Time is so precious. Sorry, but it's me again. I'm chairing the second panel. We have two presenters. The first is Mr. Dr. Juan Weixiu, who is a visiting faculty member at the Taiwan Research Institute of Vasude University. So because of lack of time, without further ado, can we first hear from Dr. Juan, please. The floor is, the microphone is yours. Thank you, Professor Takahara, for your kind introduction. And let me express my deep appreciation for Miss Bonnie Greiser and CSIS for giving me such a great opportunity for my presentation today. And please allow me to introduce myself first. My name is Weixiu Huang. I'm from Taiwan. I have been studying in Japan since 2003, but studying Japanese since five years ago. My research specialty is the Made in Policy Decision-making process of Taiwan. I published my own works in Japan in the past. Today is my first time to present my work in English. Will you give me some comments? Next, please. My topics is Made in Policy Decision-making process and the party ordination in Taiwan, especially focus on the operation of National Security Council, or NSC. In the introduction, I explained by purpose and hypothesis. I visited the US United States in 1995, but Mellon thought that the visit was this effort for Taiwan independence, so conduct military exercise to intimidate Taiwan. After the third Taiwan Strait Crisis, the cross-strait relations to once again become a significant security crisis that could potentially involve the United States and Japan for the first time since the Cold War. However, after Chen Shui-bian, who supports Taiwan independence, won the presentation election, he promoted several provocative Mellon policies but did not declare Taiwan independence. Therefore, the party ordination in Taiwan is an important research topic for international politics in eastern Asia. Next, please. And my hypothesis of this paper proposes that during the party ordination, the NSC operations maintain the stability of Taiwan's Mellon policy to a certain extent. NSC not only play a key advisory and lateral communications role in Mellon policy, but also an important channel for the president to make decisions. And because not only the government operational but also the quality and quantity of personnel in the Chen Shui-bian administration were far from those of the lead administration, it would be difficult for Chen Shui-bian to continue with the turn-based operation model. Although Ma Ying-jeou retained lead and Chen staffs, we can enable to observe continuity in his policy and personnel through his public statement because Ma criticized Chen Shui-bian continuously. Next, please. I have announced the operation of Taiwan's Mellon policy decision-making process in my book. The first chapter of my paper is a simple summary of my book. Next, please. And please see the figure one. AUC has stopped it from functioning in 2006. But since 1990, it is the official framework of Taiwan's Mellon policy decision-making process. However, this framework encountered the problem of ambiguous inter-organizational relations and resulted in conflicts between SEF and MAC. And next, please. And Li Deng-hui considered that those problems should be solved through the coordination and integration in higher level. Therefore, he started to operation NSC since 1996. But there are also many problems about the decision-making process in NSC. For example, many researchers think that the president cannot involve in the decision-making process by NSC because according to the constitution, the premier is the head of government in AUC. Finally, Li Deng-hui made some informal meetings instead of the formal NSC meeting. Next, please. And I have turned this formula, the NSC formula, in my book and conduct some case studies. The relation between Li Deng-hui and all meetings are shown in figure two and figure three. And next, please. The Go slow, be patient. The Gu Wang meeting in 1998 and the special state to stay relationship and related management actions after this declaration were all the outcomes from this formula. But the decision-making process for mainland policy still costs confusion from time to time. For example, Li Deng-hui announced the Go slow, be patient and the special state to stay relationship without consulting the executive in. The main cost was that the NSC formula relied on Li Deng-hui's personal relationship to come present for the defects of the decision-making framework. Therefore, after Chen Xiebian winning the election, he had had to convert the operation formula relay on Li Deng-hui's personal leadership. Next, please. In chapter two, I have now analyzed in Chen Xiebian's administration. Please see the table one and table two in my handouts because the table is too long. I cannot write it in my PPT. And from the personnel affairs of Chen Xiebian administration, we can found that not only Chen Xiebian administration, but also from Li to Chen administration, the personnel affairs of mainland policy maintain a certain stability. I also analyzed the operation of Chen Xiebian administration's mainland policy decision-making process. The NSC advisory system and operation formula of mainland policy decision-making in Chen administration was finally completed in the terms of Kangning Xiang and Chou Yi Ren. Next, please. And Kangning Xiang not only forbade advisory members from bypassing the secretary general to report the president directly. Next, please. But also consolidated policy recommendations with his amendments. Next, please. And actually, Kangning Xiang also established the coordination mechanism. Next, please. And finally, Chou Yi Ren continued the adopt this system after 2004. And I also make case study about the long-term policy and provocative policy. And K&T always criticized the economic exchange policy between Taiwan and the mainland during Chen administration is closed-door policy. However, provocative open-up, effective management policy was in fact more open policy than gold and slow detention. The Chen administration also continued to hold secret talks with the mainland to further promote the three links. And second is the amendment of the NSC organic law. This is a long-term issue since the administration. Eventually, the amendments were passed by way of proposal from the opposition parties. Next, please. And the announcement of the one country on each side, the announcement of the 2004 referendum in 2003 and ceasing function of NUC in 2006 were all regarded as enforced policy that President Chen's attempts to change the study to go between Taiwan and the mainland. However, these three cases were not entirely similar. One country on each side was announced by Chen Xiebin. You later, Roli, with prior consultation with the NSC. Whereas for the announcement of the implementation of the 2004 referendum and a bleached NUC, President Chen had consulted the view of the NSC but did not accept the objection. Next, please. This case could be seen not as the long functioning of the NSC during the Chen administration. But rather as President Chen broke the decision-making formula by himself. Next, please. In Chapter 4, I analyzed the Ma Yingzhou administration and please see Table 4 in my handout. Ma Yingzhou retained several staff members from the Li and Chen administration in his first term. And Ma Yingzhou also successfully promoted the three links and signed ECFA, Economic Exchange ECFA. The mainland policy promoted by Ma did not deviate from the past direction. Next, please. However, most policies in the Ma administration were promoted by a few of Ma's confidants called Ma Group. This formula has resulted in poor internal coordination. In the case study of the signing of the Cross-Trade Service Trend Agreement, Ma administration did not do enough internal coordination in the administration but also did not perform an assessment of the overall impact in the advance. The Ma administration even had to communicate with the printing, traditional medicine, and beauty salon industrialists before negotiating and signing the CSSA. So the CSSA could not secure the mixed trust. Next, please. My conclusion in this paper is simple. In terms of establishing the institution for exchange between Taiwan and the mainland, there were many similarities in the overall policy in Li Teng Hui, Chen Xiebian, and Ma Yingzhou administration. However, the operation of the NSC is dependent on the president's personal qualities which led the instability in the mainland policy decision-making process. Any party or even for a new president from the same party comes to the power. The parity has always been to adjust the operation formula of the decision-making process and has no time to change the policy. You made the policy first. So the most pressing matter for any new president is not to change or promote made-up policy but rather to building a stable decision-making operation formula. And thank you for your attention and listening my poor English. Thank you. Thank you, Dr. Huang. I would say that was a good debut in Washington, D.C. And now we turn to our distinguished commentator, Mr. David Brown, whom I'm sure you are very much familiar with. He's now our adjunct professor at the Paul Nietzsche School of Bound International Studies. Please. Thank you, Professor. And I'd like to thank the sponsors for giving me an opportunity to participate in this panel, particularly Bonnie Glazer. Professor Wong is a very careful and thorough student of the role of the National Security Council and other bureaucratic structures in Taiwan's policy-making. And since that is not my personal endeavor, I have benefited a great deal from reading his paper. And I have read the draft of his paper, which has not been available to you. It's more complex and sophisticated than he has been able to present in a few minutes of oral presentation. His paper looks very deeply into the legal basis of the NSC, how that has changed over time, its internal structure. He talks a great deal about the personnel who have been in it at different times and the procedures under which they work and their relationship to other agencies in a quite sophisticated fashion. And he digs deeper into trying to understand within these structures how the individual personal relationships between people in the NSC and the president and other players have affected policy makers and has managed to do this over the course of about 20 years of modern Taiwan history, bridging three very different presidents, Lee, Chun and Ma. His paper also talks about the role of the MAC and the F and the Straits Exchange Foundation analyzes some of the difficulties, as he says, on how coordination of the Services Trade Agreement ran into problems and even talks to a certain extent about how the current National Security Council, Secretary General Jin Pusong's individual activities have sort of gone beyond the normal mandate of that office. So it's a quite detailed exploration of the NSC as an institution, as I said from which I learned. Now, his basic thesis he did put up on a slide and that is that the NSC as an institution helped maintain stability in cross-strait policy during these two very important transfers of political leadership in 2000 when Chen Shui-bian took office and in 2008 when President Ma Ying-jo came into office. And he is trying to evaluate the role of the NSC in maintaining stability and his conclusion in the way he framed the question was that it did provide stability to a certain extent, i.e. a limited role. The evidence he presents to support this conclusion is partly the overall institutional structure of the way mainland policy is made and with the NSC as a coordinating body at the top, the mainland affairs council within the Executive Yuan and the Straits Exchange Foundation as an implementing body at an unofficial level. The other evidence he presents is to look carefully at what people were put in place at the beginning of President Chen's first administration and the people that President Ma used at the beginning of his first term as well. And he sees a degree of continuity in these people and believes that that continuity of personnel was what contributed to this certain degree of role that the NSC played in maintaining stability. Now I have a few comments on this and the first is that he's tackling a very complicated question. Complicated in the sense that there was in some ways a bit of continuity between Li Dengwei's policies at the end of his administration and Chen Shuiyan's policies in the first few years. And there was a bit of continuity in terms of the first things the Ma administration did when it came into office. It picked up on some of the discussions that had been held informally at the end of the Chen administration on tourism and on expanding the very limited number of cross-strait flights that existed. And those were the first things that Ma was able to implement. So he is correct in saying that there is some continuity there. But broadly speaking the Chen administration represented a very significant break in policy particularly after 2002 when Chen got over the doubts that existed about how he could manage cross-strait relations in his first year in office. And there very clearly was a break in policy between the end of Chen Shuiyan's administration and the policies that President Ma has pursued. So trying to sort out in this complex picture of some limited continuity but major change what role the NSC as a bureaucracy played I think was a challenging undertaking for Mr. Wang. My personal perspective on this is that his paper and in fact his research area places more weight on the institutional factors influencing policy than is warranted. I tend to look at these issues in terms of political dynamics that examines a range of factors and not to place the institutional emphasis on it that he does. From my perspective the major thing that maintained a degree of stability in 2000 when Chen took office was the fact that in his first inaugural address he enunciated the four no policy which was designed to reassure Beijing, Washington and his domestic audiences that his ascension to the presidency was not going to produce confrontation, conflict almost immediately. How did that four noes come about? It was primarily a matter of negotiation between the campaign staff around President Chun and the Americans as to what could be put in there that would be reassuring and to the extent that I understand it, the NSC as an institution did not play a role in this. And secondly, if I look at the transition in 2008 and try and understand why stability came about after a period of considerable tension, I would say that the most important factor was the election in 2008. The voters of Taiwan made two important decisions. They decided not to approve Chen Shui-bian's proposed referendum on joining the UN as Taiwan and that was very reassuring to Beijing. And secondly, they elected a president who had a dramatically different policy encapsulated in Ma's three noes, no unification, no independence and no use in cross-strait relations. So I think that the these political factors were more important than the institutional. I'm not saying the institution had nothing to do with it, but it had, I think, a quite limited role. Professor Huang is quite straightforward in saying that each of the presidents he looked at was responsible for making cross-strait policy and exercise that in a individual, personal way that often particularly in Lida Wei's administration and in Chen Shui-bian's administration used groups outside the National Security Council as the vehicles for coordinating policy and that just is a reality. Now in his paper, Professor Huang also advocates that Taiwan would be better off if the institution of the National Security Council was stronger. And I certainly agree with that. I think that countries that have a well-established policymaking process can help leaders make decisions that reduce risk and lead to better results. The reality in Taiwan, however, has been that Taiwan has had three very strong-minded presidents. And that even if the National Security Council as an institution were to be strengthened, it would only be effective if the gentlemen or women who become the future presidents of China were willing to subordinate their strong personalities and decision-making styles to a process of bureaucratic decision-making. And that is not part of the political culture of Taiwan that we have seen up to now. I would certainly think Taiwan would be better off with more of it, but one has to deal with reality as you find it. Finally, I have one other question of interest that I think might contribute to helping explain what role the NSC has played and could play in the future. And that has to do with the fact that in Taiwan there is always a period between the election of a new president and his assumption of office. This is a period of three or four months, much like we have in the United States, quite unlike the experience in Japan and other parliamentary democracies where there is no such transition period. But in Taiwan, you have that built into the political structure. So if a pattern could develop in Taiwan where the incoming administration and the outgoing administration could have transition teams work closely with the NSC, I think this would be very helpful. In making this comment I would say that it is probably also unlikely that this is going to happen because of how bitterly divided the parties in Taiwan are and the lack of trust that goes across the green-blue spectrum. But nevertheless I do recall that when Chen Shui-bian came to office, you did have some members of the outgoing administration who have been in the United States and understood the role that transition transition cooperation between an outgoing administration and incoming administration can be helpful to the incoming administration. I'm thinking here particularly Chen Zhen-ren who was the foreign minister at that time who went out of his way to brief the people that Chen had formed. And I think more of this would be helpful, but it only is going to come about if there is a sort of shift in the political culture on Taiwan in the direction of recognizing that these kinds of informal arrangements which cannot be written into law can only come about as a result of habits of political activity within a society are adapted. And with that I thank you for your attention. Thank you very much for a very succinct somebody and a presentation of very good questions. I'm looking forward to the answers coming from Dr. Wan. Let's now move on to the second presentation by Yasuhiro Matsuda-sensei. Thank you, Takahara-san. Thank you again, Boni. Before I get into my own topic, I have to answer the question about the relationship between the collective self-defense right and Taiwan because Takahara-san assigned to me. And I have to say that what I'm going to say is not interesting at all. It does not deserve to be posted on the front page of the Taiwanese newspapers. So please relax and forget it quickly. The lifting the ban of the collective self-defense right in Japan was just recently decided by the other cabinet. And the legislation process will have to follow. But based on the political calculation because Japan will have local elections next year, early next year. And this agenda is not welcomed by the public. So the other cabinet decided to postpone the legislative process to next year. So the concrete possible actions or behavior toward the Taiwan contingency is still unclear. So my brief answer is I don't know. But there are three things I can say. The first the collective self-defense right is adopted to state, state-to-state relationship. Taiwan is not a state in the Japanese legal system. Taiwan is not a state. So theoretically in international law Taiwan is not the the object to be for using the exercising the collective self-defense force. The second Japan's role to defend U.S. military in cases of contingencies near Japan Japan can defend U.S. forces. And in that situation U.S.-Japan alliance will be largely enhanced. And Taiwan's security is dependent on U.S.-Japan security alliance. So it naturally makes a kind of effect. But what is the concrete effect that is still to say? We have to wait until next year. And the third one thing is that the lifting of this right is not an all-out lifting. It's a very limited lifting. So a lot of Japanese security specialists are dissatisfied by the decision by the Abe cabinet. When the one country is very close with Japan is attacked by somebody else that attack is wrong and imminent and no other option. There are no other options and Japan can take minimum needed actions. That's very, very limited. And the purpose of exercising the collective self-defense of Japan. These discourses are very much limited. So, I don't know. So as I said, it's not interesting at all. Okay, let's get into my... Yes, this presentation is going to be very interesting. Okay, let's start. Yeah. Yeah. My presentation, topic is cross-strait relations and the Mind Joe administration from economic to political dependence. Question mark, please. Next. I introduced the project of my team earlier. The keyword is actually this. The dilemma between prosperity and self-reliance in Taiwan. If Taiwan pursues prosperity, Taiwan has to be dependent on China to some extent. If Japan... Yes, I'm sorry, if Taiwan... Actually, Japan is the same. If Taiwan seeks independence and self-reliance, then it has to sacrifice the prosperity to some extent. So this is a dilemma. There is a small economy and outward economy and there are interactions, economic interactions with the main in China is so important. And the China administration allowed being dependent on China economically and on the other hand tried to seek independence, political independence from China. And that was that policy line was denied by the public and the party alternation occurred. And the Mao administration began to promote institutionalization. But my question is is that going to lead a political dependency as well. And this is going to be very interesting. The answer is going to be a very interesting implication for the post-Mao administration after 2016. Figure one shows that the Taiwan's economic dependence on China has heightened during the Chen Shui-Pien administration period from 2000 to 2008 around 2010. The dependence is really, really high. And but still the relations between the Taiwan and the Main in China was not institutionalized. So it was a very unstable relationship. Next please. So the Mao administration hammered out series of new policies and that was based on 1992 consensus. It takes time to understand what is 1992 and consensus. Because the definitions are different for different parties. Taiwan has its own version, the Main in China has its own version, but it is a consensus mentioning One China. So this can be called One China Magic. Based on this magic we can see the relationship promoted a lot of items. And Main China also stated its status orientation. No unification, no independence, no use of force. And not only these words, these words he set up the KMT CPC platform. That's for political negotiation or political communication. And also in the working level he resumed SEF-ARATS platform and he welcomed tourists from the Main in China. It's 3 million every year. It's a huge number. And he also promoted diplomatic truce. Don't fight over picking up the diplomatic relations with China between China and Taiwan. And also he promoted a lot of efforts to have FDA with other nations. Next, please. In response with President Ma's policies, Hu Jintao also released so-called six points. And I would like to read this. If Main in China and Taiwan were to reach agreement, it would also be beneficial for Taiwan to enter the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation mechanism which includes the United States. So TPP is also theoretically included. A positive response to the diplomatic truce which would mean an end to China's use of diplomatic aid as a way to convince other countries to not recognize Taiwan. It also suggests that China is willing to recognize Taiwan's activities involving international organizations to some extent, which is assumption that there will be no compromise regarding sovereignty. A strong intention to reach a peace accord under the One China principle. So these are the contents of the Hu Jintao Six Point. Next, please. The result is a remarkable outcome. There have been 21 agreements between CAF and ARATS and they signed ECFA and other framework. They can promote a lot of trace and investment and because welcoming the tourism from the Main in China, there is comprehensive social interactions and in international area as well Taiwan has made limited achievement. For example, participating into the Beijing Olympic game with Zhonghua Taipei which is totally impossible to understand for only English speakers. What is the difference between Zhonghua Taipei and Zhonghua Taipei? Those are all Chinese Taipei, but anyway that means that important for Chinese living world. So that's a small step but still a big step forward. Participation of Taiwanese representatives at the annual meeting of the IKO and WHO and the FDA with New Zealand and Singapore and Japan and Taiwan signed a fishery agreement.  But what happened based on these policy changes and the social changes? Please look at this. The blue line reveals that Taiwanese travelers to China Taiwanese travelers to China were quite limited. There are repeaters. Businessmen and there are some tourists but businessmen were the majority. So it's more than 5 million people now. But the Chinese travelers to Taiwan was relatively small number and the change started in 2008 and now it's around 3 million people are visiting Taiwan every year. That's a huge change. If you go to Taipei, you can hear Mandarin accent mainland accent of Mandarin. Next please. Interesting thing is that as the interaction social interaction grows the Taiwanese identity also grows. Please look at this chart. Those who think that they're Taiwanese, not Chinese began to grow around 2008. So there may be an interaction between two phenomena but this may be a coincidence. Then let's take a look at another chart. Next please. This is also a very famous chart asking which do you prefer status quo, independence or unification of Taiwan? Recent change is unclear by this chart. The highest figure is maintaining the status quo. Decide later and the status quo indefinitely and then unification as soon as possible, I'm sorry, status quo now, independence later. These are in the category of the pro status quo people. But people could be intimidated if someone tells you that we will see the change of status quo tomorrow and there will be a war or something. So actually this is not a good example. Next please. So if you remove the question of status quo, asking the status quo there are only two choices, independence or unification. Look at this. Look at blue line. The people those who support independence increased and those who support unification decreased and those who have no opinion also decreased. So this means that identity and independence orientation also increased as well. The problem is that the cross-strait interaction and the growth of the Taiwanese identity and pro independence orientation whether they have cause-and-effect relations or not. Next please. Then there is Taiwanese political scientists Lin Chun-Chu she made a remarkable study, empirical study from 2004 to 2008. The result is this until 2008 the only Taiwanese who visited men in China were those who transferred by their companies or those who had a high level of income or education and could afford to travel to a foreign country quote-unquote. However, it is possible that Taiwanese people from all social classes even those with low levels of education have had more contact with Chinese visitors to Taiwanese travelers between the two has increased. This contact has highlighted the differences between them and the visitors from men in China and stirred their Taiwanese identity. This hypothesis holds that people with experience with the men in China have identities that are not easily swayed. The trend toward increasing Taiwanese identity is irreversible. This is a very bad news for China. They didn't expect that after the increase of the cross-strait interaction, this kind of phenomenon happened. The policies or political choice for Taiwanese government is very difficult. The mind-gear approach started from the easier one and stepping toward the less easier one from the shallow water to the deep water. The category C is a relatively easier one such as welcoming Chinese tourism or diplomatic truce. It can be done unilaterally and China just doing nothing then they can enjoy diplomatic truce. Taiwan's participation of the NGOs these are easy things. Now mind-gear administration is struggling in the difficult ones relatively difficult ones in the category B that's called in deep water. If he gets into the category A the change of the legal status quo of the cross-strait relations that's not deep water it's a black hole it's important to survive for Taiwanese people. These are level of difficulties but please next please I'm almost done mind-gear approval rating is very low disapproval rating is very high more than 70% and approval rating is almost 10% in this situation mind-gear surprisingly chose to get into the close to the black hole the deeper water next please. He has made numerous efforts to Mashi summit meeting it started last year. He hammered out new words like one channel framework yes yes I will wrap up very quickly. One channel framework and three nodes which is almost the same as what China wants and so on. So there was a huge repercussion from the Taiwanese society next please. That is a movement which we witnessed in last March through April time. There are many many oppositions against mind-gear. He is very unpopular now but he tries to promote a summit meeting with Xi Jinping. So this structure as long as this structure exists I think that one who takes leadership after 2016 will have a very difficult time very difficult time. Dilemma between prosperity and self-reliance will further be deepened. So mind-gear these are my conclusions. Mind-gear administrations consider three policies toward China promoted the stabilization of the relations. Yes, that's right. But China has not compromised its core principles with regard to Taiwan, with regard to its sovereignty. Dilemma itself identity has grown due to increased social contact between the peoples of China. Economic changes inevitably cause political changes and economic dependence can create political dependence. The results of the policy shifts of the Mind-gear administration have made a summit meeting Beijing and Taipei a possibility, just a possibility. And lastly, opposition against political dependence on China in the Taiwanese public is extremely strong and it will change the color of the 2016. Thank you very much. Thank you very much Matsuda-san for a very clear presentation and thanks also for answering the question that was carried out from the previous session. I think we are a bit pressed with time, so without a due discussion this morning, laser who doesn't need any introduction, please morning. This was a terrific paper by Matsuda-sensei. A very good analysis of developments in cross-strait relations and I had mostly questions that came to mind after reading his analysis. What will be the direction of cross-strait relations in the future? What will be the implications for Japan? For the United States? Will there be a complete convergence between the U.S. and Japan in our interests and our reactions depending on that variable of how cross-strait relations developed? So certainly President Ma Ying-jeo has achieved a great deal. The easy things have been accomplished and the hard things remain. So I would say even if the KMT remains in power in 2016, cross-strait relations will not be easy. If the DPP returns to power then there will be even greater uncertainty. So far, the only point of agreement I think in the DPP is that policy toward the mainland should be based on a consensus in Taiwan. A process has been created that is vetting ideas within the party, but so far that process has not yielded any new policy proposals. Importantly, the DPP has not adopted a clear stance on one China and it may not. But this is Beijing's bottom line nonetheless. There is I think no consensus for example on whether to freeze the Taiwan Independence Plank in the 1991 party platform. Now Matsuda sensei points out that China has left the door open to reversing course in the future. Presumably if a future government in Taiwan does not act in accordance with Beijing's wishes. Now that is more likely if there is a strongly pro-independence government in power. But there's also the possibility that economic pressure could be used if China becomes impatient for political progress. Matsuda-san discusses Taiwan's reliance on mainland China economically and the vulnerability that arises from this dependence. China indeed has used so far economic incentives toward Taiwan and those incentives under certain circumstances could be turned into punitive measures and we have seen China use economic pressure and coercion against some of its neighbors particularly against Japan and the Philippines more recently in 2012. Matsuda-san notes the example of tourists could be limited that are sent or permitted to go to Taiwan. Matsuda-san also says China could use its leverage to make political demands but I think we do have to draw a distinction between deterring independence and compelling unification. Indeed it is probably easier to deter independence and mainland pressure to deter independence has worked to some extent but the mainland has not been successful so far in compelling Taiwan to reunify or compelling the Taiwan people to support reunification and this is evidenced in the data that Matsuda-san presented on self-identity which has strengthened on the islands. Some American observers have been expressing concerns about Taiwan's growing economic dependence on mainland China about 40% of Taiwan's exports go to the mainland this has been true for a number of years and about 80% of Taiwan's overall investment goes to the mainland our former secretary of state Hillary Clinton raised this concern very explicitly in an interview this past June and she warned Taiwan of the linkage between economic independence and political independence citing the faith that Ukraine suffered at the hands of Russia now what can Japan and the U.S. do in this regard is there a role for our two countries to play and I would certainly put on the table that we should be doing as much as we can to promote Taiwan's participation in the regional economic integration process although Taiwan has its own homework to do in that regard too there was a question that was raised in the first panel that I would like to pose to Professor Matsuda is Japan worried about closer mainland China Taiwan ties what are the specific developments between the two sides of the strait that might be viewed as harmful to Japanese interests and again is there a do you see a convergence between the U.S. and Japan on this point or a potential divergence and then the last point that I'd like to make is about international space it's probably only one piece of your analysis that I somewhat disagree with I think that you are more sanguine about China's willingness to provide Taiwan with greater international space than I am this is a subject I've done a great deal of work on over the past year last year we published a report on Taiwan's international space that included an examination of China's policy and we will be publishing yet another one later this year specifically on Taiwan's role in international security organizations and groupings and regional mechanisms I think that Beijing is holding hostage its support for allowing Taiwan to sign additional FTAs with other nations to the ratification of the TISO agreement by Taiwan's legislative UN and indeed recently China's ambassador to Malaysia very explicitly and publicly said that Beijing would oppose an FTA between Malaysia and Taiwan now if he is simply opposing the name free trade agreement then that won't be an issue because that's not the name that was used in Taiwan's agreement with Singapore or with New Zealand but the question remains is China opposing new free trade type agreements between Taiwan and other nations you mentioned Ikea this is of course the second UN affiliated organization that the mainland has allowed Taiwan to play a role in I raised the possibility that this is a one-off deal by the way this was not an annual meeting that Taiwan participated in it's held once every three years it's a general meeting there is a council that Taiwan might apply to be an observer to that holds four times he holds meetings four times a year there are many technical meetings Taiwan is not included in any of these so I would say really I'm not sure that that problem has been resolved the WHA example I think is a better example and it may be the only really good example of the mainland allowing Taiwan greater international space of course under the great against the background of the SARS epidemic that broke out in 2003 even in NGOs China has tried to constrain Taiwan's participation in the international community or has tried to change the name of Taipei's delegation from Chinese Taipei to Taiwan comma China so I would say China views Taiwan's participation in international organizations as a political issue that must be addressed through political talks which President Ma is as yet unwilling to undertake and so I see this as a big question mark going forward so I will close my comments with that and look forward to your responses thank you thank you for once again very intriguing questions so now I would like to present us to provide the response to the questions and comments being raised by the discussants Dr. Wan first please maybe I cannot do best answer by English but I try to do it the most research about mainland policy decision making always focus on personal network with USA and China or focus on the personal quality about the leader but I think this situation is the cost by the government institute is too many problems of ambiguous organizational relations and this is not illegal governments is human governments so but NSC is the most important channel for president to make decision my concept about the decision making process is that institution is important and how to use the institution is also important and if the institution has too many problems of ambiguous inter-organizational relations we should the administration operation is dependent on the president president's quality or staff's quality and needs some human personal network to do the decision making I think this is not a good institution so I try to study the institution about policy decision making thank you thank you for giving me such an important questions yes I would like to talk about Japan's various views on the close relations between China and Taiwan this is a very sensitive issue you know this is a triangle relationship so I have to be very careful and I tend to use this way of explanation there are three different national interests for Japan over the cross-regulations one is crisis management so no war that's the first national interest the second is power balance in this region and the third national interest is economic interest comparing Chen Shui-pian administration and Mainjou administration I think that in the first category the crisis management I think Mainjou is much more comfortable for Japan because it doesn't seem like war is happening so in terms of the stability you know the close and stable cross-regulations Japan's national interest but in the second category the power balance if you talk about the power balance in this region I think that there are a lot of Japanese really worried about whether Taiwan is leaning toward China or not and some extreme people think that Taiwan is over it's already over something like this anyway some people may say that way so in terms of power balance I think that close and stable relations or even much more for example much more extreme case unification that's that's a nightmare for some Japanese people who extremely care about the power balance of this region but in the third category so in this meaning the Chen Shui Ping administration was much more comfortable for Japan but in the third category economic interest I think Japan is enjoying my ingenious new policy because it's much more stable much stabbler and much more institutionalized and there are many many cases of Japan and Taiwan alliance to do investment on China there are a lot of cases and we one of our team one member of our team is doing this kind of research and this is really remarkable our result and so Japan's views on close and stable relations between Taiwan and Taiwan is different for different people or different for different national interests it's like university professors answer but anyway this is not interesting but please forgive me in the second question you're yes you're right and whether China allows much more wider international space for Taiwan is a bit questionable yes I think that the situation become much more subtler than before during the Chen Shui Ping's period any acts to promote or cultivate international space for Taiwan was blocked by China by any means but in my ingenious era the two parties are good so it is not politically correct to block Taiwan's effort to cultivate international space every time in a very seeable way because it will invoke pan green people and the DPP and they may become much more powerful in Taiwan so China's is playing a very subtle game much subtler game than before that's my explanation for example the Chinese ambassador to Malaysia publicly opposed the possible FDA between Taiwan and Malaysia he's not politically incorrect he's politically correct but maybe slightly different from China's policy toward Taiwan but since he is not politically incorrect he will not be punished that happens everywhere in the Chinese political figures can smash Japan publicly that that may be a bit different from China's present policy toward Japan but that action is politically correct so he that person will not be punished so this kind of I think this kind of a deviation of the national policy from the national policy this kind of thing happens sometimes so yes you're right but there are much subtler changes and especially in terms of the bilateral economic agreement for example there is a rule hidden rule if China hasn't signed an FDA or other economic agreement with a certain country Taiwan cannot sign an agreement with that country that's a hidden rule like Japan or India but Japan signed investment protection agreement with Taiwan before China and China I think China was really upset inside the country but didn't explode it because if China does so it will help DPP to criticize my NGO and criticize my NGO's so it's the situation very subtle now thank you thank you very much now the floor is open so please raise your hand for questions yes thank you I appreciate professor yeah right your comment and also Bonnie's comment you mentioned there are three levels of Japanese national interest the third level looks like the first level economic policy economic interest but I remember Secretary of State Carrie mentioned several times repeatedly he says foreign policy is economic policy economic policy is foreign policy so Taiwan's over dependence on one single market looks like it's economic policy but actually it's foreign policy it has strategic implication for the time being there are 21 agreement signed between cross-strait but if Taiwan's continuing depend on Chinese market I think Taiwan's negotiating and bargaining leverage will be less and less so Bonnie mentioned about the US role and Japanese role to help Taiwan to bring Taiwan out of this I think should have more important element in the future I think Taiwan's over dependence on China market should be considered by the US Japanese as well as all the Asian country Taiwan is now an interesting joint TPP RCEP so even if we continue to depend on Chinese market there's no guarantee Taiwan will continue enjoy the prosperity because China is now engaging more FTA for example hopefully China would like to reach agreement with South Korean so no warranty Taiwan will continue to prosper so if we consider this as a strategic issue in Taiwan of course we have our own homework as Bonnie mentioned so we have to do this and we have to reform our systems to accommodate to open more markets so that's it thank you you don't have a question just comment next person please here we go can someone bring the microphone to this lady hi Nadia I have a question for a professor both of you from Japan I remember in the past policy toward Taiwan was strictly wouldn't say dominate but strictly steered by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and bureaucrats people always said there's no flexibility in your bureaucrat but we see that recently the relationship has changed some people even comment that the fishery agreement between Taiwan and Japan was driven by Abe himself so is there a change in Japan's politics I mean the politician has now more room to maneuver the foreign relationship or the relationship with the Taiwan one thank you thank you let's collect some more yes the gentleman at the back there Scott Harold from RAND I have a question for Dr. Matsuda and also Bonnie if you want to answer I wonder if you could comment on the impact of the Senkaku's challenge that China is posing to Japan for the possibility of Japan's relationship with Taiwan in other words after 2016 if the DPP were to come back to office and China were to decide to reverse what it has been doing which has been kind of downgrading the pressure it's putting on Japan on the Senkaku's if they were to ramp back up or even take the Senkaku's physically away from Japan occupy them would that carry implications for Japan recognizing Taipei and if not or if so does that carry any implications for deterring China from trying to take the Senkaku's away from Japan thanks the possibility of a DPP come back is a big question here we go let's take one more and then I'll ask you to respond hi thank you for all the presentations especially thank you Professor Matsuda for taking the questions from the last panel that's a very very interesting answer and I really appreciate it I have a question directed well mostly to Professor Matsuda or if Ms. Glazer would like to answer it what is the signal that's been sent out by the sunflower movement that Professor Matsuda has showed in his presentation to the international society about the directions that Taiwan is moving because I know a lot of commentators on especially talking about sunflower movements saying that Taiwan is moving on after this movement well Taiwan is having that kind of synophobia or whatever that is called so afraid of China so that this kind of movement is held but it also has implication I think personally I think it there has an implication on Taiwan is not actually moving that close to China you are trying to separate from China I'll bait the economic dependence so my question is what what kind of symbolic meaning did the sunflower movement show to the world and especially to the scholars or specialists I have a professional on this issue thank you thank you for all the stimulating questions I'll first ask the presenters to respond and I'm sure the discussions would like to respond to some of them so I'll give some time Mr. Brown and Bonnie which one would you like would you like to go first thank you thank you for many precious questions the first question is that is the decision making or foreign policy in Japan are politician led more and more politician led the answer is yes you know the Prime Minister Abe posted his picture taken with Vincent Xiao when the impact meeting was held last year in his Facebook and that was very popular and unprecedented unprecedented situation in the past all those Japan-Taiwan interactions are very very low key don't open up but this time is quite different I think that there are initiative driven by Prime Minister Abe there is initiative and not only Taiwan policy of Japan but other fields as well Japan is now facing tremendous change of society and the political leadership is more important as a whole the second question is that's a very provocative question thank you Harold and my answer is I don't know I don't know because those two questions are separate questions whether to you know recognize Taiwan or not or how to deal with the Senka contingency are different things that it might be connected but it's far beyond my imagination so far I'm sorry I don't know the third question sunflower movement is a very interesting movement and it is still very early for us to draw a conclusion about that but maybe the much more universal not only specifically Taiwan oriented but much more universal implication is that this is one of the reactions to the way of the rise of China for the people surrounding in China even the people in Hong Kong are now you know protesting against China's so called election package that's not an election for our standard but anyway Japan, Vietnam the Philippines and even Malaysia there are some repercussions against China is rising so I think that this is a kind of wake up call for China to review its policy you know but actually this may be politically incorrect but Beijing's policy toward Tibet and the Xinjiang also have to be reviewed it's not China's foreign policy but Beijing's policy toward these people should be seriously reviewed that's my version of the implication to the world thank you I think this is a difficult question but I think I think there is an important message in sunflower student movement when the government want to promote the policy about the free change they should do the protest communication with all industries and all people if they cannot do it maybe there is some protest movement happen everywhere thank you I'm sorry the time is limited just one word on the sunflower student movement I think one of the important questions is whether this was a one-off event reflecting attitudes of a certain segment of Taiwan society at one point in time or is this going to have some staying power and I think that depends to a large extent on how successful the student leaders are in continuing their activities and mobilizing public support to find various activities they conduct and on that question I think the answer is far from clear at this point I'd like to just add one brief thing about the sunflower movement I think it's very important to try to understand the causes in Taiwan the concerns in Taiwan it's very difficult to separate out the many factors that are shaping the attitudes of young people especially since mainland China is related to all of them but if young people are having difficulty getting a job mainland China is one of the factors but there are also others so I think it's really difficult to tease out but what I'm really interested in is how the mainland perceives the sunflower movement and I think at the beginning there was really no understanding and there was a knee jerk reaction to see this as being driven by the DPP the question I think after examining this sunflower movement for some time now and I have talked to different analysts and officials in China about this there are really I think two different interpretations one is that sees the roots of it that China has some in China's responsibility to some extent and how it has treated Taiwan but there is another view that it is really the designification movement in Taiwan that is primarily responsible for shaping the attitudes of the students who are involved in the sunflower movement and those who support them that latter view really absolves the mainland of really any responsibility it's all the fault of Taiwan's government and it's the Taiwan government that has to change the designification movement so I think that this is something really interesting to watch going forward Thank you so much for all the comments and questions one word on the sunflower movement from me I do research into China and I sense that besides all these issues in cross straight relations I did sense this common what's the word anxiety and dissatisfaction between young people not only in Taiwan but in mainland China and in Japan as well so if the insight of the Chinese leadership was deep enough they would sense that it may come to mainland China and that's a very dangerous situation for them sorry about the extra intervention from me but I hope you had a good time and thank you very much for joining again and to David and please join me in thanking all the presenters and the discussions on the panel thank you very much


Abstract tissue factor, TF, is a protein involved in blood clotting and has recently been found to play a key role in cancer development and progression. It has been shown to activate several signaling pathways that promote cancer cell growth and survival, such as the PI3K, AKT and MAPK pathways. TF overexpression is associated with increased tumor aggressiveness and poor prognosis in various cancers. Various TF targeted therapies, including monoclonal antibodies, small molecule inhibitors and immunotherapies, have been developed and are currently being tested in preclinical and clinical trials. Additionally, TF conjugated nanoparticles have shown promise in treating cancer, while TF targeted and retargeted therapies are being investigated as potential treatments for cancer. Despite the progress made, there remain many challenges and opportunities for further research into the role of TF in cancer development and progression. This article was authored by Sada Smaila Modi, Ashkan Shabana's had, Amir Kareezi and others. We are article.tv, links in the description below.


It's very relaxing to think that you are really not responsible for the end or for the means that if God has given you this end of forgiving and waking up from this dream that God would not give you the end, God would not give you a plan without the means. So it's like it's all part of a package. It's so different from the human condition where whenever we think of things in the world personal goals or things we want to happen and trying to make happen then we have to come up with the means. That's just how it works in the world. You decide the end and you have to make the means happen and spiritual awakening is just the opposite of that. You don't have to be concerned about how the means will arrive. That was probably one of the hardest things for me to loosen from because I was raised with the Protestant work ethic and I was raised very, it was very conditioned that you go after things, you have pursuits, you have goals, you have ambitions and then you work very hard and you work hard and you have to really work hard to get the means to line up and sometimes you succeed and sometimes you fail. That was just the formula. Then on the spiritual journey, when I first made it available I said to the Spirit I'm available, I'm yours now and everything then it would show up very spontaneously but like my first trip, so to speak, out of the United States and Canada area was down to Argentina and frequent flower miles were donated. First class, Hecativa business class and I was just sipping wine, flying in first class going, wow, I don't know how this happened and three people with me because in some of the stories a man named David was walking with me in a park in like January and I was just beginning a tour and with Resta and he just said you should go to other countries and I said, oh I've never considered that and he said you should, then he started talking about Argentina after I mentioned somebody had written saying they wanted some Resta CDs and yeah, a few weeks, several weeks later I was on my way with three others this man had won a frequent flyer contest he won a million frequent flyer miles from the South American contest that he entered but go stay at these hotels and with a bunch of other people that were doing that was the grand prize, a million so he had so many frequent flyer miles he didn't even know what to do with them so he flew himself, me, Kerry and Resta all four of us down to South America and everything was taken care of places to stay 19 consecutive gatherings like this on 19 consecutive days, it was just a whirlwind but I had no hand in it it just was all dropped in my lap including the flyer miles and everything so that's what I mean by the means are handled if you really give yourself over to this purpose you can count on the means being there not that you personally will have a hand in arranging the means but it's very much, it's more like a fairy tale it has a real strong fairy tale quality that everything just shows up and shows up and shows up it's really like Michael's Balloon last night, the desire if your desire is really strong for peace and love and God and everything it's amazing, if you focus your mind on that then absolutely everything will just completely line up the mind is that powerful so if you put your mind in that way then debts will get taken care of if you need plane tickets, if you need anything it used to be I had a time in my life where I lived really on the edge where I really never had much money at all in my bank account and I didn't pay much attention to it either because it was so low it was so small anyway it would just go up and down a little bit but it was very close to zero most of the time but then I got more and more into the miracles and it's like, yeah, that doesn't even matter I didn't have to pay attention to my checking account I knew there was a time where we went to Lisa's and she had always pushed it off and had other people manage her money so she hadn't balanced the checkbook for years but it was more out of a sense of fear and denial, for me there wasn't much in there anyway and I didn't really care much about it it just seemed to be whatever I needed was there but that's an important thing to keep in mind because the ego uses the fear and the scarcity and the lack to try to scare you from even taking the steps and following your prompts it's going to try to throw everything to turn a tiny little worry into like a mountain so that it will shut you down it doesn't want you to even make a move towards God because it's very afraid it will be gone if that happens so it throws up all kinds of obstacles but we've come to really see how beautifully everything is orchestrated and whatever you need it's also asking if you're on this journey and you deeply loved and you know you have loved ones that care for you and are just praying and hoping for you to take every step on this great journey to experience God it's good to let go of the pride around asking sometimes there's pride of asking for help and it doesn't matter we're not just talking about friends or family but even amongst ourselves that's how it works we say our doors are open call, write, Skype, text Facebook, Facebook message just send something through in some way and just say I want to pray on my next step and I'm feeling this I'm feeling that and then we just go into prayer together and if we can help out in any way at all we will because it's such a glorious purpose it's the only purpose that it's worth giving your heart to so we just go into that prayer and miracles are natural when they do not occur something has gone wrong we just expect lots of miracles every day and if there seems to be a glitch it's like let's take a moment to pray and let's join together on that and have a meeting of the minds and beautiful it's just given


Good morning sir. Good morning ma'am. Please sit down. Thank you sir. Mr. Garg. Yes sir. After your law in 2019, have you been working anywhere or? Sir, I have been working as a research assistant for a book which two of my professors are writing. Okay, where? In Nalsar? Yes sir, in Nalsar. Okay. So, this is not on-spot training. I am doing it from home only in a remote fashion. And what is the book about? Sir, the book encapsulates all the supreme court judgments which have happened till date. Okay. Where we are evaluating all the judgments on 25 different parameters. For example, what high court the case can be. Okay. Now, with a law degree from a leading institute of the country, what made you decide to appear for the civil services? Sir, the dynamic opportunities which are provided in civil services as a career that attracted me towards civil services. And apart from that sir, the element of public spirit and public work which is enshrined in civil services, that was another motivating factor for me. Okay. So, is this your first attempt? Sir, this is my second attempt. I had appeared for the interview last year also. How many marks did you get? Sir, I got 184 marks. 184 out of? Out of 275 sir. That's a good score. Yes sir. You didn't do well in the written? Yes sir. I did not have very good scores in my law optional. So, I missed the cutoff by about 10 marks. Okay. Okay. Good. Didn't you get any of the class 1 services? No sir. I did not get any of the services. You have done law in 2019. So, what is the latest element which you have gone through of the supreme court? Sir, one recent order which was passed by the supreme court was regarding cancellation of bail which was given to one of the accused in the Lakhimpur violence case. Apart from that sir, there is also the hijab order which was challenged in the supreme court and the supreme court has refused to grant any stay. Now, in case of the bail granted to an accused in Lakhimpur, what are the observations of the supreme court? Sir, the main observation of the supreme court was that the victims in that particular case were not granted a chance to present their side of view when the bail petition was going on. On the basis of that, the supreme court cancelled the bail saying that the victims should also have been heard before the bail could be given to the accused. All right. Now, it is said that a bail is a rule and jail is an exception. Yes sir. What do you mean by that? Sir, it means that jail should only be given in extraordinary circumstances when the gravity of the offense is very high and when there are chances that the accused might flee away from investigation. What is the main purpose of not granting bail? What is the objective? Sir, there can be two main objectives of not granting the bail. The first can be that the accused can influence the witnesses or other evidence in that particular case. For example, we have many cases in which the witnesses turn hostile due to intimidation by the accused. So, that is one reason. And second is, sir, there are also some chances where the accused might flee away from the country so as to avoid prosecution. So, that can be another reason for that. Then, do you support that the merit of the case should also be discussed while granting bail? Sir, while ideally merit of the case should be discussed, however, that will mean that we are prolonging the litigation proceeding to a large extent. Since hearing on merit takes a lot of time, it would mean that the accused will be in jail for that particular period of time. And then logistically, it will become very difficult to grant bail purely on the merits of the case. What is public trust doctrine? Sir, the public trust doctrine is an environmental doctrine in which any natural resources or public property which has environmental significance. The government holds that property in trust for the public and the property should only be used for the welfare of the public and not departed for any private purposes. This was given by the Supreme Court in the Kamal Nath case of 1997, sir. What is Bicheri village case? Sir, Bicheri village case, if I am not mistaken, is the case on Indian Action on Environment Legal Forum in which certain chemicals were released by a hazardous factory in, I think, the state of Rajasthan. And the Supreme Court laid down the polluter-pace principle in this case, saying that it is the responsibility of the company to not only recompensate for the harm which has happened, but also restore the field or restore the area in its original pristine form. Which is the grand norm in the country? Sir, the constitution is the grand norm in the country. After China-India conflict in Galwan, some experts are surprised that the Indian government is not asking for a status quo just before the Galwan incident. Why is it so? Sir, while I am not entirely sure about it, my understanding is that the government first wants to reduce the number of friction points which are present. For example, China has been patrolling at a patrolling point 15 while earlier they were restricted to, I think, only 12 or 13 patrolling points. So, sir, my understanding is that they want to first reduce the friction points which are present and then go for a status quo. Have they succeeded in that? Sir, to some extent, for example, we saw that how China had controlled the elash heights, if I am not wrong, in the Pangangso area. Over there, the Indian troops have been able to remove the Chinese, but negotiations on patrolling points are still going on, sir. On the contrary, during this scuffle, India has occupied a very strategically important point at a height. India has given it up, but China has hardly... What was that point? Sir, I am not entirely sure, but I think it was the Kailash ranges or the Kailash heights. No, there was a specific name. I am sorry, sir, I will have to redo that. But we have given up something. Yes, sir. They have not given up anything, substantial. So, are they succeeding? Number one. Number two, India was a great parokar of China joining the UN Security Council. Remember, in the early days, there was... Today, when it came to doing something for India, George Bush was very particular. And Chinese opposed tooth and nail India joining NSG, National Supply. Yes, sir. Why it has been so? Sir, answering the first part of the question, the reason India... Spotted. Sir, I was answering the question regarding why India lost the point on which they had earlier acquired. So, that was in exchange, where Chinese troops also moved back at certain conflict points. And in turn, India removed its troops, which had controlled the strategic location near the Pangyong Seoul Lake. Regarding the second part of the question, sir, the reason India supported China's Wait for United Nations Security Council in the 1948 or 49, if I am not wrong, when the communist government came into power was because our political executive at that time believed that the new regime in China was the worthwhile or the correct regime, which had... They should reciprocate the suggestion. I am saying that. Whatever reason we had. Why is it not happening? I mean, our relations are always sharp. What does China wants vis-à-vis India? What is their ultimate objective? Sir, China has multiple objectives with respect to India. The first is territorial control over certain areas which they claim as their own. For example, Arunachal Pradesh or areas in the north of the country. Apart from that, China wants to establish its own hegemony in Asia and it sees India as a rival power. Apart from that, China feels threatened by India's rise, especially in the economic sphere and believes that it should be the dominant power and position and should lead Asia forward. What in India should not be in that position taking Asia forward? Coming by your observation, China already has a position in the Aksai chain. 38,000 square meter square kilometer area. Not for today, from the late 50s. So what more do they want? Now, for Galwan, Lathi also, they have accrued something there coming. So everywhere, Doklam also, they have come in. So how much more they want from India? Why? Because economically, four times their GDP is bigger than India. So India will never be a challenge to them financially, economically and trade wise. So hegemony, I can understand. But how much? What is your prognosis in Afghanistan? These are with India. So India has certain strategic and geopolitical interest in Afghanistan. For instance, our first main interest is regarding security of our borders from northwestern part of the country. We saw how in 1990s, after Soviet left the country, there was an increase of Mujahideen terrorists coming into India. So that is first. Second, India also has a... What is prognosis I am asking? I wouldn't say next 10 to 15 years. Sir, while India presently does not have any diplomatic engagement with Taliban as such, however, it is said that the Taliban regime is here to stay. So India will probably have to eventually start forming ties with Taliban in the long run and also protect its own geopolitical interest. For example, we have the Chhabahar port and our link to Central Asia goes through Afghanistan. So that is something which is strategically very important for us. Apart from that, we also need a surety that Afghanistan and the area around... When you go via Afghanistan, necessarily to the Central Asian states or most of it is through Iraq. Sir, presently... You can go to Afghanistan. That can be one access. Okay. That is one of our objective. Apart from that, sir, as India has repeatedly mentioned that we do not want the Afghanistan territory to be used for any terrorism activities or any activities which destabilize the security in the region. Sir, while if we go by the previous record of Taliban, it is difficult for it to happen. It will not happen. Then what else? And apart from that, sir, we also have an interest regarding humanitarian issues which are going in Afghanistan. India is always believed in an Afghan led and an Afghan driven process where all the people, including women and minorities, are taken into consideration for the rights. Thank you. Thank you, sir.  Ma'am, I have some interest in studying flags. What is the origin of this word? Ma'am, the origin goes back to the Roman period. Bexillum used to refer to a bowl on which a cloth would be hung. And this was a horizontal cloth, not a vertical cloth as you see in flags right now. So from there, Bexillum was taken as vexillology and consequently vexillologist's word was derived. Which is the oldest flag in the world? Ma'am, presently it is said that the flag of Denmark, which originated in the 12th century, is the oldest flag. And which is the only flag in the world that is non-quadrilateral? Ma'am, Nebo, Nepal, is the only flag which is not quadrilateral. How is it, it's in two? Yes ma'am, it is two triangles. Two triangles. Yes ma'am. Which in your view is the most beautiful flag in the world? Ma'am, my sympathies definitely lie towards the flag of our country. Of course. Because, yes ma'am. Impartial. Yes ma'am. And ma'am, apart from that, I feel the flag of erstwhile princely state of Hyderabad has a very interesting history. This was a flag which was yellow in colour and had a kulcha, a flat brick on the face of it. And the story is that when Asif, Yes ma'am. Yes ma'am. The story is that when Asif, I am forgetting the name of the first ruler of Hyderabad, he was going to Deccan to establish his rule. He met a Sufi saint who predicted that his seven generations will rule Hyderabad and he would give kulcha as a prasad. So, keeping that thing in mind, the flag was decided to be a yellow flag with a kulcha on the face of it. Correct. All right. You are also studying Supreme Court judgments. Yes ma'am. Which recent judgment fascinated you? Recent. Yes ma'am. Ma'am, one recent judgment is regarding, only two days ago, regarding the stay on demolition of illegal encroachments which was given by Supreme Court. Although not a judgment, it was an order which was passed by the Supreme Court. But that was an important intervention which the Supreme Court did. Apart from that ma'am, if we go a little back, the right to privacy judgment, I think was one of the most landmark judgments which the Supreme Court has given in this particular century. And consequent to that ma'am, the judgment which decriminalized section 377 of the IPC and section 498 of A of the IPC were also very significant. Thank you. You are from Nalsar. Nalsar I think recently announced something which is in tune with the, more what you call, when I look on LGBT issues. Yes ma'am. What was that which Nalsar announced? So there were two things which the college has done. One is to announce a draft policy to include LGBT and queer community into the college premises. This includes awareness, education, and also specialist courses. And apart from that was the infrastructural changes which the university has done. In the hostel. Yes ma'am. For example, we now have a separate hostel wing for students who identify themselves as LGBT and also gender neutral toilets. Very good. Now, what is a non-compete clause? Ma'am, can you just take five seconds to think about it? Yes, yes, yes. Thank you ma'am. Ma'am, non-compete clause refers to a clause in an agreement in which it is said that one particular party will not have a similar trade or a similar business while going in the future. This is generally done when a particular company is acquired by some other company so that the same brand name or the same product cannot be used. Apart from that ma'am, non-compete. Yes ma'am. It is about an employee, you know. If he leaves, it is an employee who leaves the company. Yes ma'am. He has to sign a clause in the contract that he will not work in that company for the certain period. Yes ma'am. Why did it come up recently very much in the news with relation to an Indian company? Ma'am, it came up recently with regards to, I think, enforces or DCS. Yes, correct. Why? Ma'am, because it is said that there is right now a lot of poaching going on in the IT sector because of increased investment coming to India. So a lot of employees are leaving at traditional companies like enforces, DCS for new startups where they are being given salary perks to up to 200 or 300 percent. So that is why it was said that enforces might start invoking the non-compete clause so that the employees do not go to other companies. Would it be legally tenable? Such a clause. Yes ma'am, because the Section 28 of the Indian Contracts Act specifically provides that while there should be freedom of trade in a rate, however, in certain circumstances reasonable restrictions can be imposed. For example, not the employee not going towards a same industry for some period of time or not opening a shop in a certain area for some specific period of time. So it should be legally tenable ma'am. Now on the Russia-Ukraine war the Prime Minister of UK was here recently at the conclusion of his official talks bilateral talk, what was said about this war? Because UK holds a particular position in conformity with a particular group. We hold another position. What did they say about it? Ma'am, Prime Minister Joris Ponson mentioned that although the Indian political executive has privately informed the Russian political executive regarding why the war should not be taken however, since India has old ties with Russia hence UK or for that matter any country cannot lecture India on what specifically should be done in this particular case and India has its own neutral and a separate stand based on its historical and future relationships. Thank you Ma'am. Lavish is how you are called? Yes sir. A colleague has talked to you asked you about this Ashish Mishra case and you admit the specific observation they made are you able to recollect what did they say actually? In the context of Supreme Kutsa? Yes, when the bail granted by the Allahabad High Court was rejected what were the specific legal language that they used there? Sir, while I cannot recall the specific language but the assent of the statement which Supreme Court made was that Yes sir. But you are a lost student so I was expecting something very specific. I am sorry sir, I cannot recall the exact language at the moment sir. He said unbridled participative rights from the investigation to the culmination of the case. This is the kind of word. Thank you for telling me. What is the current status of marital rape in the Indian context and how do you get a redressal to that? Sir, presently marital rape separately is not recorded under the NCRB data because it is not a criminal offense. No, it is a legal status. I am not looking at numbers. In any case. This is section 3. Legal position as it stands in terms of legal status. Sir, section 375 of the Indian Penal Code penalizes rape. However, exception 2 section 375 specifically mentions that any allegation of rape by a wife against the husband will not be tenable and that is an exception which has been given. However, the Supreme Court in a 2017 judgment has said that any marital rape which happens against a girl below the age of 18 years of age that will be considered as rape only and no exception under section 375 can be availed in that case. In case of the major? In the case of major, the marital rape is not illegal in the country. The only recourse which a woman can have. That is why I said redressal also. Sir, the only redressal which is available is to pray for cruelty under the marriage act and ask for a divorce on the basis of that. IPC provision? I am not aware, sir, about it. I will have to read on it. Any other IPC? This Abu Saleem's case again there were some remarks passed by the Honorable Supreme Court a couple of days back. Can you recall what happened? Sir, Abu Saleem was extradited from Portugal and one of the conditions which was given by the Union Government was that no capital punishment or punishment above the period of 25 years shall be given. Sir, the Supreme Court reprimanded the Union Government saying that the affidavit which has been filed by the Union Government was not correct and regarding the quantum of punishment which should be given that is something the courts should be deciding and the political executive should not have a say in it. The Executive, what was taken by the Executive over which they felt beaved? I am sorry, sir, I am not able to recall at the moment, sir. I did read on it. First, get the case heard and merit because the 25-year period is due somewhere in 2030. There is enough time for that. Thank you, sir. What is this Nawab Malik's case that they have again issued some orders? Sir, Nawab Malik has been detained by the enforcement directorate for certain allegations under the prevention of money laundering act. Supreme Court, no, the case, I know. Do not go through that. Okay, sir. Let us, what is it that they came up for? I cannot recall at the moment, sir. I am sorry. I will have to ask for an apology. He wanted a you know bail application. Right, sir. Okay. The case was against PMLA, no? Yes, sir. What is PMLA? PMLA is the prevention of money laundering act. It is an act created in 90... Right. So what is the specific issue of the PMLA which is, I guess, which is charged? I am sorry, sir. I will have to read on it, sir. I am sorry. And you were saying that you were working between your completion of the course and now you are working to look at some Supreme Court cases. I could not follow you. Can you say that again? Yes, sir. So in this study we are looking at all the Supreme Court judgments which have happened till date about 60,000 of them. And we are evaluating them on different parameters. For example, under what constitutional provision or statutory law the case came to the Supreme Court? What high court the case came from? And the aim of the objective of the study is to have better data so as to make a judicial... Who is doing this? Sir, this is being done by two of my professors in college. You are helping them on that? Yes, sir. I am working as a research assistant. So otherwise I am wondering if there are any AAR in SCC and all that. What is the use of more of a kind of classification kind of thing? Yes, sir. Thank you. Thank you, sir. Mr. Garg. Yes, sir. The dispute between Punjab and Haryana over two issues Chandigarh and SYL canal have been revived. By the resolution passed by the Punjab Assembly and by the Haryana Assembly. What can you tell me about the legal implications so far as the Chandigarh issue is concerned and the SYL canal very briefly. Sir, first regarding Chandigarh, under the 1966 reorganization act it was said that Haryana will get a new capital. However, that was subject on the condition that Hindi speaking areas from Punjab, specifically Fazelka and Abohar will be transferred to Haryana. Okay. Since that has not happened therefore transfer a new lateral transfer of Chandigarh to Punjab will be bad in law since it goes against the reorganization act. Regarding the Satyaloji Amra Ling canal On the issue of Chandigarh, has the matter ever gone to up to the Supreme Court? No, I don't think so. Sir, according to the best of my knowledge there has been no matter in the Supreme Court. SYL canal Sir, with context of the SYL canal, first in 2004 and then in 2016 the Supreme Court has specifically said that the act of Punjab to not create the canal is illegal in nature and it should be constructed at the first instance. Apart from that, since Haryana has already constructed its part of the canal and Punjab has almost completed 90% of it still due to various political reasons or since it's a emotive issue for the public over there, the canal has not been linked. Punjab has constructed how much? Sir, about 80% of the canal was already constructed by 1985 when the Rajiv Longowal Accord was signed between But then subsequently the Punjab Government had abrogated that agreement, isn't it? So how did it reach the Supreme Court? Sir, first in 2003 if I'm not wrong Punjab had passed a law in the State Assembly saying that all the agreements which Punjab has done previously, those are null and void the Supreme Court rejected this in 2004 and then Punjab Government again passed a new law saying that the land which was acquired for construction of the canal will be given back to the farmers and the Supreme Court also held this. Okay, now you heard of Kulbushan Jadav's case? Yes, sir. What is the issue which is now at why it is stuck the matter? Sir, the International Court of Justice had granted an interim stay on the execution orders and after that the court had also said that Mr. Kulbushan Jadav should be given to the Indian councillors under the Vienna Convention However, Indian diplomats in Pakistan have said that free and open access has not been given for Mr. Kulbushan Jadav. There is something about the trial also which is pending, isn't it? Sir, the International Court of Justice had said that although a military trial can happen, however, it should be subject to checks and balances apart from an appeal which can be filed. Right. In providing that, sir. In the Government of India has been insisting that for a free and fair trial an Indian lawyer should be permitted. Right, sir. And when Pakistan did not accept that also, they said, okay, someone who is already recognized internationally. So that is where the matter is pending. Okay, thank you, sir. Now tell me, on this NRC National Register of Citizens a lot of hue and cry started in 2019 when the Government said we are going to create this document. Now is the NRC to your knowledge already a part of the law in the country? Sir, the Citizenship Act as it was amended in 2003 is provided for making of an NRC so that any illegal immigrants, they can be... Correct, NRC by Section 14A of the Citizenship Amendment Act, right? Yes, sir. But how did the Supreme Court picture regarding NRC and Assam? Right, sir. Sir, under the 1976 Assam Accord... 85. Thank you for clarifying. 1985 Assam Accord. It was said that an NRC will be done for Assam so as to differentiate between three criteria... Not 85, 85 only said post-71 will be detected and deported. Yes, sir. NRC issue came up later on. In 2003, there was a tripartite agreement in which it was mentioned that the NRC of 1951 will be revised, will be updated. So how did the 1951 NRC take place? Any idea? Sir, if I'm not wrong, in 1951 an NRC was done for the entire country and specifically for Assam, in 2003 under the Accord it was decided that it will be updated. Right, okay. So we end your mock interview. Thank you, sir. I'll give you a feedback. Mr. Gurg, the fact that you are a lawyer you've done it from a very, very prestigious institute and the fact that you are currently engaged in, you know, coalition of Supreme Court judgments, etc. So this is an area on which you will be asked a number of questions so you should be prepared for that. You have a lot of time, your interviews on the 17th of May. So the first thing I would suggest is that you go through this CD which will be given to you. And see what are the various questions which are asked and where you sort of did not have complete information and try to fill up those gaps. Yes, sir. Then normally in the interview, questions can come from your DAF and also from current affairs. So in your DAF the fact that you are a law student and you have been helping you are collating the Supreme Court judgments, that is one area in which you must be very, very familiar. Then you know, of course, Vexology you've already mentioned, you've a fond of Bhangra, that also you can respond to questions. Table tennis is the only game which you have sort of shown and interested. So table tennis be absolutely clear on what are the international events, where do they take place, what are the national events, who are the national players, both men and women, international players, top players. On that you can be asked certain questions. Now the other area from where you could expect questions, generally current affairs. So that you would have to read. Nowadays the Supreme Court seems to be sort of very busy. Seems to be more busy than the executive. So you read these things carefully. Now my colleague asked you a question on Abu Salim. Abu Salim, it was the Tadakot which had said that their role is to apply the law. When Abu Salim raised the issue of the agreement between the sovereign agreement between the government of India and the Portugal government, the Tadakot said that is for the government to decide we will follow the law. And they gave him a life sentence. That is the crux of the issue. And the Supreme Court pulled up the MHA because the response given was sort of wishy-washy that after 230 we will see what are the various avenues available, something of that kind the wording was used. So what I am saying is that all these various matters are being reported very, very regularly. So suggestion would be that you read these very, very carefully. This is the current issues which are going on. Also you mentioned the Supreme Court decision on demolitions. But that was in relation to what happened in Delhi, in Jhangirpuri. But there are other, there are previous decisions of the Supreme Court relating demolitions. After all these two huge buildings in Noida are to be brought down by the Supreme Court. It is under the Supreme Court direction. So be very clear when you are asked a question and the other suggestion would be try to be brief and directly to the point you may have a lot of information but wait for the member to ask you. Supposing they ask you tell me something about this, about that then you answer it. Otherwise listen to the question, answer to the point. Because the time is limited in the UPSC interview and where you are not very sure of a question which is asked you do not know. Don't waste your time. You say sorry sir, I am not aware of this. So then the member would go to another issue. You are good. You have good knowledge and brush up on these things after a lot of time. One observation because all of us I think somewhat got carried away by the fact that you are a law and most of us have some background. Don't think that we will be limited to law. This is one thing I wanted to sort of because it was just of the cuff kind of interaction we are having. As our colleague has said you must be very well and thoroughly updated on current affairs and the happenings. The minute details of that and day-to-day reading the newspapers and going into depths of these issues. Thank you. I will take care of that. We wish you all the very best. Thank you. Thank you. Don't forget to like share and subscribe to our channel and press the bell icon to never miss an update.