Well, thank you so much for inviting me for the show and for the 15 minutes of fame, maybe. So very quick, I want to center this little starting conversation on one aspect of my work, which is the transition it has had in the way it is addressing political issues. This is an example of how I started my work and in 1985, when Anna Mendieta died, I created a piece where I was for 10 years reproducing her work, all her performances, for the Cuban artists. So it is a work that was specifically about Cuba in which I was using art as a way of accessing some knowledge that otherwise was impossible to have since we didn't have any information about her work back there. But what started as a personal homage to Anna became political because she was an emigrated. So this is a little bit how the process of my work, when I started doing art that was based on my own experience or trying to use art to rest it to the spaces of desire or spaces of encounter, and of course that became political. So following that, I decided that the only art I could do was political because nevertheless it was going to be interpreted that way, so I continued doing it in purpose. So then I work also with this idea of the personal using the history of the country as a way to use my work to re-enact or re-establish a conversation of something that happened before. But at one point it wasn't enough for me to work from my own experience or from my own body because doing all these performances myself was kind of closing the opportunity to talk about something else that is the society because it was very easy actually to be called feminist or about women instead of about everybody else's experience. So I changed this using my body by starting using other people's body. In this case this piece is called Untitled Havana 2000 and it was a piece where I used an old cellar for prisoners of conscience and what I did is I turned off the light and completely covered this with sugarcane and people were, I'm going to pass this because 15 minutes is not enough time. So this is the image of the piece. So you went to there, it was absolutely dark and you go towards one TV that has Fidel Castro's image and then when you turn you see the shape of these naked men that were kind of guarding the video. And of course this piece was talking about vulnerability and how different is vulnerability from the point of view of the people in power and from the point of view of the people who have no power. So in the video Fidel is opening his chest, his vest to show that he has no bullet proof but really what happened, I mean kind of playing with this idea of vulnerability but what really happened is like then you have the real people in it that nobody sees because it's really dark until your eyes get used to it. So I showed this because then I kind of passed from working with my body, working with somebody's work to work with my own personal history, to work with other people's, with other people in the piece, to work about other histories, so histories of other places like for example this piece is a piece I did in the last documenta in Castle and it was a piece specifically requested, commissioned for the event and it was supposed to be talking about the history of Germany. And I think this was a very interesting process because being always kind of confined to just talk about a place as exotic for some people as Cuba, it was very interesting for me to go to another place with a very charged history as well like Germany and be given the opportunity to talk to them about their own history which is something I usually have to suffer in my own place, people coming to me tell me what my own history is so I really like this exchange of roles and what I did in this case was this piece with all these bright lights and I kind of tried to animate it to kind of have the idea of what happened with the lights so it was a very, it was 50 theater lights, 750 watts and when you enter the space it's absolutely bright in your eyes and then you hear like somebody walking like this and cocking a gun and what happened is like then the lights gets out after like eight seconds and they go back again and when the lights goes out there is absolutely silence but if you are in a specific spot in the piece and your eyes get used to the darkness you can see in the moment before the lights go on again that that sound is not recorded but it's real people like here, this photo is very good because it does show how difficult it is to see the piece so you can see the light in your eyes but then you can see this little kind of person on the back with the gun. So from there I was, I was also realizing that I had a lot of work that even when it was political it was kind of just dealing with the world of art, you know, like kind of the inside institution so I decided, one second let me see if I can do this. So what I decided is, I did one piece that was very important for me, I don't know, it's not running, well I did one piece that was very important for me where I went outside on the street dressed in this kind of in Kisi Konde icon in which a lot of people follow me in the street and the thing is that the show was planned for the 13th of August which is Fidel Castro's birthday. It was really for the 11th but one artist wasn't ready so we had to change the day of the opening and the creator's birthday is the 14th so she's like forget it, I want my party on the 14th, I don't want to do the show and I'm like are you sure you want to do this on the setting? Yeah don't worry, I was like okay. So I did this piece that is not running right now and if we have a question and answer I'll look for it and find it. Where I dress myself like an in Kisi Konde, you know fetish and of course in Kisi Konde is used to acknowledge promises that are not being fulfilled like if you promise that icon something you want something say please can this person come to my opening whatever and if he come like bring you some flowers and if you forget the flowers you better run for your life because they kind of get really mad and go after you.  So I decided that I was doing something that was not exactly accurate and was that I was representing the problem you know I was representing the problematic on the dynamics of power in that society and in other societies because I also work about Germany and India and other places and what I did is I resolute to instead of proposing to an audience to share with me what's going on and kind of complain about it and try to look for a nice icon iconic manifestation of an idea I decided to take the same tools use the same tools the power use and in this case it's a very old piece this is a newspaper I did so what I'm doing right now is very different I'm doing I'm still consider my work performative and performance but it's not working either with my own work in my own body nor the body of others is work with the social body so and in this case I also decided to take in my hands the same tools this power is using in this case as I said it was the media I I did the illegal of course newspaper in Cuba and of course it was shut down but I did two issues so that was very good so I did a newspaper that was for the artist to to talk about the situation and society in Cuba and more recently in the year 2002 I created an art school so as my work as a performance work and in this case what I have done is I decided that of course I decided that that one of the most important tools power has is education and one of the best way to do political art is one of the ways to do political art is to intervene in that process and what I decided is to create my own version of what should be taught for art and that came of course as most of my work as a response of as a response of something that I'm not completely satisfied by in society or in their world in this case was that I saw a lot of I saw a lot of young artists doing work that was basically copying our forums images you know and I decided why if we have such an amazing society and such a special process to talk about we should do international art in this kind of basic way where it's only looking like everybody else's work so what I did is it's created that school I mean of course in 15 minutes forget it there is no way we're going to see it but but and what I the thing about the school is to the thing about the school is that I created a program in which not only the students that I don't call the participants the participants create work that is engaged in ideological and political questioning of the system but also I have visitors actually two days ago yesterday Tomahishorn left the school because he was visiting the school so we had the I don't know a lot of people coming from from for example you know scientists to sociologists to psychologists to anything I mean to artists theoretician etc and the idea is mostly to talk to to kind of create an art that is not engaged in this kind of in this kind of how can I say self referential creation of visual contemporary visual art where mostly a lot of work is just referencing all the work or kind of in the same circle but to look at creativity in any media and kind of going from in the middle place between all the ways in which humans manifest and the ideology now how can you talk about ideology in different manifestations another piece is this last piece which is oops sorry is last piece which is that is I just did it for the Moscow vinyl three weeks ago and it is also again a piece where I tried to establish an institution or try to use the knowledge that has been created to to kind of you know manipulate people's lives by by the government and the power and in this case what I did is it's kind of quick I'm sorry they told me I had 50 minutes sorry so what I did here is to create a piece in Russia which is a trust workshop and the piece will be a year-long piece and the idea is to we are inviting ex-KGB agent to deliver a workshop for Russians so he can use all the knowledge he got as an agent to screw people's life screw is no good to say okay whatever that's not good what they do either so so to damage people's life and and use all that knowledge and that training to re-establish some sort of assertion and some sort of confiability you say trust to the Russians who are passing through a very complex socio-political moment and that trust can go from their families partners to the president you know it can be any level of trust but of course I encounter a problem which is if I'm doing a work that is specifically the audience is the target audience is the Russians how can I translate that to the art world and that was a problem I had to solve and in this case what I decide to do and it's the first time I do it just as a try and I think I'll do it again is to three minutes okay is to is to create an opening ceremony so people can so it's almost like a way for me to announce to the art world okay guys I'm doing this project you might not see it but I just let you know that I'm doing it okay so it is kind of an opening ceremony and of course it gives you a chance to be a little bit more loose and more you know than if you do the actual piece and in this case I was I don't know if you were able to see and I'm going to be very quick but for the opening ceremony what I had is all these there were that two options you can see from the outside or you can go inside if you go inside you encounter these Russians who are actually every day in the Russian the Red Square and they work for tourists so what happened is that they are there so as a tourist you go you take one of those animals they take a photo and you pay for it so what I did is I bring them to the space and we pay them a hilarious amount of money for them for being one two hours in the space and of course people could go and have their family portraits you know in Russia and there were Russians foreigners anything but the detail is that these people had these photos taken with a photo on the back I don't know if you see this and that is the Iron Felix which is the guy who invented KGB so it is kind of it was very funny because people were so excited about having the animals and so like having such a good time that only one person out of 76 one person only ask who is this person and only another person who was Russian enter and when they saw this they say I'm sorry I cannot do it okay so it's 76 74 didn't even notice so it's kind of this and I being told this finish so thank you very much


When it comes to meaningful life finding meaning in life one of the themes that keeps coming back is this idea of connecting to something bigger plugging in to something that is bigger than ourselves and our everyday lives and So this could be of course family community some sense of humanity being plugged into some kind of a cause or a mission something that transcends ourselves that takes us out of a focus on our personal lives our individual lives and shifts our attention and focus on to something that is bigger something that is Beyond our own life and it seems like this has an effect of Maybe you could even say making us feel immortal Making us feel like we're past the limits of our own lives Which will inevitably end because we feel this connection with the bigger thing So we all find different ways to do this and some combination of them No, it could even be things like sports where we become attached to a particular team and then their fortunes become our fortunes and In my case I find one thing that I tend to is that because I love history and I always found it endlessly fascinating and so it always seemed like No matter what happens in my own life as long as I can Just be a witness to history just observe it as it's happening and Just just the curiosity to know how history will unfold in the upcoming years like that in itself is Reason enough for me to enjoy being alive because it's just so interesting after looking at all the history That's led up to this point in time, you know, where will things go next? You know, it's like watching this this unfolding story or really a complex of endless stories all mixed together That is to me alone enough to just like if I was just to like watch the world Watch the world unfold Even if nothing's happening in my life now, of course, that does sound pretty sad If really nothing's going on in my life, and I'm just watching the world, but there's a part of me that really I think would be satisfied by that Obviously, I want more from my life than simply being a spectator But I do find I have this this tendency so of course this happened when Well, or whenever the news is Particularly significant it really can can pull me in like the news is like a very very zoomed in picture of history where you only get these very Surface events and you never really get deep into the story Watching too much news is like just a story where you get some tiny update and then nothing and then another tiny update and nothing and Without really, you know going deep into the unfolding story but When more significant events are happening then the news is something that Really can pull me in it happened when COVID first Broke out that was I was you know shocked by the news of the sudden Worldwide lockdowns and you know then I saw I was just plugged in like wow, what's gonna happen and So much of my focus was on it the Russian invasion of Ukraine is now really the most shocking news story that I've experienced since that time and so It puts me in this state of like really being plugged into the news and You can see I have my my Kiev cameras there on the TV And you know this feeling like wow history is unfolding. I'm seeing historical event That's really changing right now the state of history is really you know taking a new step into a new chapter and so it renews that sense that I can Plug myself into the sense of unfolding history. I can plug myself into This bigger thing So I can feel this effect of how It I want to get plugged into it But then on the other hand it also has very strong diminishing returns and limitations because of course, you know, it's very interesting to keep on top of what's happening and Look into some of these things and it's interesting to research them But it's only so far it goes There's only so much that it can do because in the end I am If I'm only going to be a spectator It's not going to really It's not going to be something that I can be completely absorbed into and it's the same with sports I can get very excited about a particular team's fortunes but The closer that gets to becoming central in my life Which it even sounds pretty sad to think of you know sports being a central to a life It can't be because I cannot take any action to do anything about it it's perhaps more debatable in the case of history and the news because We could there's nothing to say that I Couldn't somehow be a participant in the history and maybe that's something that We are called to do in some way or some of us are called to do if I were to go down that hole even further I could perhaps put even more of my energy and focus into it But although I can say that's possible. I don't feel like that that is something that really works not for everybody not in most situations Because we can't make the focus of our lives something external to ourselves we have to Work with our own lives and work with the area that we have control over We can't be focused too much on being spectators Otherwise because if we do there's simply not enough that we can do even if we can have some kind of peripheral effect on Some kind of external event We can't make that our focus because we're just stuck in this passive position of just Watching and hoping one way or the other. You know, we can take steps to influence things But what we ultimately have control over is ourselves So anyway, all of this is to say that I've I've experienced this sense of that this pull to be drawn in to the world of news to the news hole of Just, you know obsessively Following all these world events But at the same time reminded that it's ultimately only my own life that I can control and ultimately The meaning of my life Cannot be found in some kind of external broader event at least not directly for me But I'd be curious to hear what you think I think there is a case to be made I think for many people possibly this is a way to find meaning That we can be fully dedicated to a cause to so or some kind of world event So I'd be curious to see what you think about this idea of being absorbed into the news absorbed into history


Welcome to George H. Smith's Excursions into Libertarian Thought, a production of Libertarianism.org and the Cato Institute. Emmanuel Kant and the Natural Law Tradition According to A.P. D'Entreves, an important historian of political thought, Kant was indeed the most forceful exponent of natural law theory in modern days, and as such he was also the most coherent and persuasive critic of legal positivism, according to which the moral authority of law derives entirely from the will of the sovereign. Similarly, the Kantian scholar John Ladd noted that Kant's theory of justice is identical with what is generally known as natural law. Natural law theories of ethics and justice go back to the ancient Greeks, and there are variations within this tradition. Generally speaking, however, natural law theories maintain that ethical and political principles can be justified by reason alone, that they are objective and universal in scope, and that they do not depend on the subjective feelings or desires of individuals or originate in the decrees of government. Modern libertarian thought, as found in the writings of John Locke and other classical liberals, emerged from this natural law perspective, and it remains a dominant theme in contemporary libertarian thought. Immanuel Kant vigorously upheld the objective validity of fundamental moral and political principles, and as I briefly explained in my last essay, he intended his categorical imperative to be a formal test that tells us which moral principles qualify as objectively justifiable and which do not. The categorical imperative is essentially a principle of universalizability, according to which moral principles must apply in the same way to all rational beings without exception. We may not demand that others do X while exempting ourselves from the same rule, nor may we exempt others from the same moral standards that we apply to ourselves. As Kant put it, the first principle of morality is therefore, act according to a maxim which can, at the same time, be valid as universal law. Any maxim which does not so qualify is contrary to morality. Among his three famous formulations of the categorical imperative, it is the second that has the most relevance to Kant's theory of rights and justice. This second formulation reads as follows. Act in such a way that you always treat humanity, whether in your own person or in the person of any other, never simply as a means, but always at the same time as an end. As an example of this principle, Kant discussed a person who violates the freedom or property rights of other people. It is manifest that a violator of the rights of man intends to use the person of others merely as means without taking into consideration that, as rational beings, they are always at the same time to be rated as ends. That every human being, indeed every rational being, whether human or not, is an end in himself with a right to pursue happiness in his own way without the coercive interference of others, was an essential element of Kant's moral and political theory. Quoting John Ladd once again, the key to Kant's moral and political philosophy is his conception of the dignity of the individual. This dignity gives to man an intrinsic worth, a value sui generis that is above all price and admits of no equivalent. Kant may be regarded as the philosophical defender par excellence of the rights of man, of his equality and of a Republican form of government. A theme throughout his political writings is the condemnation of the use of violence and fraud in social relationships. Kant's theory of justice is most fully developed in the metaphysical elements of justice, which comprises part one of the metaphysics of morals, not to be confused with his earlier work, groundwork, or foundation of the metaphysics of morals. It is highly significant that the second part of the metaphysics of morals is titled the doctrine of virtue, for Kant's division between justice and virtue signifies his desire to distinguish between those spheres of human action in which coercion may legitimately be used and those spheres in which persuasion alone is morally justifiable. And it is this distinction that determines the moral limits of governmental power. Like classical liberals before him, Kant understood that governments primarily use coercion, not persuasion, to achieve their ends, so we must first determine when coercion is morally justifiable and when it is not, if we are to understand the proper limits of government. Kant drew a bright line between duties of virtue and duties of justice. The latter, juridical duties such as respecting the rights of others and fulfilling our voluntary contracts, may legitimately be enforced by physical coercion, whereas the former cannot. According to Kant, what essentially distinguishes a duty of virtue from a juridical duty is the fact that external compulsion to a juridical duty is morally possible, whereas a duty of virtue is based on free self-constrained. Before proceeding, I should clear up a potential misunderstanding. In distinguishing between justice and virtue, Kant did not mean to deny that justice itself must be based on objective moral principles. By virtue in this context, he meant personal moral qualities and actions that do not violate the rights of others. Kant was drawing essentially the same distinction that we find in the title of Lysander Spooner's great essay, Vices Are Not Crimes. Matters of justice pertain to external actions that violate the rights of others, whereas virtuous actions emerge from the inner qualities which Kant characterized as a goodwill of individuals. Virtuous actions cannot and therefore should not be compelled by others. They must be freely chosen by each person who is an autonomous moral agent. By this Kant meant that each person must legislate his own moral principles and act upon those principles voluntarily. In Kant's approach, to speak of a virtuous action that one has been compelled to perform is a contradiction in terms. Justice differs from virtue in the sense I have just explained, because we may rightfully compel others to respect individual rights. Of course, some people may respect rights from a virtuous motive as a matter of moral principle, in which case coercion is unnecessary. But humans are morally imperfect, so some people would rather use force instead of persuasion when dealing with others. In such cases, coercion, physical force or the threat of force is morally appropriate because to violate a right is to violate the equal freedom of others as mandated by the categorical imperative. Rights are a matter of law as enforced by a government, and from this perspective, it is irrelevant whether a person respects rights because he believes this to be morally required or because he fears the coercive consequences of violating rights. Kant's interest in establishing a bright line between the voluntary sphere of social interaction and the coercive sphere of governmental actions was by no means original with him. On the contrary, determining the exact nature of this bright line had been a major concern of liberals and libertarians for many years, as we see in John Milton's statement about the basic goal of political philosophy. Here the great art lies, to discern in what the law is to bid restraint and punishment, and in what things persuasion only is to work. Or as John Locke expressed the same idea several decades later, it is one thing to persuade, another to command, one thing to press with arguments, another with penalties. Likewise, in the following century, Adam Smith wrote, we must always carefully distinguish what is only blameable or the proper object of disapprobation from what force may be employed either to punish or to prevent. Kant's attempt to justify a bright line between the proper spheres of persuasion and coercion placed him squarely in the tradition of liberal individualism, but he explored this problem in greater detail than had his predecessors. Indeed, Kant wrote an entire book on this subject, the aforementioned work The Metaphysic of Morals, in which the difference between coercive justice and voluntary virtue is explained in considerable detail. Although Kant reached essentially the same conclusions in this area as had previous classical liberals, his method of argument differed from theirs substantially in several respects. I will explain some details of Kant's political theory and his method of establishing the bright line in my next essay. For the remainder of this essay, I will discuss some other points about the categorical imperative, especially its second formulation, quoted above, which states that we should always treat people as ends in themselves and not merely as means to our ends. It should be noted that in his second formulation of the categorical imperative, Kant maintained that we should treat not only others as ends in themselves, but ourselves as well. This led Kant to argue that we have moral obligations to ourselves, including the obligation to preserve our lives and the obligation to strive for moral perfection to the best of our ability. Moral perfection in this context pertains to personal qualities or virtues, like integrity and honesty. I cannot pursue this feature of Kant's thinking in detail here. I called attention to Kant's belief in duties to oneself, which, if followed, will enhance one's self-esteem to rebut the common belief among objectivists that Kant was an advocate of pure selflessness. True, as I noted in my last essay, Kant did not regard actions motivated by self-interest as moral in nature, but he did not single out self-interest in this regard. Any action taken to satisfy a desire, whether that desire be to benefit ourselves or others, does not qualify as moral in nature according to Kant. But this does not mean that hypothetical imperatives, as Kant called them, which take the form of, if you want X, then you should do Y, are immoral. On the contrary, such practical maxims, whether selfish or altruistic, may be perfectly consistent with moral principles, but they are motivated by prudential rather than by moral considerations. Only if we take an action because we believe that action is morally right as a matter of principle, will our motive qualify as moral. It is therefore essential to understand that moral in this context should be contrasted with non-moral, not with immoral. Although I personally regard the distinction between the moral and the prudential, which has become standard fair in the writings of many modern moral philosophers, as misconceived at its root. For one thing, it has frequently been used to argue that ethical egoism does not even qualify as a legitimate moral theory. We should not suppose that Kant used it to condemn self-interested actions. That was not his point at all. Rather, his categorical imperative, according to which all moral principles must be universalizable, is an unconditional demand of practical reason. That is to say, the categorical imperative applies or should apply regardless of what our personal desires may be. In contrast, hypothetical imperatives, you should do X if you want Y, are conditional. Prudential maxims will vary according to circumstances and the goals and desires of particular individuals, and such maxims, which are highly contextual, may admit exceptions. Thus, since hypothetical imperatives such as the prudential maxims that will promote personal happiness cannot be applied universally to every human being, they do not meet Kant's formal test for moral laws, as expressed in his categorical imperative. For an indication of my own approach to the role of moral principles in human action, see my essay, Jack and Jill and Two Kinds of Freedom. At this point, some of my readers may feel a headache coming on, as they wonder why they should care about Kant's categorical imperative, his distinction between hypothetical and categorical imperatives, and other technical matters. Well, those who have read my recent essays will understand that my discussion of Kant has been largely defensive insofar as I have attempted to correct some of the misunderstandings and egregious misrepresentations of Kant, found in the writings of Ein Rand, Leonard Pieckhoff, and other objectivist philosophers. Now, if you don't care about Ein Rand or what she thought about Kant, then it's possible that my discussion of Kant's moral philosophy won't interest you very much, if at all. But as indicated by my earlier remarks about Kant's theory of rights, he had some very interesting things to say about the moral foundations of a free society, and his arguments, even if we disagree with them, merit careful consideration. Moreover, as we shall see in my next essay, Kant sometimes took what I regard as the wrong position in controversies that had haunted classical liberals for many decades. A good example of this is Kant's position on the rights of resistance and revolution against unjust and tyrannical governments. Kant denied these rights, and his opposition was even more absolute than the opposition expressed by David Hume Adam Smith, and other classical liberals with a conservative bent. But Kant almost always defended his political positions with interesting and intriguing arguments, so he's worth reading for that reason alone. This has been Excursions into Libertarian Thought, a production of libertarianism.org and the Cato Institute. To learn more about libertarian philosophy and history, visit www.libertarianism.org.


Hello, and welcome to this presentation which describes the DMA-2D addressing mode supported by GPDMA. This is not to be confused with the Chromart accelerator controller, also known as DMA-2D, which also implements 2D addressing mode. This slide summarizes the addressing modes supported by both LPDMA and GPDMA. LPDMA and GPDMA implement the following addressing modes. Fixed addressing, typically used to access a peripheral data register. Contiguously incremented addressing, typically used to access memory in ascending address order. The maximum block size is 64 kilobytes due to the 16-bit field called BNDT, which stands for block number of data bytes to transfer. The GPDMA channels 12 to 15 implement additional addressing modes. Repeated block mode based on a programmable counter, programmable source and destination-signed burst address offset, programmable source and destination-signed block address offset. Thus, two programmable strides can be inserted between consecutive bursts and between consecutive blocks. This figure highlights the repeated block mode and the stride between blocks. This mode is useful for transferring the contents of a peripheral data register, typically an input FIFO to non-contiguous buffers in memory. After filling a block of N-words, the DMA channel automatically adds the BDRA0 signed offset to the current address, jumping to the next buffer in memory. At the end of the transfer, when k-blocks will have been transferred, the CXDAR register, which points to the beginning of the first buffer, can be automatically restored in order to implement circular buffers. This automatic restoration requires a link operation. In this example, bursts are placed contiguously in memory, so the burst destination address offset sets in the BDAO field of the CXTR3 register, must be null. For performances, destination transfers can be programmed as forward bursts. This figure highlights the repeated block mode with the stride between bursts and the stride between blocks. The GPDMA transfers k-blocks of j-bursts, each burst containing i-words. The stride between blocks is useful for transferring the contents of a peripheral data register, typically an input FIFO to non-contiguous buffers in memory. The stride between bursts is useful for interleaving or deinterleaving data, and also for aligning data. Some use cases will be described in the next slide. The first use case of burst stride is 24-bit extension and packing. A source buffer contains data and control pairs. GPDMA channels 12 to 15 are capable of extracting the data field and packing the resulting 24-bit data back-to-back in the destination buffer. A burst address offset of plus one byte and a burst length of three bytes can be programmed for the source. No burst stride is required on the destination. The destination can be programmed as a four-word burst for best-right performance. The second use case consists of deinterleaving stereo audio samples in two separate buffers, one containing the right samples, the other the left samples. There are several possible implementations. One can be based on two GPDMA channels, one for the left samples, one for the right samples. Then, if the source buffer contains two N samples, the even samples may be read by a programmed source one-word burst with a source burst address offset of four and a source block size of four N bytes, and the destination can be programmed as a four-word burst for best-right performance. An alternative implementation can allocate a single GPDMA channel, a source with a burst of one word and a source burst address offset of plus four, a source with two blocks, one source block being two N bytes, a destination with four-word burst optimized writes, optionally with the destination block address offset. In the last use case, data is deinterleaved and packed into three buffers. This could deinterleave the color components of RGB pixels. Similarly, a single channel or three channels can be used. In addition to this presentation, you can refer to the other presentations on the GPDMA and LPDMA. DMA overview, DMA transfers hardware and software views, autonomous DMA and low power mode, DMA circular buffering and double buffering, DMA register file, DMA error reporting, DMA linked list, DMA input output LLI control.


So today we've got a very simple pump-up sprayer. This one's very inexpensive, you got it from Lowe's for about 12 bucks. I have about 50% of just water and then the rest is a salt away solution. Just shake it up, on come give it a couple pumps just to prime it. Once it's primed and take it and just spray it over the entire rim.  This is just going to eat all the salt deposits off of the trailer, the rim, rotor, everything in there, protecting it from rust. Even just going in and out of the water one time having that salt sit on there for an extended period of time it will start to eat in to these components. So just keeping it clean and salt-free is really a huge part of maintaining your trailer.


down to Waterloo, Ontario. I've got a big old box behind me before baby is a van trailer, which is kind of nice, right? Nice little gravy way to wrap things up. Low stress, just hook on and go. Trailer's going to our terminal there and then they're picking up a different trailer. That's taking me back to Manitoba once the open house is done. So I got two days of driving ahead of me. Yesterday I didn't film anything. I'm already in Dryden, Ontario, which is four hours down the road. You lose, there you go. Lights on for safety, yes. So people can see me in case it gets cloudy or something. We're going to take Highway 17. I'm in Dryden, Ontario, like I told you. I'm going to risk it. There's some light snow in Sault Ste. Marie, but there's no snow in Capis Casing, but it's 30 miles further to go through Capis Casing than go through Sault Ste. Marie on 17. So the 11 is a little bit longer, it's flatter. I have a light load behind me inside this van trailer. I think we're going to take 17 through and try to save the time. We'll see how it goes. Let's hope I don't regret my decision. Highway 17, why is this not? Oh, this thing's not sticking anymore. Oh, what's going on here? Oh, that's no good. You see that? You better keep sticking. Okay? Okay, don't make me gorilla glue you. Mount that much, but it's a charger mount, right? So it charges my phone, but I have to have it sideways like this. Otherwise it pops up too far. So I'm sideways and it's charging my phone. You better stay put. You hear me? You hear me, boy? You hear me? I better stay. Everything's ready, truck's ready. I'm ready. This guy's not ready, he's in my way. Put the clutch in, put it in gear. Let's get out of here. Make sure the trailer's attached. Sure looked like it was when I checked it. Yep, that's attached. Trailer brakes also work just fine. And they release. That's a good day. Let's get out of here. Dried in Ontario, it was very nice spending the night here. I want to make it to Sault Ste. Marie tonight and sleep there. Hopefully at the Flying J, then I can have a shower.  I just, I don't like the showers as much. They're not as clean. Some locations are. As I was saying earlier, I got this box behind me so it's like a low stress gravy load. Don't gotta worry about nothing falling off or anything. Gotta make sure the doors stay closed. What's this town? What's this street name called? Bozo Avenue? Bozo Avenue. B-O-O-Z-H-O-O. Bozo Avenue. Why have I never seen that before? 12 years of driving through here, I've never seen that. Maybe because I'm a bozo. Never noticed that. That's gonna be messy going through here. Everything's melting. But there's the, what used to be a blue beacon. It's now a Northern touch truck wash. Same owners, just different name here in Canada. Blue beacon rebranded in Canada to Northern touch. The truck wash in Milton, Ontario. We're gonna stop there, it's about like, you know, 30 miles or so, 20, 30 miles away from where I need to be.  So whenever I get there, I'm gonna go wash the truck and then we're gonna go to our terminal in Waterloo, sleep there, and get ready for the open house. I don't know what to expect. I'm hoping some of you can make it out. I understand it's in the middle of the day, on a weekday, I get it. But if you have the time, it's so cool to meet you. So after this trip, old blue's going into the shop, my shop, and parking till May. Baby is due, well, baby is coming through C-section, March 24th. And then I've gotta be there to help Britt because she can't lift anything for eight weeks, right? Gonna be good. This is the last trip. One more week, this is the last one.  Hi, hi, hi, hi. Okay, okay, I'll let that go, that was all right. Not happy about it though. How about you? You gonna do the same thing? You gonna do it too? No, you're not, cause that side's busy. You would have done it though, wouldn't you? Driving a truck isn't the hard part. It's watching out for all the other people. That's the hard part. People are crazy, man. Hey, do they still have truck parking at Wal-Mart here? I don't see any trucks here. Usually there's trucks. No trucks beyond that point. They closed the truck parking at Wal-Mart. Really? And this guy's getting a spankin'. What's going on? Hold the truck parking at Wal-Mart. That's where we always stop to get our groceries. They're just like, they don't like their customers or what? I know there's not a lot of room in there for trucks, but there was. There was nice special parking for us and everything.  I guess they don't want our money. All right, well, that's how they feel. They won't get my money. I'll keep my money, give it to someone else. I mean, I can't make them want my money, right? You can't force people to take your money. They don't want it, they don't want it. If I can't park there, I can't give them my money. That was an old school Wal-Mart that needed a refurbish and a renovation badly anyway. Let's go to the next one. I don't like being in places where I'm not wanted, you know? Makes me feel weird when I know I'm not wanted somewhere. Why don't you want me Wal-Mart? What do I ever do to you? We're pulling a van trailer behind us so it's like a big billboard, big parachute behind me. I thought I'd be doing worse fuel economy. I'm actually doing the best fuel economy I've done in over a week. Last week, what did we do? We were averaging about 5.5 miles per US gallon last week. And I was pulling flatbed, mostly lumber. Pretty sleek loads though, right? Nothing that would grab the wind at all. Those headers were pretty, like grabby. But other than 5.4, yeah. Pulling those headers, I got 5.68 miles per gallon. Now pulling this van trailer, I mean, given it is a pretty light load, but I am still pulling the big trailers way up higher than my cab, right? So it usually just grabs all the wind. That's 6.51 miles per gallon. From there to here, so far. Price was $1.86 per liter, Canadian, and it cost me $609.77 Canadian. And that got me 907 kilometers down the road. So that is 36.16, so 36.16 liters every 100 kilometers. Oh, burning. So if we do some math here, we go 36.16, like divided by 100, that's how many I'm burning. I'm burning 0.3616 of a liter every kilometer. Times that by the fuel price. I'm burning 67 cents a kilometer. Times that by 1.61. I'm burning $1.08 Canadian per mile. And that's pretty good. The new trucks, like the fancy sleek slippery trucks with the nice, you know, short hood, they do much better than me. I have to pay the hood tax because I have a big long hood out in front of me, but that was my choice. I regret nothing. I love this W900. It's a little more expensive to run them, but it's worth it to me to drive a truck that I really love, that I've always wanted. But anyways, yeah, 6.5 miles per gallon. Not too bad. I've been running at, well, the speed limit going through Ontario is 90 kilometers an hour or like 55 miles an hour. Somewhere in there, 55 to 60 miles an hour. Running with traffic and been doing pretty good. I guess because it's, it is a lot of hills. We're getting into a much hillier section now. Once we keep going east from here, I have that decision to make. Highway 11 is gonna go up north. That's a flat highway.  It's 50 kilometers or 30 miles shorter to stick by the lake, but there's more hills. Since I have a pretty light load, I'm gonna take the 17 today and see what happens. Usually I would take the 11, but usually I'm a lot heavier too. We'll see what happens. Okay, there's nobody else here. I'm the only one. Apparently no one needs fuel right now. More for me.  And then we'll be on the road. We're gonna take Highway 17. Let's get ready for some hills. This day just seemed to fly by. We've driven 1,037 kilometers today. 630 miles or so. You can see if there's room for us to park. If not, I'll go across the street to Petro Pass. One of those two truck stops, we're gonna find a parking spot. Also a husky or an ESO. I think ESO bought husky on the other side of town. We can always go check that out too. But first we'll check the 5J. I have a shower credit that I can use here. It's just up here on the left. Looks like fuel is even more expensive here than it was in Thunder Bay. It's a $1.96 per liter. 10 cents more per liter. Some parking spots available. Let's see if I feel comfortable parking in them. I don't wanna park anywhere where I might get my hood ripped off in the morning. Day done. 1,037 kilometers is what we drove today. Let's see, miles. 1,037 kilometers, 644 miles. This is a good day. It's a good full day. All right, so I'm gonna jump out of the truck now, do my post trip, just walk around, bang the tires a bit, make sure everything is as it should be.  Thanks for joining me today, everybody. I know it was kind of like a short little scoot through Northern Ontario. It went really fast for me too. I don't know how much footage I got today. I mean, it feels like we just left. Now we're in Sault Ste. Marie already. But we did make it to our destination where we wanted to get to, so we did reach our goal for today. So that's good. Tomorrow our goal is Waterloo, Ontario. After a truck wash, so we're gonna wake up in the morning. We have another 769 kilometers to go. So not as long as of a day tomorrow. I did most of it today. About one second here, 1.61478 miles tomorrow. And as we pass by Milton, we gotta go through Toronto. And we passed by Milton, which is on the east side of Toronto. Hopefully that Northern touch truck wash is still operational there. It says on Google that it's open 24 hours a day. We're gonna pull in there, get the top of the line wash for Old Blue so it's ready for the open house. Anybody does come out that they can see a clean truck.  Like I say, image matters. And it's not always possible to keep things perfectly clean. My truck's dirty right now. It's not always possible to keep things clean. Like look at this window. Let me pull you up here. Look at this. Truck is dirty right now. I in no way expect everyone to be able to keep everything clean 100% of the time, especially in the winter time. But you know, we do gotta make an effort. So tomorrow there'll be a truck wash, do the open house the day after tomorrow and then two days driving back, two long days to get back home and then we'll wash the truck again, park it in the shop and hang up the keys. Just for a little while though, we'll be back in May. Don't worry. But I'm parking until May 1st. We got about two weeks before the C-section just in case a baby decides to come early. I'll be at home. I also need those two weeks to get a few things in order. For one, I need to get our taxes done, income taxes, gotta get that done and all the paperwork get it handed in. To my accountant, which is also my mother.  And then probably do some research. You know, my wife, Britt, is very, very prepared for this. She's been preparing for this her whole life. And I'd like to say I'm prepared too, but I'm still gonna be spending a lot of the time before baby comes when I'm off the road, researching and preparing myself, you know, what to expect, how to do this, how to do that. I'm also taking a few first aid courses in that time, infant first aid, infant CPR, instead of baby starts choking or anything like that.  There's a couple of courses like that I'll be going through. So there's some stuff that I have planned for this time off, other than just waiting around for our son to show up. There's lots to do. My last trip, I got tomorrow four or five more days on the road, coming up quickly. I'm so tired right now. Thanks for hanging out with me. I really appreciate that. Smash that like button, hit the subscribe button and the bell to notify you when my next video is released and I'll see you tomorrow. Take care.


Oh my God, it already started. Wrong for the Tom! Where's the hat? Hey, so you already know that I'm a Red Sox employees, right? Oh my gosh. So you know what happened?  What's going to happen, right? Ka-ching! That's what he's doing. Wrong for the Tom. Wrong for the Tom, buddy. Are you saying John Henry's going to give you one? Oh, you know that for sure. That's my man. How much are you going to pay for it? I've been looking like Engade about six more years. Mr. T. We're ten minutes into the show. We're going to get the help of John Brink. Alright, so I guess I know who you think is going to win this series, Bobby. You think it's a Red Sox?  Why? Tell me why, though. We won over 200 games, bro. What? Who better than us? 200? Yes, sir! Over 200 games. I'm counting a spring training. Even a season game. Spring training. We did great this year, man. I mean, what you think? Alex? Who against us? I know who you're not rooting for in this series. No doubt. I think there was a big series in early August where the Red Sox swept the Yankees, and there was a big confidence shift. Last series, Yankees went in, then won two out of three. That's going to be big for them. But the other thing is, they're playing well, they're confident, and they're healthy. The two best players are back with Diddy Gregorius and Aaron Judge. And last night in the first inning, Judgy goes deep. The stadium wanted to come down like the old stadium. I was so mad I was in there, I was with you guys in Bardia having dinner. But here's the other thing, they're pitching a set up perfectly. They have Hap, they have Tanaka, they have Severino. They're ready to go. The one key for the Yankees, Frank, is last night's Severino pitch four. That's not good enough. We need these pitchers to get to six innings. And then hand it to the bullpen. I think you're right. I like the Yankees' momentum right now. They got healthy at the right time. Boston's been sitting around for four days. I think Boston comes in with attitude. That's good! We saw them come into Boston last week, win two out of three. I think the Yankees right now have saved the best for the last. I like the Yankees on another classic series. Frank, you and I are the only people who are not paid by the Red Sox. Exactly! So that's that. Hey, who do you like? I really like the Yankees, to be honest. I think I agree with you on the full strength. I like the way they're set up with Hap, starting game one. How about Chris Salem, Frank? You know him well, obviously, your time in Chicago. Are you worried at all about his velocity dip a little bit? We'll get you in, don't worry. I'm concerned with his consistency. He's had so much time off. He's not commanding the strike zone like he normally does. And a little rusty. He's a little rusty. Going to a hot team with Stanton and Judd, swinging the weather, swinging, taking the fresh off the younger, the rest of the guys. I really like the Yankees momentum at the right time. Boy, all you guys know what kind of type of beast we have in a clubhouse named Cell. The man, the minute he stepped on the mount, you know the Yankees look like they had never hit before. So good luck with that. I have some insider. I know that my main cell is good to go for not one, two games. Wow, okay. Two games.


I want to comment on a video that was posted, and the title was Fourth of July, DUI Checkpoint, Drug Dogs Search Without Consent While Innocent, and it was a pretty interesting video. It involves a young man who set up a camera in his car, pulled up to a DUI checkpoint, and he rolled his window down this far and started talking to the officer, and he had been drinking, had done nothing wrong, and he basically was seeing what his rights were. And it kind of gets out of hand. The officer, and I get it, they have a tough job, but really get snippy with the kid. The kid asks, am I free to go? He makes him pull over. He keeps asking, am I being detained? The cop's just yelling at him.  They touch the car here and here, and the dog jumps up and scratches the car here and here. Basically, it appears that the officer's telling the dog to get fake hits that he's smelling drugs. And then they pull the kid out. They search everything in the car and boom, they finally find the camera and they pull it down. And they ultimately release this kid after searching his car and after seizing him. It's funny because one of the two officers, and one of the dogs says it wasn't a very strong hit. And when they find the camera, you can see that their demeanor changes immediately. I wanted to comment on this video because under the case of Michigan Department of State Police versus SITS, S-I-T-Z, and it can be found at 496 US 444, it's a 1990 US Supreme Court case, they address whether these checkpoints are valid and legal. And they held they are if there is a substantial government interest rationally related to the law. And here there is. You don't want people driving drunk and injuring others on the road. We can all agree on that. They say that the momentary stop is negligible and that brief questioning to gain reasonable suspicion is okay. Now here's where I have the problem with what the officers did. This gentleman rolled his window down about this far. He can clearly hear the officer. The officer can clearly hear him. There's your brief questioning. And he says, okay, sir, roll your window all the way down. He goes, no, I'm okay. I can hear you. It's down far enough. He goes, no, you need to roll it down. He goes, no, I don't. I can hear you. What would you like? And that's when the officer seizes him and says, pull off the road now. They start yelling at each other, or actually the officer starts yelling at the kid.  And then they get him out and they really put him through the ringer. The bit about bringing the dog over, that is an unreasonable search in my opinion. I believe the seizure was unreasonable, the fake hit, and it got out of line. The officer clearly said, okay, sir, we're here to determine if you've been drinking or driving. Have you been drinking? No. Have you taken any drugs? No.  Great. Can I look at your eyes through the crack here really quick? Great. And let him go on. Clearly he was not impaired, and that's how this should have gone down. I think it's important for people to test law enforcement and monitor them to a degree. I believe this kid was pretty respectful and he wasn't really out of line and he wasn't pushing the buttons. And I think it's a good video and a good lesson to a lot of the police forces. I think if somebody rolls their window down that far, they can handle it a little bit differently and probably a little more professionally. But that's what I think. Tell me what you think.


Well comrades, I think when it comes to the Ukraine war There's one thing that sums up everything in the West more than anything Which is that everything we've been told has been a lie from beginning To end and it's a lie that's been designed to dupe the working classes into supporting a reactionary cynical barbaric Proxy war on the part of Western imperialism. We were told that this was a Struggle, it was a war between good and evil. It was a between democracy and dictatorship It was between Western values, you know Human rights and so on and this brutal evil Russian Barbarism that that Vladimir Putin supposedly represented and everything else Russian by the way, that's also evil apparently If you remember, you know if this this might not be, you know fresh in your memory But every time there was a single civilian civilian casualty in in Ukraine They would raise a hue and cry about it all look at how Putin would bomb hospitals and you know Children would die and women and children would die and so on and so forth But but yeah, look at look at what Israel is doing today You're mercilessly you have this one of the most advanced military and machines in the world Mercilessly bombing and killing and you're destroying this this this this defenseless population thousands of Palestinians being killed Not only that not only are they bombing civilians. They purposefully bombing civilians. They want to terrorize and they even state They want to terrorize and so these people will leave they're trying to kill as many as they possibly can and within the Past couple of weeks. They've already killed far more than the official Count of civilian deaths in the whole in the whole totality of the Ukraine war Yeah, and if you remember, you know every time some Russian I remember there was there was a Russian official who called Ukrainian government officials of cockroaches and there was a big who high in the Western media. Oh, this is genocidal language as A matter of fact, they are cockroaches But we'll get we'll get to that and there's nothing genocidal in in in calling Ukrainian state officials that But then you have the Israeli Defense Minister calling Palestinians human animals and essentially you know Calling for them to be exterminated and Nothing is being done on the contrary all of those who are howling longer about about the Russian barbarism and so on and so forth Fully behind the Israeli military machine and it's onslaught against the the Palestinian people It was all lies in other words You know, they talk they talked about the forces of good versus evil and how NATO is this defensive? It's just a defensive pact It's just a quiet collaboration to defend Western values and Western democracy But if you look at the history of NATO, there's there's never been anything a Defensive about it the way that they destroyed Yugoslavia in the 90s the way that they destroyed Afghanistan more recently killing hundreds of thousands of people in Libya They completely destable NATO's intervention completely destabilized the country a country Which was relatively stable with a high level of culture is now just, you know In the throes of barbarism with all sorts of is is the Miss militias and so on buying for power and of course Other other adventures of US imperialism and British imperialism We know about the Iraq war in Iraq. They killed Well, some some figures put it in more than one million people Imagine pile up all of those dead bodies on top of one another and you'll you know Just imagine that how much death and destruction these forces at the heart of NATO how much they've they've caused On the world in Yemen for for years for ten years They've been destroying this this is one of the poorest countries in the world Hundreds of thousands of millions of people are living on the edge of starvation hundreds of thousands are dying and who's been leading the charge It's been the Saudis supported by US imperialism and British imperialism. These are not peaceful defensive forces the aggressive imperialist forces who try to Subdu and dominate as much as the world as they possibly can for their own interests You know, they talked about all the Israel the the Ukrainian right for self-determination the Ukrainian people Ukrainian people must be Defended and so on but it but recently in order to have Sweden join NATO. They made a deal with the Turkish regime Essentially to sell out the Kurds the oppressed Kurds who are oppressed by the Kurds by the Turkish regime are now being hounded down and the Organizations are being dismantled. They're being imprisoned. They've been handed over by this peace-loving Social democratic socialist Scandinavian socialist country Sweden NATO is not a defensive force has never been so it's an aggressive imperialist force Mainly in the interest of US imperialism, which is the most reactionary force on the planet And that is how we need to understand this war. Now, of course, we don't take sides in this war This is a reactionary war on both sides, but it's not a war between you Russia and Ukraine It's a war between US imperialism on the one hand that uses Ukraine as its proxy and Russian capitalism On the other hand, and it just so happens that this war is being fought on Ukrainian soil But essentially it's a war between the US And Russia and you have you have a reaction on both sides and the task of the communists The the task of the communist is precisely not to support any of the ruling class any of the reactionary capitalist forces in this war and for us as Western capitalists All sorry communists and for all communists is to is to oppose our own ruling classes The main our main enemy our first enemy is at home in other words And our task is to fight our own ruling class and the role that it plays in this reactionary Endeavour Yes, what we told but it was Russia that started the war That's you know, they they were the ones who invaded and you know, Ukraine was such such a defenseless and you know harmless country and it's true that formally Russia fired the first shots of this particular incident in this particular part of the episode Sorry, the the history of the Ukraine But that's not the entire story in fact in a war It's never really important who fires the first shots and if we go back a little bit further We see the the the role of the US imperialism and of NATO throughout all of this We should have been one of provoking aggressively and encroaching on Russia again and again, you see after the collapse of the Soviet Union The West made a deal with the with the Russians. I said look if you dismantle the Warsaw pact which was a defensive pact that the soviets had With Eastern Europe in Eastern Europe Then we will promise you that we will not expand NATO into Eastern Europe I will not expand military bases and military collaboration with Eastern European countries And there's like there's plenty of documentation for this but again and again throughout the years NATO expanded bringing one country after another into its fold and At this at that time in the 90s Russia was a very weak country. It was a weak capitalist country Its economy was collapsing its army was collapsing the state apparatus everything was rotten through and through and Well, in essence it was actually dominated by by by US imperialism It was kind of a semi colony if you may a Domain of Western imperialism at least to a large degree and they couldn't do anything about the expansion of NATO However Throughout this period. It was clear that Ukraine was a red line for this Why is that Ukraine has a very the Ukraine is an independent country? But in reality the Ukraine and the rest of Russia has a very very long common history And there's like a brotherly between the Ukrainian and Russian people's is a brotherly relationship But also from a capitalist basis there is the the economy of the Ukraine and Russia was was entirely Enmeshed in one another especially the the arms industry the lots of your mining What do you call it? agriculture Arrow what do you call aerospace industry and so on a lot of the major components of all these industries were in Ukraine There's a there's obviously geographic component Ukraine is right You know at the at the soft underbelly of Russia if you may Russian people and Ukrainian people would visit one another Lots of Russians would go to Ukraine for holidays you go to Kiev you could get along by just speaking Russian You didn't have to speak any Ukrainian everyone spoke Russian. There was no hostility in it in many ways It was one people's and and and and they had very very close links with one another That also meant from a capitalist point of view that The Russian capitalists could not saw the Insertion of Ukraine into NATO and in the how to say under the domination of Western imperialism as a direct threat to their interest economically culturally militarily So on and so forth just imagine what would happen if Russia started building loads of military bases in Canada or Mexico How how how the US would would react or Cuba where we did see how they would react They threatened to go to nuclear war when when the Russians were were moving Missiles to to to Cuba And at the same time however in spite of all the Notices that this was a red line for Russian capitalism Russian capitalism could not accept at NATO Ukraine in NATO And on the Western domination the Americans kept pushing it and pushing it There was a struggle over years of coups and countercoups and maneuvers inside the Ukrainian state apparatus where the West Western aligned forces and Russian aligned forces were essentially fighting one another and the height of this came in the 2014 in the Maidan movement where you had a you had a mass movement, which was essentially hijacked by right-wing liberal pro-western forces And it and it resulted in one wing of the Ukrainian oligarchy supported by the CIA supported by the Americans as well as Important groups of right-wing fascists and ultra right-wing nationalists taking power essentially and installing of an extremely pro-western Regime the Maidan regime, which is the one that's that's essentially there That the the the history of the Maidan regime and what happened is a longer one But suffice it to say that even then after a period there was a lots of conflicts with lots of instability You it led to a civil war inside of Ukraine with the with the Russian speakers feeling feeling attacked Those uprisings and so on and so forth Russia intervening in this whole process But in the end they made a certain agreement that is called the Minsk to agreement to again to collaborate Which meant that the Minsk to agreement would mean that the Russian interests essentially were Maintained that Ukraine did not become a military foothold That could be turned against Russia This was a deal that was made with the Ukrainian regime as well as the French and the and the Germans Now Zelensky as you know Today very popular man. He came to power actually on the promise of implementing that on on the on the promise of having peace and not non-aggression with Russia in fact and he was elected against originally against the Maidan regime you know, he his His main slogan was against the oligarchs against the corrupt officials against the state bureaucracy and so on However, he is not a man. He's not an idealist. He's not a man of principles necessary and once he got to power He was co-opted essentially by a certain wing of the By the oligarchs and continued down the same path and the main thing in this situation was the Americans Refused to have him or anyone else implement the Minsk to agreement. This is not a socialist Agreement, this is not a socialist program. This is not a working-class program This is an agreement between two bourgeois reactionary regimes To have peace in the Ukraine so that and they collaborate. It's like a power-sharing deal essentially the Russians say Okay, you can have this and that we just want our guarantees that this is not going to become a threat to our interests But the Americans refused to implement this they refused to give any concessions whatsoever quite the contrary they whipped up Again and again anti-Russian moods inside of Ukraine the Ukrainian army was rebuilt remodeled along NATO lines and The integration of Ukraine into the into Western imperialism into the sphere of Western imperialism Took what was accelerated in this whole process The demands that's what led to the build-up of Russian troops on Ukrainian borders in Was it 20 21 was it? Yeah At the end of 2021 and early 2022 and what was Putin saying we need to implement this this Agreement and the Americans rejected that now. Why was that they knew? That Putin did not have any other choice than go to war they provoked this war Consciously and what was the reason they thought this would be an easy victory. This would be an easy win for them One that what were the war aims to weaken Russia essentially in the long run To push Russia back in the weak Position that it was in in the 90s I as a subjugated semi colony of the West So that this is not necessarily in the immediate aim But in the long run to use Ukraine as a means as a means of weakening Russian capitalism So that they can focus on China This was the main aim of US imperialism and the second aim was to divide Russia was to separate Russia from the EU Which relied have which relied heavily on Russian gas with cheap Russian gas Which is a key component in the industry and the economy of Germany and and the rest of the you It's Germany being the biggest economy by far and in this way to weaken and Dominate the the Europe even further. That was a secondary aim of it. And what was the bonus? You didn't have to shed any American Blood to do this and this is not just us who are saying this Mid Romney some of you might know old good old Republican as they say What's what did he tweet a while ago is that Putin's Russia is not our friend and it is Russia the China's most powerful ally Supporting Ukraine weakens an adversary enhances our national security advantage our power globally and Requires no shedding of American blood. This is this is the cynicism with which these people embarked on this And this is a responsibility. They have for the bloodbath for the barbarism that's been created in Ukraine and of course it's completely backfired, but we will get back to that later and What's been the cost of the war so far? Well No one knows the exact figures of death But one thing we know is that recently they made a plan to build a new cemetery in In Ukraine, which is slightly larger than the Arlington Cemetery in the US which has 400,000 graves Some of those there are some graves that we've moved to that But that shows you the level of death and destruction that we've that we've witnessed inside of Of Ukraine There's the infrastructure has been completely destroyed Industry has been destroyed millions of people have been displaced and forced to move to to other countries I just I think yesterday I read somewhere the rise of Ukrainian homelessness in Europe in Germany and other places People who have been who have had to leave everything either internally displaced or had to flee their country all together Hundreds of thousands of people have been maimed lost limbs And have to live with that hundreds of thousands of people have been Shell-shocked, you know suffering from PTSD and you were going to see Generations of people who have to pay for the wounds that are being caused by this war As it is and all of that for what for the interest for the narrow interest of the rich in Washington and their puppets and allies in London and Elsewhere there was a there was a massive wave of propaganda in the West some of you will remember and You saw that Genuine mood amongst millions of ordinary people saying we need to do something You know we is Ukrainians are being killed. This is this is not right. We want to help them in any way We can you saw lots of people taking in your Ukrainians that shows you the real attitude of the ordinary workers But what was being done was not what they were being shown. They were being led back, you know They were being doof. They were being cheated in other words. They were being manipulated How long was broken Okay They were being manipulated and In reality the exact opposite was what's happening. Ukrainian masses were not being helped We weren't they weren't defending a democratic Ukraine the regime that was built in Ukraine by the West and the and their puppets in Ukraine is everything but democratic. It's an incredibly rotten oligarchic and corrupt regime It has all of the the hallmarks of the regime that they accuse Russia of being perhaps even a bit more Maybe a bit more disorganized. I put it like that. It's not more more or less reactionary but but extremely extremely corrupt with a significant element of of fascist groups implemented in in certain parts of it the it carries a Bandar Bandera Nationalist nostalgia Bandera was like a Ukrainian nationalist in World War two collaborated with the Nazis In its armed forces, it has battalions which are openly Nazis openly fascists and At this stage actually at as we speak in this period every single week There are loads of corruption scandals which which which just shows a little bit of the rot that exists underneath the surface of of the state Mobile people receiving a price for mobilization to be excluded from mobilization Apparently you can get it excluded if you pay someone five thousand dollars, which is Nowhere close to anything that ordinary people would have and as a result There's a there's a joke that if they actually mobilize rich people's children Then we would probably have peace by now. This is this is a joke making the rounds in Ukraine itself The recent last week there was an article in Times magazine a very prominent article by a very prominent journalist and He just gave a little Example of some of the conversations that he had and said and he wrote amid all the pressure to root out corruption I assume perhaps naively that officials in Ukraine would think twice before taking a bribe or pocketing state funds But when I made this point to a top presidential advisor in early October, this is not long ago He asked me to turn off my audio recorder so he could speak more freely and said Simon you're mistaken. People are stealing like there's no tomorrow. That's the that's the type of regime That the US and the West is building in inside of of Ukraine and I'll tell you there is Mass dissatisfaction with this regime and there's there is a big swing now against What they're doing against the corrupt people can say look why are you waging all of these offensives? Which are clearly just PR stunts. Why are people people dying? Why is why is our lives being ground to a halt and you have no way of actually guaranteeing us? You're just looking after yourself essentially and the Ukrainian state is entirely run by By the Western by by US imperialism by by the CIA by the US the US military has enormous Influence within the Ukrainian army the IMF has enormous control over the Ukrainian economy and recently it was it was leaked that In order to get the fund the Ukrainian state is entirely dependent on funds from the West But in order to receive those funds the Americans have asked for a huge range of conditions changing of the law changing of the legal system in implementation of certain elements and Oversight over the implementation of the budget. What does it mean if another country comes and tells you I need to have oversight and I need to Approve every single change and every single thing you do to the budget and how you implement it That means you have full control I mean there's no such thing as an independent Ukraine that that there is at least not a There's no independent Ukraine as it is now Ukraine the Ukrainian regime the present one is a proxy for US imperialism and Therefore what the war that's being fought is not a war between an independent Ukraine or one Dominated by Russia. It's a war between who is going to dominate Ukraine That's the only choice in front of that's the only two solutions to road paths in front of it this this particular war now Some people Say well the solution is peace. We need to have you know pacifism essentially a lot of people say this in a most genuine manner Some people say it let's let's genuinely But the point is this War is a consequence of capitalism war is a symptom of a disease system And there's no way that you can you can you cannot have Capitalism without war there's those two things that just don't go together And for our from our point of view, we are not moralists Marxists are not moralists. We don't say of course No one we're not in favor of war We're not in favor of death and destruction and barbarism destitution We're not in favor of all of the any of these things We want to eradicate them but the point the way to do it is not by wishing them away and by trying to Force the bourgeois into some to be better bourgeois more peaceful capitalist that doesn't exist And furthermore, we are not in favor in against all wars There are some wars that are reactionary like the present one There are imperialist wars, but there are also good wars Progressive wars that are that are fought by the by the oppressed masses the rev a revolutionary war or a war of National liberation I a war of the oppressed against against their oppressors. We support those wars As a means to fight against the capitalist system, but we also explained that as long as capitalist remains There will be a struggle for markets there'll be a struggle for spheres of influence and there will be competition between the bourgeois of different countries which Essentially will propel them into one type of war after another and and the the the slogan of peace in that sense Within capitalism is utopian and in fact is reactionary because it gives the idea that there can be a peaceful capitalism There is a progressive bourgeoisie or a better type of capitalism a more peaceful and humane type of capitalism That's such a thing does not exist and also Not only that, but it's also reactionary because essentially the slogan for peace means a defense of the status quo Peace today in Ukraine on the conditions that we have now. What does it mean? It means Ukraine dominated by by by American imperialism as a means to fight and Attempt to subdue Russian Russian capitalism. That's what peace means today And we are not in favor of the status quo It means a status quo where the exploiters and the oppressors of the Ukrainian people who are now in power the Ukrainian ruling class remains in power. That's the type of peace that that that that we'll be looking at if we're fighting for peace within Capitalism doesn't mean that we fight for war for war either, but these are the objective Conditions of capitalism and the only way to to fight against it is to fight against the system as a whole Yes, and even if you had peace within capitalism any peace any imperialist peace as Lenin said it's just a precursor for another imperialist war So as I said the only real struggle for peace is to struggle for Against capitalism it's itself. Now. What does that mean for communists in the West? What is what is our testing? Well? First of all our task is to clarify the class contradictions is to is to wish you know wash away all of this Confusion the lies and the hypocrisy that is spurting out in in the mass media in the education system and so on and so forth To expose our own ruling classes and their interests to tell the workers and the youth All of these lies and explain and explain why are they lying like this? What is it that they're covering their class interest in in other words? And and explain how our current class interests are diametrically opposed to those of the ruling class we need to explain look And we just connect that to the ordinary lives of the workers In the West look they are throwing billions and bill I think it's around a hundred and fifty billion dollars so far Officially at least have been channeled into the Ukraine war by Western governments Well in the same period they've been attacking living standards. They've been cutting back at schools They don't have money for schools. They don't have money for hospitals every time. There's any discussion of a budget Oh, we have to be realistic and we have but there's money for war. There's money for arms There's money for killing and murdering And also what Joe explained before the cost of living crisis this war is not only De-stabilized you it's actually destabilized the whole world a huge a huge part probably at this stage The biggest part of inflation today in the world comes from as a consequence of this war Which is pushed up oil prices. We should push the food prices and again It's the workers of the West that are paying the price and our task is to connect these struggles and to show That these are all connected our our ruling class of the Actions of our ruling classes abroad is is also opposed to the interests of the of the domestic working class The bourgeois use propaganda war propaganda. They use the they abuse the genuine humanity that everyone feels for war victims and then they try to To divert their attention and to rally the people behind the ruling class behind their own Projects our task is to draw out and clarify the class contradictions at every step of the way in all of the work that that we're doing The same people who exploit the workers and oppress the workers in the West are the ones who are going out there and trying to oppress and exploit workers In the rest of the world and they're the same people who are sending young Ukrainian men to die and now also women because they're beginning to mobilize massively amongst women To die for their narrow interests and nothing and nothing else And we need to explain this And we need to explain that as long as in the imperialists remain in power They will be endless wars will always be wars as long as the imperialists remain power and for us a Defeat of Western imperialism is a good thing a defeat of the West in the Ukraine and everywhere else is a good thing because it will Accelerate the crisis of the ruling class at home of course What about Putin some people will say who's going to fight against Putin and who's going to fight against Russia's war But the point is that is the task of the Russian working class the Russian communists That's the they have to fight their main enemy, which is their own ruling class and in fact the fact is that This war by the West NATO's actions have strengthened the Putin regime a lot of a lot of most Russian workers do not want war They don't want this war either. They're not they're not particularly fond of it They're not particularly fond of the regime either. However, they remember the 90s They remember what the West did in the 90s and how they dismantled the Soviet economy and how they would walk around Treat treat Russia like you know humiliate them essentially Hundreds of thousands of Russians died or you know had had to go from a relatively high living standard to living in the most barbaric destitute conditions and The West wants to do the same thing again. The West wants to push Russia back into this and Ordinary Russians see that and they understand the threat the NATO and the West poses to them They see that for instance, you know that the some parts of the Western ruling class even are talking about Decolonizing Russia. What does what does it mean decolonizing Russia? It means dividing up Russia into the all of his different nationalities Russia's a big patchwork of different nationalities What what would that mean a breakup of Russia along national lines would mean the most reactionary sectarian civil wars you can possibly imagine we should go on for years and years and years the Russian workers do not want that and therefore the the the attack the Putin the Putin regime uses the actions of the West to Rally the Russian nation behind himself to dilute class contradictions in Russia to say essentially We yes, okay, we might have differences But this enemy is a bigger one is a more important one less all unite to fight the West less all unite to fight nature We must we must defend ourselves and our and our fatherland in other words he here he does the same thing that the ruling classes in the West us using His own you know using this war in order to dilute class contradictions And Is the task of the Russian Marxism the Russian communists to highlight the head again to explain to expose What Putin is doing essentially say no actually you're not fighting for the in defense of the interests of the Russian masses But only in the interest of a tiny group of oligarchs that you represent and in fact Western Marxist Opposing our ruling class is a help to the Russian workers You see as it is now, which you can say look everyone in the West hates us everyone in the West is against us they even banning You know Russian ballets and Russian music and Russian movies and Russian this and that He uses that but if the Western workers can say we have no interest in dominating you We're gonna fight against our own ruling class We're gonna fight against Western imperialism so that they have no way of harming you and subjugating you well Then that that allows class contradictions to to crystallize Much faster and much clearer in Russia itself and that way the Russian and the Western workers can and can join together and Tie the strongest links with one another And of course the Russian Russian The Russian Communists also have to explain that they also want to fight NATO But the only way to really fight NATO How is that is by taking power into their own hands and by uniting with the workers of the West? That is surely the best way of fighting US imperialism and NATO imperialism is by by by uniting With the workers across the world on both sides of this this struggle and that's exactly what the bourgeoisie is trying to prevent They want to divide workers along national lines and our task Our method by by aiming first and foremost against our own ruling classes is the best means of overcoming that that is that is the internationalist method of Communism and of course this has to be linked with the international struggle for socialist revolution now I have to sum up now, but It's clear now that actually you know as Joe said they've been talking about the Impending victory and you know the Ukraine is gonna be next to Moscow and the Russian army is so decrepit and it's so weak and it's Go, but actually they're losing now the Ukrainians You know Sprinting towards a defeat You've had in the last week alone several articles and very prominent papers Times Magazine the Economist In NBC coming out showing a very very different picture than than the one has been showed the previous They show Zelensky completely isolated as the only person almost like a madman As the only person who believes in a victory when everyone else is saying This kid is cannot go on then you had Zaluzhny who is the head of the Ukrainian army Appearing in an interview in the Economist without the clearance from from from Zelensky by the way Saying that essentially saying this war is lost He calls it a stalemate, but the way that he poses it actually saying it is impossible Just we cannot say any longer that this war is not winnable by Russia something like that But if you add up all the double negatives you end up saying we have lost And Yeah, and and the whole house of cards is kind of Collapsing now that is a huge blow to us imperialism to Western imperialism Which as I said is the most reactionary force on the planet. Why is it that it's the biggest capitalist nation? It has the biggest economy and economically is it's it's How do you say tapped in to every single country one way or another either directly or indirectly controls the whole financial system Major industries everything is controlled by by by US capitalism essentially. There's not a single country Where the US does not have direct Economic or political interests that it doesn't use to manipulate and steer those countries Towards its own aims and furthermore in order to maintain this position It has the strongest military power force on the planet and military which in budgetary terms is 10 is as big as bigger than the next 10 militaries that have put together had hundreds of military bases all over the world Essentially, this this is a superpower. This is a massive massive superpower And in every country every time you see any indication of a mass movement of a genuine revolutionary proletarian mass movement US imperialism will scheme and will do everything in its power to undermine that whether it's in the friendly country in a friendly country Allied country or an enemy country They will do whatever they can to stop the working class from coming to power and therefore obviously a defeat of US imperialism It is a big event and for the vast majority of the workers in the world It's it will be a step forward It would be a victory for the Russian workers Because they will temporarily strengthen the Putin regime will say it was strengthened also the Chinese regime temporarily because they they are in competition and they put their themselves as being in opposition to the to the Americans But this will have a huge impact and most importantly inside the US itself in the West itself It will massively accelerate the political crisis of capitalism that we've seen But look and and in turn also the economic and so forth that we've seen over the past decade and It will have an impact on the jet on the class struggle as well But does that mean then that we support Russia and China? That's because that's what what some people think they say oh they see the hypocrisy They see what the role that the Americans are playing they see the you know the the barbarism that they're spreading everywhere And they say well Russia and China are the only ones Fighting back and they're actually winning that's actually happening. They are actually winning it They're gaining at least let's put it like that the US is still by far the biggest imperialist power But Russia and China are putting in some some some good punches. Let's put it like that And they and then there's this idea that oh it's much better to have a multipolar world I a world with many imperialist powers They can kind of balance each other out and this will create a more stable world a world a more just world That's absolutely incorrect. First of all Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping and China are not in any way shape or form Progressive you just have to look at the regimes that the Russians support or the Chinese support all over the world To see what kind of people we're dealing with The Iranian regime not in any way a progressive regime The Syrian regime the Turkish regime. These are the friends of these people In fact Israel Russia at the moment They're not doing very well, but the Russians have no problems cooperating with the Israelis even though at the moment They would like to not to be seen Too close to them in Libya. They support a reactionary government of Eastern Libya the Haftar government in Sudan They support the RSF tribal militias extremely reactionary forces for their own interests We have nothing in common with them and we in no way shape or form can give them any support Most importantly, they are the enemies of the Russian and Chinese workers at home And if we are in any way seen as supporting them, that means we're we're supporting their rule in Russia and China we're supporting their exploitation and oppression of the Russian and Chinese working class and Furthermore the decline of US imperialism. Yes, there is a progressive side to it in the sense that when you have a declining imperialist power that the space is open for for mass movements also to erupt but in reality what it what is going to lead to is Increased incredible amounts of instability. That's what we're seeing in the Middle East That's what we're seeing in in in Israel and Palestine essentially that's part of a Symptom partially on a one one angle of one side of it is that it's a symptom of a declining power of US imperialism Are we going to see this? Increasingly in more and more places you're going to see wars and and an extreme instability to come out Yes, however It will also this instability will also affect the crash struggle in essence what we're seeing now is a new period let's open up We're already in the first stages of it of a new period of extreme instability throughout the world of wars and revolutions and counter revolutions and civil wars some of them reactionary, but also some of them progressive some of them will be revolutionary developments and While some of the pacifists and the liberals they say oh now is the chance to put aside the struggle for socialism Let's just let's just hope for let's just fight for peace now Let's all unite and fight for peace we say no This is the true face of this of this system what we're seeing now is the face of you know the nice face of capitalism of the post war period of a relative common stability falling off and the real nature of this system coming up and it's precisely at this point that we have to fight for socialism and the Opportunities are going to be there because all of this instability will also politicize people It will make them think you bring all of the contradictions to the surface and our task is to prepare for that in order to bring it to His final conclusion of destroying imperialism destroying capitalism And then we can lay the basis for a peaceful and harmonic world where people can coexist and Collaborate for a better future for all. Thank you


Even in districts in Missouri, there's 170 something districts that already have a four-day week. They're mostly rural. Even in those, just under half of those parents actually like it. Of all Missouri parents, only 24% say they would prefer a four-day week. One of the big concerns is, what are they going to do on that fifth day for childcare and other things? And so, not only do parents not want it, the study also found a study of literature about the issue found that there are hardly any benefits and more negative than positive.