Section 60 of A Book of American Explorers. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Betty B. A Book of American Explorers by Thomas Wentworth Higginson. Book 11, Part 12, First Buildings of the Virginia Colonists. This description was written by Smith in the last year of his life, 1631. When I first went to Virginia, I well remember we did hang an awning, which is an old sail, to three or four trees to shadow us from the sun. Our walls were rails of wood, our seats unhued trees, till we cut planks. Our pulp at a bar of wood nailed to two neighboring trees. In foul weather we shifted into an old rotten tent, for we had few better, and this came by the way of adventure for new. This was our church till we built a homely thing like a barn, set upon crotchets, covered with rafts, sedge, and earth. So was also the walls. The best of our houses were of the light curiosity, but the most part far much worse workmanship, that could neither well defend wind nor rain. Yet we had daily common prayer morning and evening, every Sunday two sermons, and every three months the Holy Communion, till our minister died. But our prayers daily, with an homely on Sundays, we continued two or three years after, till more preachers came. Notwithstanding, out of the relics of our miseries, time and experience had brought that country to a great happiness, had they not so much doded on their tobacco, on whose fumish foundation there is small stability, there being so many good commodities besides. End of section 60. Section 61 of A Book of American Explorers. This is a LibriVox recording. While LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Betty B. A Book of American Explorers by Thomas Wentworth Higginson. Book 11, Part 13. Captain Smith's recollections of his own life. Also written in the last year of his life, 1631. The wars in Europe, Asia, and Africa taught me how to subdue the wild savages in Virginia and New England in America.  Always in mutinies, wants and miseries, blown up with gunpowder, a long time prisoner among the French pirates from whom escaping in a little boat by myself and adrift all such a stormy winter night when their ships were split, more than a hundred thousand pound lost, we had taken at sea and most of them drowned upon the isle of Ray. Not far from whence I was driven on shore in my little boat, etc. and many a score of the worst of winter months lived in the fields yet to have lived near thirty-seven years in the midst of wars, pestilence, and famine by which many and hundred thousand have died about me and scarce five living of them went first with me to Virginia and see the fruits of my labors thus well begin to prosper. Though I have but my labor for my pains, have I not much reason both privately and publicly to acknowledge it and give God thanks, whose omnipotent power only delivered me to do the utmost of my best to make his name known in those remote parts of the world and his loving mercy to such a miserable sinner. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. This narrative is of great interest as showing the mode of early Indian warfare and the way in which the French at once modified it by teaching them the use of firearms. It also illustrates the way in which the French explored the interior of the country even before the English had colonized the coasts, thus giving rise to that dispute out of which grew the series of French and Indian wars. Samuel de Champlain first sailed for America in 1603 and was the founder and governor of Quebec. I left the rapid of the said river of the Iroquois on the 2nd of July 1609. All the savages began carrying their canoes, arms, and traps over land, about a league and a half, to avoid the current and force of the rapid. This was quickly affected. They immediately launched the canoes into the water, two men in each with their baggage, whilst one of the men went by land about a league and a half, which was the probable extent of said rapid, though not so violent as at the foot, except at some points where rocks obstructed the river, which is no more than three to four hundred paces wide. After the rapid was passed, though not without trouble, all the Indians who had gone by land over a pretty good road and level country, though covered with timber, re-embarked in their canoes. My men were also on land and eye on the water in a canoe. They reviewed all their force and found twenty-four canoes with sixty men. After having completed their review, we continued our journey as far as an island, three leagues long, covered with the finest pines I ever beheld. They hunted and caught some wild animals there. Passing thence about three leagues farther on, we camped in order to rest for the night. Fourth with some began to cut down timber, others to pull off bark to cover lodges to shelter them, others to fell large trees, with which to barricade their lodges on the shore. They know so well how to construct these barricades that five hundred of their enemies would find considerable difficulty enforcing them, in less than two hours, without great loss. They do not fortify the side of the river along which their canoes are ranged, so as to be able to embark should occasion require. After they had camped, they dispatched three canoes with nine good men, as is their custom at all their encampments, to reconnoiter within two or three leagues if they see anything, after which they retire. They depended the whole night on the exploration of the vanguard, which is a bad habit of theirs, for sometimes their enemies surprise them asleep and kill them, without their having an opportunity of recovering their feet to defend themselves. Remarking that, I remonstrated with them against the error they committed, told them to watch, as they saw us do, all night, and to have outposts to spy and see if they could perceive anything, and not to live in that style like cattle. They told me they couldn't watch, and that they labored all-day hunting. So that when they go to war they divide their force into three, to wit one party, scattered in diverse places, hunting, another forms the main body, which is always under arms, and another party as a vanguard to scout along the river, and see whether they will not discover some trail or mark indicating the passage of friends or enemies. This they ascertain by certain marks the chiefs of one nation give to those of another, which are not always alike, notifying each other from time to time when they alter any. By this means they recognize whether those who have passed are friends or enemies. The hunters never hunt in advance of the main body or the scouts, so as not to create any alarm or disorder, but in the rear, and in the direction where they do not apprehend enemies. They thus continue until they are two or three days' journey from the foe, when they advance stealthily by night, all in a body, except the scouts, and retire by day into the picket fort where they repose without wandering abroad, making any noise or building a fire even for cooking during that time, so as not to be discovered should their enemies happen to pass. The only fire they make is to smoke. They eat dried Indian meal which they steep in water like porridge. They prepare this meal for use when they are pinched, and when they are near the enemy or when retreating. After these attacks, they do not amuse themselves hunting, retreating precipitately. We left next day continuing our route along the river as far as the lake. Here are a number of beautiful but low islands, filled with very fine woods and prairies, a quantity of game and wild animals, such as stags, deer, fawns, robux, bears, and other sorts of animals that come from the mainland to the set islands. We caught a quantity of them. There is also quite a number of beavers, as well in the river as in several other streams which fall into it. These parts, though agreeable, are not inhabited by any Indians in consequence of their wars. They retire from the rivers as far as possible, deep into the country, in order not to be so soon discovered. Next day we entered the lake, which is of considerable extent some fifty or sixty leagues, where I saw four beautiful islands, ten, twelve, and fifteen leagues in length, formerly inhabited, as well as the Iroquois river, by Indians, but abandoned since they have been at war the one with the other. Several rivers also discharge into the lake, surrounded by a number of fine trees similar to those we have in France, with a quantity of vines handsomer than any I ever saw, a great many chestnuts, and I had not yet seen, except the margin of the lake, where there is a larger abundance of fish of diverse species. Among the rest there is one called by the Indians of the country, Chaucerot, of diverse lengths. The largest I was informed by the people are of eight to ten feet. I saw one of five as thick as a thigh, with a head as big as two fists, with jaws two feet and a half long, and a double set of very sharp and dangerous teeth. The form of the body resembles that of the pike, and it is armed with scales that the thrust of a poignard cannot pierce, and it is of a silver-gray color. The point of the snout is like that of a hog. This fish makes war on all others in the lakes and rivers, and possesses, as these people assure, a wonderful instinct, which is that when it wants to catch any birds, it goes among the rushes or reeds bordering the lake in many places, keeping the beak out of the water without budging, so that when birds perch on the beak, imagining it a limb of a tree, it is so subtle that closing the jaws which it keeps half open, it draws the birds under water by the feet. The Indians gave me a head of it, which they prize highly, saying, when they have a headache, they let blood with the teeth of this fish at the seat of the pain which immediately goes away. Continuing our route along the west side of the lake, contemplating the country, I saw on the east side very high mountains capped with snow. I asked the Indians if those parts were inhabited. They answered me yes, and that they were Iroquois, and that there were in those parts beautiful valleys, and fields fertile in corn as good as I had ever eaten in the country, with an infinitude of other fruits, and that the lake extended close to the mountains, which were, according to my judgment, fifteen leagues from us. I saw others to the south not less high than the former, only that they were without snow. The Indians told me it was there we were to go to meet their enemies, and that they were thickly inhabited, and that we must pass by a waterfall, which I afterwards saw, and thence enter another lake, three or four leagues long. And having arrived at its head, there were four leagues overland to be traveled to pass to a river, which flows towards the coast of the Almachoucoy, tending towards that of the Almachoucoy. And they were only two days going there in their canoes, as I understood since from some prisoners we took, who by means of some Algonquin interpreters, who were acquainted with the Iroquois language, conversed freely with me about all they had noticed. Now on coming within about two or three days' journey of the enemy's quarters, we traveled only by night, and rested by day. Nevertheless, they never admitted their usual superstitions to ascertain whether their enterprise would be successful, and often asked me whether I had dreamed and seen their enemies. I answered no, and encouraged them, and gave them good hopes. Night fell, and we continued our journey until morning, when we withdrew into the picket fort to pass the remainder of the day there. About ten or eleven o'clock I lay down, after having walked some time around our quarters, and falling asleep I thought I beheld our enemies, the Iroquois, drowning within sight of us in the lake near a mountain. And being desirous to save them, that our savage allies told me that I must let them all perish as they were good for nothing. On awaking they did not omit, as usual, to ask me if I had any dream. I did tell them in fact what I had dreamed. It gained such credit among them that they no longer doubted but that they should meet with success. At nightfall we embarked in our canoes to continue our journey, and as we advanced very softly and noiselessly, we encountered a war-party of Iroquois on the twenty-ninth of the month, about ten o'clock at night, at the point of a cape which juts into the lake on the west side. They and we began to shout, each seizing his arms. We withdrew towards the water, and the Iroquois repaired on shore, and arranged all their canoes, the one beside the other, and began to hew down trees with villainous axes which they sometimes got in war, and other of stone, and fortified themselves very securely. Our party likewise kept their canoes arranged, the one alongside the other, tied to poles so as not to run adrift, in order to fight all together should need be. We were on the water about an arrow-shot from their barricades. When they were armed and in order they sent two canoes from the fleet to know if their enemies wished to fight, who answered they desired nothing else, but that just then there was not much light, and that we must wait for day to distinguish each other, and that they would give us battle at sunrise. This was agreed to by our party. Meanwhile the whole night was spent in dancing and singing, as well on one side as on the other, mingled with an infinitude of insults and other taunts, such as the little courage they had, how powerless their resistance against their arms, and that when day would break they should experience this to their ruin. Ours likewise did not fail in repartee, telling they should witness the effect of arms they had never seen before, and a multitude of other speeches, as is usual at a siege of a town. After the one and the other had sung, danced, and parliamented enough, day broke. My companions and I were always concealed, for fear the enemy should see us preparing our arms the best we could, being however separated, each in one of the canoes belonging to the savage montagneurs. After being equipped with light armor, we took each an archibus, and went ashore. I saw the enemy leave their barricade. They were about two hundred men of strong and robust appearance, who were coming slowly towards us with a gravity and assurance which greatly pleased me, led on by three chiefs. Ours were marching in similar order, and told me that those who bore three lofty plumes were the chiefs, and that there were but these three, and they were to be recognized by those plumes, which were considerably larger than those of their companions, and that I must do all I could to kill them. I promised to do what I could, and that I was very sorry they could not clearly understand me, so as to give them the order and plan of attacking their enemies, as we should indubitably defeat them all. But there was no help for that, that I was very glad to encourage them, and to manifest them to my good will when we should be engaged. The moment we landed, they began to run about two hundred paces towards their enemies, who stood firm, and had not yet perceived my companions, who went into the bush with some savages. Ours commenced calling me in a loud voice, and making way for me opened in two, and placed me at their head, marching about twenty paces in advance, until I was within thirty paces of the enemy. The moment they saw me they halted, gazing at me, and eye at them. When I saw them preparing to shoot at us, I raised my archibuce, and aiming directly at one of the three chiefs, two of them fell to the ground by this shot, and one of their companions received a wound of which he died afterwards.  Ours, on witnessing a shot so favourable for them, set up such tremendous shouts that thunder could not have been heard, and yet there was no lack of arrows on one side and the other. The Iroquois were greatly astonished, seeing two men killed so instantaneously, notwithstanding they were provided with arrow-proof armour, woven of cotton thread and wood. This frightened them very much. Whilst I was reloading, one of my companions in the bush fired a shot, which so astonished them anew, seeing their chief slain, that they lost courage, took to flight, and abandoned the field and their fort, hiding themselves in the depths of the forest, wither pursuing them, I killed some others. Our savages also killed several of them, and took ten or twelve prisoners. The rest carried off the wounded. Fifteen or sixteen of ours were wounded by arrows, they were promptly cured. After having gained the victory, they amused themselves plundering Indian corn and meal from the enemy, also their arms which they had thrown away in order to run better. After having feasted, danced, and sung, we returned three hours afterwards with the prisoners. The place where this battle was fought is forty-three degrees some minutes latitude, and I named it Lake Champlain. End of section sixty-two, recording by Dwayne DeSalvo. Section sixty-three of a Book of American Explorers. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. The Book of American Explorers by Thomas Wentworth Hickinson. Book thirteen, Henry Hudson and the New Netherlands. AD 1609 through 1626. Part one, Discovery of the Hudson River. The extracts relating to Henry Hudson are reprinted from a very valuable book containing many original documents in regard to him, and entitled Henry Hudson the Navigator. The original documents in which his career is recorded. With an introduction by G. M. Asher, L. L. D., London Hack Luke Society, 1859. Pages seventy-seven through ninety-three. One hundred and seventy-four through one seventy-nine. Also one seventeen through one twenty-three. The same narratives may be found in Purchase Pilgrims, volume three. There is a Life of Henry Hudson by Henry R. Cleveland in Sparks American Biography, volume ten. Broadhead's History of New York and O'Callaghan's History of New Netherlands also contains much information concerning him. To show the result of Hudson's discoveries, I give also a series of extracts from early Dutch Chronicles, describing in quite language the first founding of the New Netherlands. It is translated from Wassernaz, Historie van Europa, Amsterdam sixteen twenty-one through sixteen thirty-two, and is taken from O'Callaghan's Documentary History of the State of New York, volume three. Pages twenty-seven and twenty-eight and forty-two through forty-four. Henry Hudson and the New Netherlands, part one. Discovery of the Hudson River. Hudson sailed from Amsterdam on his third voyage, March twenty-fifth, 1609. These extracts are from the diary of Robert Jewett, one of his men, beginning on the day when they saw Sandy Hook at the entrance of what is now New York Harbor, September second, 1609. Then the sun arose and we steered away north again and saw the land from the west by north to the northwest by north, all like broken islands, and our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms. Then we laughed in for the shore, and fair by the shore we had seven fathoms. The course along the land we found to be northeast by north, from the land which we had first sight of, until we came to a great lake of water, as we could judge it to be, being drowned land, which made it to rise like islands, which was in length ten leagues. The mouth of that land hath many shoals, and the sea breaketh on them, as is cast out of the mouth of it, and from that lake or bay the land lieth north by east, and we had a great stream out of the bay, and from thence our sounding was ten fathoms, two leagues from the land. The third, September, the morning misty until ten of the clock, then it cleared, and the wind came to the south-south-east, so we wade and stood to the northward. The land is very pleasant and high, and bold to fall with all. At three of the clock in the afternoon would came to three great rivers, so we stood along to the northernmost, thinking to have gone into it, but we found it to have a very shoal bar before it, for we had but ten foot water. Then we cast about to the southward, found two fathoms, three fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came to the southern side of them. Then we had five and six fathoms, and anchored. So we sat in our boat to sound, and they found no less water than four, five, six, and seven fathoms, and returned in an hour and a half. So we wade and went in, and rode in five fathoms, ooze, ground, and saw salmon, and mullets, and rays, very great. The height is forty degrees, thirty minutes. The fourth, in the morning, as soon as the day was light, we saw that it was good riding farther up. So we sent our boat to sound, and found that it was a very good harbor, and four and five fathoms, two cables, length from the shore. Then we wade and went in with our ship. Then our boat went on land with our net to fish, and caught ten great mullets of a foot and a half long apiece, and a ray as great as four men could haul into the ship. So we trimmed our boat, and rode still all day. At night the wind blew hard at the northwest, and our anchor came home. And we drove on shore, but took no hurt, thanks to be God, for the ground is soft sand and ooze. This day the people of the country came aboard of us, seeming very glad of our coming, and brought green tobacco, and gave us it for knives and beads. They go in deer skins, loose, well dressed. They have yellow copper. They desire clothes in our very civil. They have great stores of maize or Indian wheat, whereof they make good bread. The country is full of great and tall oaks. The fifth in the morning. As soon as the day was light, the wind ceased in the flood came. So we heaved off our ship again into five fathoms water, and sent her boat to sound the bay. And we found that there was three fathoms depth hard by the southern shore. Our men went on land there, and saw a great store of men, women, and children, who gave them tobacco, that they're coming on land. So they went up into the woods, and saw a great store of very goodly oaks, and some currents. For one of them came aboard, and brought some dried, and gave me some, which were sweet and good. This day many of the people came aboard, some in mantles of feathers, and some in skins of divers sorts of good furs. Some women also came to us with hemp. They had red copper tobacco pipes, and other things of copper they did wear about their necks. At night they went on land again, so we rode very quiet, but Durst not trust them. The sixth in the morning was fair weather, and our master sent John Coleman with four other men in our boat over to the north side to sound the other river, being four leagues from us. They found by the way shoal water, two fathoms, but at the north the river eighteen and twenty fathoms, and very good riding for ships, and a narrow river to the westward between two islands. The lands they told us were as pleasant with grass and flowers, and goodly trees as ever they had seen, and very sweet smells came from them. So we went in two leagues and saw an open sea in return, and as they came back they were set upon by two canoes, the one having twelve, the other fourteen men. The night came on, and it began to rain, so that their match went out, and they had one man slain in the fight, which was an Englishman named John Coleman, with an arrow shot into his throat and two more hurt. It grew so dark that they could not find the ship that night, but labored to and fro on their oars. They had so great a stream that their grapnel would not hold them. The seventh was fair, and by ten o'clock they returned aboard the ship and brought our dead men with them, whom we carried on land and buried, and named the point after his name, Coleman's point. Then we hoisted in our boat and raised her side with wasteboards for defense of our men, so we rode still all night, having good regard to our watch. The eighth was very fair weather, we rode still very quietly. The people came aboard us and brought tobacco and Indian wheat to exchange for knives and beads, and offered us no violence. So we, fitting up our boat, did mark them to see if they would make any show of the death of our man, which they did not. The ninth, fair weather. In the morning two great canoes came aboard, full of men, the one with their bows and arrows, and the other in showing a by of knives to betray us. But we perceived their intent. We took two of them to have kept them and put red coats on them, it would not suffer the other to come near us, so they went on land. And two other came aboard in a canoe. We took the one and let the other go, but he which we had taken got up and leaped overboard. Then we wade and went off into the channel of the river and anchored there all night. The twelfth, very fair and hot. In the afternoon at two o'clock we wade, the wind being variable between the north and northwest. So we turned into the river, two leagues and anchored. This morning at our first ride in the river there came eight and twenty canoes full of men, women and children to betray us. But we saw their intent and suffered none of them to come aboard of us. At twelve o'clock they departed. They brought with them oysters and beans, whereof we bought some. They have great tobacco pipes of yellow copper and pots of earth to dress their meat in. The fifteenth in the morning was misty until the sun arose, then it cleared. So we waved with the wind at south and ran up into the river twenty leagues, passing by high mountains. We had a very good depth, a six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve and thirteen fathoms in great store of summons in the river. This morning our two savages got out of a port and swam away. After we were under sail they called to us and scorned. At night we came to other mountains which lie from the river side. There we found very loving people and very old men where we were well used. Our boat went to fish and caught great store of very good fish. The twentieth in the morning was fair weather. Our master's mate with four men more went up with our boat to sound the river, and found two leagues above us, but two fathoms water in the channel very narrow, and above that place seven or eight fathoms. Toward night they returned and we rode still at night. The one in twentieth was fair weather and the wind all southerly. We determined yet once more to go further up the river to try what depth and breadth it did bear. But much people resorted aboard so we went not this day. Our carpenter went on land and made a four-yard and our master and his mate determined to try some of the chief men of the country whether they had any treachery in them. So they took them down into the cabin and gave them so much wine and aquavite that they were all merry. And one of them had his wife with him which sat so modestly as any of our country woman would do in a strange place. In the end one of them was drunk which had been aboard our ship all the time that we had been there, and that was strange to them. They could not tell how to take it. The canoes and folk went all on shore, but some of them came again and brought drops of beads, some at six, seven, eight, nine, ten, and gave him so we slept all night quietly. The two and twentieth was fair weather and the morning our masters mate and four more of the company went up with our boat to sound the river higher up. The people of the country came not aboard till noon but when they came and saw the savage as well they were glad. So at three of the clock in the afternoon they came aboard and brought tobacco and more beads and gave them to a master and made an oration and showed him all the country round about. Then they sent one of their company on land who presently returned and brought a great platter full of venison dressed by themselves, and they caused him to eat with them. Then they made him reverence and departed all save the old man that lay aboard. That night at ten o'clock our boat returned in a shower of rain from sounding of the river and found it to be an end for shipping to go in, for they had brought up eight or nine leagues and found but seven foot water in inconstant soundings. The four and twentieth was fair weather, the wind at the northwest. We wade anchor and went down the river seven or eight leagues and at half ebb we came aground on a bank of ooze in the middle of the river and sat there till the flood. Then we went on land and gathered good store of chestnuts. At ten o'clock we came off into deep water and anchored. The sixth and twentieth was fair weather and the wind at south a stiff gale. We rode still. In the morning our carpenter went on land with our masters mate and four more of our company to cut wood. This morning two canoes came up the river from the place where we first found loving people and in one of them was the old man that had laid aboard of us at the other place. He brought another old man with him, which brought more straps of beads and gave them to our master and showed him all the country there about as though it were at his command. So he made the two old men dine with him and the old man's wife for they brought two old women and two young maidens of the age of sixteen or seventeen years with them who behaved themselves very modestly. Our masters gave one of the old men a knife and they gave him and us tobacco. And at one of the clock they departed down the river making signs that we should come down to them for we were within two leagues of the place where they dwelt. The first of October fair weather the wind variable between the west and the north. In the morning we wade at seven of the clock with the ebb and got down below the mountains which was seven leagues. Then it fell calm and the flood was come and we anchored at twelve o'clock. The people of the mountains came aboard us wondering at our ship and weapons. We bought some small skins of them for trifles. This afternoon one canoe kept hanging under our stern with one man in it which we could not keep from thence who got up by our rudder to the cabin window and stole out my pillow two shirts and two bandoliers. Our masters mate shot at him and struck him on the breast and killed him. Whereupon all the rest fled away some in their canoes and so leaped out of them into the water. We manned our boat and got our things again. Then one of them that swam got hold of our boat thinking to overthrow it. But our cook took a sword and cut off one of his hands and he was drowned. By this time the ed was come and we wade and got down two leagues. By that time it was dark so we anchored in four fathoms water and rode well. The fourth was fair weather and the wind at north northwest we wade and came out of the river into which we had run so far. By twelve o'clock we were clear of all the inland. Then we took in our boat and set our mainsail and in spritz sail and top sails and steered away east south east and south east by east off into the main sea. We continued our course toward england without seeing any land by the way all the rest of this month of october and on the seventh day of november stilo nova being saturday by the grace of god we safely arrived at the range of dartmouth and devonshire in the year 1609 end of section 63 section 64 of a book of american explorers this is a libri vox recording all libri vox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit libri vox.org a book of american explorers by thomas wentworth higginson book 13 henry hudson and the new netherlands 1609 through 1626 part two indian traditions of hudson's arrival the following narrative was written in 1801 by reverend john heckewelder for many years a missionary among the indians the traditions haven't been told to him as he says 40 years earlier that is about 1761 a century and a half after the coming of hudson the following account of the first arrivals of europeans at new york island is verbatim as it was related to me by agid and respected delawares monzies and mahikani otherwise called mohicans mahikandos near 40 years ago it is copied from notes and manuscripts taken on the spot they say a long time ago when there was no such thing known to the indians as people with a white skin their expression some indians who had been out of fishing and where the sea widens despite at a great distance something remarkably large swimming or floating out of water and such as they had never seen before they immediately returning to the shore apprised their countrymen of what they had seen and pressed them to go out with them and discover what it might be these together hurried out and saw to their great surprise the phenomenon but could not agree what it might be some concluding it to be an uncommon large fish or other animal while others were of opinion it must be some very large house it was at length agreed among those who were spectators that as this phenomenon moved towards the land whether or not it was an animal or anything that had life in it it would be well to inform all the indians on the inhabited islands of what they had seen and put them on their guard accordingly they sent runners and watermen off to carry the news to their scattered chiefs that these might send off in every direction for the warriors to come in these arriving in numbers and themselves viewing the strange appearance and that it was actually moving towards them the entrance of the river or bay concluded it to be a large canoe or house in which the manito great or supreme being himself was that he probably was coming to visit them by this time the chiefs of the different tribes were assembled on york island and were deliberating on the manner they should receive their manito on his arrival every step had been taken to be well provided with plenty of meat for a sacrifice the women were required to prepare the best of victuals idols or images were examined and put in order and a great dance was supposed not only to be in agreeable entertainment for the manito but might with the addition of a sacrifice contribute toward appeasing him in case he was angry with him the conjures were also set to work to determine what the meaning of this phenomena was and what the result would be both to these and to the chiefs and wisemen of the nation men women and children were looking up for advice and protection between hope and fear and in confusion the dance commenced while in the situation fresh runners arrived declaring it a house of various colors and crowded with living creatures it now appears to be certain that it is the great manito bring in them some kind of game such as they had not seen before but other runners soon after arriving declared a large house of various colors full of people yet quite a different color than they the indians are of that they were also dressed in a different manner from them in that one in particular appeared altogether read which must be the manito himself they are soon hailed from the vessel though in a language they do not understand yet they shout or yell in their way many are for running off to the woods but are pressed by others to stay in order not to give offense to their visitors who could find them out and might destroy them the house or large canoe as some will have it stops in a smaller canoe comes ashore with a red man and some others in it some stay by this canoe to garden the chiefs and wisemen or counselors have composed a large circle onto which the red man with two others approach he salutes them with friendly countenance and they return the salute after their manner they are lost in admiration both as to the color of these whites as also to their manner of dress yet most as to the habit of him who wore the red clothes which shown was something they could not account for he must be the great manito supreme being they think but why should he have a white skin a large hawk hack is brought forward by one of the supposed manito's servants and from this a substance is poured out into a small cup or glass and hand it to the manito the expected manito drinks as the glass filled again and hands it to the chief next to him to drink the chief receives the glass but only smell of added and passes it on to the next chief who does the same the glass thus passes through the circle without its contents being tasted by anyone it is on the point of being returned again to the red cloth man when one of their numbers a spirit of man and great warrior jumps up harangs the assembly on the impropriety of returning the glass with the contents in it that the same was handed them by the manito in order that they should drink it as he himself had done before them that this would please him but to return what he had given to them might provoke him and be the cause that are being destroyed by him and that since he believed it for the good of the nation that the contents offered them should be drunk and as no one was willing to drink it he would let the consequences be what it would and that it was better for one man to die than a whole nation to be destroyed he then took the glass and bidding the assembly farewell drink it off every eye was fixed on the resolute companion to see what an effect this would have upon him and he soon began to stagger about and at last dropping to the ground they bemoan him he falls into asleep and they view him as expiring he wakes again jumps up and declares that he has never himself been so happy as after he drank the cup wishes for more his wish is granted and the whole assembly soon joins him and become intoxicated after this general intoxication has ceased during which time the whites had confined themselves to their vessel the man with the red clothes returned again to them and distribute a presence among them to whip beads axis hose stockings etc they say that they had become familiar to each other and were made to understand by signs that they would now return home but would visit them again next year when they would bring them more presence and stay with them a while but as they could not live without eating they should want a little land of them to sow seeds in order to raise herbs to put in their broth that the vessel arrived the season following and they were much rejoiced at seeing each other but that the whites laughed at them the Indians seeing they knew not how to use the axis hose etc they had given them they having had these hanging to their breasts as ornaments in the stockings they had made use of as tobacco pouches the whites now put handles or hells in the former and cut trees down before their eyes and dug to ground and showed them the use of their stockings here say they a general laugh ensued among them the Indians that they had remained for so long a time ignorant of the use of so valuable implements and had borne with the weight of such heavy metal hanging to their necks for such a long time they took every white man they saw for a manito yet inferior and attended to the supreme manito to wit to the one which wore the red and laced clothes familiarity daily increased between them and the whites the latter now proposed to stay with them asking them only for so much land as the hide of a bullet would cover or encompass which I was brought forward and spread on the ground before them then they readily granted this request where upon the whites took a knife and beginning at one place on this hide cut it into a rope not thicker than the finger of a little child so that by the time this hide was cut up there was a great heap that this rope was drawn out to a great distance and then brought around again so that both ends might meet that they carefully avoided its breaking and that upon the hole it encompassed a large piece of ground that day the Indians were surprised at the superior wit of the whites but did not wish to contend with them about a little land as they had enough that they and the whites lived for a long time contentedly together although these asked from time to time more land of them and proceeding higher up the maquicana to it Hudson River they believed they would soon want all their country in which at this time was already the case and a section 64 section 65 of a book of American explorers this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Dwayne DeSalvo a book of American explorers by Thomas Wentworth Higginson book 13 part 3 Hudson's last voyage and how he was set adrift in the ice Hudson had discovered the bay which bears his name and spent all winter amid the ice remaining into the spring until his provisions were about out and his crew grew mutinous one of the crew abacuck or abacuck pricket thus describes what followed being thus in the ice on Saturday the one and 20th of June at night Wilson the boson and Henry Green came to me lying in my cabin lame and told me that they and the rest of their associates would shift the company and turn the master and all the sick men into the shallop and let them shift for themselves for there was not 14 days vitals left for all the company at that poor allowance they were at and that there they lay the master not caring to go one way or other and that they had not eaten anything these three days and therefore were resolute either to mend or end and what they had begun they would go through with it or die when I heard this I told them I marveled to hear so much from them considering that they were married men and had wives and children and that for their sakes they should not commit so foul a thing in the sight of God and man as that would be for why should they banish themselves from their native country Henry Green made me hold my peace for he knew the worst which was to be hanged when he came home and therefore of the two he would rather be hanged at home than starved abroad and for the good will they bear me they would have me stay in the ship I gave them thanks and told them I came into her not to forsake her yet not to hurt myself and others by any such deed Henry Green told me then that I must take my fortune in the shallop if there be no remedy said I the will of God be done away went Henry Green in a rage swearing to cut his throat that went about to disturb them and left Wilson by me with whom I had some talk but to no good for he was so persuaded that there was no remedy now but to go on while it was hot lest their party should fail them and the mischief they intended to others should light on themselves Henry Green came again and demanded of him what I said Wilson answered he is in his old song still patient then I spake to Henry Green to stay three days in which time I would so deal with the master that all should be well so I dealt with him to forbear but two days nay twelve hours there is no way then say they but out of hand then I told them that if they would stay till Monday I would join with them to share all the vitals in the ship and would justify it when I came home but this would not serve their terms wherefore I told them it was some worse matter they had in hand than they made show of and that it was blood in revenge he sought or else he would not at such a time of night undertake such a deed Henry Green with that taketh my Bible which lay before me and swear that he would do no man harm and what he did was for the good of the voyage and for nothing else and that all the rest should do the like the like did Wilson swear Henry Green went his way and presently came Jewett who because he was an ancient man I hoped to have found some reason in him but he was worse than Henry Green for he swear plainly that he would justify this deed when he came home after him came John Thomas and Michael Purse as birds of one feather but because they are not living I will let them go as then I did then came motor and Bennett of whom I demanded if they were well advised what they had taken in hand they answered they were and therefore came to take their oath now because I am much condemned for this oath as one of them that plotted with them and that by an oath I should bind them together to perform what they had begun I thought good here to set down to the view of all how well their oath and deeds agreed and thus it was you shall swear truth to God your prince and country you shall do nothing but to the glory of God and the good of the action in hand and harm to no man this was the oath without adding or diminishing I looked for more of these companions although there were too many but there came no more it was dark and they in a readiness to put this deed of darkness and execution I called to Henry Green and Wilson and prayed them not to go and hand with it in the dark but to stay till the morning now every man I hope would go to his rest but wickedness sleepeth not for Henry Green keepeth the master company all night and gave me bread which his cabin mate gave him and others were as watchful as he then I asked Henry Green whom he would put out with the master he said the carpenter John King and the sick men I said they should not do well to part with the carpenter what need so ever they should have why the carpenter was in no more regard amongst them was first for that he and John King were condemned for wrong done in the middle but the chiefest cause was for that the master loved him and made him his mate upon his return out of our wintering place thereby displacing Robert Billet where at they did grudge because he could neither write nor read and therefore said they the master and his ignorant mate would carry the ship wither the master pleased the master forbidding any man to keep account or reckoning having taken from all men whatsoever served for that purpose well I obtained of Henry Green and Wilson that the carpenter should stay by whose means I hoped after they had satisfied themselves that the master and the poor man might be taken into the ship again or I hope that someone or other would give some notice either to the carpenter John King or the master for so it might have come to pass by some of them that were the most forward in the meantime Henry Green and another went to the carpenter and held him with a talk till the master came out of his cabin which he soon did then came John Thomas and Bennett before him while Wilson bound his arms behind him he asked them what they meant they told him he should know when he was in the shallop now Jewett while this was a doing came to John King into the hold who was provided for him for he had got a sword of his own and kept him at a bay and might have killed him but others came to help him and so he came up to the master the master called to the carpenter and told him that he was bound but I heard no answer he made now Arnold Loglow and Michael Butte railed at them and told them their navery would show itself then was the shallot hauled up to the ship side and the poor sick and lame men were called upon to get them out of their cabins into the shallop the master called to me who came out of my cabin as well as I could to the hatchway to speak with him where on my knees I'd be sought them for the love of God to remember themselves and to do as they would be done unto they bade me keep myself well and get me into my cabin not suffering the master to speak with me but when I came into my cabin again he called to me at the horn which gave light into my cabin and told me that Jewett would overthrow us all nay said I it is that villain Henry Green and I spake it not softly now was the carpenter at Liberty who asked them if they would be hanged when they came home and as for himself he said he would not stay in the ship unless they would force him they bade him go then for they would not stay him I will said he so I may have my chest with me and all that is in it they said he should and presently they put it into the shallop then he came down to me to take his leave of me who persuaded him to stay which if he did he might so work that all should be well he said he did not think but they would be glad to take them in again for he was so persuaded by the master that there was not one in all the ship could tell how to carry her home but sayeth he if we must part which we will not willingly do for they would follow the ship he prayed me if we come to the capes before them that I would leave some token that we had been there near to the place where the fowls bred and he would do the like for us and so with tears we parted now where the sick men driven out of their cabins into the shallop but john thomas was francis clements friend and bennett was the coopers so there were words between them and henry green one saying that they should go and the other swearing that they should not go but such as were in the shallop should return when henry green heard that he was compelled to give place and to put out arnold lodlow and michael butte which with much ado they did in the meantime there were some of them that plied their work as if the ship had been entered by force and they had free leave to pillage breaking up chests and rifling all places one of them came by me who asked me what they should do i answered he should make an end of what he had begun for i saw him do nothing but shark up and down now we're all the poor men in the shallop whose names are as followeth henry hudson john hudson arnold lodlow sidrack feiner philip staff thomas woodhouse or woodhouse adamore henry king michael butte the carpenter got of them a piece and powder and shot and some pikes an iron pot with some meal and other things they stood out of the ice the shallot being fast to the stern of the ship and so when they were nigh out for i cannot say they were clean out they cut her head fast from the stern of our ship then out with their top sails and towards the east they stood in a clear sea in the end they took in their top sails righted their helm and lay under their foresail till they had ransacked and searched all places in the ship in the hold they found one of the vessels of meal whole and the other half spent for we had but two we found also two ferkins of butter some 27 pieces of pork half a bushel of peas but in the master's cabin we found 200 of biscuit cakes a peck of meal of beer to the quantity of a but one with another now it was said that the shallop was come within sight they let fall the mainsail and out with their top sails and fly as from an enemy then i prayed them yet to remember themselves but william wilson more than the rest would hear of no such matter this is all that is known of the fate of henry hudson these events are supposed to have occurred near the southeast corner of james bay the narrative goes on to describe the terrible hardships endured by the mutinous crew during which robert jewitt and others died of starvation the survivors reached plimoth england in september 1611 end of section 65 recording by duane disalvo section 66 of a book of american explorers this is a livervox recording all livervox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit livervox.org recording by chad horner from bali clare county and from northern arland situated in the northeast of the island of arland a book of american explorers by thomas wentworth higginson book 13 part four danse settlement of the new netherlands from early danse chronicles 1624 numerous voyages realize so much profit for adventurers that they discover other countries which say afterwards settle amland virginia a country lying in 42 and a half degrees is one of these it was first pappled by the french afterwards by the english and is today a flourishing colony the lords states general observing the great abundance of their people as well as their desire to plant other lands allowed the west india company to settle that same country many from the united colonies did formally and do still trade there yay for the greater security of the traders a castle fortness who had been built on an island in 42 degrees on the north side of the river montaña now called merges but as the natives there were somewhat discontented and not easily managed the projectors abandoned it intending now to plant a colony among the makings a nation lying 25 miles on both sides of the river upwards this river or the bay lies in 40 degrees running well in being as broad or wide as the teams and navigable full 50 miles up through diverse nations who sometimes manifest themselves with arrows like enemies sometimes like friends but when they had seen the ships once or twice or traded with our people it became all together friendly this country now called new netherland is usually reached in seven or eight weeks from here the course lies towards the canary islands thence to the indian islands then towards the mainland of virginia steering right across leaving in 14 days the bahamas on the left and the bermudas on the right hand where the winds are variable with which the land is made 1626 in our preceding treaties we made mention of new netherland and its colony planted by the west india company situate in virginia on the river called by the french montaña and by osmoretius and that some families were sent there which now increased to 200 souls and afterwards some ships one with horses the other with cows and a third hay two months afterwards a fleet was equipped carrying sheep hogs wagons plows and all other implements of husbandry these cattle were on their arrival first landed on nut island three miles up the river where they remained a day or two there being no means of pasturing them there they were shipped in slips and boats to the manhates right opposite said island being put out to pasture here they threw well but afterwards full 20 in all died the cause of this was that they had eaten something bad from the uncultivated soil but they went in the middle of september on new grass as good and as long as could be desired the colony was planted at this time on the manhates where a fort was stocked out by master crinn fredrick an engineer it will be of large dimensions the ship which has returned home this month november brings samples of all the different sorts of produce there the cargo consists of 7246 beavers 675 otterskins 48 minks 36 wildcard and various other shorts several pieces of oak timber and hickory the counting house there is kept in a stone building thatched with reed the other houses are of the bark of trees each has his own house the director and kipman live together there are 30 ordinary houses on the east side of the river which runs nearly north and south the honorable peter minuet is director there a present jan limpoe sheriff sebastian jans crawled and jan hike comforters of the sick who whilst awaiting a clergyman be to the commonality there on sundays from texts of scripture with the comment france war more the marker is busy building a horse mill over which shall be constructed a spacious room sufficient to accommodate a large congregation and then a tower is to be erected where the bells brought from Puerto Rico will be hung the council there administered justice in criminal matters as far as imposing fines but not as far as capital punishment should it happen that anyone deserves that he must be sent to holland with his sentence there is another there who fills no public office he is busy about his own affairs men work there as in holland one trades upwards southwards and northwards and other belts houses the third farms each farmer has his farm and the cows and the land purchased by the company but the milk remains to the profit of the bore he sells to those of the people who receive their wages for work every week the houses of the hollanders now stand without the fort but when that is completed they will all repair within so as to garrison it and be secure from sudden attack those on the south river will abandon their fort and come hither no more than 15 or 16 men will remain at fort orange the most distant point at which the hollanders traded the remainder will come down to the manhains right opposite is the fort of the makins which they built against their enemies the makies powerful people it happened this year that the makins being at war with the makies requested to be assisted by the commander of fort orange and six others commander greek abeck went up with them a mile from the fort and met the marquis who peppered them so bravely with the discharge of arrows that they were forced to fly leaving many slain among whom were the commander and three of his men among the latter was taven bowens whom they devoured and having well cooked him the rest they burnt the commander was buried with the other two by his side three escaped two portuguese and hollander from horn one of the portuguese was wounded by an arrow in the back while swimming the indians carried a leg and an arm home to be divided amongst their families as a proof that they had conquered their enemies some days after the worthy peter baronson who usually was sent upwards and along the coast with the slope visited them they wished to excuse their act on the plea that they had never injured the whites and asked the reason why the latter had meddled with them had it been otherwise they would not have acted as they did end of section 66 section 67 of a book of american explorers this is a libra fox recording all libra fox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit libra fox.org recording by larry wilson a book of american explorers by thomas wintworth higginson book 14 the pilgrims at plymouth ad 1620 1621 these extracts are taken from that valuable collection chronicles of the pilgrim fathers of the colony of plymouth from 16 to 1625 now first collected from original records and contemporaneous printed documents by alexander young boston 1841 the first extract is from edward winslow's brief narration london 1646 young page 384 the rest are from the journal of bradford and winslow commonly called mort's relation london 1622 young pages 125 to 136 150 to 162 167 to 174 182 to 189 the pilgrims at plymouth the saline of the pilgrims the pilgrims sell from delthaven often called by them delthaven in holland july 22 1620 and when the ship was ready to carry us away the brethren that stayed having again solemnly sought the lord with us and for us and we further engaging ourselves mutually as before they i say that stayed at lyden feasted us that were to go at our pastor's house being large where we refreshed ourselves after tears with singing of psalms making joyful melody in our hearts as well as with the voice there being many of the congregation very expert in music and indeed it was the sweetest melody that ever my ears heard after this they accompanied us to delthaven where we were to embark and there feasted us again and after prayer performed by our pastor where a flood of tears was poured out they accompanied us to the ship but were not able to speak one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part but we only going aboard the ship lying to the quay and ready to set sail the wind being fair we gave them a volley of small shot and three pieces of ordinance and so lifting up our hands to each other and our hearts for each other to the lord our god we departed and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits he carried us through and if any doubt this relation the duchess i hear at delthaven preserve their memory of it to this day and will inform them end of section 67 section 68 of a book of american explorers this is a libra vox recording all libra vox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit libra vox dot org recording by larry wilson a book of american explorers by thomas wintworth higginson book 14 part two mild standish and cape cod some of our people impatient of delay desired for a better furtherance to travel by land into the country which was not without appearance of danger not having the shallot with them nor means to carry provision but on their backs to see whether it might be fit for us to seat in or no and the rather because we sailed into the harbor there seemed to be a river opening itself into the mainland the willingness of the persons was liked but the thing itself in regard to the danger was rather permitted than approved and so with cautions directions and instructions sixteen men were sat out with every man his musket sword and corset under the conduct of captain mild standish unto whom was adjoined for counsel the advice of william bradford steven hopkins and edward tilley wednesday the 15th of november they were set ashore and when they had ordered themselves in the order of a single file and marched about the space of a mile by the sea they aspired five or six people with a dog coming towards them who were savages who when they saw them ran into the wood and whistled the dog after them etc first they supposed them to be master jones the master and some of his men for they were ashore and knew of their coming but after they knew them to be indians they marched after them into the woods less other the indians should lie in ambush but when the indians saw our men following them they ran away with might and main and our men turned out of the wood after them for it was the way they intended to go but they could not come near them they followed them that night about 10 miles by trace of their footings and saw how they had come the same way they went and at a turning perceive how they ran up the hill to see whether they followed them at length night came upon them and they were constrained to take up their lodging so they set forth three sentinels and the rest some kindled the fire and others fetched wood and there held our rendezvous that night in the morning as soon as we could see the trace we proceeded our journey and had the track until we had compassed the head of a long creek and there they took into another wood and we after them supposing to find some of their dwellings but we marched through boughs and bushes and under hills and valleys which tore our very armor in pieces and yet could meet with none of them nor their houses nor find any fresh water which we greatly desired and stood in need of for we brought neither beer nor water with us and our victuals was only biscuit and Holland cheese and a little bottle of aquaviti so as we were sore at thirst about 10 o'clock we came into a deep valley full of brush wood gale and long grass through which we found little paths or tracks and there we saw a deer and found springs of fresh water of which we were heartily glad and sat us down and drunk our first new england water with as much delight as ever we drunk drink in all our lives when we had refreshed ourselves we directed our course full south that we might come to the shore which within a short while after we did and there made a fire that they in the ship might see where we were as we had direction and so marched on towards this supposed river and as we went in another valley we found a fine clear pond of fresh water being about a musket shot broad and twice as long there grew also many small vines and foul and deer haunted there grew much sassafras from this we went on and found much plain ground about 50 acres fit for the plow and some signs where the Indians had formerly planted their corn after this some thought it best for nearness of the river to go down and travel on the sea sands by which means some of our men were tired and lagged behind so we stayed and gathered them up and struck into the land again where we found a little path to certain heaps of sand one whereof was covered with old mats and had a wooden thing like a mortar weld on the top of it and an earthen pot laid in the little hole at the end thereof we musing what it might be digged and found a bow and as we thought arrows but they were rotten we suppose there were many other things but because we deemed them graves we put in the bow again and made it up as it was and left the rest untouched because we thought it would be odious unto them to ransack their supple curves we went on farther and found new stubble of which had gotten corn this year and many walnut trees full of nuts and great store of strawberries and some vines passing thus a field or two which were not great we came to another which had also been new gotten and there we found where a house had been and four or five old planks laid together also we found a great kettle which had been some ships kettle and brought out of Europe there was also a heap of sand made like the former but it was newly done we might see how they had paddled it with their hands which we digged up and in it we found a little old basket full of fair Indian corn we dig farther and found a fine great new basket full of very fair corn of this year with some six and thirty goodly ears of corn some yellow and some red and others mixed with blue which was a very goodly sight the basket was round and narrow at the top it held about three or four bushels which was as much as two of us could lift up from the ground and was very handsomely and cunningly made but whilst we were busy about all these things we set our men's sentinel in a round ring all but two or three which digged up the corn we were in suspense what to do with it and the kettle and at length after much consultation we concluded to take the kettle and as much of the corn as we could carry away with us and when our shallot came if we could find any of the people and come to parley with them we would give them the kettle again and satisfy them for their corn so we took all the ears and put a good deal of the loose corn in the kettle for two men to bring away on a staff besides they that could put any into their pockets filled the same and the rest we buried again where we were so laden with armor that we could carry no more not far from this place we found the remainder of an old fort or palisade which as we conceived had been made by some christians this was also hard by the place which we thought had been a river unto which we went and found it so to be dividing itself into two arms by a high bank standing right by the cut or mouth which came from the sea that which was next unto us was the less the other arm was more than twice as big and not unlike to be a harbor for ships but whether it be fresh river or only an in drought to the sea we had no time to discover for we had commandment to be out but two days here also we saw two canoes the one on the one side the other on the other side we could not believe it was a canoe till we came near it so we returned leaving the further discovery here of to our shallot and came that night back again to the freshwater pond and there we made our rendezvous that night making a great fire and a barricade to windward of us and kept good watch with three sentinels all night everyone standing when his turn came while five or six inches of match was burning it proved a very rainy night in the morning we took our kettle and sunk it into the pond and trimmed our muskets for few of them would go off because of the wet and so coasted the wood again to come home in which we were shrewdly puzzled and lost our way as we wandered we came to a tree where a young spit was bowed down over a bow and some acorn strewed underneath Stephen Hopkins said it had been to catch some deer so as we were looking at it William Bradford being in the rear when he came looked also upon it and as he went about it gave a sudden jerk up and he was immediately caught by the lane it was a very pretty device made with a rope of their own making and having a noose as artificially made as any roper in England can make and as like ours as can be which we brought away with us in the end we got out of the wood and were fallen about a mile too high above the creek where we saw three bucks but we had rather have had one of them we also did spring three couple of partridges and as we came along by the creek we saw great flocks of wild geese and ducks but they were very fearful of us so we marched some while in the woods some while on the sands and other while in the water up to the knees till at length we came near the ship and then we shot off our pieces and the long boat came to fetch us master jones and master carver being on the shore with many of our people came to meet us and thus we came both weary and welcome home and delivered in our corn into the store to be kept for seed for we knew not how to come by any and therefore we're very glad purposing as soon as we could meet with any of the inhabitants of that place to make them large satisfaction this was our first discovery whilst our shallop was in repairing end of section 68 section 69 of a book of American explorers this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Larry Wilson a book of American explorers by Thomas Wentworth Higginson book 14 part 3 the first encounter Wednesday the 6th of December 1620 we set out being very cold and hard weather we were a long while after we launched from the ship before we could get clear of a sandy point which lay within less than a furlough of the same in which time two were very sick and Edward Tilley had like to have sounded with cold the gunner who also was sick unto death but hope of trucking made him to go and so remained all the day and the next night at length we got clear of the sandy point and got up our sails and within an hour or two we got under the weather shore and then had smoother water and better sailing but it was very cold for the water froze on our clothes and made them many times like coats of iron we sailed six or seven leagues by the shore but saw neither river nor creek at length we met with a tongue of land being flat off from the shore with a sandy point we bore up to gain the point and found there a fair income or road of a bay being a leak over the narrowest and some two or three in length but we made right over to the land before us and left the discovery of this income till the next day as we drew near to the shore we aspired some 10 or 12 Indians very busy about a black thing what it was we could not tell till afterwards they saw us and ran to and fro as if they had been carrying something away we landed a league or two from them and had much ado to put ashore anywhere it lay so full of flat sand when we came to shore we made us a barricade and got firewood and set out our sentinels and we took us to our lodging such as it was we saw the smoke of the fire which the savages made that night about four or five miles from us in the morning we divided our company some eight in the shallop and the rest on the shore went to discover this place but we found it only to be a bay without either river or creek coming into it yet we deemed it to be as good a harbor as Cape Cod for they that sounded it found a ship might ride in five fathom water we on the land found it to be a level soil though none of the fruitfulness we saw two becks of fresh water which were the first running streams that we saw in the country but one might stride over them we found also a great fish called grampus dead on the sands they in the shallop found two of them also in the bottom of the bay dead in like sort they were cast up at high water and could not get off for the frost and ice they were some five or six paces long and about two inches thick of fat and flesh like swine they would have yielded a great deal of oil if there had been time and means to have taken it so we finding nothing for our turn both we and our shallop returned we then directed our course along the sea sands to the place where we first saw the Indians when we were there we saw it was also a grampus which they were cutting up they cut it into long rands or pieces about an L long and two handful broad we found here and there a piece scattered by the way as it seemed for haste this place the most were minded we should call the grampus bay because we found so many of them there we followed the track of the Indians barefoot a good day on the sands at length we saw where they struck into the woods by the side of a pond as we went to view the place one said he thought he saw an Indian house among the trees so we went up to sea and here we and the shallop lost sight of one another till night it now being about nine or ten o'clock so we light upon a path but saw no house and followed a great way into the woods at length we found where corn had been set but not that year and on we found a great burying place one part where ever was encompassed with a large palisade like a church yard with young spires four or five yards long set as close one by another as they could two or three foot in the ground within it was full of graves some bigger and some less some were also paled about and others had like an Indian house made over them but not matted these graves were more sumptuous than those at cornhill yet we dig none of them up but only viewed them and went our way without the palisade were graves also but not so costly from this place we went and found more corn ground but not of this year as we ranged we liked on four or five Indian houses which had been lately dwelt in but they were uncovered and had no mats about them else they were like those we found at cornhill but had not been so lately dwelt in there was nothing left but two or three pieces of old mats and a little sedge also a little further we found two baskets full of parts acorns hidden the ground which we supposed had been corn when we began to dig the same we cast earth there on again and went our way all this while we saw no people we went ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low and then we hasted out of the woods that we might come to our shallop which when we were out of the woods we aspired a great way off and called them to come unto us the which they did as soon as they could port was not yet high water they were exceeding glad to see us for they feared because they had not seen us in so long a time thinking we would have kept by the shore side so being both weary and faint for we had eaten nothing all day we fell to make our rendezvous and get firewood which always costs us a great deal of labor by that time we had done and our shallop came to us it was within night and we fed upon such victuals as we had and we took us to our rest after we had set our watch about midnight we heard a great and hideous cry and our sentinels called arm arm so we bestowed ourselves and shot off a couple of muskets and the noise ceased we concluded that it was a company of wolves or foxes for one told us he had heard such a noise in Newfoundland about five o'clock in the morning we began to be stirring and two or three which doubted whether their pieces would go off or no made trial of them and shot them off but thought nothing at all after prayer we prepared ourselves for breakfast and for a journey and it being now twilight in the morning it was thought me to carry the things down to the shallop some said it was not best to carry the armor down other said they would be readier two or three said they would not carry theirs till they went themselves but mistrusting nothing at all as it fell out the water not being high enough they laid the things down upon the shore and came up to breakfast a non all of a sudden we heard a great and strange cry which we knew to be the same voices though they varied their notes one of the company being abroad came running in and cried they are men Indians Indians and with all their arrows came flying amongst us our men ran out with all speed to recover their arms as by the good providence of god they did in the meantime captain myle standage having a snap chance ready made a shot and after him another after they too had shot other two of us were ready but we wished us not to shoot till we could take aim for we knew not what need we should have and there were four only of us which had their arms there ready and stood before the open side of our barricade which was first assaulted they thought it best to defend it lest the enemy should take it and our stuff and so have the more vantage against us our care was no less for the shout but we hoped all the rest would defend it we called into them to know how it was with them and they answered well well everyone and be of good courage we heard three of their pieces go off and the rest called for a firebrand to light their matches one took a log out of the fire on his shoulder and went and carried it unto them which was thought did not a little discourage our enemies the cry of our enemies was dreadful especially when our men ran out to recover their arms their note was after this manner woosh woosh ha ha ha woosh our men were no sooner come to their arms but the enemy was ready to assault them there was a lusty man and no wit less valiant who was thought to be their captain stood behind a tree within half a musket shot of us and there let his arrows fly at us he was seen to shoot three arrows which were all avoided for he at whom the first arrow was aimed saw it and stooped down and it flew over him the rest were avoided also he stood three shots of a musket at length one took as he said full aim at him after which he gave an extraordinary cry and a way they all went we followed them about a quarter of a mile but we left six to keep our shop for we were very careful of our business then we shouted altogether two several times and shot off a couple of muskets and so returned this we did that they might see we were not afraid of them nor discouraged thus it pleased god to vanquish our enemies and give us deliverance by their noise we could not guess they were less than 30 or 40 though some thought that they were more yet in the dark of the morning we could not so well discern them among the trees as they could see us by our fireside we took up 18 of their arrows which we have sent to england by master jones somewhere of we're headed with brass others with hearts horn and others with eagles claws many more no doubt were shot for these we found were almost covered with leaves yet by the special providence of god none of them either hit or hurt us though many came close by us and on every side of us and some coats which hung up in our barricade were shot through and through so after we had given god thanks for our deliverance we took our shellop and went our journey and called this place the first encounter into section 69 section 70 of a book of american explorers this is a libravox recording all libravox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit libravox.org recording by larry wilson a book of american explorers by thomas wintworth higginson book 14 part 4 the landing on plymouth rock the same exploring party in a shellop finally reached plymouth harbor having the wind good we sailed all that day along the coast about 15 leagues but saw neither river nor creek to put into after we had sailed an hour or two it began to snow and rain and to be bad weather about the midst of the afternoon the wind increased and the seas began to be very rough and the hinges of the rudder broke so that we could steer no longer but two men with much ado were feigned to serve with a couple of oars the seas were grown so great that we were much troubled and in great danger and night drew on a non master coppin made us be of good cheer he saw the harbor as we drew near the gale being stiff and we bearing great sail to get in split our mast in three pieces and we're like to have cast away our shellop yet by god's mercy recovering ourselves we had the flood with us and struck into the harbor now he that thought that had been the place was deceived it being a place where not any of us had been before and coming into the harbor he that was our pilot did bear up northward which if we had continued we had been cast away yet still the lord kept us and we bear up for an island before us and recovering of that island being compassed about with many rocks and dark night growing upon us it pleased the divine providence that we fell upon a place of sandy ground where upon our shellop did ride safe and secure all the night and coming upon a strange island kept our watch all night in the rain upon that island and in the morning we marched about it and found no inhabitants at all and here we made our rendezvous all the day being saturday ninth of december on the seventh day we rested and on monday we sounded the harbor and found it a very good harbor for our shipping we marched also into the land and found diverse cornfields and little running brooks a place very good for situation so we returned to our ship again with good news to rest of our people which did much comfort their hearts in the section 70 section 71 of a book of american explorers this is a libra vox recorded all libra vox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit libra vox.org recording by larry wilson a book of american explorers by thomas went with higginson book 14 part 5 plymouth village founded the expedition having returned to the ship the mayflower came to plymouth harbor and landed the colonists so in the morning after we had called on god for direction we came to this resolution to go presently ashore again and to take a better view of two places which we thought most fitting for us for we could not now take time for further search or consideration our victuals being much spent especially our beer and it being now the 19th of december after our landing and viewing of the places so well as we could we came to a conclusion by most voices to set on the mainland of the first place on a high ground where there is a great deal of land cleared and had been planted with corn three or four years ago and there's a very sweet brook run under the hillside and many delicate springs of a good water as can be drunk and where we may harbor our shallops and boats exceeding well and in this brook much good fish in their seasons on the farther side of the river also much corn ground cleared in one field is a great hill on which we point to make a platform and plant our ordinance which will command all round about from this we may see into the bay and far into the sea and we may see thens Cape Cod our greatest labor will be fetching of our wood which is half a quarter of an English mile but there is enough so far off but people inhabit here we yet know not for as yet we have seen none so there we made our rendezvous and a place for some of our people about 20 resolving in the morning to come all ashore and to build houses but the next morning being Thursday the 21st of December it was stormy and wet and we could not go ashore and those that remained there all night could do nothing but were wet not having daylight enough to make them a sufficient court of guard to keep them dry all that night it blew and rained extremely it was so tempestuous that the shallop could not go on land so soon as we meet for they had no victuals on land about 11 o'clock the shallop went off with much adieu with provisions but could not return it blew so strong and was such foul weather that we were forced to let fall our anchor and ride with three anchors ahead Friday the 22nd the storms still continued that we could not get a land nor they come to us aboard Saturday the 23rd so many of us as could went on shore felled and carried timber to provide themselves stuff for building Sunday the 24th our people on shore heard a cry of some savages as they thought which caused an alarm and to stand on their guard expecting an assault but all was quiet Monday the 25th day we went on shore some to fell timber some to saw some to rive and some to carry so no man rested all that day but towards the night some as they were at work heard a noise of some Indians which caused us all to go to our muskets but we heard no further so we came aboard again and left some 20 to keep the court of guard that night we had a sore storm of wind and rain Thursday the 28th of December so many as could went to work on the hill where we purposed to build our platform for our ordinance and which does command all the plane and the bay and from which we may see far into the sea and might be easier impaled having two rows of houses and a fair street so in the afternoon we went to measure out the grounds we first took notice how many families were there willing all single men that had no wives to join with some family as they thought fit that so we might build fewer houses which was done and we reduced them to 19 families to greater families we allowed larger plots to every person half a pole in breadth and three in length and so lots were cast where every man should lie which was done and staked out we thought this proportion was large enough at the first for houses and gardens to impel them round considering the weakness of our people many of them growing ill with colds for our former discoveries in frost and storms and waiting at Cape Cod had brought much weakness amongst us which increased so every day more and more and after was the cause of many of their deaths Monday the 8th of January was a very fair day and we went be times to work master jones sent the shallop as he had formerly done to see where fish could be got they had a great storm at sea and were in some danger at night they returned with three great seals and an excellent good cod which did assure us that we should have plenty of fish shortly this day Francis Billington having the week before seen from the top of a tree on a high hill a great sea as he thought went with one of the master's mates to see it they went three miles and then came to a great water divided into two great lakes the bigger of them five or six miles in circuit and in it an aisle a cable length square the other three miles encompass in their estimation they are fine fresh water full of fish and foul a brook issues from it it will be an excellent place for us in time they found seven or eight Indian houses but not lately inhabited when they saw the houses they were in some fear where they were but two persons and one piece Tuesday the 9th of January was a reasonable fair day and we went to labor that day in the building of our town in two rows of houses for more safety we divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our town after the proportion formerly allotted we agreed that every man should build his own house thinking by that course men would take more haste than working in common the common house in which for the first we made our rendezvous being near finished wanted only covering it being about 20 foot square some should make mortar and gather thatch so that in four days half of it was thatched frost and foul weather hindered as much this time of the year seldom could we work half the week end of section 71 section 72 of a book of American explorers this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Larry Wilson a book of American explorers by Thomas Wentworth Higginson book 14 part 6 welcome Englishman and whilst we were busy to hear about we were interrupted again for there presented himself a savage which caused an alarm he very boldly came all alone and along the houses straight to the rendezvous where we intercepted him not serving him to go in as undoubtedly he would out of his boldness he saluted us in English and made us welcome for he had learned some broken English among the Englishmen that came to fish at Monhegan I knew by name the most of the captains commanders and masters that usually come he was a man free in speech so far as he could express his mind and of a seemingly carriage we questioned him of many things he was the first savage we could meet with all he said he was not of these parts but of Moratigan and one of the Sagamores or lords thereof and had been eight months in these parts it line hints a day sail with a great wind and five days by land he discoursed of the whole country and of every province and of their Sagamores and their number of men and strength the wind beginning to rise a little we cast a horseman's coat about him for he was stark naked only a feather about his waist with a fringe about a span long or little more he had a bow and two arrows the one headed the other unheaded he was a tall straight man the hair of his head black long behind only short before none on his face at all he asked some beer but we gave him strong water and biscuits and butter and cheese and pudding and a piece of mallard all which he liked well and had been acquainted with such amongst the English he told us the place where we now live is called Patuxent and that about four years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague and there's neither man woman nor child remaining as indeed we have found none so as there is none to hinder our possession or to lay claim unto it all the afternoon we spent in communication with him we would gladly have been rid of him at night but he was not willing to go this night then we thought to carry him on shipboard wherewith he was well content and went into the shop but the wind was high in the water scant that it could not return back we lodged him that night at steven hopkins house and watched him the next day we went away back to the messassoids from whence he said he came who are our next bordering neighbors they are sixty strong as he said the nazites are as near southeast of them and are a hundred strong and those were they of whom our people were encountered as we before related they are much incensed and provoked against the English and about eight months ago slew three Englishmen and two more hardly escaped by flight to monhegan they were served Ferdinando gorgeous men as the savage told us as he did likewise of the huggery that is fight that our discovers had with the nazites and of our tools that were taken out of the woods which we willed him should be brought again otherwise we would write ourselves these people are ill affected towards the English by reason of one hunt a master of ship who deceived the people and got them under color of trucking with them twenty out of this very place where we inhabit and seven men from the nazites and carried them away and sold them for slaves like a wretched man for twenty pound a man that cares not what mischief he doth for his profit Saturday in the morning we dismissed the savage and gave him a knife a bracelet and a ring he promised within a night or two to come again and to bring with him some of the massassoids our neighbors with such beaver skins as they had to truck with us saturday and sunday reasonable fair days on this day came again the savage and brought with him five other tall proper men they had every man a deer skin on him and the principal of them had a wildcat skin or such like on the one arm they had most of them long hose up to their groins close made and above their groins to their waist another leather they were all together like the irish trousers they are of complexion like our english chipsies no hair or very little on their faces on their heads long hair to their shoulders only cut before some trust up before with a feather rod wise like a fan another a foxtail hanging out these left according to our charge given before them their bows and arrows a quarter a mile of from our town we gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them they did eat liberally of our english victuals they made semblance unto us of friendship and amity they sang and danced after their manner like antics they brought with them a thing like a bow case which the principal of them had about his waist a little of the corn pounded to powder which put to a little water they eat he had a little tobacco in his bag but none of them drank but when he liked some of them had their faces painted black from the forehead to the chin four or five fingers broad others after the other fashions as they liked they brought three or four skins but we would not truck with them at all that day but wish them to bring more and we would truck for all which they promised within a night or two and would leave these behind them though we were not willing they should and they brought us all our tools again which were taken in the woods in our men's absence so because of the day we dismissed them as soon as we could but samuset our first acquaintance either was sick or faint himself so and would not go with them and stayed with us till Wednesday morning then we sent to them to know the reason they came not according to their words and we gave him a hat a pair of stockings and shoes a shirt and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist in this section 72 section 73 of a book of American explorers this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Larry Wilson a book of American explorers by Thomas Wentworth Higginson book 15 the massachusetts bay colony 1629 1631 part one voyage of the massachusetts colonists the first of these extracts is from Reverend Francis Higginson's true relation of the last voyage to new england written from new england july 24 1629 reprinted in young's chronicles of the first planters of the colony of massachusetts bay boston 1846 pages 235 to 237 the second is from the same work young pages 232 to 235 the third is from new england's plantation or a short and true description of the commodities and disc commodities of that country by frances higginson london 1630 young pages 242 to 256 this pamphlet attracted so much attention that three distinct editions of it were published in a year the next two passages are from life and letters of john winthrop volume two pages 15 to 16 64 to 65 the last passage is from the memoirs of captain roger clap young pages 351 to 354 the massachusetts bay colony one the voyage of the massachusetts colonists the first large colony of the massachusetts bay company sailed from england and april 1629 with 200 people governor indicott with a few men having preceded them the year before the reverend frances higginson was the leader of this larger party these were the colonists properly called puritans as distinct from the pilgrims who settled plinth now in our passage diverse things are remarkable first through god's blessing our passage was short and speedy for whereas we had a thousand leagues that is 3000 miles english to sail from old to new england we performed the same in six weeks and three days secondly our passage was comfortable and easy for the most part having ordinarily fair and moderate wind and being freed for the most part from rough and stormy seas saving one night only which we that were not used thought to be more terrible than indeed it was and this was wednesday and night may 27th thirdly our passage was also helpful to our passengers being freed from the great contagion of the scurvy and other maledictions which in other passages to other places had taken away the lives of many and yet we were in all reason in wonderful danger all the way our ship being greatly crowded with passengers but through god's great goodness we had none that died of the pox but that wicked fellow that scorned at fasting and prayer there were indeed two little children one of my own and another beside but i do not impute it merely to the passage for they were both very sickly children and not likely to have lived long if they had not gone to sea and take this for a role if children be helpful when they come to see the younger they are the better they will endure the sea and are not troubled with seasickness as older people are as we had experience in many children that went this voyage my wife indeed in tossing weather was something ill but in calm weather she recovered again and is now much better for the seasickness and for my own part whereas i had for diverse years past been very sickly and was very sick at london and gravesend yet from the time i came on shipboard to this day i had been strangely helpful and now i can digest our ship diet very well which i could not when i was at land also diverse children were sick of the smallpox but are safely recovered again and two or three passengers towards the latter end of the voyage fell sick of the scurvy but coming to land recovered in short time fourthly our passage was both pleasurable and profitable for we received instructions and delight in beholding the wonders of the lord in the deep waters and sometimes seeing the sea round us appearing with a terrible countenance and as it were full of high hills and deep valleys and sometimes it appeared as a most plain and even meadow and ever an anon we saw diverse kinds of fishes sporting in the great waters great grampuses and huge whales going by companies and puffing up water streams those that love their own chimney corner and dare not go far beyond their own town's end shall never have the honor to see these wonderful works of Almighty God in the section 73