I don't know, let's just get started. It's just about, yeah, why not? OK, so I'm going to talk about the embedded problem that I've been experiencing at Intel for the past few years working on the Intel phones. So Intel has multiple groups working on Linux and multiple groups working on Android. So I've been working on Android for the Intel phones that are validated and go through regulatory certification and have actually shipped, not necessarily in large volumes, but have gone through the process. So this is an approximate outline of what I'm hoping to talk about, introduce myself and then introduce the topic, go through the history. The environment that we live in with respect to this embedded problem and try to bring up what are the key questions I should be trying to ask and then go and drop into some of the techniques that I've been using to try to address the problem with various levels of success. And then I want to end with the proposal of keeping drivers that are not upstreamed or aren't ready for even consideration for upstreaming. Keep them out. I'm proposing that to keep those things out of the kernel tree altogether for various reasons. So I'm recommending out of tree modules. So a little bit about myself. I've been working on Linux for 10, 12-ish, 13 years, something like that. And Android since 2008. So my title is the Android Kernel Architect. And that means I have some flexibility in picking and choosing what problems I feel are important and a little bit of leverage in getting managers who control headcount to prioritize some of these problems where otherwise I wouldn't get anything done. So the things that I'm interested in working on these days is I really think I have a chance of addressing some of the embedded problem, which I'll define in the next slide. And the other things that I'm working on include the scaling problem, which I talked about on Monday at the Android Builder Summit, which is how do we support many target devices within one build without collapsing our continuous integration process under the gravity of hard drives. Try to get ahead of transitions that we see coming, GPUs, just transitions that like moving to ACPI-5 from SFI or maybe even UEFI group associated with the phones. I also get involved with some, I do code reviews. Briefly, I should, I left it, I messed it in the slides. But the way our organization is set up is we have this notion of feature teams. And feature teams are basically responsible for specific use cases. So for example, we have a wireless feature team that's responsible for the regulated spectrum. We have a Wi-Fi feature team for the unregulated spectrum. We have an audio, we have a media, we have graphics, we have video. These are all, we have a power management and a thermal feature team. So each one of these feature teams, they're responsible for the use cases from top to bottom on the stack. So these guys come in and they have ability to modify the kernel in the continuous integration process without my blessing. And so what we do is I try to do code reviews on it, what all these guys are doing. But it's hard to keep up. So I need to do more code reviews. Another thing that I'm involved with is trying to mentor and teach the organization how to use the tools and some of the grease the skids for the next kernel migration and try to improve things. And another thing I deal with is unplanned surprises, like the CES demo of Baytrail running Android, which wasn't a planned thing to deliver for 2013. It's all of a sudden now we need to do Android on Baytrail for 2013. So it's like, ah. So that's basically me. Excuse me. So what is the embedded problem? Basically, the embedded problem is when it takes significantly longer to harden a kernel within a software stack on a device, then it takes for the Linux kernel community to go to new kernels. It becomes virtually impossible to upstream. And there gets to be a large investment in inertia associated with staying on the older kernel. So the embedded problem is how can we migrate to new kernels? And also, missing from this, it also becomes you stay in a kernel for a long time, it's hard to migrate to a new kernel. It's a lot of work and a lot of fear. OK, so what makes it take so long in the first place? Well, we're talking about new hardware. I'm dealing with phones and tablets in this context. And so you've got new boards, you've got new silicon, you've got new boards, you've got new drivers, new use cases. I mean, the camera, somebody needs a new use case for rapid fire or picture taking or something like that. And then that results in significant code flux. And everything builds from bottom up. So you've got the hardware, then you've got the firmware, has to be good enough so you can run a kernel. And the kernel has to be good enough so it can load the base OS and run that. And the HAL can sort of work. The middleware depends on the HAL and the kernel, and then the OS stack. Finally, you can test your use cases. And then you start testing, and then you find bugs. Yeah, and so bugs are found late. And that's just the way it is. I'm not telling anyone here anything new, but that's sometimes needs to be spelled out a little bit. So I want to get this over right away. For us, we only have one motivation for moving to a new kernel fundamentally. And we have customers that expect modern kernels before. They expect the kernel that they go to manufacturing with to be not older than a year and a half old when they start their high-volume manufacturing. So this means that the 3.0 kernel is kind of too old today. So we need to be under 3.4. And in the space I work in, the kernels that matter really are the long-term support kernels. So we're basically tracking that. And we're looking forward to getting ready for the 3.9 kernel, which right now that's the anticipated next long-term support. Because if it's not 3.9, then it's going to push out to somewhere like late July or August. So we kind of expect it to be 3.9. And the other thing, one customer will push for one product. But because our driver and integration teams and our continuous integration process is kind of cumbersome when it comes to branches and multiple kernel versions, the teams can't handle it. And so if we have to move for one product or one target, everyone has to move to a new kernel. And unless the device is in maintenance mode, then we don't move it. So I'm just going to go through here. This is kind of a rough history of what I've been involved with. So back in, I don't know what year it was anymore. But back in the 2.6.1, 32 days, we started Android on Moorstown. And basically, we forked off the Moblin kernel at that point because they're doing Moblin at that time. So we took the Moblin kernel and we put the AOSP Common Android patches on top of that baseline. And then we started hardening that for Moorstown. We did do one production product with Moorstown, the Cisco CS thing. And then Medfield showed up. So Medfield is the next generation ship. That's one of the current ones that are available today. And at that time, Moblin became Miga. And so I did the exact same maneuver. I took the Miga kernel. And then I put the 2.6.35 Android patches. Actually, I cherry picked the 2.6.35 Android patches on top of the Miga kernel. And we stayed with that for Froyo and Gingerbread. And then when ICS came out, we moved to the 3.0 kernel. And there was about, I don't know, about 4,000 some patches in each one of these kernels. Over time, it's just astounding how many changes keep getting put into these kernels on hardened branches.  But the more they test, the more they find bugs. The longer you stay on a kernel, the more feature creep will happen to that particular kernel. So there tends to be a lot of thrash. Actually, camera is still a pretty active area where new features and use cases are driving significant code flux for us. So anyway, for the 3.0 kernel, we had Medfield Clover Trail and an SOC. I'm not sure I can say in public, but everybody knows its name. And then there's currently we're migrating to 3.4. About this SOC that everyone knows its name. We put it into the 3.0 kernel when it was still virtual. So at Intel, we have this shift left thing where we try to bring up kernels and drivers on the virtual platform and emulators and whatnot. And so we have a virtual and a virtual hybrid target associated with SOC 1 in the 3.0 kernel. And this thing hasn't just recently powered on for real. I think last quarter. So I believe we allowed that code to get into the integration kernel too soon. And that's one of the lessons that I didn't list at the end of the talk. But it's something you should keep in mind. You should have entry criteria associated with allowing stuff into your continuous integration and your hardening branches. And it should include that the device is testable and real as opposed to virtual. OK, so then anyway, so now we're on to 3.4. And this is good. This is targeted for jelly bean and the kale dessert. And possibly the L dessert depending on when it comes out. But we've dropped Moorstown, as you can see. And so it's Maryfield, Clover Trail, the Surprise Bay Trail, SOC 1. And probably another couple of SOCs will be hosted in this particular kernel before the end of this year, actually. So that's kind of a history of the kernels. And so this is kind of the, I'm going to try to explain a little bit about the environment that we're living in associated with this embedded problem on the SOCs. And so the way the device hardening happens is we have a single branch. We get 1,000 people beating on it. And we get a lot of testing on it. And everything is merged and done in a continuous integration fashion. We use BuildBot for our continuous integration because the team that we acquired from FreeScale in Toulouse is our integration team. And there's some BuildBot maintainers there. So they got the pick. So we're using BuildBot, which isn't all that bad. But so the way it works is an engineer will do their development on their local workstation. They'll do their local testing. And then they'll upload it to Garrett using the Android Garrett thing. And then BuildBot will detect the upload. It will do a lint process to do a check patch on it and look for other things that are fairly easy to do. And then it will even do a compile test and an automated smoke test. And then this is all before the code review is actually done. And then so after the linting of the change, then it goes through a code review process. And it needs to get a plus two from the feature team maintainer, which I think is a conflict of interest that I recommend against allowing, and usually a domain expert of some sort. So it used to be that if you made a change to the kernel, that change could not be merged unless I gave it a plus two on the review. But I became the sole bottleneck for 500 people making kernel changes that it became impractical. And so we added more testing. So in practice, we see about 50 to 100 changes per week. It's fairly constant. It's always like 50 to 100. And it goes on for about two years. One to two years, we keep beating on it. And during this time, you'll find new features sneaking in, like camera features or wide eye. That was a big party getting that integrated with Android. And also, we have about between 30 and 80 non-upstream drivers associated with each one of these targets. About half those drivers are third-party reference drivers that are just kind of hacked into place, made to work. And we also make some changes to the core kernel and also code that is already upstream. So like some upstream drivers will tweak. The management really doesn't care about upstream at all. And actually, there is some bias against it because we had a hard time with the way Amiga worked out. And so the management and program management kind of point to that a little bit and go look what upstream first did for you. So I have to deal with that. But there's a little prejudice there, but not a lot. But mostly, there's projects really aren't planned with planning for the software effort for new kernels. When you start a project, you assume a particular kernel. And when you map out the project planning, they tend to not even account for, oh, yeah, we're going to need to do a kernel rev somewhere in the middle of this project. It's not on the Gantt charts. A lot of times, actually most of the times. So moving a new kernel was only done under duress. And we get that from the customer. So this is more of the same. The attitude for new kernels, actually, that the managers of these feature teams, they're not paid. They're measured on fixing bugs and adding features. They're not measured. They don't get paid for upstream goodness. And in fact, many feature teams, I've heard a few feature teams working. Tell me, look, we're not allowed to, if we want to spend time on any new kernel stuff, we have to do it on our own nickel or on our own time. And which is really too bad. But to be fair, they really aren't, it's somewhat irresponsible to let these feature teams upstream kernel code themselves. Because they may have time to do the upstream work today. But next week, they will not. They'll be working on the next shiny thing, or next version of whatever feature they're working on. And they won't be able to effectively address interacting with the community. So we need to have that activity is falling into responsibility of the kernel feature team. So we've created a kernel feature team to deal with this. Let's see, this is more the same. I don't know if we need to say too much about this. The quality side effects of getting your code reviewed by upstream people is not seen as compelling with respect to the time to market pressures. And also, the upstream kernel isn't really, that code isn't getting tested. Where the old code is getting tested fairly significantly. And the motivation for doing upstream work at all is really to reduce the time to market for the kernel transitions. So it becomes a second order driver. And it's a significant enough driver to give me headcount to support this activity. So it's not like it's blown off and it's completely ignored. But it's not the feature team's responsibility. They don't. It's not part of their embo's management by objective. So the other problem is moving to a new kernel takes really longer than it should. We have an old, moldy old kernel with 4,000-ish patches to it. It would be nice to be able to move to a new kernel and be able to get the new kernel and have that transition done in such a way that we could start getting all the feature teams using a new kernel within a couple of weeks. And it's not the way it works. It takes a couple months, it seems like. Part of the reason why it takes so long is because the kernel feature team that's doing the work associated with migrating to a new kernel, we really want to clean up some of the sins of the previous kernels. And so we spent extra time cleaning up the early board power on and the board files and the power management implementations so that they're better than what they were before. But because we take time to do that, there's another 1,200 changes that sneak into the old kernel version underneath while we're working. And it becomes pretty hard to account for the bug fixes. And one of the biggest problems that the management has with moving to new kernels is this accounting problem or the auditing problem, as I call it here. And this is where we've invested millions of dollars in testing time, actually tens of millions of dollars in testing resources to test this old kernel. And then we're moving to a new kernel. Is there any way we can quantify how many bugs are still fixed in the new kernel that were fixed in the old kernel? Are all the features there? And there really isn't a good way today to do that. And this is one of the problems I'm trying to solve this year. Let's deal with that. And another point is, so on the 3.4 kernel, 3.4 came out last late May, early June time frame.  Actually, in late July. And I was planning that, in my mind, it was a slam dunk and obvious we were going to move to the 3.4 kernel in September. We would have it done and we would harden it. It'd be all good by the end of October, November. But the program managers, they have other projects that are in flight that are dependent that doing that maneuver at that time would put their alpha milestones in jeopardy. And so everything was pushed out. And so that just, this has made the 3.4 activity drag on too long and waste resources, in my opinion. We would have been better to wait, even starting the 3.4 work on the kernel feature team until there was a hard agreement on when the organization would migrate. But I made an assumption. And that's what you get when you make assumptions sometimes. So I'll try not to do that next time. Some of the problems with kernel migration that we've had is we have 1,000 patches to old baseline. We have back ports intertwined in with these thousands of patches. And it's all single-threaded branch development that's really pretty much impossible to rebase. It's taking git and making it CVS, basically. And that's what you get with these integration trees, basically, and continuous integration. It's just kind of a side effect of using continuous integration prep methodologies, really. And you'll have patches that change both new driver code that was added to the kernel and code that was files that were existing in the upstream kernel. And most of those changes have a high risk of merge conflicts when you get updates. Driver teams don't care. We know that. And they already said it takes two months. After. So it takes two months for the kernel feature team to get a kernel ready for the rest of the organization to start working on. And then when the rest of the organization finally jumps on board, it takes them another one to two months to get to recover back to an alpha or beta quality that is actually less lower than what they had before. So it takes about two months to recover from this stuff. And those two months are spent basically involving the entire organization at this point. So now it's not just the feature team working. It's hundreds of, it's not the kernel feature team doing it. Now we're talking real money. I've already said these. Yeah, we have software stack. Did I talk about test blockers yet? Let's see. No, that's later. Another problem, from program management point of view. Oh, yeah, there's test blockers. Yeah, so another thing that just drives me nuts is, so you're moving to a new kernel. It's important to be able to build your OS stack on top of that new kernel. And for the 3.0 migration, it used to be that a whole bunch of user mode components would not compile if I dropped a new kernel into the tree. And so I made a big stink about that. And so on the 3.4 kernel, that's fairly cleaned up. I didn't have any trouble with it on the 3.4. But from 2.635 to 3.4, a lot of core subsystems would not be even compiled when I dropped the 3.0 kernel into the build because they were assuming locations for header files and they were reaching into the kernel tree for include files. And it was just so bad. And that got cleaned up. But still today for the 3.4 kernel, we'll have certain drivers, usually it's graphics, but they'll change a header file and then it'll either break the build or it'll break the runtime. And so you won't be able to test. And we'll end up with test blockers on the new kernel. And that makes it even harder to migrate to a new kernel. So we want to try to avoid the test blockers. Let's see. So put it another way. My work environment is we've got a single threaded, single branched tree, and it's not manageable. Our hardware really can't even boot on an upstream, boot enough on the upstream kernel to make upstream kernel contributions. And moving to a new kernel means potentially retesting thousands of bugzilla reports. And most of the workforce isn't really concerned about this. They're focused on the current product, not the next kernel. Yeah, so here we are. We have customers saying you've got to come out with a once-year hardened long-term support kernel. I think it's supposed to come out. I think after this experience with our current 3.4, it's going to be planned rollout in Q4, which I think will be great, just to have it planned and stuck to. That's supposed to ad hoc and do it when you're forced. We have an organization that has difficulty working multiple currents concurrently. And upstream first isn't happening. And our ability upstream is limited. Jeez, I've got 15 minutes, huh? OK. Everyone knows how Linux is developed roughly. So there's decentralized development. We've got many of them. Everyone has got their own tracking branch. And when you're ready, you rebase your work onto the current tips, and then you send a pull request. And then the subsystem maintainer, you sent the pull request to, pulls it, does some code review, maybe does a kappa review. And then he sends a pull request to line us somewhere sometime in the future. And the cycle time for doing for this happens on about a one-week schedule. You can turn on new RSCs about once a week. And so it's not really amenable. This sort of process of having a single kernel maintainer kind of conflicts a little bit with continuous integration. Because once a week is too slow. Also, Linux kernel is volunteer-based testing on the master branch. And limited serious organized testing actually happens. And the hardening really gets done on the stable branch. So the key questions to ask is, for me, the key questions that are going through my mind, are we just looking at this wrong? How can we use kernel versioning more effectively with respect to new features? For example, rather than backporting a big chunk of video for Linux or some other kernel feature, maybe we should just wait and have an intercept for that new feature with a new kernel. We should be thinking a little bit more about backports and how should we do the backport or should we just go to a new kernel? And how can we better integrate multiple kernels into our continuous integration process, which is something that's what I'm working on, one of the things I'm working on now. Because if I can unblock concurrent kernel, have a next kernel integrated with the continuous integration process and getting tested as we go, then by the we can get a new kernel brought up and develop confidence in it months before we do the switchover. The other thing is, how can I isolate concurrent kernel development activity from the driver integration teams who can't deal with it? Is there a way I can emulate tracking branches such that the feature teams don't have to deal with it and only the kernel people who know how to deal with tracking branches can deal with the tracking branches. How can I isolate the core? Can we isolate changes made to core kernel from new kernel additions? And can we isolate backports? And can we just reduce the time it takes to move to new kernels? So now I'm going to talk about some of the techniques and some of the things. Also, you want to have a prioritization of what you want upstream and what upstream work you do. I want to try to disallow having changes go into the tree that in one commit you touch both upstream code and non-upstream code because those changes are hard to deal with with respect to merge conflicts. You want to try to use merge commits for backports. So whenever you're doing a backport, you don't cherry pick the backport into the main tree. You cherry pick it into a branch, and then you do a merge commit of the backport from the backport branch. That way when you move to a new kernel version, you just drop the backport branch. And you don't have to deal with it. You probably should consider having only allowing the kernel tree touch code that is non-driver, that is existing code in the kernel, letting the feature teams and the driver teams and the integration team mess with that code is leads to undocumented changes that are hard to migrate and done in a questionable manner sometimes. You want to make changes to any header files painful. When someone changes a header file, that is a, from my perspective, you change a header file, you're changing an interface specification, and that is the root cause of most of the test blockers when you're moving to a new kernel. So if you're in the middle of bringing up a new kernel and someone changes a header file on the older kernel for some reason so that they can add an i-Octl or something, that will result in, has a high probability of becoming a test blocker for the new kernel. And you don't want test blockers on your new kernel that's under development. You want to demand that the user mode, the whole stack builds independently of the kernel so you can drop in a new kernel and not have build time troubles. As best you can, you want to try to isolate sources of code flux from the kernel tree if you can. And this means moving drivers that aren't ready for upstream or not even non-upstream drivers that the different feature teams are just hacking away at. Make them hack away at their driver outside of your kernel tree as much as you can. I know that a lot of people don't like external driver modules because it's more files to deal with. It's nicer to have a single model with a kernel and everything built into it. But it's just such a problem having thousands of changes to your ISP driver or something and trying to migrate that to a new kernel and being able to say, oh, yeah, I have all the bug fixes and all the features from the old one. It becomes hard if it's all in the same tree. If you put that in a separate tree, you can do it more reasonably. OK, a little more detail on those things and what to do. So from my perspective, my upstream goals are I want the upstream kernel to be able to boot my platforms to at least a working RAM disk with a serial RAM disk console. I want to have working P and C states and suspender RAM, working DDFS and low power idle states and suspender RAM. I want those working. I also want to have the persistent storage working so that I can actually put an OS image on the EMMC and do the next step. And then I also want a working USB gadget because I'm dealing with an Android stack here. And you can't get out of the blocks with the feature teams unless they can use ADB. So that is what I want upstream at this point. I don't care about little 200 line drivers. Those don't help me. This would help me. So this is the priority for right now what we want upstreamed. And so that's where we're going to put effort. Like I said earlier, you want to prevent people from touching in the same commit, touching both upstream and non-upstream code because that results in merge conflicts. I didn't mention it earlier. I'll mention it later in one of the slides. It's kind of a graph. But in our process, what we do is we have periodically we merge in from Linux stable. And if your driver has to touch an upstream file and a non-upstream file in the same commit and there's a merge conflict, it makes it hard for me to revert that change so I can get my merge done. So I want to revert the conflicting problem one, is what normally I like to do, and then fix it up later after it. And touching code that doesn't belong to you, it's not terribly cool unless you upstream it and you know what you're doing. And if you have to touch it, then that's another maintenance point that you need to account for. And if you do it in an ad hoc manner, that results in something, a high probability of a surprise when you go to a new kernel. Somebody will say, oh, this, my iOctl doesn't work. Why didn't you port my iOctl over? Well, it's because I didn't know you had it there because you hid it in this haystack. Turns out it's not as easy as I hope to prevent this. We put in a made a modification to check patch to check to see if the patch touched a file that was part of the original baseline that we started with. And if it was touching that and a file that wasn't in that set, it would throw up an error. And that caused problems with respect to some energy management drivers that needed to modify header files that were common. But we really need to change the integration process so I can at least have a warning and have a process where that violating this policy can be approved conditionally. But like I said, we're using BuildBot for our merging. And it's actually controlled by BuildBot. So I need to work with the BuildBot guys to add the flexibility to treat check patch warnings in a manner that allows us to, on a case by case basis, acknowledge the warning and ignore it. Back ports, this is something that worked good for me this year. So in the 3.0 kernel, in the 335 kernel we had, we had so many terrible back ports, it was bad. And so for the 3.4 kernel, the way we're doing it now is if you have to do a back port, you have to do the back port, ask the kernel feature team to merge this back port into a special back port branch that had a common baseline with the main branch. And then from there, outside of the BuildBot continuous integration process, it gets merged into the mainline tree. And this way, all the back ports are done on merge commits, as opposed to inlined with the rest of the stuff. And it really cleans up the history of a significant amount. If you got a lot of back ports, I encourage this methodology. Here's the branch. So this is what we tried to implement for 3.0. And everything here is actually correct, except for this upstream branch. That's the second one from the top. So I'll just go through these things real quick. The main branch at the top, that's the main integration branch. That's the one that gets all the testing attention, all the developer attention. The next one was supposed to be changes to upstream files. And they were supposed to be segregated from the rest of the main branch, so that any changes to this Origin 3.0 upstream were candidates for changes that should be submitted upstream to the Linux kernel. And then, of course, the back ports. I just told you about the back ports. But in practice, this upstream one, it didn't work as well as I hoped.  But the back port, that worked great. I recommend that. So the way it works is, when we started the 3.0 branch tree, when we started with the Linux stable tree and the Android 3.0 branch, we merged those together, and that created our baseline. And so everything has a common origin, common ancestor, in the baseline. Then we created our back ports, and that's where we do our back ports. For example, I back ported the Dave Howells sign driver modules things last month. And I did it in the back ports. And we have some video for Linux stuff back ported in there. And recently, I did the ACPI back port for 3.4 back port branch, not 3.1. I didn't go that far. And then, so you do your changes. If you're not doing, if you're changing your own driver files, do it in the main branch. But if you're doing a back port, you have to do it special and go through a different process. And then I really want to do the same thing and enforce it for changes to the upstream branch this year. Hopefully, it'll do better. Yeah, so you want to make it hard for feature teams to change upstream code. So whenever there's everything's a nail to these guys, if they're kernel people doing the work, they want to change the kernel. If they're user mode people, they want to change user mode. They'll make changes where they're more comfortable, rather than knowing a more reasonable, a more correct way of doing the change. There's no one right way to do it. So I don't want to say the right way to do it. But there are better ways to do it. But people are biased by their skills and their aptitudes and their experience. So if a feature team needs to add something, sometimes they'll try to hack something crazy into the kernel because they don't want to have to do it in user mode or vice versa. I've seen terrible hacks get pushed into the kernel that should have been done in user mode. And I've seen the exact same thing done in user mode and said, jeez, why didn't you do that in the kernel? And he could do that different. And so anyway, to try to address half of that problem, you want to make it harder for future teams to touch upstream code.  You want to make header changes expensive because changes to a header is a change in an interface specification. And every time I have a test blocking issue moving to the kernel, it's because some joker changed a header file. So you want to make header files cost more. You want to make sure that user mode doesn't give you any. Your build doesn't give you any test blockers. So make sure your user mode can build with whatever kernel you feel like. Basically, it's a pain. Let's see. And then running out of time, so I'm sort of rushing. I really wanted to make a pitch for this out-of-tree driver thing. So the auditing problem, accounting for all the bugzillas that were fixed or addressed on the old drivers and making sure those are still addressed on the new driver, is partially addressed if we can have the drivers developed in their own out-of kernel Git tree. And then inside that Git tree, the kernel feature team can maintain tracking branches of whatever fix-up needs to happen to the driver so it works on the new kernel. And so with that sort of model, at any given time, the driver for the new kernel has all the changes associated with the old kernel in there by definition. And all you have to do is put the fix-up code on top of it to make sure it works with the new kernel. And I really think that has a chance of addressing a significant part of the auditing problem. And it also gets a lot of the code flux out of my kernel Git project, which is a twofer, in my opinion. And it also solves the problem of having driver teams that really can't deal with multiple branches and dealing with Git rebays. From actually having to know it and deal with it. So I don't have to ask them to port their driver. I just have to fix my tracking branch for each one and go. And they don't have to know about it, which I think would be good. So in practice, having separate Git projects is really kind of analogous. It's functionally equivalent to having tracking branches and then doing the rebases. I'm just turning it around. Rather than rebasing the drivers on top of the new kernel, I'm rebasing the new kernel glue logic to make the old driver work on the new kernel. So I'm trying to turn the problem around a little bit. And by doing that, I believe I can avoid having the future teams have to be competent enough to deal with Git rebays and test multiple kernels. We can isolate that work to just the kernel future team. And I mentioned the auditing problem. And so in theory, if all these things work, I can reduce my time to market. So in summary, we're pretty close to out of time. Upstream first doesn't really work for hardened devices. You need to prioritize your upstream efforts based on time to market and reducing cost of kernel migration. You need to avoid changes that touch both upstream and non-upstream code concurrently, at least in the same patch. Try to use merge commits on backboards. You try to use merge commits for changes to core kernel code or upstream code so that you can have more natural auditing of what needs to be pulled forward. Make sure that user mode always builds independently of the kernel version because you don't want test blockers based on compiling. And you don't want test blockers based on header files either. So make header file changes painful or expensive. And try to isolate non-upstream drivers from the main kernel tree into different Git projects. And this is actually kind of an experiment. I really think it's going to work, but we'll see this next year how it shapes up. OK, sorry I was talking. There was a lot to say. I wanted to say. What's that? I like it when you talk. Oh, do you? Yeah. That's why you're here. Oh, yeah. So we got how much? We got probably maybe five minutes for quite. We got time for maybe one or two questions. Then we got to let the other guy in. Well, then it moves into. Then we move it in. It goes then. Actually, it'll move in as a backboard. If let's say a camera driver. A camera driver, they upstream their camera driver to 2,638 or something. Then what I'll do is I'll backport 2,638 into my backport branch, backport that driver into a backport branch in my 3.0, I mean 3.4. And then you add features. And then it gets. I know, yeah. I got the stop sign. I don't know. You're right. You're right. Don't mind me not just trying to beat the rush. Yeah, yeah, yeah. OK. Sorry. That is a problem. But fortunately or unfortunately, feature teams don't get paid for upstreaming. So I'm not sure what that problem's going to become terribly important. Yeah? The feature teams are. Yeah, each feature team has a responsibility for doing their. I don't actually get to levy requirements on the feature teams. The feature teams have a requirement to do their own test automation and test cases. But I don't have. No, I really can't run their team. I can run the integration tests, the automated tests set up by the main integration team. But the individual feature teams, they have their own test suites and their own test harnesses and environments. Some of them, a lot of them require specialized equipment to run their tests anyway. So. I don't need to take any additional questions about the law. OK, OK. Got it.


Good morning everyone and welcome to our panel on genuine bodies trafficking in labor in South Asia. We're honored to be in conversation today with Dr. Chatterjee, Ms. Uri Ketan and Ms. Amrita Dasgupta. Thank you all so much for being here with us today. My name is Waioma Chirasma and I'm a Tokyo student at Tufts University studying history. Before I introduce the topic of discussion for today's event, a little bit about our organization. The Tufts South Asian Regional Committee or CIRC is a student run academic discourse and research groups striving to promote student engagement with social, political, historical and economic affairs of the South Asian subcontinent. This CIRC hopes to create a space for students of all backgrounds, ideologies and identities to foster informed engagement with new and nuanced awareness of South Asia. If you would like to sign up for our e-list, please do so with the Google form that we will send out in the chat in a bit. We would also like to thank the Tufts Institute of Global Leadership for making this event possible. So today we'll range from sex work in gendered labor during the Second World War and trafficking in the similar ones to organ trafficking in contemporary South Asia. The panel promises to be a comprehensive discussion about the long duty history and practices of trafficking in gendered labor extraction in South Asia. The first speaker for today and the chair of this panel is Dr. Sarah Moey Chatterjee, who is an affiliated lecturer at the Centre of Development Studies at the University of Cambridge. At the Centre of Development Studies, Dr. Chatterjee needs a course on migration and human trafficking offered to MFIL students. She's also a by-fellow at the Lucy Cavendish College at the University of Cambridge and a research fellow at the Cambridge Centre for applied research in human trafficking. She researched the illegal trade in human organs focused on India. Our second speaker is Zodhvi Kirtan, who is a PhD student in economic and social history at the University of Oxford. Her research interests are in gender and labor in colonial India and her thesis focuses on women in the wartime economy in the Second World War in South Asia. Our third speaker is Amrita Dasgupta, who is a doctoral student at the Department of Gender Studies at SOAS in the University of London.  I will now hand our discussion over to Tadakata Racta, who is a PhD student of history at DAS. So, over to you, Tadakata. Thank you, Mayoma, for that wonderful introduction. As a moderator, I do not think I have much to say when we already have Dr. Chatterjee among us for starting us off with her introductory remark on this panel. Over to you, Dr. Chatterjee. Dr. Chatterjee, you need to unmute yourself first. Am I audible now? Yes, yes, Dr. Chatterjee. Okay. Thank you so much, Tadakata, for this opportunity. So I'd like to start with a brief, a very brief mention for a story from Nobel Laureate Ramnir Tegos, a very famous story, Bicharok. So, let me share my screen. So, go from the story of Bicharok by Nobel Laureate Ramnir Tegos.  She was left with a little child, and so she could not be in the pain of seeing her wailing child for long, and then she lives to freedom from hunger, but has to end her life and her child. But somehow she survives, but the judge sentences her to death for killing a child. The story very much shows that at that time that how much patriarchal society did not have any sympathy for a woman like Kiro Dahu, because simply in the judge's eyes she was a sex worker, a kind of apparently a fallen woman. So, the judge sentenced her to death sentence. And not only this story, there are several, at that time several fictions and non-fictions of the data showed this vulnerability of women, and which led to the state of severe deprivation and in this case, state of death. So now that was written a long time back, but how much it has changed now? How much? Even when we talk about the marginalized woman, the woman who do not have voice, the woman beneath the service, as we will explain. And how much freedom women have when they have to choose a work? Choose especially a paid work in terms of stage of internal state of socioeconomic crisis. I will quote famous philosopher, how she discusses freedom of choice in work. She says, everyone, all of us take money for our services. Some people receive good satisfactory wages, some have good control over the working conditions, but a large number of people around the world do not have that control. Rather, she links that freedom of choice of work to privilege, economic privilege, that many, rather to choose a professional, desirable working condition, she says it's a luxury, which many people all over the world do not have. And many generally problematic range of activities of work engaged by women. And when we deeply inquire into their lives, we'll see they have very little choice in very little freedom in choosing those employment, because they're severely constrained by very little options. Rather sometimes no choices at all. It's just a matter of survival for them in certain circumstances. So we go forward today, we'll discuss some of these circumstances, these socioeconomic deprivations, in which women, some socioeconomic deprivations women encounter and what kind of choices they make in those situations. Or we will give us an historical account of that. And Omrita will discuss how women in the situation of climate change induced migration and climate change induced risk, how women cope with those situations. And I will go on to discuss how women save their families or bring income to the family in terms of another kind of crisis when they have to sell their body parts. So I welcome Urvi to present. Thank you so much. Thank you, Dr. Chatterjee. What do you will be perhaps you want to share your slides. Dr. Chatterjee, you have to stop screen sharing. Right. Thank you. I'm just going to attempt to share my slides now. I hope that's visible. All right. Great. So thank you Dr. Chatterjee and thank you, Sark for organizing this. So following on from Dr. Chatterjee's remarks, the question of women's work in survival and its importance has really hit home over the last year. Socioeconomic upheaval tremendously impacts people who live the most vulnerable and precarious lives. And as a historian, I've been preoccupied with these questions in my own research, which focuses on women in the wartime economy of Second World War, South Asia. So my talk today focuses on the gendered and racialized bodies of women in the midst of unprecedented crises in 1940s India. So the 1940s are arguably modern India, modern India's most dramatic and pivotal decade, apart from maybe the one we're in right now. But only recently have historians begun moving beyond independence movements and elite level politics. The events of 1947 followed closely on the heels of massive upheaval generated by war and famine. And the Raj as research by Ashley Jackson and Yasmin Khan has shown was central to the Allied war effort. A rising flood of resources was traveling from the Indian subcontinent all over the world in support of this war effort. And the Second World War brought with it, massive inflation and crisis after crisis began to hit eastern India in particular. Cyclone tidal wave famine and epidemics were accompanied by a growing Japanese threat on India's eastern borders. So my question is how did these huge socio economic changes in such a short period of time affect ordinary people, and particularly women who led the most vulnerable vulnerable and precarious lives so particularly lower caste and other women. So, in April 1945, the Indian Communist Party sent Ali Sardar Jafri to Cox's Bazaar in which is now in modern day Bangladesh. Cox's Bazaar was at the time a hub for Allied soldiers who were participating in the Burma campaigns of the Second World War. So there were soldiers from Britain, the United States and West Africa, who were occupying the city. And today this is the site of this is a site of the ongoing Rohingya refugee crisis. Now the Communist Party activist met several young women there. And he quotes one woman in particular, a young teenage girl. Open quote, he sold me to a military man for 500. My body costs 500 rupees. When he dies, God will take those 500 rupees from his flesh. Tell me, is God just. Won't he torture my brother in his grave for selling his sister. This unnamed girl was one of potentially thousands of women who had been sold by their families in the wake of the Bengal famine of 1943. Cox's Bazaar was crowded with several women and men who was still struggling with the after effects of this famine. When rural cultivators ran out of property to sell to afford skyrocketing prices of rice, women had been next on the market. Many of them ended up in cities like Cox's Bazaar where clients were plentiful and or wound up in military work in manual labor and factories. So the unnamed teenage girl who had been sold by her brother was a member of the labor core, which was a contingent of at least 30,000 women in Bengal that worked for the British Indian War machine. And so my presentation today, explores the labor core in eastern Bengal as a case study of women's experiences of the labor market in war and famine. So the Bengal famine had a death toll of between three and five million and economists historians and scientists alike have persuasively shown that the famine resulted from wartime policy failure rather than actual food shortage. Along with the devastating famine malaria smallpox and cholera decimated the population of Bengal. But curiously, while the image of starving mother and child was ubiquitous in contemporary accounts of the famine. We don't yet have a women's history of the famine. Generally women have been conceived of as passive victims who were driven to prostitution out of crippling hunger. Now that is not inaccurate, but it is a simplification. And I argue that it is a uni dimensional approach. That is problematic for at least three reasons. So first, it ignores a longer term history of complex and multi sectoral women's labor market activity in Bengal in diverse occupations whether it's an agriculture body husking transport trade and others. Secondly, by constantly seeing women in relationship to male earners. It ignores the fact that women as individuals also lost their own livelihoods. And finally, while saying that women took to sex work because of starvation is not incorrect. It is a simplification that does not address the absence of choice in such a labor market. And the mechanisms by which that choice was taken away from women have not been analyzed yet. So let's look at some data to give you some idea of this massive upheaval that's happened. So I draw here on a survey conducted here by mohalanobis Mukherjee and Ghosh which was also used by Amartya Sen in his work on the famine and present here data disaggregated by age and sex. So at the time in Bengal, there were 108 men for every 100 women.  Male mortality was higher in the famine so more men than women died. But here I'm interested specifically in the question of survival so I look at the survivors of the famine. And if we look at the the effects through destitution which is through impoverishment. It is the data clearly show that women were disproportionately disproportionately displaced in comparison to men. In these charts here, the blue is for male and the red for female. If we look at the estimated destitutes in January 1943 and may 1944 the two charts at the top. There are more men, there are more women than men. The only age category in which there are more male destitutes than female destitutes is in the age category of between five and 15. So in all of the other age categories there are more women in the 15 to 50 age category which is the working adult age category, the number of women destituted is double the number of men. So in January 1943 there were a total of 750,000 destitute people in May 1944 that number had gone up to cross over a million. So the chart at the bottom which shows the difference in between the two charts the new newly destituted people in that famine period. In the adult age category 45,000 adult meals were destituted compared to 97,000 adult women so more than double the number. So in the chart here, it summarizes adult destitution in May 1944 based on the occupation that they would have held in 1943. Again here the red is for female and the blue is for male. Women outnumber men in all categories in terms of destitution particularly those women who were in agricultural labor occupations. The only category in which there are more men than women who are destituted is in non agricultural labor. Some people were able to escape destitution, but they suffered a degradation in their economic status so they either lost access to a livelihood or they had to sell their assets and therefore their income earning capacity reduced. There are about 3.8 million people who suffered such a kind of degradation. And of course low caste or schedule caste rural women were massively over represented in these figures. So for example, in 1941 50 year old Narmada dasi had been well to do with four acres of land, a husband and five children. The next year, the cyclone and tidal wave in Conta and Tom look took away her husband and four of her children. And by July 1943 she was living on the Baligan railway station platform in Calcutta. But meanwhile, a joint British and American campaign to recover Burma and conduct raids on Japan on Japan necessitated the expansion of military bases in eastern India, particularly Bengal. Various ports in the province were also important points in transnational supply lines and a veritable army of laborers was needed for this war effort. And so Frida baby writes in January about January 1944 open quote, the drifting tide of the helpless on Bengals frontier is not going to the relief kitchens this year. It is finding its way into the ranks of the labor corps run by contractors, which does the 101 odd jobs necessary in the hinterland of the army, building and maintaining roads and clearing the jungle. So women walked in a variety of roles. Here you can see them carrying tankers of oil whichever right from Texas at in Calcutta. This is women laying the groundwork for airfield runways. These are photographs by the way which are drawn from the US Army Air Force records, crushing stones to help. Again, in a field construction and photographs like this one were quite prominently shared. It is definitely an effort to juxtapose the east against the modern West. So here we have this photo which is captioned native Indian women carrying baskets on their heads representing the one of the oldest forms of transportation juxtaposed against the most modern aircraft of the time the B 29 super fortress. As you will notice, they are barefoot without any protective equipment. No shoes. Sorry is without blouses and the sari is hitched up to their knees as they worked. So for the rest of the presentation I'm going to take a deep dive into Chittagong, whether, whether this labor corps had taken on an even more coercive form. And this was concentrated in the eastern end of the Bengal province, which is in modern day Bangladesh so I'm going to return to Cox's bizarre as I started this presentation with. So, these women in the labor corn Cox's bizarre worked in aerodromes in jetty building in road construction, loading and unloading, and all other kinds of manual labor that were considered unskilled by day. But they worked as sex workers by night. As a Communist Party activist reported in his report on his visitor Cox's bizarre. The contractors wanted women for the military and the women wanted cash for food. He also interviewed a 10 year old boy Suleiman who said, two truckloads of women go to work from our village. In the night, sahibs come to the contractors house I saw all sorts of women going there. And quote. So there were three main routes by which women ended up in the car. The first was those who were in extreme economic distress and had lost their livelihoods, or had been abandoned by their families. But the second route appears to have been the most prime are the most prominent one, which was true trafficking. So the selling of girls appears to have become a relatively common phenomenon at the time, because there were multiple reports about agents supplying the military with girls age 12 and older. The girls were then taken by boat to centers near the course to be sold prices range from between 10 anas and one rupee eight anas that would be at the time 1127 pence. In Borishal, for example, a Hindu woman sold her daughter to a Muslim for the unusually high price of 12 rupees. Newspapers reported about both loads of human cargo that was sold and intercepted, and once sold women were then drafted to various brothels. The Indian Self Defense League of the Mahila Atma Raksha, Samiti, which was a Communist Party relief organization has been quoted saying this practice is fully recognized and no effort at prevention is made by any person in authority. And quote. And the third group of laborers included recruits from the local population and in Cox's bizarre this included an Arachanese ethnic group of mugs. Rebecca was not a homogenous body of labor but it cleave together ethnic and religious groups through the unifying experience of displacement and destitution. And of course naturally there were informal methods of recruitment payment management and absence of regulation, since much of the management was done through military contractors, which meant that exploitation and discretionary policies were used prolifically. So on top of this already exploitative and punishing nature of work. There was also the ever present risk of sexual assault. So Saliman again was quoted saying if the women did not go to the soldiers the soldiers came to the women and forced them. And of course this was going to have a devastating impact on mental health, for instance. So let's return for a second to the girl that I began this presentation with the one who was sold for 500 rupees by her brother. The Communist Party activists had found her she had been sitting by the roadside crying bitterly and hurling abuses. And in the midst of her fragmented responses, one wonders whether she was really sold for 500 rupees when other women were being sold for even less than a rupee. But it is the military truck that emerges as a major site of her trauma in her responses to her interviewers. She says, you can never be sure what will happen in a truck.  And the interviewers describe her trembling and retreating within herself like a terrified bird when she saw them. There was a complex range of experiences of life in the core. And so there were some women who were able to reclaim their lives in some sense. And so it is the the story of 22 year old Cheheru that really come that really strikes me as very interesting. So she had lost a family who were agricultural laborers during the famine and epidemics and had to take to the streets where she eventually joined the labor core. Her youth and charm won the favors of the Sahibs very soon and she became a Magi or the head of a group of laborers, and after some time a small contractor. Now she did not work her job was to supply women to the labor core. That she sold her own body and made other women sell that chastity she became a pimp. She became powerful with the support of the Sahibs and started wearing high heel shoes and a wrist watch. She would move about with a stick in her hand she insulted anyone she liked. So it's Jafri in his report. By July 1945 the labor core had been shut down, but without providing for alternative employment opportunities for the women who were once again without livelihoods. What happened to the once again displaced women is unclear. There was no coordinated or centralized relief strategies, and many of them found themselves homeless once again. So just to conclude my presentation, none of the distressing outcomes described above were inevitable. The labor cost signals and intentionally unregulated wartime labor regime that was characterized by growing coercion and was aided by the colonial states willingness to turn a blind eye. Some of my other research looks at women who worked in coal mines, battling famine and inflation where they were cost and discipline through the threat of starvation. But I argue that women in their own right lost their own livelihoods and their own sources of income. Many of them were sold by their families or trafficked into sex work. Even then they were not simply passive victims but they actively looked for strategies to survive and make do while facing exploitative conditions, whether it was through relief kitchens charity working in coal mines manual labor sex work, or several of these combined. Even though they bore a disproportionate burden of an increasingly extractive and command based economy with the colonial state that had basically failed them they were women at the frontline in the battle for survival. Thank you. Thank you will be for that wonderful presentation. And giving us a starting us off with that historic perspective. And I do I'd like to invite Amrita Dasupta for her more contemporary presentation. Before I start my presentation, I would like to thank South Asian regional committee for inviting me for the panel. I would also like to thank Dr. Chatterjee and we for being part of it. I would like to thank Dr. Wanda for bringing us all together. So I just share my screen first. Because I find it very related to the to the presentation that I'm going to get. She said she quoted rather my body costs 500 rupees would go torture my brother in his grave for selling the sister. My job by addressing the social socio economic and religious deprivations caused by climate crisis in the age of Anthropocene, which has stopped the strategy quoted from Novosel. Left women with no choice in the Sundar months was only mangrove title and struggling between India and Bangladesh was in news very recently you into its devastation by the super cycle. It even sparked an unresolved debate hinged on the fact that the removal of humans from Sundar once should save the mangrove school got this first line of environmental defense, regarding which two points had been highlighted. Government led evacuations can lead to violence and murderous situations like the more each happy massacre. But the government forcibly evicted hundreds of the more he would tell it refugees from the more each happy island, citing the illegal occupation of the protected reserve forest land. Second planned retreat might reduce the effect of the escalating water levels on the islands, but might not allow the islanders to live behind the burdens of social economic marginalization, and the migrants have subsequently peace a continued denial of basic services. Nonetheless, the climatic vulnerability of living in Sundar funds is shown to be is historical is historically evident as is reflected by Reynolds map of the 1771, where all the solar bonds is shown to be depopulated by the months. Though rental attributes the reason of depopulation to the repeated exploitation by the marks in the solar ones historians and sociologists employing the. And the upgrade reassert selecting the bengal district as it here on the 24 partners by SSO value as evidence postulates that the ravages was by the tropical side flow in the area in 1582 1584 1686. 1739 has had been at the heart of this migratory phenomena resolved the resulting depopulation of Sundar. The climatic catastrophes continue to multiply in the after party and we are the potential to render the islanders as climate exams, climate exams are those who are forced to move from their homes going to severe environmental conditions. The women of Sunderbans face to faceted in one climatic and another societal or religious both are intrinsically related. The escalation of sea levels renders the land water divides a little thereby forcing the humans and non humans of the area into a direct direct today's presentation aims to use ethnographic data photographs. We have used an archival material in the form of news reports to study the impact of climate and religion in comparing the female islanders to migrate in search of better living conditions, or be trafficked into sex work. In so doing the people shall attempt to build an answer towards how these women identify themselves at the traffic trimmings animal attack widows sex workers or climate exercise. It is also imperative to evaluate if certain identities overlap. If yes, how the Sundar months witness and overlap between the animal inhabited forests and the cleared lands of human habitation. It is a common practice in the land of the ebb and flow to enter the forest on a quotidian basis and search for two backs honey fruits, the stocks of which are sold in the market to earn a little. The repeated intrusion of the humans into the forest increases the probability of animal attacks to eat up though the tiger is the most famous here. The animals that are equally feared are the snakes and the crocodiles. So much so that the dead rituals of those who have lost their lives to the tiger attack was different from those that who lost their lives to the crocodile attacks a snake bite. Tiger attack dead bodies are either never recovered from the site or buried denied a Hindu fire. The snake bite dead bodies are set afloat on a bamboo raft. However, such practices are obscure now to the extent that they seem mythological. The level of ostracization is also different for widows who lose their husbands to the tiger attack, compared to lose their husbands to other animal attacks. This exhibits the cultural hegemony of the bone baby cult and the larger typing. In the drama the miracles of bone baby nor it's the birth and life of bone baby, which is also translatable into English as the mistress of the forest, and her brother. Abandoned at birth and it's the forest raised by a deer as her own baby was only united with her family and twin brother at an adult age. And her own conscience drawn upon her parents for having forsaken her own to some preference. Soon after the reunion bone baby and she was instructed by Allah to visit the land of the ebb and flow to settle the conflict between the shape shifting sage token drive, the commander of the Tigers and the Islanders. The token drive was known to attack and kill anyone who claimed resources from this forest to resolve the inequality bone baby alongside her brother rage long wars against Mariah, the king rise mother, who had ultimately surrendered herself drawing a truce by calling bone baby her soul, meaning soul system. However, the breed of Donna and Mona to local businessmen from a nearby village resulted in the ultimate end of the rule of the book. Donna and Mona in return of the resources garnet from rise for a snap back then if you do pay as a means of sacrifice to case out refuge under the wings of my bone. Another war and shoot and concluded in the final defeat of right. This propelled only be to divide to land between the humans and the non humans. She also decreed that she would never save any of those from tiger attacks who shall accumulate forest resources out of freedom. Thus began the superstitions around tiger attacks being elements, irrespective of the religious inclinations of those attack attack, only to be avoided by the penitence of an observance of austerity by the wife's back home. This presence and dictates supersedes the other parts and goddesses of the region. She's the goddess of both the Muslims and Hindus of the Sunderbans. Following the Hindu rhythmic chance that is the door for the poor. The book reads according to the Arabic script that is from left to right. The idea primary stems from the belief that my bone baby, though the overseer of all irrespective of the animals she's under human occupation. I don't say and doing in relation to the tigers only and not the snake or the crocodiles. As the burden of the Swami Pedro, which means husband eater, a slur is shouldered by Tiger widows only. However, the myth has found historical prominence in line with the creation of the cultivable lands and building of the agricultural frontier in the lower delta. During my year long field work at the Bali Island and do the village of the Sunderbans in the year 2016 and 17. The hand in glove relation of the climate crisis tiger attack ostracization and trafficking became evident. I had interviewed more than 50 tiger widows in both the villages and most of them and use the island cyclonic storm, which has happened in the 2009 as the point of reference. They had lost their sense of time or have had built their sense of time and chronology from that time. Obviously, I have changed her name of Dulki, who lost her husband, Poritosh Mandu on March 20, 2017 near Pidbanj centered her entire narrative around the overlapping land water for land forest divide, escalated by the 2009 cycle, which made it easier for the Tigers to swim across the river and come into the villages from the forest. Her main point being that the climatic onslaught has made the human inhabited lands more accessible to the Tigers from the forest. Another tiger widow, whom I would like to call Shubhashi Das, she lost her husband to the tiger attack some 20 years ago, but her neighbors tell it was just after I love the Shubhashi's husband never returned home from the delta. The two other aspects which joined the line of my argument was when I asked a group of tiger widows and a tiger widow to pose for me standing on the boat. The tiger widows had protested. They told me they cannot access the boat. Only the tiger widow or can as he was a man. The reason they gave me was entirely rooted in the religious dictates of the delta. They told me we are tiger widows, not any other widow. We are ill omens. We have lost our right to access the boat of occupation. Our sons feed us if we have any. If not, we live by begging. We will stand on the ground. Let him stand on the boat. Take our picture like this. But if any of this women were skilled in fishing, they were now inevitably kept away from it by denying them access to the boat, and thus denying them a rightful access to livelihood. Thereby making this women more vulnerable to fall promises of housemaid jobs in the city and to being coerced into the nexus of trafficking in humans. The early rise, early rise of the women trafficked from the Sundarbans to Sronagar, Tiesha's most famous Brooklyn in Polkata, West Bengal, after any cyclonic storm or due to lack of occupation for this women in the lower delta in Bengal, A news report by HuffPost titled between the Dead Sea and Living Hell dated July 1, 2016 reports around 7000 people work in the district and 600 to 700 workers joined in the industry that is the red light industry annually. According to Dr. Shama Jichana and Epitomologist who works with Nubar Mahila Shamanal committee, a collective that fights for the right of the sex workers during the year says that during the year I'll ahead that is 2009 there was a 20 to 25 increase, 20 to 25% increase in the number of sex workers moving to the red light district from Fulham. Many of this women interview is referred to themselves as Pasha Manj, which translated to fall flooded women, but what intrigued me more was how did this women identify themselves. The connect of this women with water and land emotional dynamics is again underlined by using the phrase Pasha Manj. Pasha Manj is not only used in relation to climate crisis the escalation of the water levels and so their buns, but also in relation to the conventional usage of the Bengali term Pasha Dilo which means flooded me, which essentially translates into abandonment, a similar emotion noted by the inhabitants of the land and by the nation, family, and even the Almighty. So I end my presentation here. Thank you Amrita for that wonderful presentation. I would now like to invite Dr. Chatterjee for her presentation. Thank you so much Dr. Gautam and thank you so much Amrita and Uwe for those wonderful and very powerful presentations. I will not take much time and directly go to go to my very brief presentation so that we have some time for discussion. So, I'll share my slide. It's my, it's my slide visible. Not yet. You can click share screen and then choose the screen, but the presentation has to be open first. That's true what happened suddenly. Dr. Chatterjee I think you need to open the presentation in the background. It's already open. It's already open. And then share screen. It's already open that's the thing. Because that time I did share so it was already open now I can find it. I don't know okay. Don't worry take your time. Maybe I will open. Open my slide so and that time I did not close it when I shared last time. So perhaps you can see it perhaps you can see at the bottom of your screen if there's a symbol with P that's PowerPoint. Towards your left perhaps. Yeah, I think now now. You can see. No we can't see your slide we can see your screen but we can't see your slides. What's open is your basically your web browser. I don't know how to solve this now if I if I perhaps Dr. Chatterjee you might want to mail mail them to me. Yeah, and I can I can share it for you. Okay. Oh, found it. Yes. Right moment. Is it visible now. Yes. Yes. So my, my own work researcher focused on illegal organ trade in India. So very briefly why why there is a market in organ trade because there is a demand and supply gap in organs. And especially the trade is mainly in kidneys because we have a spare part which we can. And as we know we can also buy one kidney and donate the other kidney. And because this worldwide, there is a large increase in cases of end stage kidney disease internal disease and there is a great demand of kidney transplantation, which the supply side was not able to keep up with. And so to meet the gap between demand and supply so there is a black market in organs which which emerged in after we have successful after we are able to establish good transplant services in our country and everywhere in the world. So, but there is a so very briefly you can see my slide that there is. I'm focusing on India there are concurrently there. There are cases of trading organs. There was in 1980 there was a legal market in organs initially that women would woman and men will sell kidneys and for nominal cost and patients all over the world will come to India for a transplant. So Indian government, but then there were a lot of exploitation of the organ sellers that sometimes they will not be paid. Sometimes in absence of the knowledge organs will be taken so Indian government banned the sale of organs. But then banning the sale of organs did not stop the cases of kidney disease to rise.  And as you can see there are in 2003 for constantly there are the media reported cases of illegal trading organs. And but what I want to focus today that there is a gender dimension. There's a gender dimension this trading organs. So she for Hughes was conducted the study in 12 countries. She found that that woman are really the receiver of organs. They're mainly donors woman donate and men receive. So especially in poorer countries like India families are impoverished woman would encourage or sometimes course woman to sell their kidneys and to avoid any risk to the husbands so it's mainly women so when I go to my two case studies very brief so I interviewed these two kidney sellers in the southern part of India. And so she was a woman. Why she sold her kidney because her husband took a lot of borrowed a lot of money from the local money buyer took took our auto rickshaw but somehow that business did not was not successful. So she the husband incurred a lot of debt and the money lender was after the life of the husband. And also the around that time the woman told me that her daughter's marriage was impending so the family needed a lot of money. So what what she did. She was the savior kind of she said she sold her kidney to get them out of money. And with that money and they paid back the money lender and also did a daughter marriage. So for the time being their family was safe from the financial crisis. Similarly another woman. She sold her she saved her family from being homeless. They could not pay the rent and so their family was in the on the barge of being evicted from the home. So she sold her kidney. But what you can see from the narratives of these two women. They both say that I regret selling my kidneys. But that time they did not have any choice. Again a choiceless situation as I will call UV and Amrita reduced to a choiceless situation and both these women had to step up to sacrifice their organ and save their family from diet financial crisis. But so when I interviewed this woman it was there was some it was some yes to so 2007 the first woman my of course the name St. Maya said so long and Seema even before when the organ when the organ market was legal in the 1980s. So but both of them explained that their family is still in huge financial crisis. So they were they were saying that I regret and I even stop others to sell kidneys because they don't do any good to our financial situation we are still at the same stage of financial crisis but minus an organ minus organ and we can't even go back to a same state of physical activity. So the criticism is the conclusion is that these organ sellers they will sell kidney to save their family from a huge financial crisis but in long term they do not do any benefit to their financial situation of the family. Rather their capacity to earn decreases so socio economically and also there's a stigma attached to it that you have sold kidney. So, and it is not look at very good life from the society, but still in a dire situation financial crisis they resorted to selling their kidney. But you but one thing to observe that you will that Maya the for the woman who her husband incurred the debt from the money lender but she sells the kidney not the husband. So that is so what I want to focus is there's a gender dimension to this kidney thread. So whether it is a whether it is a paid paid kidney cell or someone from a family would like like to save a dear ones life to save the family member that is that is a gender dimension so woman all over the world will tend to donate organs or cell organs more into portion than men. So as I as I would argue that all choices are made in a specific social cultural context. So why women are selling kidneys or donating more kidneys organs all over the world. And it's more specifically in a gender divisive society like India because in a patriarchal society like India may not consider the main breadwinners. So their health are supposed to preserve. So if they should not sell their kidney and fake the health, they don't should be preserved. And the studies say because women have the kind of obligation to save the family member from suffering. So they are tend to do the sacrifice more. But there are also coercion here plays a big role in some families were because the woman in where the woman have low bargaining power. They are more marginalized in their power hierarchy in a family. They are in a coercive situation. If they don't sell a kidney that they may not be able to survive in a family. They may not be surviving a marriage. So there is also coercion which so it is several cases a course choice. And it is similarly in Bangladesh. We have observed that the woman they're not able to pay payback to the for to the micro credit they have taken loans. They're selling kidneys to pay back the loans. So there are also in a case the woman because huge state and not able to pay back the loan and the husbands was giving a divorce to purchase our dignity and security in the Marital household she says a kidney. So it's again several cases a matter of survival and a course choice. Thank you. I will not elaborate more and I will open the floor for discussion. Thank you, Dr. Chatterjee for that wonderful presentation. I would invite everyone to put their questions in the Q&A. But I would like to just start us off with perhaps a question each to our three wonderful speakers. My presentation was particularly fascinating for me because the student of history, a lot resonated with my own work. My question to you is that, you know, this reminded me quite a bit about the comfort woman that we all hear about in the context of the Far East in the Second World War and the Japanese use of comfort women. You know, my question is a more theoretical question that is there something about military and war, which kind of requires this kind of supply of women. And you know, we have heard of this kind of narratives. There's something that we haven't heard about the labor core as much in South Asia, but we have definitely heard of the comfort women, and also in Nazi Germany, such practices. But what about in the post-colonial scenario? And can there be a more theoretical argument be made about a military war and the need for, you know, women, a prostitution of women in such scenarios? Thank you for that question. And just before I answered, I wanted to thank Dr. Chatterjee and Amrita for their really powerful and thought provoking presentations. Thanks very much for those. And just, okay, so to answer your question, or well, not answer, attempt to answer, because huge question. I think in the case of what we see specifically in South Asia in the wake of the famine, I think it tells us a lot about the indispensability of people and which groups in the empire, for instance, were seen as more indispensable than others. So I think what there is, is there is a consistent effort at really pushing the boundaries of what kind of behaviors are tolerated and accepted, because what is happening at the labor core was at the time, fairly well known, you know, these articles were published in newspapers, these newspapers were circulated internationally. But a few things come into play there. One is, of course, this is a Communist Party organ, which is publicizing this. Secondly, at the time the story about the labor core leaves India, it's 1945. Okay, it's April to, by the time the articles are published, it's nearly June or July, so the war is really about to end. And the Western world is too jubilant after a point to really notice the havoc it has wreaked in the periphery of the empire here. So I think that is one of the reasons why that kind of gets lost, why that story ended up then being overshadowed by also huge displacements that happened within South Asia just a couple of years after that with 1947 and what happens there. So I think, yes, in that sense that there is a larger argument about that military and the need for the supply of women in that kind of, if I just have to put it very bluntly. But I think the colonial context makes it even more interesting because I think there is more license given to certain parts of the empire to really exploit people who are present. And I think that makes it a slightly more uncomfortable story. So yes, that was and the second I think you also asked about the post colonial scenario. And that is something I just do very quickly because I know we don't have a lot of time is that obviously this is these have huge intergenerational consequences. And it is very hard to pick up on how and what because these are women who are invisible in the historical record. And these are stories that we might need to be might not have interviews or things like that in terms of picking up but maybe there are larger labor force participation trends which continue to fall in Bengal which we can think about in the context of these changes that are happening in the 1940s. So thanks. My second question would be to America. It was very interesting to see that picture where the tiger would we do or is allowed to stand on the boat, whereas the woman or the widows are not. I was wondering, is there any particular ritual or are there any particular rituals, which kind of enforces this kind of patriarchy that the tiger widows are kind of expected to follow. Thank you for that question. Basically, more than the tiger widows, when this women are actually married and their husbands are alive. These rituals, they're expected to perform these rituals these rituals of austerity so that they would not wear bangles they would not put for a million on their on their forehead. They would not wear good clothes they would not eat good food while their husbands are out on the Delta or in the forest. So these rituals are not basically because as soon as you become a tiger we don't just like any other we don't do not. It seems like you have no other value in the family because maybe you will not be able to reproduce sense. So, so your value is gone. And more than that, in Sunderbans women have the society attaches to these married women, a kind of responsibility the responsibility to save their husbands like, like, like Sharda Mui, Dr Chatterjee was saying, you know the responsibilities on the women to save their men from the deaths that they have incurred. So, this responsibility is on the women to save their husbands from tiger attack by following rituals by praying to praying to Mahbun Vivian and the most prominent ritual I can actually remember is practicing austerity even before they have become widows themselves. Thank you. Thank you for that wonderful answer. And my final question would be to Dr Chatterjee. Interesting that you mentioned that women are supposed to be the ones giving up their organs, because they're not the primary breadwinners, but in a largely agrarian country like India. They are breadwinners in some ways. They perform huge agrarian labor.   You know, how does that affect the sort of breadwining activity of the entire household. Actually, I think we lost. Sorry. Yeah, we can hear you. Yes, you're right. But problem is about recognition. So, another another author Cohen, he studied 30 women who sold their kidneys. Then it's when they were asked why you sold their kidneys and not your husband, they gave the same same answer that oh no they have to work. But ironically these same women have gone back to work within two three days of after donate after giving up their kidneys. That's not a problem. It's not about actually they're not the breadwinner is about that recognition about recognition from the society recognition from themselves that they are also equally part equal participant in the in paid work in earning money. So, because of this prevalent notion that men have to be the breadwinner in the family, and they should be recognized that way so that. And also this perhaps it's also the sense of, as I said, they have they take the responsibility to relieve suffering that social norms. The choice is made in a specific socio cultural context is the social norms, which would drive this choice that know I have to save my family. But problem becomes when there is no other option as as as the as we say about choice as we say about in capability approach that will they have other alternative are they given enough options not to sell. If the husband come forward, then then that is a different cause the husbands are not willing to come forward, the men members of the family are not willing to come forward. So what happens all over the world, the in India that divide is even wider that it's always the mothers, sisters, wives, they are giving up their organs, not the fathers, brothers, or, or husbands. One of the medical professionals interviewed, she she said that when husband is donating to his wife, she is doing a great job something heroic, but for the wife in our Indian so it's an obligation she has to, it's just taken for granted. So it's not actually in terms that they they're not contributing economically to the family it's that prevalent notion the social norms. So that is the biggest problem here so. Yes, when a mother is donating her kidney to the children yes she definitely has to save save the life and that motherly love and affection. And then in certain circumstances the wife has to perhaps she has to save our place in the family, especially those marginalized women who has not have but exit options, like, if not, if I don't sell my kidney driven to the situation I may be, I may be thrown out from the marital household in when it becomes a state of survival is a matter of survival it's a crisis situation so and no other alternative. So few things social norms exit options alternative the all these things altogether drive this choice. If I'm able to explain this now. Thank you. Thank you Dr. I think we have a few questions from our audience. The first question is by Asma will Hussna. I think the question is to Amrita referring to your presentation in the contemporary time. Are there any organizations or social initiatives who work in generating the employment for tiger widows as they are socially excluded is very natural that they might not be included in the workforce provided by the society of the state. Thank you for that question to be very true there are organizations. First is, there is a tiger widows association, where they bring together tiger widows, and they have purpose group discussions and they really do try to bring in NGOs so that these tiger widows or other other animal attack widows or widows widows in general. So I get some sort of occupation like stitching mostly stitching that I have heard of and similar kind of activities is also done by the Christian aid, but somehow this trafficking nexus trafficking in human nexus in the area is so independent in in brainwashing women to you know, to travel to the city by by by the means of believing in false promises of finding housing housemates job in the city that is for the not that everyone is given false promises. And what I believe where these organizations are failing is they are unable to create enough awareness about what is happening. Somehow there is this understanding among this women that if if if they out of their will take up a sex work in Chonagachi or other brothels, they will be allowed to send back home some money and this money would be along some amount which is which is more than what they will earn by doing stitching work. Thank you. We also have a question from Emilia Salazar, although she hasn't mentioned question is for whom but I believe it is for Dr. Chatterjee. Are there roles that NGOs can play in providing better options for women in families facing dire financial situations. Dr. Chatterjee would you like to answer that question. Well definitely. I when I was listening to Amrita I was I was thinking that, yes, for example, Durbar Mohaleh Shamiti which is a very active organization. I'm sure that must be providing very active support to the woman. And what I'm also interested how much they, if Amrita will also like to contribute in that how much they are providing alternative options to these women, other than sex work. And yes, when it comes to kidney trade, well, not so much not so much the third sector is working to on these aspects for helping these women but definitely there are other NGOs which are trying to promote organ donation, especially in India, which is 0.08 per million. So that the when when there is increased organ donation this black market trade. At least will be couldn't try at least will be reduced if there is enough organs in the market. If there are enough organs are supplied definitely in just a working increasing the organ organ donation rate, but because these kidney donations a kidney cell cells are they usually it's a black market if you remember so when unless these women will will will approach some organizations for help they will be not able to help. And because it's a mark black market of kidney which operates at a very clandestine level. So, at the NGOs are not helping at as far as I know not helping at this level but definitely and promoting organ donation. And then, and definitely there are several organizations in Calcutta which must be which are working, which are helping on traffic women for example strong luck. You will be aware of Rita strong love, both working in India and Bangladesh, and do I want to let you meet the yes, and there are several programs like for alternative livelihood options. Yes. Thank you. Thank you. Do we have any more questions for our speakers. We still have a few more minutes. I believe someone had raised their hand. Yeah, yeah. Would you like to ask a question perhaps you can unmute yourself and ask a question. Yeah. Okay, I think we may have lost. So, if there are no more questions, I will move towards concluding our session for today. I'd like to thank the South Asian Regional Committee of Tufts and Tufts Global Leadership Institute for extending the help and support and making this happen. Personally, I would like to also extend my gratitude to a way Oma, Meera and of course, my, without whom none of this would be possible. I would like to also thank Dr. I'm sure the main strategy for sharing this session, and will be an amrita for being part of this time. Thank you so much. And we hope to see you for the next Sark program. Why, Oma, would you like to formally conclude the session. Thank you so much for joining us today and taking your time out to do this panel. My echo everything that I said, and yes, thank you.


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