informants said that they were born into bed and then you have 41.7 were born in the diaspora. I don't know whether to pre-empt it. So what I'm looking at in terms of the identity aspects of the informants was the saliency of the language, the Tibetan varieties spoken and the... June, third one gets a prize or something. So the saliency that came from my masters and the pilot studies were the Tibetan varieties and the identity constructs. A salient aspect of those were the place of birth things. So Amdol informants, and maybe perhaps previously put it that they speak Amdol. So I wanted to further investigate this and also to see what varieties and what identity constructs were spoken in India. So we've talked about Shejak, so we'll see how pronounced that is. So in terms of... I don't know again, these three here. This is probably the most representative and I want to sort of develop that theme and that theme of the language as well. I did that by... So this is where they state their place of birth to be and then I also asked in the Questionnaire what their identity was. So these are the identity constructs. While the single item case of Tibetan was the largest category, the subsequent five categories for the Questionnaire survey data were all multiple items. So 18% of informants stated that they were Tibetan and Camper. 13% described themselves as Tibetan and Utsang. 10% described themselves as Tibetan and Utsang. 10% described themselves as Shejak. 9% described themselves as Tibetan and Amdol and 5% described themselves as Tibetan and Shejak. And then what I do here and with looking at the linguistic varieties I present the data overall but then we'll categorise it by the place of birth category. So looking at the salient aspects again, there were eight salient identity constructs in the Indian category and three for the others. Sorry, if I go too quickly to say but I'm trying to rush for it a bit. So there's that. So essentially it's interesting maybe that Shejak's as prevalent as it is. Shejak and Sanjo identity constructs can be used in very pejorative terms. So it's interesting that Shejak comes up as much as it does but it isn't the same as how Utsang is reported in the Utsang category or Amdol and the Amdol or Cam in the Cam. Okay, did I miss a bit? Yeah, let's do it. Okay, so just looking at the interview data a particular aim of the interviews was to report how informants expressed their awareness of identity and cultural identity. The homogeneous Tibetan identity construct is central to the circumstances of the members of the TDD. Informant 4 stated that he was not aware of the narratives of the Tibetan issue yet conversely in exile being a Tibetan not only meant coming from a particular ethnic origin but it was also an expression of Tibetanness with the responsibility to exist and remain as such. China was used as a function of other in the Pan-Tibetan identity construct. This helped accentuate the nationalistic themes. Excuse me, Sanjos from Tibet were not associated with a Chinese identity construct and Shijaks were not associated with that of an Indian identity construct. The homogeneous Tibetan identity did not take precedence over any of the regional Tibetan identity constructs and vice versa. Tibetan membership was reported by informants as to not only have a particular place of birth as a requisite but was also dependent on the identity of your parents and that of Buddhism. The fact that they didn't have a home provided also to be a binding factor where moral and cultural rights in the eyes of the informants connected them to Tibet so one informant gave the example of the association and the influence of blood and belonging as opposed to politics and law. The inclusive nature of Tibetanness among the intra-Tibetan groups allowed the research to surmise both the multiple intra- and pan-Tibetan identity constructs are evidence of yet also sustained in part by the diasporate culture of preservation. Interview informants reported that regional difference is now firmly set within the Tibetan identity construct creating the concept of other than us and sameness. This concept allowed Tibetan members to be aware of and express both intra-Tibetan group and pan-Tibetan constructs simultaneously. There were pronounced differences between Sanjos and Shijaks. Shijaks were seen as westernised or having characteristics that came from western influence and many informants used children as an example of this so Sanjo children were seen as suffering as they were removed from their place of birth maybe disjointed from their families whereas Shijaks were seen as spoiled. Informants 7 said, I think Tibetans born in India and Tibetans born in Tibet live apart specifically talking about the relationship within Darun Sala so it can be described as being quite disjointed. Informant 35 described the Sanjo identity construct they were known for not knowing how to behave they fought and were often drunk in public and they spat on the bus so this possibly is an example of the stigmatisation of the Sanjo identity and it still existed to some degree but there was also conflicting information as well so it was now the case that Sanjos were often seen as being very good business people having good business acumen or being very kind or assigned status traits basically. So Shijaks were also roundly criticised by Sanjos. Tibetans in Darun Sala also not only have another construct with regards to the Chinese element but also view Indian as another construct and foreigner or Inkshi or Western as another construct with which to compare themselves. Aspects of the diaspora. Many Informants talked about the loss of tradition in their culture and exile and as a result the loss of Tibetan identity Informants born in both Tibet and India referred to themselves as being refugees and they were able to articulate this sort of multiple this refugee narrative in multiple ways and to contextualise the concept. The refugee identity was seen very negatively particularly negatively however there was evidence in the interviews of a dislocation from Tibet especially with Shijak Informants I asked several of them if they would return if there was a hypothetical situation where Tibet became free the next day would they return and many sort of backed off and said well they would return but maybe not so quickly. Language was the salient part of how they recognised their identity so I've got some quotes here one Informant said that language was the pillar of our country another said if I don't know Tibetan then I don't have any value and another Informant said if I'm being Tibetan and I don't speak Tibetan then there's no use saying I am Tibetan there's no identity language is also being Tibetan so that's a very salient aspect this emphasised again or brought up again the idea that there was a personal responsibility to aid in the preservation of Tibetan and Tibetan culture the nationalistic emphasis on ethnicity and Tibetan culture items enabled the desperate culture of preservation to not only be a heritage culture of reminiscence but also one which allowed TD members to be active or activists maybe similar to a protector of the faith one of the salient features of difference between regional groups including Shijak was how people spoke Tibetan Informant stated that they thought speaking was the only or one of the only differences in terms of identifying intra-Tibetan group relations awareness of linguistic divergence didn't sign a shibboleth function to create an exclusive form of language or communication but it served as a marker of identity right so looking at language excuse me QS Informants were presented with five categories in terms of reporting their language oh I've missed sorry QS Informants were presented with five different categories in the language section Tibetan, Hindi, English, Chinese and other please specify they could choose all or any or other which they liked in total there were 34 categories that came from the results three of which were single case items of English, Tibetan and Ladaki and there were 31 multiple item cases in total 23 linguistic varieties were recorded and apart from three Informants everybody else said they spoke Tibetan 59% said they spoke Hindi in total regardless of single repertoire a multiple repertoire 71% said they spoke English and 22% said they spoke Chinese 80% of Informants reported having multiple repertoire with a mean average of 2.6 while the data suggests that having a multiple linguistic repertoire is the norm for the majority of Informants these Informants lived in a community where 19.1 of the speakers a self-reported monolingual speakers almost exclusively in the Tibetan language and then this is looking at the linguistic varieties categorised by Place of Birth again so in the Amdol category there were eight different responses with five linguistic varieties in the Cam category there were 15 with nine linguistic varieties 12 in the Utsang with seven linguistic varieties and 20 different categories in the Indian category with 14 linguistic varieties it's worth drawing your attention to the number of responses given of Tibetan, Hindi and English in the Indian category so 67.4% of India category Informants Shijak Informants stated that they had this as their linguistic repertoire so I'm going to go on so that was the linguistic categories and then I specifically asked about a Tibetan variety speaking so QS Informants were presented with five categories Utsang, Cam, Amdol, Shijak and other please specify again they were instructed that they could answer all or more or whatever they liked so in total there were 41 category responses eight of which were single item responses and 33 multiple with 22 Tibetan varieties recorded in this section okay so yeah I don't know what time it is so maybe very quickly it's worth just again in terms of saliency whether it's multiple or single so the wily script you have to write Utsang K like this because it's silly so that's Utsang so I shouldn't have said this so that's Utsang K and that's Shijak K and that's Cam and that's Amdol yeah I tried to do my own and Nathan said it was cute so I just stuck with this I think he was patronising me yeah well I assume so there's a saliency of Utsang K and Shijak K where they're reported in multiple single singular repertoirs and then the main single repertoirs you can see Shijak and Utsang again okay so all other Informants reported having multiple variety, tibetic variety repertoirs and by far the largest category was Utsang K and Shijak K tibetic varieties of Utsang K and Shijak K predominantly feature in the large so these are the salient results again predominantly feature in the large multiple tibetic repertoirs often in conjunction with Cam K which probably can be explained by the number of Cam Informants Amdol K also featured but to a lesser degree so 56% of Informants reported having multiple tibetic varieties with the mean average being 1.9 so while 56.7 report multiple tibetic varieties the largest was the one tibetic variety category and that was 43.3% of Informants so then looking at Tibetan categories by Place of Birth again excuse me the largest response for all of the major Place of Birth categories is the single case response which is no surprise okay I'm going to move on sorry I'm going to start going a bit quickly and this is the tibetic variety responses the salient features of the tibetic variety responses within the Place of Birth categorisation so the Place of Birth categorisation corresponds with the large numbers of tibetic variety speakers of that category Amdol speaking Amdol etc apart from the Udang category where it was the first Udang K was reported as the second most widely spoken variety with similar percentages throughout the Place of Birth categories Shijak K also featured strongly throughout the categories in the Amdol and Cam categories the third largest tibetic variety with 53% and 47% respectively and in the Udang category 51.4% of Informants stated that they spoke Shijak K so the data presented here in this section allows the research to surmise that the majority of Informants report themselves as having multiple tibetic variety speakers often retaining the tibetic variety most associated with their intra-tibetan group and acquiring chukasum and diasporic tibetan varieties however the data suggests that the TDD speech community accommodates mono-tibetic variety speakers as well as multiple ones so more interview Informant information several Informants explicitly expressed the notion that they believed only speaking one tibetic variety was problematic the chukasum multiple tibetic variety repertoire were reported as having three-dimensional elements while the Shijak tibetic variety was not seen as three-dimensional but one where it was one-dimensional when Informants from Tibet were asked if they spoke Shijak a typical response was to say well yeah but not exactly so there was some reluctance to admitting speaking Shijak K Informant 45 recognised the polynomic tibetic variety model in the diaspora stating that he believed for every ten tibetan in Downsala maybe eight of them would have different ways of speaking so Sandra Informants Informant responses to labelling a tibetic variety in their repertoire as Shijak K was diverse what was often qualified as Shijak K in one instance was also then labelled as Shijak K in one instance or Three Province Speaking Tukasun Shijak K consisted of was perceived to be consisted of a dominance of central Tibetan but not Lhasa K so these varieties were often considered to be provincial typically it was described as mixed and this was often described as mixed and this was often described as mixed and this referred to not only the mixing of Tibetan varieties but also the mixing of Tibetan with English and Hindi many of the Informants emphasised that there were many different varieties of Shijak K the status of Shijak K was often reported in contradictory terms by both Shijak and Sanjo Informants from anything from normal or local Tibetan to mixed or what they call Ramalu which is maybe neither fish nor fow to an overtly overly simplistic language to one Informant said they which Shijak Tibetans can't speak in Tibetan Sanjo Informants from the Udzang region or group did not perceive the Udzang Tibetic variety they spoke and Shijak as being the same linguistic entity Udzang Informants stated that they shared similar experiences to other Sanjo Informants when entering into exile in terms of comprehension abilities of Shijak varieties the stigmatisation of Shijak was a defining element of how this Tibetic variety was perceived I don't know Right I'm going to Oh sorry I'm lost again Sorry I'm a bit conscious about time Right So maybe I'll go for this bit quite quickly Okay So we've previously looked at what Informants stated they spoke in terms of linguistic varieties and specifically Tibetan Tibetic varieties So I also asked in the questionnaire for them to report their understanding or comprehension and I think we could maybe do this quite quickly So for example 65% of Informant questionnaire Informants stated that they spoke Udzang whereas there was an increase of 83.1 in terms of what they comprehended So that might be too tricky Okay so really if we just look down this side and I'm going to show you a couple more tables that are very similar If you look at the Tibetic varieties and then the non-Tibetic varieties if we look at this there's sort of huge increases in comprehension which are fairly consistent and then the opposite is the case for non-Tibetic varieties So then I looked at them within the place of birth constructs So this is the Amdol Informants place of birth construct and you can see again you have the similarity in terms of the increases but not the Amdol okay and then because you know, yeah well and then mirroring the previous table not the same sort of incremental increases So then looking at the CAM this is exactly the same huge increase but not for the varieties associated with the place of birth and then the same for Hindi, English and Chinese the same for Uttang exactly the same the responses within each category were the same and then finally even in the India place of birth the responses were the same So that's quite interesting that was so typical and salient in terms of how it was reported Okay Okay, I'm going to do some damage limitation because I want to show you the table for the verbal guise test Polynomic evidence was reported quite comprehensively So even though it was, maybe it's worth saying even though it was reported comprehensively it wasn't a given you weren't assumed that if you had increased comprehension you could comprehend all diabetic varieties Informants often reported comprehending specific ones but not comprehending others So it wasn't so clear but it was definitely a feature Right, so moving on to the verbal guise So I conducted a verbal guise test and I hadn't done one before so I used two audios Essentially I did two verbal guise tests in one maybe so I could compare the results There were 15 trait rates that I put into five subcategories so I'll show you So if we look at this this is the cognitive trait rates so there's intelligence, sharp-minded and educated just to explain this So all of this data are statistically significant correlations So for example these are the place of birth categories of the Informants So there was a statistically so L is low and H is high and times two means it was statistically significant in both the audios For example, CAM Informants there was a statistically significant I'm going to say this a million times there was a statistically significant correlation between CAM Informants and low ratings of the amdol voice with the intelligence trait So again, a salient thing throughout I'm going to try and summarise them A salient thing throughout the results of the verbal guise test were Informants say Informants from a particular place of birth category rating the voice most associated with that category high So it's fairly in both tables you can see it's fairly consistent And also I guess the other thing worth mentioning here is how the she-jacks possibly stigmatising the other varieties I'm going to move on So that's two of the tables for the traits This is another two so continuing the theme Maybe I'll come back to them that's the other one and then I wrote down a summary of the results so just to fit all of that information into a sort of paragraph essentially the data suggests that Informants assign cultural value to a particular Tibetan variety they most associated with their place of birth identity construct regarding both solidarity and status traits yet they also assign positive traits to other Tibetan varieties conversely Informants were also unlikely to stigmatise other sorry Informants were also likely to stigmatise other Tibetan varieties indicating a paradox where Tibetan varieties were assigned both positive and negative traits In turn this is allows for the suggestion that this indicates the concept of otherness and sameness which interview Informants are deluded to There was a particular emphasis on Informants from Tibet stigmatising the she-jack voice in the verbal guise test specifically regarding the traits of trust, affability and also respect and then I don't know very quickly I'd like to just try and summarise the salient results then I'm done so I'm nearly done looking at the research questions again the research produced three salient conclusions specifically associated with the first two research questions firstly the research suggests that Informants have multiple Tibetic varieties but also there is evidence to suggest a polynomic language situation exists in the Tibetan and Damsala diaspora secondly there is evidence to suggest that Informants from Tibet and the diaspora acquire and develop multiple Tibetic varieties which are amalgamations of numerous Tibetic varieties there were two summary conclusions relating specifically to the third research question regarding identity firstly Informants expressed strong associations to both regional and pan-Tibetan identity constructs which allowed for the validation and acceptance of all non-diasporic and diasporic intra-Tibetan group identities despite examples of stigmatisation secondly the diasporic she-jack identity construct is a salient feature of the TDD which allows for the concept of an intra-Tibetan identity construct model which validates this construct as well as the guchu sum ones so often it's the case that they talk about guchu sum, cuchu sum ones so often it's all the identity constructs are based around Kao Mand or Niu Tsang whereas I'm trying to say that maybe there's evidence to suggest that there's you can attach the diasporic cultural construct to it as well which hopefully is validating or it proves that they are validating it two summary conclusions regarding the enquiry into linguistic practices and identity associated with the first three research questions are made firstly, Tibetan varieties are markers of intra-Tibetan group identity which indicates retention of a particular Tibetan variety and the development of a multiple Tibetan variety model which suggests informants are likely to develop multiple Tibetic varieties and increased abilities in multiple Tibetic variety competences secondly, a shift to a standard variety appears to be overrun by the idea of a multiple Tibetic variety model data associated with the first research question enquiring of linguistic practices was also contextualised with data produced by the third and the fourth research question to produce two summary conclusions firstly, a Tibetan variety firstly, as Tibetan varieties are integral to intra-Tibetan group identity the Shijak variety spoken by Shijak Tibetans are distinct entities most notably the Shijak Tibetan spoken by Shijak speakers differs from the Shijak Tibetan spoken by Tibetans from Tibet although the awareness of the Shijak identity through the awareness of the Shijak identity construct and the increased usage of English and Hindi within the Shijak variety of Shijak secondly, speakers from all four of the major Tibetic varieties present in the TD assigned both prestige and stigmatisation of both status and solidarity traits in particular the Shijak variety was associated with attainment and education status traits yet the variety was also stigmatised as impure which was a data attitudinal data from the questionnaires not from the verbal guides about purity conversely, Sanjo varieties particularly Amdol and Can varieties were assigned high rates of solidarity and stigmatised regarding status traits yet were also assigned status as pure varieties and therefore of value finally, the last summary conclusion relates to the contextualisation of the data produced by the third and fourth research questions and states that the Pan-Tibetic the Pan-Tibetan identity constructs and Intra-Tibetan identity constructs function in a mutually beneficial relationship where having the identity of one values having the identity of the other and vice versa and that's me questions Chinese, then there was a money that was only less than one class because that is the only population that needed Sanjo and there are no more than those coming in and that place works as an opportunity and that leads me to wonder what kind of children what kind of parents would stand their kids along to these spaces and I have the principle most of the children come from South and the West of Tibet which is more in his interpretation it is more religious so my question is have you looked at religious identity in correlation with language attitudes right, yeah one of the limitations definitely is the emphasis not on looking at the religious aspect I would argue that you couldn't really my opinion I would argue that you couldn't really differentiate between one group being more religious than the other in terms of Tibetan identity it was I think now because of how many people do come into exile I think what you're saying is obviously happening previous to that and what's reported in my research many informants would say the opposite that the best schools are for the Sanjo, the children coming into exile and across the board within the People's Republic of China I think there's a motivation to send your child there to get a Tibetan education Chinese education could be viewed very well as well but the religious aspect perhaps that you're talking about I think associates from how I see as a cultural one as well I think you're missing out yeah definitely I think it's valid I think when you said I'd be quite reluctant I'm not Buddhist or anything like that I would be quite reluctant to define them as religious extremists in any way whatsoever I think what you're missing out maybe is an economic aspect if you've got a relative that's going into exile you can give them your kid and they'll get free education whereas in Tibet the part of Tibet I was in this woman that taught me Tibetan couldn't afford to go to school because she couldn't afford the books yeah well yeah sure I'm not sure you still have to pay for books you still have to be somewhere if 70% of them are rural you have to live in a non-rural place I don't think it's quite the case sorry is that yeah we're both right I specifically looked at how it was reported as opposed to actual existences I did collect data on actual existent of actual examples no I didn't really analyse it properly enough to know but I think that English for example is assigned huge amounts of status so you can speak English to be cool you can speak English to be educated or whatever so there might be spheres where they might be prevalent Hindi movies are very popular that if you ask most she-jacked about what they do with an evening it's watching Bollywood movies so yeah maybe yeah again but I don't know sorry well I think my well because the nature of filling out a questionnaire perhaps I think if you have a negative where it if you have a well I think you'd have to talk about a questionnaire fatigue or something I think you'd have to talk about how not all of the informants would be ultra-ultra motivated to fill out the questionnaire I don't know what you're like with filling out questionnaires I get a pop-up on the Guardian online to fill out a questionnaire all of the time do you ever get that? and so I often just do it to be nasty and even then I get bored after but after three questions you're like I think the significance is the degree so you might have a negative response to 0.1 or 1. something 800 informants I think that's pretty good coming I wouldn't argue that a questionnaire is some well as I said there's a motivation to do it and it's not something done in a laboratory I think what you said at the beginning was that it was about perceptions rather than what actual behaviour yeah but if you have like with the comprehension I think you're talking about so they're all so there's minus four I think that it's fairly similar I don't think the minus four is any less telling or more telling than having plus two I think they're all pretty much similar and then if you look at the comparison between how the larger examples are fairly similar I think there are indications I wouldn't swear blind because it is self-reported that is the nature of self-reporting Peter Right so the question I was done in when I did the pilot I had both English and Tibetan but it came apparent that the English wasn't needed or wanted or the interviews well these are spoken essentially the differences we're talking about spoken varieties so it was in a standard yeah so yeah it had I don't know I tried my Tibetan especially these days very good so in terms of constructing well when I constructed the when I constructed the questionnaires what I did was to I worked at the Gudjusun Association for a number of years at the Ex-Political Prisoners Association so I was involved in translation from Tibetan to English then so there's a Tibetan translator there but I gave the questionnaire before I produced them both for the pilot and the one I used I gave it to this guy at Gudjusun and then another four or five people and so it was done by a process of what's the word committee as such That's not the point I'm trying to explore it's rather that it was written in a variety which nobody actually speaks No it's written in a variety which everybody can read but nobody speaks and the Amdo and Camus are more or less divergent in terms of no the written will be the same so for example campers so for example camper you'd say camper but with the same spelling somebody from Amdo was Amdo wa so the wa and the pa are written identically but the pronunciation is different Does that make sense? In terms of the interviews they were done again with translators and ones that could speak English to a proficient level without a translator so there were the majority of the interviews were done just with me and in English some 20 so I can't remember off the top of my head some 20 so interviews and then the rest were done with a translator relating to the person from that place of birth so again the main element was looking at not behaviour but reported awareness the legitimisation of that was based on the saliency of this and the saliency of awareness so I did collect some data on behaviour but it wasn't in my thesis Sorry Can I ask if you thought about to like you as an outsider researcher in getting it wrong and that made a factor in the answers that relates back to the one of the perspectives I took was trying to be accountable and explaining being very open about what I was and therefore what the responses might be if I had been female talking to a female informant it might be different, definitely it was the other salient aspect of that I found that because of again the saliency of the responses the subject matter also the fact that they wanted to talk about this the fact that it was relevant, the fact that it was seen as important and the fact that they had the role of being ambassadors of the cultural, they were very open topics the research didn't come out of so I first lived in Darren Salar in 2004 and I didn't I was just living and working there and what came up in this was fairly everyday stuff I didn't really, I've contextualised what they know or really I spoke English and then Tibetan to some degree for as much as I could I was told that I spoke I was told that I spoke Shijak someone said I once spoke Uge or Utenge so the most I could possibly talk about was my connections with Guchisum so I'd know the students very well and I'd hang out with the students and initially if I struggled to make a point in Tibetan or something it was fine or whatever, there wasn't a big difference between prestige or status with speaking one or the other but I didn't really research that but in my anecdotal evidence it was fine environment it's a huge tourist hub so they speak, they hear everyone can hear multiple varieties yeah, yeah


Okay, good afternoon. Thank you for the invitation and the opportunity to share some reflections about how we can bring climate change adaptation for smallholder farmers to a critical scale. The topic of this conference is mainstreaming climate change adaptation into local and national planning. And for agriculture, there are two very pertinent challenges that go hand in hand with that mainstreaming objective. The first that has already been mentioned is how do we get from a scale where we are benefiting hundreds of smallholder farmers to a scale where we benefit hundreds of thousands of smallholder farmers. And the second one, which is probably very pertinent to the agriculture sector, is how do we integrate something that is inherently long-term, a long-term perspective on climate risk and resilience into investment programs that very often have a short-term vision, a short-term perspective of increasing agricultural productivity. So how do we get from a short-term crop-based perspective to a longer-term resilience perspective? Now the point of departure for this discussion is a bit tricky because agriculture is on the one hand a victim and on the other hand a perpetrator of global climate change. So it has a substantive contribution to global greenhouse gas emissions and on the other hand people who live most, who are most dependent on natural resources, climate sensitive natural resources, are the victims of climate change. Now agriculture needs to meet growing food needs but do so in what analysts call the safe operating space of integrated food and climate systems. Safe operating space is the space where we can feed a growing population without binging on our greenhouse gas emission budget and without undermining the capabilities of the natural systems that underpin agricultural production. At the moment we are not operating in that safe operating space. And community-based adaptation is one of the modalities that can help us get back into that operating space. There are more than 500 million smallholder farmers in the world, smallholders produce up to 80% of food in Sub-Saharan Africa and parts of Asia and that is I think a very immediate entry point to upscaling community-based adaptation. Now how do we design smallholder adaptations for such a scale that we can get from village-based interventions to larger-scale national programs? Can we reshape the way agricultural investments are being deployed? Can we change the business as usual narrative? And can financial institutions such as EFAT play a role catalyzing community-based adaptation and bringing it to such scale? The first question I think we have to ask is which investment programs are out there that provide entry points for community-based adaptation. In the case of EFAT it is rather straightforward. EFAT is not only a specialized UN agency but also an international financial institution. The mandate of EFAT is rather well-defined. Our clients are smallholder farmers in rural areas of developing countries and the mandate of EFAT investment is poverty reduction. So the business model, how this poverty reduction is being achieved is to provide low-interest loans and grants to finance smallholder focused development projects and the scale of investments at the current point in time is around 1 billion US dollars per year. So a rather substantive financial scale. If we manage to integrate climate risk management, climate change adaptation effectively into that investment portfolio, this is a great avenue for upscaling. But before we can do that, it's important to understand what the incentives are of planners in the agricultural field to really integrate or engage with something that's called community-based adaptation. It's a new type of language, a new terminology. We have heard about these technicalities of distinguishing between resilience and vulnerability. How does someone who works in the agriculture field engage? Why would he or she? Now an argument that is usually rather effective is that climate change has negative effects on agricultural investments. So there is a direct need to protect agricultural investments from the uncertainties that we are experiencing in the future. A second equally important argument is that climate change brings new opportunities for agriculture in certain parts of the world. In certain parts of the world, like in Central Asia, there are windows of opportunity for different staple crops who are growing better, growing seasons are extending. In some places, like in Nepal, you are now able to grow fruit crops at an altitude where formerly these crops have not grown and that can enrich the diet of poor families. So there are certain opportunities for new value chains in agriculture. This is what I would call the passive dimension, these investments being affected directly, positively or negatively. And then there is the active dimension of these investments also affecting people's vulnerabilities. So some rural development projects reduce small holders growing vulnerabilities to risks. Even without being called adaptation projects, they do a good job building resilience. And then there are others, sorry, there are others who don't manage to do that. So there are agricultural development projects which you would not yet call climate smart. Some of them increase vulnerabilities. Now in order to integrate these incentives, these different perspectives into EFAT's programs, EFAT has designed an adaptation for small holder agriculture program, which is the window, the programming window within EFAT to make climate finance work for small holder farmers. There are five bilateral donors, the UK, the Netherlands, Belgium, Sweden and Canada who have contributed to the adaptation for small holder agriculture program. And the financial amount is more than 300 million US dollars that is now available for programming, back to back with regular investments. As such ASAP has developed into a centerpiece for institutional change in EFAT, catalyzing the move of an institution which has undertaken a lot of agricultural investments from business as usual to what you could call climate smart rural development, giving a greater priority to things such as risk assessments, risk appraisals, vulnerability assessments but then also including certain things that have largely been missing in agricultural investment programs. And the important thing is that ASAP builds on existing programming processes. So it does not introduce a new type that is called community based adaptation project or a small holder adaptation project. Adaptation in that way is mainstream and integrated into what EFAT is doing anyway. And so with certain new elements that come into the programming process that mainstreaming works a bit more effectively than when we have to communicate a new project type or in a very different language to what agricultural practitioners are used to. Now let me quickly give you that slide about the scale of ASAP. You don't really have to read it. It's there is a global results framework. The important thing here is the overall target impact is to increase the resilience of at least eight million people, eight million small holder farmers to improve land management practices in at least one million hectares of agricultural land. And as a site benefits reduce at least 18 million tons of greenhouse gas emissions. So a rather critical financial scale. And now when we come to the question of how you can bridge this very often gap between the large scale ambitious global programs and the small scale community based adaptation initiatives, there are entry points to bring technologies and experiences from existing community based adaptation projects to scale. This is the lineup for 2013. All these projects have been defined back to back with EFAT country programs and they build on initiatives that are already going on. In the case of Bangladesh, for example, there is a livelihoods improvement project in the Hawar Basin. And ASAP adds a 15 million grand dimension to this project to ensure more village protection and greater mobility in that project. Now, one important question I think that keeps getting raised when we talk with agricultural practitioners about integrating climate change, integrating a climate change dimension is looking at what we have been doing all those years, looking at our work on irrigation, on drought management, on rainwater harvesting. What's really so new about this? I mean, isn't this something we have been doing anyway? Isn't small-holder adaptation just old wine and new bottles? And instinctively, as someone who is engaged with this, you would say, no, it's something new. It's not old wine and new bottles. But thinking about it, we realize that, yes, part of it is, in fact, old wine in a new bottle. Part of this is rural development projects which work well, which increase resilience. They are not called adaptation projects. Sometimes they are not even called disaster risk reduction projects. But those are examples of projects that increase small-holder resilience and it's good. We need to do more of those. So we need to get the half-empty bottle to an almost full bottle, upscaling what works. But this is not enough because, as has been mentioned several times this morning, the past is no longer a very good guide for the future and we need to add a different variety. So the part of a new wine to this bottle that now specifically contributes investments to manage growing risks. Those are investments in early warning systems, investments in climate services, investments in micro-insurance. So things that are traditionally not in the DNA of agricultural investment programs. Finally, if you blend these two liquids and you shake them, then the taste of the whole bottle changes. This is what we would call mainstreaming in the case of IFAD-supported programs. Doing more of what works, adding a bit that is not yet there and integrating it into a programming process that is already available. Now, let me again expand a bit on the projects that already work. Those projects create surplus or buffer capacities. When you look into projects that deal with rainwater harvesting, grain banks, village saving schemes, that immediately increases livelihood capitals of affected families. Some projects strengthen the efficiency and effectiveness of natural resource use. So you have integrated water resource management projects. You have watershed management projects, integrated coastal zone management projects. It's nothing very fancy, but it works in practice. Some projects restore natural protective systems and other projects increase the ability of local institutions to access information that is relevant for their planning. So we need to do more of those. And you all know the advantages of things like agroforestry by planting trees in vulnerable sites. You conserve locally adopted agrobiodeversity. You can diversify livelihoods with additional produce, such as fruit. You can reduce deforestation and prevent erosion. So it's what you would call a multiple-benefit approach. The same with biogas. Biogas has a very prominent greenhouse gas mitigation dimension to it, reducing methane. But apart from that, it saves fuel, wood, provides fertilizer, provides energy for children who can study after school and reduces respiratory diseases. So also a multiple-win approach that increases resilience. But we are not really at a point where everything we do is climate smart. We see a lot of value chain projects which try to intensify agricultural productions and try to connect smallholders to markets. But the value chain is not really well understood in terms of where the climate risk comes in. Climate risk can come in at the production site with losses in harvest and water stress. It can come in at the post-harvest section of a value chain. It can come in in access to markets, floods interrupting agricultural produce being brought to markets. So very rarely do you see a value chain project that analyzes the entire value chain. And this is what we need to introduce. Also, some infrastructure projects do not really do a proper risk assessment with regards to climate hazards. That's applicable sometimes to feeder roads, to irrigation facilities, storage facilities, even project offices. I just received an email in Mozambique, a PMU office, Project Management Office has been flooded which is in a way something that's terrible because now you have to spend project funds to relocate the project office. But at the same time, it's an opportunity for people to think about what it means where you put your critical infrastructure, not only the Project Management Office but also the storage facility or the processing facility. So we need to do these things differently and think about how robust the infrastructure is that we are investing in, how climate events can interrupt our value chain work, how long we can really sustain use of natural resources in an unsustainable manner like the pumping of groundwater here on the bottom left. And if we have plan B for crop failures, especially in cases where we are looking at crop systems that are focused on a narrow selection of varieties. And this is some of the things that I would call the new wine in the new bottle, things that are for many of you who work in disaster management, probably well known, but these things are not there in many agricultural investment programs, early warning systems, access to social safety nets, climate services, climate resilient crop choices, salinity tolerant crops, drought tolerant crops, inundation tolerant crops, better risk analysis, more robust and flexible infrastructure, better post harvest protection, diversified farming systems. Okay, only two more slides in this presentation. I'd like to use this one to explain what are the new things that we bring to the IFAD programming process. How do we increase the quality of project interventions in order to get community based adaptation and smallholder adaptation included in these agricultural investment programs? It's important to understand that we are not really doing a lot of things differently. We are using the existing project design cycle, but include a mandatory analysis of risk and vulnerability at the very early stage of the project cycle. This sounds rather straightforward, it is not that easy because many of these investment programs are being designed in very condensed amounts of time, so we have to find a way to include this vulnerability assessment in an opportune part of the project cycle. Sometimes this is done by commissioning a separate study that is funded by ASAP that can then feed back into the project design. Secondly, what's important is when these projects are being reviewed in IFAD internal control processes, the review is about not only the short-term yield perspective, the review is also on the long-term impact of these projects on the natural environment and the question if we are going to be able to sustain agricultural production in a more hostile and uncertain environment. Thirdly, there is a strong emphasis in each ASAP supported project on social learning and institutional learning because ultimately the best exit strategy at the local level is if you have local institutions who are equipped and have access to information so that they can interpret changes in the natural environment and then take informed and robust planning decisions. And finally, the M and E systems include now a number of indicators that are able to give us some metrics that can be subsumed under the term resilience and that metrics can then inform the evidence we need to provide to the donor community so that they see that there is a strategic benefit of investing in smallholder adaptation. The summary of this is if I had to summarize the critical factors on how we can bring smallholder adaptation to scale, I would say the first entry point is understanding the financial and partnership space of existing agricultural investment programs on what basis are they formulated based on which strategy of the national government are they formulated, and then understanding why climate change is a relevant consideration in these programs, either in terms of protection, in terms of capitalizing on new opportunities or in terms of improving things that are or have been designed in a suboptimal manner. Then there is some dimension for climate finance, some funding sources that need to be brought into play to ensure that resilience is affected into the programming, a systematic appraisal of climate risk and vulnerability at an early stage of investment design and systematically increasing the space for social learning, knowledge management and policies dialogue, and lastly, designing M&E systems which capture the resilience dimension. Thank you very much.


The signal oil program the whistler that whistle is your signal for the signal oil program The whistler and the whistler and I know many things for I walk by night I know many strange tales hidden in the hearts of men and women who have stepped into the shadows Yes, I know the nameless terrors of which they dare not speak Yes friends, it's time for the signal oil program the whistler rated by independent research the most popular program on the West Coast Remember that every traffic signal remind you with new signal gasoline You do go farther than ever look for the familiar big yellow and black circle sign That identifies those popular signal service stations in seven western states from Canada to Mexico And now the whistler strange story Lucky night Cities are noisy sprawling things tentacled with streets and avenues scarred by towers and ditches build of shacks and mansions They combine the beautiful And the ugly and the people of the cities are as diverse and varied as the buildings rich and poor Educated and ignorant the hurrying scuffling pushing mob that makes a city live They are the principles in a million stories enacted every day in the city's streets and its buildings Here for example is the beginning of one story a Man running down a street in the cheap section of the city just after nightfall He darts across a narrow street without looking he comes to the intersection of a street and alley just as a car turns the corner How bad He's dead.  Yeah, but he's dead That's hit and run driving.  Let's get out of here Yes, the man lying dead in the alley marked the beginning of a story a Very important story to mr. And mrs.  And mrs. Craig You got to go up and see mr. Sedgwick right this minute because he ain't paid his rent for next week He's a new border and it's best we show him right off that we ain't gonna put up with back rent Yeah, it'd be a lot better if we could get that mr. Sedgwick out of here I don't like the looks of them besides he burns the electric too much at night Skeleton so too honest people ain't able to run a decent respectable place no more Well, anyhow, you go right up and see that mr. Sedgwick and if he ain't got the money out he goes I don't like the way. He looks at me Carolyn He has got a funny way of looking at people But that ain't got nothing to do with the rent and you tell him who's there your starboarder, mr. Good evening Albert Caroline you ain't to call us by our first names. I told you that friendly gesture on my part Mr.. Craig, but I didn't descend into these charming quarters of yours to discuss the amenities of nomenclature No, you stop that fancy talk and don't bring that cigarette in here You ain't been smoking in bed now. Have you know, but it's an idea at least the feeble glow would provide more light than the ceiling fixture You're complaining again, and you're getting a good room and a reasonable rent There ain't many boarding houses in the city where you're all right There aren't many boarding houses in the city where the boarders have to race home at night to make sure they can get their evening Paper or where the owners get up at 4 in the morning to steal the cream off the milk. Are you calling us thieves? No, I don't think so. Mrs. Craig. I'd have to qualify that sneak thieves. I should say Oh, no, no, stop it. Let's don't argue about it What about the hot plate in my room? What's the matter with it? It belies its name mr. Craig It is no longer a hot plate.  Campion. All right, let's get to something else The bedspread for example It has become one of the most exciting games I've ever played to find a spot in the spread free from holes It embarrasses me when I have guests. We can't afford a new one. Mr. Campion We shall forget the bedspread and take up the subject of the ceiling fixture that ain't broke well Not exactly, but it certainly is eccentric It goes on and off mr. Craig like a lighthouse though guaranteed to be untouched by human hands yet It flashes Ambitiously and energetically you keep fine and fall with everything. I am not alone And now that I've registered my complaint. I shall retire to the damp chill of the crypt I occupy and for which I pay 68 bucks a month if you don't like it you can get out that Mrs. Craig is a line which becomes you well. Good night Young puppy for two cents. I touch extravagance and from you of all people. Good night Well, I'm never Albert as soon as we can we'll put him out Caroline might be hard to rent that room and he does pay a regular.  Sedgwick. I'll care and maybe he'll bring it down Night ain't over yet. You're scared of him. I don't like the way he looks at me.  Sedgwick went out How do you know he went out the front door some time ago now go away and stop pounding I have work to do I'd like to slap that smart allocate. Mr.  Let's go for our walk. Yes, mr. Mrs. Craig You are a remarkable couple you do take the cream from the milk and you do read the newspapers before the borders get home To save a couple of pennies and now you go for your walk not for exercise though It's to save electric light bills Every night is the same down the same street past the warehouse over to the brewery In the long list street running through the wholesale district until you finally get sleepy and turn homeward Albert if that's smart mr. Campion tells you that he ain't using electric light in that lamp he bought he's lion Yeah, we could just catch him at it. He's got enough light in his room. He don't need no more lamps It's costing us money to put up with him. That's right Albert Money money. We always got troubles. Wait. Wait a minute. That's a man laying there Drunk most likely.  It's mr. Cedric. It is look what's the matter with him. He's he's dead Albert Looks like maybe he got hit by an order. What's that? His pocket it's tough with money and him or not rent Look at it. It's it's so much Albert what are you supposed? Ain't nobody in sight What are you thinking me? What are you thinking nothing nothing?  I never did like the way he looked like like one of them gangsters Yeah, he wouldn't do no good with it. He owes us rent It's his kind that's spend it on some chorus. Hey you and me we have it. Are you gonna do it or ain't you? Ain't nobody watching ain't nobody saw him before us either There wouldn't be no money With the prologue of tonight's story lucky night the signal oil company brings you another strange story by the whistler If you're a whistler fan, you've heard me say that with new signal gasoline you now go farther than ever But if you've gotten the impression the drivers interested in mileage or the chief buyers of signal gasoline You'll be interested in a little experiment. I conducted this week at a signal station Asking customers why they preferred signal gasoline an Engineer in a 1942 Buick told me that new signal helped him get maximum efficiency from his motor The driver of a 1937 Ford told me that with new signal in his tank his tired old car actually felt young again And a traveling salesman emphasized the importance of signals good mileage Now if it seems strange to you that three drivers interested in three different qualities should all find them in the same gasoline Well, I can clear up that mystery for you in a hurry You see scientists by rearranging the atoms in gasoline molecules put amazing power into new signal gasoline and Because that power helps you get greater efficiency extra performance from your motor you naturally get maximum mileage That's why while you're enjoying its quicker starting faster pickup and higher anti-knock You'll find you do go farther than ever with new signal gasoline and now Back to the whistler. So you've taken the money from mr. Sedgwick Albert and Carolyn But look isn't someone behind you faster walk faster Just a shadow wasn't it? But you didn't know that mr. And this is Craig that money is heavy in your pocket, isn't it Albert? Faster now both of you hurry home to hide the money in the mattress He is in the mattress with the rest of your miser's hoard But faster again The memory of mr. Sedgwick lying back there is pursuing you and you've got to get away Faster now faster You didn't lose it. Did you help it? No, no, I got it right you gotta put it in the mattress with the rest Well, welcome home back early, aren't you mr. Campion? Yes. Were you expecting someone else? No, I wasn't What have you two been doing running? No Why should we be running? You might have heard the nickel I dropped upstairs.  Campion.  Mr.. Mr.. Craig ain't feeling good. Looks a little pale around the gills Someone chasing you. No, no, nobody chased us. Why'd you ask that? Well from the way you dashed in here I thought perhaps you robbed a bank or something like that Oh, we're honest people. Hmm to a certain extent. Yes. Are you calling us thieves again? I explained that once before tonight But you two certainly do look excited And the only thing that could bring a flush to your care war and cheeks would be money Perhaps left by a rich uncle. We ain't got any uncle and that ain't no way to talk mr. Campion. Okay, we'll forget it I'm going for a walk Walk, huh? Well, sure. Why not the ceiling fixture gave up the ghost altogether a few minutes ago can't work anymore Which way you walking? Hmm What does that make any difference? Well, of course not, but it's it's damn Paul. Yes, you might catch a chill Your solicitude is absolutely amazing Can this be the creaks the same people who all through the winter dole out heat by fractions of degrees Hey, hey, you weren't that light-fixed don't you unless I am to become a mole light would be welcome Then you go along with mr. Craig mr. Campion. Aha, what's your matter? I see see what? Mr. Craig has what do I got wire wire to repair the ceiling fixture If I help him it saves the electricians fee for you. You're always poking fun at us. Oh, no, Mrs. Craig Well, come along Albert you and I shall place time that's to the ceiling All right. Oh, but Mrs. Craig, huh?  Campion? Certainly, mr. Craig. Yeah Certainly, Albert you better leave that package with me. Oh, I forgot I can what package in his coat pocket Albert give it to me.  Yes, Albert There's wire and stuff in the cellar. You get it yourself here. Here's the key to the basement What wonder of wonders the key to the Craig's cellar and shall I find vintage 1902 or perhaps the skeletons of former borders? You you fix the light mr. Campion if there's anything you need you can buy it tomorrow. We'll pay you for it num Absolutely numb. I am This is the epitome of surprise the key to the cellar an offer of payment by the Craigs all in one evening You're gonna fix it or not certainly tomorrow may see the Craigs back in usual form Therefore tonight, I shall gather the golden fruits of whatever occasion this You're a four you mentioned package and there ain't none Honestly, how much is there? We could have counted it later. Do I know you wouldn't took it some from yourself?  And we found it just found it we went for a walk and we found it Campion anything wrong? No, no, there's nothing to matter but I thought I heard mrs. Did you fix the light? Oh, yes Here's the key to the fella put it under the door put it under the door Just shove it under okay, but are you sure? Just go to bed mr. Campion I'm going out for a walk if anyone falls. I'll be back in a half hour But he can't go maybe he'll go the way we did and see him. Oh, did you hear me? Oh sure sure? Mr. Campion yes It's it's all for chilly out You'll observe closely. I'm the possessor of an overcoat a serviceable Benny. Oh, wouldn't you like a nice cup of tea? I beg your pardon. Oh, you like tea. Don't you mr. Campion? I Don't understand and tomorrow we'll have a new hot plate for you. Yeah, maybe we can pick up one second hand Mr. And mrs. Craig Take a close look at me My name is Campion I've been living here for six months during which time you must have seen that I am not affluent in any way I have no influence with the governor.  We're willing to let bygones be bygones. Oh Well Thanks very much for the offer of tea But I shall take a walk just the same He'll go the way we did. I know he will forget it close the door What if he does find him or you'll see is that sedgwick Lane in the alley? We didn't kill him Anybody could see it was a ortho that done it Campion can't know about the money said it goes only here two days But we got to hide it in case in the mattress with the rest we ain't got time What if mr. Campion does know about the money what if he sees mr. Sedgwick and comes back here We ain't got time to open the mattress and close it again Then what do we do put it in the fireplace until tomorrow morning then what when the banks open? You go clear over to the outer side of town if it's a nice day You can walk it change one of the big bills into little ones. Yeah, you're crazy. What could that gonna do? You see now listen then go to another bank and put the little the bills in a bank account We ain't got none and you can open one Maybe do the same thing for a week until all the money is out of here. Ain't nobody knows us on the other side of town Yeah, I see Well, that's a good idea and then when we're good and sure nobody else knows about the money We can take it out of the bank and bring it back here. Yeah That's smart that's pretty smart Karen. I bet even mr. Smarty pens campion couldn't think of nothing like that That's a splendid idea Albert and Carolyn splendid You hear mr.  He says nothing So you sigh with relief But you spend a sleepless night just the same What if he does know and guesses? Then it's morning. You leave the house Albert in your pocket is a hundred dollar bill You start for a bank across town the bank where no one knows you you reach the bank give the bill to one of the tellers He looks at you hard Is there some suspicion in his glance? Is there Albert, but he changes the bill and you hurry out You start for another bank blocks away But before you get there a newspaper headline catches your eye You can't read it all but two words make you start and turn pale Bank robbery You read as much as you can but your lifelong miserliness doesn't let you spend a nickel just five cents for that paper Then one phrase strikes your eye marked money marked money Now you hurry home. The other bank is forgotten You should take a taxi, but you don't think of it Even though fives and tens are clutched in your pocket the dampness from your hand making them a pulpy mass Now you're home safe Pardon me. Mr. Craig. I I can't stop now. Mr. Campion. Okay, so you can't stop Don't you want to know why this policeman is here? Policeman Where using the phone down the hall? It seems our good friend, Mr. Sedgwick has some shady dealings Sedgwick. Yes, you see there was a little yeah, I gotta go to Carolyn I I went out to get some medicine. I'll all the law will wait, Mr. Craig's law will wait Carolyn Is the policeman gone Albert? No, he ain't I saw him coming down the street while I was looking out the window for you Why was you going so long Albert? I'll never mind that He came up the stairs and he rang the bell. I couldn't answer the door I just couldn't Albert so I pretended I wasn't here then Mr. Campion came down and knocked on our door Did he hear you? He know you was here.  You tell me what they were saying I couldn't hear it good. I put my ear against the door, but I couldn't hear nothing but low talk And that's what it's for that's what it's for. What are you saying? Where's the rest of the money still in the fireplace? Are they gonna arrest us Albert? Are they gonna arrest us for taking money from Mr. Sedgwick? The paper said it was marked the bandits took marked money from the bank the serial numbers was all wrote down now We got it. That mr. Sedgwick was a crook.  We've got to get rid of the money What are you doing? That fella at the bank he looked funny at me it took me 20 minutes to get back here He told the police before I got That's a policeman.  Go ahead. Don't stand there like a fish. Go ahead Campion with a stout minion of the law name of Is his name is McCarthy just a couple of seconds more just a couple of seconds. I uh, I ain't best Oh come come mrs. Craig it's after 10. You were up early this morning. I heard you it's done You can let him in The whistler will return in just a moment with a strange ending of tonight's story Meantime I'm gonna let you in on a little secret Don't you be surprised if someday somebody stops you on the street and ask such questions as What do you consider the most important qualities in gasoline or why did you select the brand of motor oil you're using? The questioner will probably be from the research organization, which signal oil company regularly employs to find out how they can Serve you better how they can help you get more pleasure from your car It's this policy of finding out what the motorist wants then giving it to him that has led to the development of ever finer signal products Including that amazing new signal gasoline that's so packed with power You can actually feel the difference and see it and hear it give it a try The chances are you will say signal gasoline has everything For after all new signal gasoline like all signal products is the answer to what you the motoring public have told signals research people That you want And now back to the whistler Well Albert and Carolyn It was just too good to be true, wasn't it? You thought it was your lucky night that your good friend mr. Sedgwick lying dead in the alley would turn out to be a profitable investment after all But there were too many things you didn't know too many strings attached to that $5,000 That's why you're relieved now as you watch the last of its smaller and the great After admitting officer McCarthy and mr. Campion. What's that officer? What about mr. Sedgwick? Well, when we found his body lying there in the alley, we had to found out where he was staying That's why I'm here you say he's been living here only for two days We didn't know nothing about him sure to know honest folks would him with a wreck at a yard long and more aliases than you can shake a Sticker as soon as I read about the bank robbery. I said to Carolyn That's said week is the kind of a man who looks like a robber Sedgwick robber. Is that right McCarty? Lord? No small stuff with Sedgwick's line sneak Thieve and the bank robbery has been cleared up and all the money's recovered. No, that's not right It's in all the morning papers the crakes never buy newspapers McCarthy papers cost a nickel, but I read I saw Did you read the paper? Well, I couldn't read it all only what I could see a typical craic action peak over and read as much as Possible on the newsstand or over a shoulder, but said to him he had five thousand dollars. He Five thought how do you know he had it? We know not a penny on him when we found him. Oh, oh that night You came in excited out of breath. Oh, no, I can't pull. Oh, no, this is too much McCarthy Such a bit was a sneak thief he was Albert Caroline Did you keep money in your room here? Did you It's been split open What's she talking about briefly McCarthy poetic justice Next Monday at 9 o'clock the whistler will bring you another strange tale The whistler is broadcast for your entertainment by the marketers of signal gasoline and motor oil and fine quality automotive Accessories and by your neighborhood signal dealer This program produced by George W. Allen with tonight's story by Russell Hughes music by Wilbur Hatch is Transmitted to our troops overseas by the armed forces radio service that whistle Is your signal for the signal oil program the whistler? This is Marvin Miller speaking Reminding you to look for those familiar yellow and black circle signs that identify those popular signal oil stations in Seven western states from Canada to Mexico This is CBS the Columbia broadcasting system