12. Poverty It is often asserted that in a free market the rich get richer at the expense of the poor growing ever poorer. It is true that most decent human beings believe everyone should have access to basic education, health care, food and shelter. However the overwhelming majority remains convinced that it is only through the state that such complex social issues may be sufficiently remedied. It is widely believed that without the state compelling its subjects to contribute to the common good there would be insufficient aid available for those in need. In addition to providing for the common good many believe the state is necessary for protection against the predation of the wealthy and elite. Contrary to this picture however, statist measures used to fight poverty tend to result in its exacerbation. What separates the state from its market counterpart is its power to limit freedom of contract, coercively redistribute wealth, and to impose rules on how its subjects may employ their property regardless of their consent. That is the state imposes rules above and beyond restricting us from using aggression against the persons or property of others. Unfortunately exercising such powers deters others from trading, producing and maintaining the value and integrity of their property. This deterrence manifests as a decrease in overall wealth and standard of living. Logically this may be confirmed by reflecting on the nature of human action within the context of economic relationships. For one to contract, trade or deliberately do anything is to indicate that he believes this action will transform his current state of affairs into one more desired. Consequently in so far as one's non-aggressive behaviour is artificially restricted the potential value of his actions will be diminished. One need only extrapolate this fact to a market wide scale to realise state regulations prevent millions of valuable trades from coming into existence. Unlike agents of the state, private actors are not subject to such economic folly with the management of their own property, because they have the ability and greater incentive to maintain its value and to produce desired goods and services. The ability stems from having direct access to market prices, which themselves are generated through the voluntary exchange of goods and services, and the incentive from the fact that it is only through their production that they may accrue wealth. The beauty of the free market is that every transaction results in mutual benefit, increasing the wealth of each person involved. In the absence of clear and consistent property norms, significant obstacles to economic planning or investing would arise due to the lack of criteria for rationally arbitrating between mutually exclusive desires on how to employ scarce resources. Interpersonal conflict would abound in such an environment at the expense of time, energy and resources, which may have otherwise been employed for economic production and cooperation. The question then becomes what rules or norms are best suited for mitigating such interpersonal conflict? It is the contention of this work that the private property norm, whereby economic goods may only be acquired via original appropriation or voluntary exchange, is the one best suited for this end. Consequently, adhering to this norm leads to the greatest production of wealth. Hopper expands on this. Quote, The reason this institution, the libertarian private property ethic, leads to the greatest possible production of wealth is straightforward. Any deviation from this set of rules implies, by definition, a redistribution of property titles and hence of income away from user producers and contractors of goods, and onto non-user producers and non-contractors. As a consequence, any such deviation implies that there will be relatively less original appropriation of resources whose scarcity is realised, there will be less production of new goods, less maintenance of existing goods, and less mutually beneficial contracting and trading. This naturally implies a lower standard of living in terms of exchangeable goods and services. Further, the provision that only the physical integrity of property, not property values, be protected guarantees that every owner will undertake the greatest possible value-productive efforts, i.e. efforts to promote favourable changes in property values, and to prevent or counter any unfavourable changes in property values, as they might result from another person's actions regarding his property. Thus any deviation from these rules also implies reduced levels of value-productive efforts at all times. End quote. Thus the true obstacles to wealth generation are the entities which attempt to artificially regulate the use of economic goods for which they themselves have no just claim. The state is a prime example of just that, an institution which asserts control over economic goods that its agents never acquired through original appropriation or voluntary exchange. With such an institution in place, the alleged atrocities of the free market are now able to come to fruition under a statist framework. The rich are now able to become richer at the expense of everyone else. They may accomplish this by persuading the state's agents to erect artificial barriers to entry into various industries, in the form of taxes, intellectual property laws, minimum wage laws, occupational licensures, etc. These barriers are then sold to the public as protections for the consumer and the employee. Tragically this could not be further from the truth. Such barriers only benefit the state and the businessmen who beckon for them, while limiting the temperance provided by market competition. This perversion undermines the market's ability to sustainably generate wealth and a destructive cycle ensues. One, state intervention destroys and or hinders the production of wealth. Two, the resulting economic woes are attributed to an under-regulated market. Three, the state increases the scope and degree of its interventions. Four, steps one through three are repeated until the economy falls to ruin. Fortunately this cycle is not inevitable, it merely reflects past tendencies. With all this in mind the best solution to poverty becomes quite clear. Allow the market to operate unimpeded. This entails the widespread recognition and respect for private property rights. Thus to reach the point where this solution may be feasible we will first demonstrate how the free market is in fact the cure for destitution and not its cause. Before examining how things can go wrong let us as Hayek suggests examine how things should ever go right. In a truly free market resources flow to their most value productive ends. This occurs in a decentralized process with each individual simply doing that which he believes will yield him the greatest satisfaction. This pursuit of satisfaction or profit will motivate actors to minimize their costs and maximize their benefits. They are also able to evaluate the costs of various actions by comparing market prices which themselves are by-products of voluntary exchange. The advent of money enables this process to be even more efficient by providing the actor with quantitative figures by which he may be able to compare the costs of heterogeneous or different types of goods and services directly. The use of money allows for a common denominator by which an actor can compare his opportunity costs more easily than he can in barter. He then compares the costs of his chosen endeavor with the gain in satisfaction he projects he will receive in its execution. If his projected gain exceeds the costs of his project then he may conclude it to be a profitable one. However merely being profitable is not sufficient in itself. The task must be profitable enough to warrant the time and energy he puts into it versus any other action he could have taken. Our actor determines this by evaluating other courses of action he may take and how profitable he thinks they will be. For instance if he makes one thousand shoes and only receives five dollars in monetary profit he may see this as an ultimate loss as he may value the time it took to make the shoes more than he values five dollars. Important to keep in mind is that profit or satisfaction may be of a psychic nature instead of purely a monetary one. Subjective desires are the ultimate cause of man's actions and it would be incorrect to presume man is guided solely by money. This process is then repeated by himself and all other market participants until large sustainable trading networks and markets form. As these market participants bid for various resources their prices begin to reflect their demand in relation to their supply. The resulting prices of goods in turn influence the individuals evaluations of these goods and the profitability of their projects which in turn causes them to modify their behavior accordingly. Through this fluid and organic cycle an incredibly efficient economy emerges through the mere acts of individual actors peacefully pursuing their own self-interest. Market prices serve as their guides, potential value opportunities and desire for profit serve as their motivation. Taxation. Perhaps the most notorious tool of the state is its ability to lay taxes. Do not be fooled by the seemingly innocuous wording of laying taxes. This phrasing simply serves as a belittling euphemism for theft on a mass scale. If taxes were voluntary they would instead be considered donations or payments. It is important to consider that before the state is able to do anything it must first violate the property rights of its citizens through the collecting of taxes. Despite this fact however the state is still predominantly held as the single institution capable of competently protecting private property rights. This blatant paradox may only be perpetuated through incessant propaganda. For the few who do reflect upon this clear contradiction they generally respond by appealing to the equally paradoxical necessary evil argument. Partiality to tradition has indeed stunted reason for the time being. However it is the mission of truth seekers to confidently beat the drums of reason until they may no longer be ignored. In addition to its purely criminal nature taxation also hinders the production of wealth. The funds taken by taxes do not reflect consumer demand for a given good or service but rather are the result of violent confiscation. This mass expropriation of wealth nonetheless affects market prices as the purchasing decisions of market participants will be altered due to smaller money balances. Moreover the state will spend these expropriated funds in a manner wholly divergent from their unfettered market allocation. As such and insofar as this state interference extends the capacity for prices to reflect genuine consumer demand for various economic goods will be undermined. These price distortions then result in less efficient economic activity as the information guiding role prices once conveyed has been tainted by violent redistributions of wealth on a mass scale. This destructive process culminates in an underproduction of some goods and services and an overproduction of others relative to an otherwise free market yield. Hopper brilliantly sums up the economic effects of taxation. Quote one last remark on the economic effects of taxation. Every tax is a redistribution of wealth and income. Wealth and income is forcibly taken from their owners and producers and transferred to people who did not own this wealth and did not produce this income. The future accumulation of wealth and the production of income are thus discouraged and the confiscation and consumption of existing wealth and income is encouraged. As a result society will be poorer and as for the effect of the eternally popular egalitarian proposal of taxing the rich to give to the poor in particular such a scheme does not reduce or alleviate poverty but quite to the contrary it increases poverty. It reduces the incentive to stay or become rich and be productive and it increases the incentive to stay or become poor and be unproductive. End quote. Working conditions Like all other services in the free market economy the price of labour is determined by the subjective valuations of those looking to hire labour along with its corresponding availability. Thus contrary to the popular narrative that people are slaves to the terms on which a given employer may be willing to hire them the employers themselves are subject to concrete economic incentives not to short change employees either on the basis of wages or working conditions. Such incentives are due to competition between employers for labour just as there is competition between prospective employees for jobs. If employer A offers wages or working conditions that are substantially less appealing than what employer B offers then the most productive labour will tend to be allocated to employer B whilst employer A is left with the less productive leftovers. Because employer B's labour would be more productive he would be able to afford to pay his employees more provide them with better working conditions and or sell his goods at lower prices than the miserly employer A. Such a situation will eventually lead to employer A's bankruptcy if he does not offer better working conditions or higher wage rates. A common response to this explanation is to say there are too few options available for this competitive mechanism to work. First of all what constitutes successful working in this context is completely subjective. Someone choosing to work at company A is an indication that he would rather work there than work somewhere else or not at all. Thus this is still a mutually beneficial relationship and in fact from the perspective of the employee and the employer it's the most beneficial arrangement relative to the available known alternatives. Mainstream economics promotes the fallacy that the number of firms is what determines monopoly. But so long as entry into the field is permitted this can create competitive results. Potential competition can act as real competition. The free market is one in which competition is able to most abundantly thrive as it is defined as the lack of aggressive barriers to entry into any given industry. The tendency of the free market economy is to develop technology and machinery which enables each individual to produce more output with the same or similar levels of input. As workers are able to produce more with the same level of input the employer is both able and incentivized to pay them higher wages or to provide more satisfactory working conditions lest his competitor draw away his labour by implementing said measures at his place of business. Conversely an employer cannot be reasonably expected to pay his employees more than he projects their labour will produce, for to do so would be to deliberately generate losses. Thus even if a noble intentioned employer decided to pay his employees a living wage of $20 per hour despite the fact that their labour only brings in $15 per hour of revenue he would eventually go bankrupt and his resources freed up to be used more efficiently by those who did not engage in such wasteful practices. Industrial Revolution One may concede that the preceding analysis sounds good in theory but in practice has yet to be the case. The industrial revolution and the infamous working conditions associated with it are generally cited as damning evidence against the capitalism as free trade theory. However this assessment is generally marred by mistakenly comparing those working conditions with the ones enjoyed today as opposed to comparing them with previously existing alternatives. The fact that workers in the industrial revolution chose to work at the factories logically indicates that such conditions were preferable to the available alternatives. The free market is not claimed to be a utopian environment where everything is always cheap and abundant and where work is always pleasant and enjoyable. Rather it is only claimed that instituting a free market will perpetually improve upon current economic conditions. So if working conditions start off as terrible and improve too bad then this is an improvement despite it not being ideal. Working conditions today are much improved not due to legislation but rather to the increase of the marginal productivity of labour brought on by the accumulation of capital and the development of more productive technology. It is true that the passing of pro-labour legislation coincided with improvements in working conditions however so too did the accumulation of capital and development of technology which allowed workers to be more productive. Hence the state conveniently took credit for improved working conditions while it was indeed the capitalist who was responsible for making such improvements sustainable and permanent. Mises cogently remarks quote the history of capitalism in Great Britain as well as in all other capitalist countries is a record of an unceasing tendency toward the improvement in the wage earners standard of living. This evolution coincided with the development of pro-labour legislation and the spread of labour unionism on the one hand and with the increase in the marginal productivity of labour on the other hand. The economists assert that the improvement in the workers material conditions is due to the increase in the per capita quota of capital invested and the technological advancements that the employment of this additional capital brought about. As far as labour legislation and union pressure did not exceed the limits of what the workers would have got without them as a necessary consequence of the acceleration of capital accumulation as compared with population they were superfluous. As far as they exceeded these limits they were harmful to the interests of the masses. They delayed the accumulation of capital thus slowing down the tendency toward a rise in the marginal productivity of labour and in wage rates. They conferred privileges on some groups of wage earners at the expense of other groups. They created mass unemployment and decreased the amount of products available for the workers in their capacity as consumers." In reference to the horrid working conditions that existed during the industrial revolution, Mises stated, In the first decades of the industrial revolution the standard of living of the factory workers was shockingly bad when compared with the contemporary conditions of the upper classes and with the present conditions of the industrial masses. Hours of work were long, the sanitary conditions in the workshops deplorable. The individual's capacity to work was used up rapidly. But the fact remains that for the surplus population which the enclosure movement had reduced to dire wretchedness and for which there was literally no room left in the frame of the prevailing system of production, work in the factories was salvation. These people thronged into the plants for no reason other than the urge to improve their standard of living. Mises then concludes his argument by comparing the conditions that existed prior to the industrial revolution with those that existed after its inception. The factory owners did not have the power to compel anybody to take a factory job. They could only hire people who were ready to work for the wages offered to them. Low as these wage rates were, they were nonetheless much more than these paupers could earn in any other field open to them. It is a distortion of facts to say that the factories carried off the housewives from the nurseries and the kitchens and the children from their play. These women had nothing to cook with and to feed their children. These children were destitute and starving. Their only refuge was the factory. It saved them, in the strict sense of the term, from death by starvation. It is deplorable that such conditions existed, but if one wants to blame those responsible, one must not blame the factory owners, who, driven by selfishness of course, and not by altruism, did all they could to eradicate the evils. What had caused these evils was the economic order of the pre-capitalistic era, the order of the good old days. The next common concern is that of child labour. Do we as a society really want to allow children to be taken from their studies to work a tedious job at a factory? The answer is simply no. However, most people want even less to starve. Virtually all parents, if given the practical choice, would not have their children work. This is evidenced by the relationship between family income and child labour, as depicted by Benjamin Powell. Quote, Take child labour, for example. Anti-switch-shop groups universally condemn child labour and call for laws banning products made with it. But the process of development is the best cure for child labour. In countries with average incomes above $12,000, there is virtually no child labour, but for countries whose incomes are below $2,000, more than 30% of children work. It is no accident that the United States did not pass meaningful national child labour legislation prohibitions until 1938. At that time, average per capita income was more than $10,000 in 2010. It was simply codifying what the market process had already achieved. The same is true of other workplace health, safety and maximum hour legislation in countries with sweatshops today. End quote. Once more we reach the conclusion that state intervention has either a neutral or negative impact on the economy. The negative consequences of passing such legislation prior to economic conditions organically improving include unemployment and the diversion of labour to less desirable ends. Prohibiting an activity does not necessarily stop everyone from performing it, it simply increases the costs of doing so. This increases the risks and harm undergone by people in situations desperate enough to persist despite a formal legal ban. The unintended consequences of prohibiting child labour are briefly outlined by Thomas de Lorenzo. Quote. Capitalistic competition is also why child labour has all but disappeared despite unionist claims to the contrary. Young people originally left the farms to work in harsh factory conditions because it was a matter of survival for them and their families. But as workers became better paid, thanks to capital investment and subsequent productivity improvements, more and more people could afford to keep their children at home and in school. Union-backed legislation prohibiting child labour came after the decline in child labour had already begun. Moreover, child labour laws have always been protectionist and aim that depriving young people of the opportunity to work. Since child labour sometimes competes with unionised labour, unions have long sought to use the power of the state to deprive young people of the right to work. In the third world today, the alternative to child labour is all too often begging, prostitution, crime or starvation. Unions absurdly proclaimed to be taking the moral high road by advocating protectionist policies that inevitably lead to these consequences. The economic analysis of sweatshops is the same of any other voluntary labour arrangement. In so far as the conditions for labour are artificially regulated, the level of available attractive work will decrease. The fact that people choose to work for these institutions demonstrate they value working at them more than not working at all. Competition between all industries in which one can be employed will create a lower limit to the level of wages and working conditions he will accept for his labour. The existence of sweatshops merely indicates that the surrounding market is relatively undeveloped. Benjamin Powell comments on the developmental advantages provided by sweatshops. In fact, sweatshop earnings even compared favourably to the average incomes in the countries where they were located. In six of the 17 countries, the average reported sweatshop wage exceeded the average income in the country. In Haiti, Honduras and Nicaragua, it was more than twice the national average. In another six countries, the average reported sweatshop wages were around the national average. In four of the five countries where sweatshop wages were 50% below the national average, the workers were immigrants, sometimes illegal, from other countries, and their sweatshop wages exceeded the average wage in their native country. In short, sweatshops provide the least bad option for the workers who work in them. But sweatshops are better than just the least bad option. Sweatshops bring with them the proximate causes of economic development, capital, technology, and the opportunity to build human capital. If countries respect private property rights and economic freedoms, these proximate causes of development lead to higher productivity, which eventually leads to higher pay and better working conditions. End quote. A common Marxist critique of the employer-employee arrangement is that wage laborers are exploited by being paid less than what they produce. Such critics claim the leftover surplus is then used to line the pockets of the evil capitalist in the form of profits. However, this criticism fails to recognize the existence of choice in the matter. The employee does not have to work for the employer. If he wants, he may start his own business. If he does not have the capital or the will to do this, then he can choose to work for a cooperative. Any voluntary alternative is compatible with the free market. Thus, when someone chooses to work for an hourly wage in the free market, nothing inherently exploitative is occurring. This analysis may seem simple and obvious, but it eludes even the more renowned economists. Employees who decide to work for a wage are demonstrating that they prefer the security a fixed wage brings, as well as the immediacy of its payout, to the comparatively lesser degree of certainty associated with entrepreneurship and variable payout. The business owner's salary is completely contingent upon the whims of his customers, and he has no guarantee whatsoever that they will purchase the goods and services he offers. It is true that if a business goes under, then the employee will go unpaid as well. The difference here, however, is that the employer is contractually obliged to pay the employee, while customers have no such contractual obligation to patronize the services offered by an entrepreneur. Thus, all other things being equal, there is more certainty regarding one's pay in his capacity as an employee than there is in his capacity as an entrepreneur. The role of the entrepreneur is to bear uncertainty, and profits are the income he earns for executing that role. Therefore, the reaping of the surplus profit of the employee's labour that the entrepreneur is justified by his willingness to incur greater risks and forego consumption for a date later than what his employees are willing. The employer and employee have reversed time preference orderings, thus their dealings with one another results in mutual benefit. The entrepreneur is essentially being rewarded for his ability to make profitable projections and to efficiently manage the capital at his disposal. He is a coordinator and a pioneer whose livelihood is to create goods which are valued more highly than the sum of their individual parts. The role entrepreneurship plays in the free market is perhaps the most critical. It is the entrepreneur that decides to acquire, or not acquire, more capital goods. It is the entrepreneur that introduces and makes accessible previously unheard of products and services, and it is the entrepreneur who lives closest to the mercy of the consumer. Entrepreneurship is carried out for personal gain, but those who succeed at it should nonetheless be touted as heroes of mankind. The notion that one may best serve society only by depriving himself is vanquished by understanding that the greatest humanitarian contributions have come from the foresight of entrepreneurs seeking to help themselves by helping others. Without aggression, self-interest is channeled into socially beneficial profit-earning enterprises. Self-interest and profits are therefore nothing to be ashamed of. They should instead be embraced as an integral motivating characteristic of human nature. Technically one is precluded from even being able to conduct a truly altruistic act. If one does not intend to receive monetary gain from some form of action, then he is seeking psychic gain in its stead. Actions are always undertaken with the goal of alleviating the actor's uneasiness. In fact, the claim that all action is self-interested is a tautology. Being subject to aggression strongly increases the likelihood that one may fail to profit from an action or exchange. Thus, any attempt to vanquish wage labour, or any other voluntary contractual relationship, must necessarily displace otherwise profitable behaviour. Hopper responds to the Marxist critique of wage labour. What is wrong with this Marxist analysis? The answer becomes obvious once it is asked why the labourer would possibly agree to such a deal. He agrees because his wage payment represents present goods, while his own labour services represent only future goods, and he values present goods more highly. After all, he could also decide not to sell his labour services to the capitalist, and then map the full value of his output himself. But this would of course imply that he would have to wait longer for any consumption goods to become available to him. In selling his labour services, he demonstrates that he prefers a smaller amount of consumption goods now over a possibly larger one at some future date. On the other hand, why would the capitalist want to strike a deal with the labourer? Why would he want to advance present goods, money, to the labourer, in exchange for services that bear fruit only later? Obviously, he would not want to pay out, for instance, $100 now if he were to receive the same amount in one year's time. In that case, why not simply hold onto it for one year and receive the extra benefit of having actual command over it during the entire time? Instead, he must expect to receive a larger sum than $100 in the future in order to give up $100 now in the form of wages paid to the labourer. He must expect to be able to earn a profit, or more correctly, an interest return. He is also constrained by time preference, i.e. the fact that an actor invariably prefers earlier over later goods, in yet another way. For if one can obtain a larger sum in the future by sacrificing a smaller one in the present, why then is the capitalist not engaged in more saving than he actually is? Why does he not hire more labourers than he does if each one of them promises an additional interest return? The answer again should be obvious, because the capitalist is a consumer as well and cannot help being one. The amount of his savings and investing is restricted by the necessity that he too, like the labourer, requires a supply of present goods large enough to secure the satisfaction of all those once whose current employment is considered more urgent than the advantages which are still greater lengthening of the period of production would provide. The argument against the minimum wage is fairly simple and straightforward, so this analysis will be brief. Minimum wage laws do not alter the fact that employers cannot sustainably pay their employees more than they produce. The existence of competitive pressures, as mentioned earlier, will have already created a tendency where labourers earn nearly what they produce. Thus a minimum wage law will tend to create unemployment in fields whose market wages are lower than what is mandated by the new law. Minimum wage laws thus amount to removing the bottom rungs of the economic ladder. One unintended consequence of minimum wage laws is that the resulting unemployment is mostly shouldered by the young, unskilled persons and ethnic minorities. Tragically the consequence of this policy tends to most negatively impact the very people it was supposed to help. The industries under the burden of this law will then face choices, they either have to lay off workers, increase all the illegal wages to be in compliance at their own expense, or raise the prices of the goods and services they offer. Any choice or combination among these negatively impacts not only the standard of living for the patrons of these services, but the economy as a whole. As goods are made more expensive, consumers and their trading networks will have comparatively less money left over for other things. Critics who argue from the basis of statistics, which reveal no increase in unemployment after such minimum wage laws were passed, are making a logically deficient argument. They are simply not accounting for other factors, such as a corresponding decrease in the overall tax and regulatory burden, an increase in the marginal productivity of labour due to accumulation of capital, which makes labour more valuable. The fact that the rate of decline in the unemployment rate may have been lessened or stagnated due to this law, etc. These critics fail to understand setaris paribus, i.e. other things equal, that existence of economic law is prior to interpretation of data. In other words, that minimum wage laws must either have a negative or neutral impact on the economy must logically follow from the nature of price flaws. If one were to analyse two cases, identical in all respects, save for one enacting a compulsory minimum wage law, the one where such a law is present will almost certainly generate greater unemployment than the one without. It could be the same level, though this is unlikely as wages will already nearly match the productivity of labourers, for reasons outlined above. As the productivity of workers increases, so too will their wages, lest their employers lose valuable employees to competitors. Thus, minimum wage laws destroy jobs which can only be feasibly compensated at a rate below the minimum wage. Murray Rothbard sums this up. In truth, there is only one way to regard a minimum wage law, it is compulsory unemployment, period. The law says it is illegal and therefore criminal for anyone to hire anyone else below the level of x dollars an hour. This means plainly and simply that a large number of free and voluntary wage contracts are now outlawed, and hence that there will be a large amount of unemployment. Remember that the minimum wage law provides no jobs, it only outlaws them, and outlawed jobs are the inevitable result. If the minimum wage is, in short, raised from $3.35 to $4.55 an hour, the consequence is to disemploy, permanently, those who would have been hired at rates in between those two rates. Since the demand curve for any sort of labour, as for any factor of production, is set by the perceived marginal productivity of that labour, this means that the people who will be disemployed and devastated by this prohibition will be precisely the marginal, lowest wage workers, e.g. blacks and teenagers, the very workers whom the advocates of the minimum wage are claiming to foster and protect. The advocates of the minimum wage and its periodic boosting reply that all this is scare talk, and that minimum wage rates do not and never have caused any unemployment. The proper riposte is to raise them one better. All right, if the minimum wage is such a wonderful anti-poverty measure, and can have no unemployment-raising effects, why are you such pikers? Why are you helping the working poor by such piddling amounts? Why stop at $4.55 an hour? Why not $10 an hour? $100, $1,000? In a free market there is absolutely no reason why voluntary labour unions could not form. In fact, they may even serve as an effective incentive for various employers to maintain satisfactory wages and working conditions for their employees. Organised strikes and collective bargaining does not entail any activity which is inherently at odds with the principles of private property or maintaining free markets. Issues arise when unions embrace the utilisation of state power to further their agenda. One way this is done is by funding the political campaigns of various congressional or presidential candidates on the condition that when in office they pass legislation which furthers the given union's cause at the expense and against the wishes of their respective employers. This is antithetical to free markets, as such legislation constitutes aggression against business owners and their property. As explained above, such aggressive intervention only serves to destroy wealth on the net to the benefit of a select privileged few. Aggressive labour intervention can be seen when unions require prospective employees to join their ranks as a precondition of their employment. If an employee wants to work for an employer and the employer is willing to hire the prospective employee, then no outside individual or organisation should have the right to forcibly impose any further stipulations on this arrangement. It becomes clear that mandating union membership and payments of dues conflicts with the rights of both parties to voluntarily contract with one another. Like all other rights violations, the source of such unjustified behaviour may be traced back to aggression against one's person or property. Christopher Westley comments on the destructive labour union state relationship. In the same way, labour unionism, when state supported, removes workers from the normal coordinating mechanisms found in labour markets. These markets operate like any other market for scarce resources. Firms demand labour and pay wages for it, demanding more at lower wages and less at higher wages. Workers sell their labour to these firms, selling less for low wages and more for high wages. Through the interaction of buyers and sellers of labour, labour markets tend to clear, coordinating the movement of labour inputs in the production process. The rise of unionism on its own would normally pose no threat to labour markets coordinating tendencies. Any group of workers would be free to organise and demand higher wages in exchange for labour. Firms would be free to pay those wages or not. If some workers held monopoly power in the supply of their labour, which could be the case if they had unique skills that were especially valued by firms, then firms may very well choose to pay higher wages. In a competitive labour market, these workers' success at earning higher wages would also sow the seeds for their eventual reduction, as the higher wages would signal other workers to obtain the skills necessary for their lines of work too. This benign case of unionism becomes destructive, however, when these workers receive protection from the government. This introduces violence into what otherwise would have been peaceful voluntary exchanges of labour between buyers and sellers. Make no mistake, absent the state, any success that organised labour might have in obtaining higher wages, and thus increasing the costs of production, would be short lived. With government comes the introduction of force in the relationship between labour producers and consumers, either directly, such as when authorities jail unanointed non-union labourers for working in unionised industries, or indirectly, such as when union violence occurs, as allowed by the Norris Lagardia Act of 1932, end quote. Private Relief The working class has been discussed, but what about the truly indigent? What about the unemployed and homeless? The first point worth mentioning is that in a truly free society, one's reputation is intimately linked with his livelihood. For instance, if a given person is habitually belligerent, rude, violent and obnoxious, then he may find himself relatively alone and with few friends or family to help him in times of need. The prospect of solitude and personal autarky serves as a peaceful incentive for someone to develop himself as an asset to others, whether in a social or economic capacity. There would also exist substantially more wealth in a free market society than in a society governed by a state. Thus for an individual to get to the point where he would have no access to help, jobs, friends, family, churches, or other charitable organisations would likely mean that he had conducted himself in an extremely notorious and or antisocial manner. In any case, concern for the poor is a prevailing one, and therefore in a society where there is more wealth being generated, one may conclude that there would also be a greater willingness to give towards charitable causes. In addition to becoming wealthier, people have a stronger incentive to give, because they would be spared from the delusion that the government is, to some extent, already taking care of the poor. The truth is, state agencies crowd out private charity and mutual aid. Tragically, the state rarely helps the poor, it merely subsidises them, thereby increasing their number. Having a poor, dependent class is in fact beneficial to the security of state power. In so far as people believe they cannot live without the state, its longevity will be increased. Additionally, whenever the poorer classes grow under the regime of a state, the culprit is all too often thought to be a lack of funding for welfare programs. In consequence, public support and spending for the welfare state grows in concordance with the growing parasitic class that organises, regulates and administers the benefits. Its growth necessarily comes at the expense of taxpayers, which means there will be crowding out of private alternatives. By requiring payment into a state programme, individuals are discouraged from supporting private counterparts. The very presence of the welfare state then undermines and displaces private charities, which generally seek to empower the poor, so that they may escape poverty and become productive members of society. Even today, many private charities compete with one another on terms of the degree of impact on their target demographics, as well as what percentage of contributions actually reach their intended recipients. Statistics are available which compare CEO salary, percentage of donations used effectively, etc. Competition between these various metrics drives charities to find ways to increase their impact per dollar and incentivises them to discover new ways to minimise administrative costs, so that a growing portion of their received contributions reach those in need. The incentives of the state are starkly contrasted with this, as the funds it uses for such programmes are generated through compulsion, i.e taxes. Because income for these state welfare programmes is not generated by consumers enjoying their service and voluntarily patronising the anti-poverty measures, they are funded regardless of their efficacy. As the state's only incentive is to make token efforts towards helping the poor, while actually minimising their productive output. For the state it is a win-win situation if its efforts coincide with the shrinking of the impoverished, it will usurp more revenue for this end as it has proven to be a successful programme. The state will capture more tax revenue from an increasingly wealthier society. If, on the other hand, the poor class expands, it will yet again seek to increase its expenditures on the grounds that the programmes in place are clearly underfunded. The resulting moral hazard renders state welfare programmes much less efficient than their private counterparts. For example in his essay The Costs of Public Income Redistribution and Private Charity, James Edwards reveals that only about 30% of government aid reaches its intended destination, whereas the remaining 70% lines the pockets of government bureaucrats. In contrast the inverse is true for private charities, where on average only about 30% of funds get absorbed for administrative costs and 70% reach the people in need. Prior to the growth of the welfare state, voluntary and private mutual aid societies served as a social safety net for those in need. As opposed to relying on direct charity, they would operate under conditions of reciprocity, where all the members would contribute membership dues to collectively ensure everyone while they were healthy and employed, in the event that they may need assistance themselves should they ever become sick or unemployed. Social pressures and auditing mechanisms developed to ensure that mutual aid societies were not being defrauded or exploited. Unfortunately the state effectively legislated them out of existence and ultimately displaced them with its own compulsory welfare system. Joshua Fulton briefly describes mutual aid societies. Mutual aid, also known as fraternalism, refers to social organisations that gathered dues and paid benefits to members facing hardship. According to David Beto in From Mutual Aid to the Welfare State, there was a great stigma attached to accepting government aid or private charity during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Mutual aid on the other hand did not carry the same stigma. It was based on reciprocity. Today's mutual aid recipient could be tomorrow's donor and vice versa. By the 1920s at least one out of every three males was a member of a mutual aid society. Members of societies carried over nine billion dollars worth of life insurance by 1920. During the same period, lodges dominated the field of health insurance. Numerous lodges offered unemployment benefits. Some black fraternal lodges, taking note of the sporadic nature of African American employment at the time, allowed members to receive unemployment benefits even if they were up to six months behind in dues. Mutual aid societies also founded 71 orphanages between 1890 and 1922, almost all without government subsidy. Perhaps the largest of these was Mooseheart, founded by the Loyal Order of Moose in 1913. Hundreds of children lived there at a time. It had a student newspaper, two debate teams, three theatrical organizations, and a small radio station. The success of Mooseheart alumni was remarkable. Alumni were four times more likely than the general population to have attended institutions of higher learning. Male alumni earned 71% more than the national average, and female alumni earned 63% more. A free market society is one that is absent of any institutionalized aggression or legal privilege. This society allows all possible mutually beneficial exchanges between parties, and it therefore produces the greatest amount of wealth. There are no artificial barriers to entry into any industry, and one's income is completely contingent upon how competently he provides desired goods and services to others. This system harmonizes self-interest with the interests and welfare of greater society. Every transaction that takes place is of mutual benefit, and every loss that occurs frees up resources to be used for more efficient ends elsewhere. This system is organic and humanitarian. It grants each person involved the greatest opportunity to transfer the contents of their imagination to the physical realm. No voluntary association is prohibited, nor is any idea patented or monopolized. This paradigm serves as a breeding ground for ingenuity, prosperity, cooperation and peace. As time progresses, the whole of society becomes more wealthy, despite the fact that some individuals may be more so than others. The lack of regularized crime creates greatest ability and motivation for everyone to save, allowing them to experience rapidly improving living standards. The absence of the state is not a lacking of governance or a social safety net, but rather the presence of a beautiful spontaneous order whose efficacy and humanitarian output could never be paralleled by central fiat. The very principle of capitalist entrepreneurship is to provide for the common man. In his capacity as consumer, the common man is the sovereign whose buying or abstention from buying decides the fate of entrepreneurial activities. There is in the market economy no other means of acquiring and preserving wealth than by supplying the masses in the best and cheapest way with all the goods they ask for.


Gordon is a senior scientist at NCAR and has served as the head of terrestrial systems and provides, is one of the scientists who provides the connection between ecological processes and the climate modeling, atmospheric modeling that goes on and that NCAR is known so well for. He has even written a textbook on this topic which would be highly recommended for everyone who wants to get an introduction of that like interface between ecology and the climate and please take it away Gordon, your the talk he's presenting today is re-inventing nature, environmental stewardship in the age of earth system models. Thank you, that was a great introduction and it's great to have this opportunity to really share my views on the importance of interdisciplinary research. As you mentioned, I'm an ecologist working at an atmospheric science research center and that really has shaped my views on what interdisciplinary research is and what it can contribute and that's what I want to talk about today. That's the theme for today and the title of this talk actually comes about from a book that was written in 2015 called the invention of nature. The premise was that Alexander von Humboldt really invented an interdisciplinary study of nature and earth as a system. The idea of the book was that this really presages the advent of earth system models that we use today and I think that's true but if so then we as scientists have sort of largely forgotten those ideas. Yes, we do have these earth system models that combine the atmosphere and the biosphere and the hydrosphere and geosphere but we too often talk across disciplines rather than among different disciplines. We frame our science and our models as providing boundary conditions to someone else's science or model rather than being truly integrated. So that's the premise I want to talk about today is that we need to reinvent this interdisciplinary study of nature and I can start this by looking at these two different views of climate. The one on the left is sort of what's called the classic sort of blue marble view of earth as if you look at earth from space far you see the blues of the oceans and the whites of the clouds. It's really this sort of geophysical view of the earth that emphasizes atmosphere physics and fluid dynamics but of course if you look more closely if you can peer underneath the clouds you're actually going to see the greens of the vegetation and so the emerald planet is more of a biogeoscience perspective of earth and it's really emphasizing the effects of climate or our ecosystems on climate and atmospheric composition. And we can see this sort of biogeoscience's perspective in the evolution of our climate models. You know in the 1990s we were just dealing with sort of the physical representation of climate. They considered the land surface but it was really in terms of providing energy, water, and momentum fluxes to the atmosphere and it used very simple representations of vegetation. On the right in the by the 2010s we'd actually gotten into the earth system perspective. It's really recognizing the biosphere, its ecology, and its biogeochemistry essential to understanding climate. And now in addition to dealing with energy and water fluxes the models are also considering the carbon cycle, the nitrogen cycle, chemistry climate interactions through for example BVOCs and ozone and methane and aerosol. We have biomass burning. We're definitely dealing a lot with land use and land cover change as an important aspect of these models in an important way in which we are changing climate. And so this evolution from physical climate models to earth system models really has occurred over the last 20 to 30 years. And so we put a lot of ecology in these models. We think the ecology is really important for getting the climate right but did we put the models solely, did we put this ecology into our models solely to improve our climate projections or is there value in the ecology itself? What I mean by that is can you use these models to actually study originally designed for climate but can you use them to study ecology? And the answer to that I think is really has been a resounding yes. You know the classic way that these models are used are for what we would call prediction primarily climate but now you're going to hear words about earth system prediction but it's one of these consequences of alternative social economic pathways. But then I think and that's how these models are used a lot primarily but I think really what's not appreciated by them is that they're really important tools for scientific discovery identifying ecological processes that determine climate for example stomata conductance and alternative sort of parameterizations of stomata conductance. And it's really these tools are really really or these models are really good at actually advancing our theory. It allows us to test the generality of ecological theories at the macro scale. So we use them a lot in terms of project climate projections but the ecological utility of these models I think is really strong for scientific discovery and for advancing theory. What I want to point out is you know the merging of atmospheric science and ecology is not really straightforward. You know they have they're different cultures in different ways of doing research and I think this picture of Paul Dirac really illustrates sort of the stereotypical view of a physicist which is a hour-looking man standing in front of a blackboard with equations. When we go to ecologists however we see something really different. It's usually somebody outside in the field collecting data smiling in a very inspirational setting. But what I want to get at in this talk is that if you actually bring these two different cultures and sciences together you can actually find a new way new science emerges from that and that is how the biosphere affects climate and so that and the idea that the biosphere is central to understanding climate change. And one of the classic sort of studies of this has been to look at sort of tropical deforestation. This was one of the first papers done on that in the 80s by Bob Dickinson and Anderson Sellars and what they were doing is they were looking at the effect of tropical deforestation on climate and showed very easily and the prevailing view now is that if you remove the tropical forest you're actually warming the surface temperatures you're decreasing evapotranspiration you're decreasing precipitation that's what they did in the study they ran the model they had a climate model they ran it once with an intact tropical forest they ran it again in which the tropical forest was removed and what you see is you see a warming of surface air temperature by several degrees the soil surface is also warming you're a decrease in precipitation over this region and a decrease in evapotranspiration and so this was to me one of the profound this is a profoundly ecological study because it was showing how the forests are affecting the climate of the region it was written in a meteorological journal but it's actually to me like an inherently ecological problem and I think we can actually see that in my own work sort of actually illustrates sort of this different ways of looking at vegetation or this the problem whether you're approaching it from an ecological viewpoint or a climate viewpoint in that you know I've studied the boreal forest a lot throughout my career as a phd student I was developing an ecological model of the boreal forest and how it would change with climate change and what we see on the left here is a review paper I written that talked about what are the important processes that if one is developing a global model of the boreal forest in its response to climate change what are the processes you have to consider but it was actually written in the viewpoint of we know what climate is and we want to see how the forest respond to that climate change on the right just three years after this paper I had moved to NCAR as a postdoc and actually at NCAR I was exposed to a completely different view which is achieve maybe the boreal forest is actually very important to getting climate right and you can see it in the figure here the snow has a very high albedo it reflects sunlight back to space it cools the surface the trees are darker they're absorbing it protrude above the snow they're absorbing more radiation therefore they're warming the surface and so this with paper was written with well the boreal forest actually has a huge impact on our climate both papers have been highly cited they're both but they're very different views of the boreal forest one is of the ecological view the other is that the boreal forest are a very important part of getting the climate problem right but what we've seen because of this research because of these climate models and air system models and because we've put ecological vegetation into them we're really changing our views of the importance of the biosphere and I think one of the enduring legacy of this work is that it's really changed how we view climate yeah it's really interesting in the 1800s there's a really large debate both in the U.S. and actually internationally about whether deforestation was altering climate there are really strong opinions and strong things said about it but meteorology was emerging as a science at that time and as meteorologists saw a physical understanding of climate they rejected the notion that vegetation affects climate and this is really shown in these quotes by Cleveland Abbey who was a actually really influential meteorologist and is recognized for services by the American Meteorological Society but he didn't believe that the vegetation mattered at all and what I would say now is we've come a long way since those statements that the biosphere doesn't matter we now know that that's not true and in fact what we talk about now is we talk about the climate services of forest whether it's tropical forest tempered arboreal forest we talk about carbon storage and evaporation and albedo influences so what are the types of things that are actually going on next with these models what opportunities are next no I just want to say that was a profound change in the way climate is viewed that the biosphere really does matter so what opportunities are next you know there is this idea of earth system prediction you're going to hear it a lot our models are now called earth system models so we now have to do earth system prediction but if you look at it from a atmospheric point of view or a climate point of view typically as the land is perceived as a source of predictability to the atmosphere if we initialize soil or snow or vegetation can we actually improve our predictions of weather and climate that's how it's narrowly perceived the land surface is never perceived from the atmospheric point of view but there's much more to that than just climate there's a lot of change going on in the land surface there's drought there's wildfires there's forest mortality there's insects insects and there's actually greening of the vegetation can we actually start using our models to predict what these changes are and how they're why they're occurring as that was the premise of this review article that had in science and I just want to give one example of what we mean by earth system prediction this is an example of using our earth system model to look at changes in net ecosystem production this is the net carbon uptake by by the ecosystems and we're looking at the predictability of it what we see on the left is a temporal trend our verification forecast in net ecosystem production and what we're seeing in the orange or the red is actually a forecast with one year lead time so with one year lead time can we actually reconstruct what this this actual verification forecast you can see it's actually doing a pretty good job and the correlation is fairly high it's around 0.7 or so at one year if we go to a two year lead time it drops off by three year lead time it's much smaller but the idea is that if you actually do these predictions if you can initialize a model correctly you can actually do a pretty good forecast of what carbon storage might be and that's what we mean I mean by earth system prediction let me try to quick I think a little slow on this let me actually say what are the challenges so there are a lot of opportunities I think with these earth system models the challenge is really sort of increasing model complexity this is looking at just the number of equations that go in the land component of our model in our technical nodes this is not the number of equations in the model itself this is just the number of equations that we report in our technical nodes and you can see over time we've gone from less than a hundred equations in our technical descriptions to well over a thousand equations we're adding more complexity and more processes in our model but that does that make it better and this I think is that a really big challenge to these models we've been very good at constructing the models and adding more processes now we what we need to do is we need to deconstruct these models into their fundamentals these sort of fundamental processes that all these models have in them but we differ in terms of how we implement the equations we make choices when we put these in our models but we're not very good at discussing these choices they're poorly documented and I think what we need to do is take the mystery out of our models to really understand why we get the answers we're getting and that was the premise of this other this modeling textbook I wrote which is what are the what are the choices we've made and all the assumptions that have gone into these models the last two things I want to last two slides I want to end with is just we going back to this idea of interdisciplinary science this painting by Peter Brogill the elder has really influenced my views on science on this and actually ended up sort of using his to motivate another textbook on this book is more like why the biosphere matters the other textbook is how to model the biosphere but if you look at this it's a it's an artistic painting it has merit for artistic value itself but it's also been used by ecologists and their textbooks to define the sort of the concept of a landscape and then it's been used in climate books to talk about climate change and in particular this painting was done in 1565 but if you look at it the mountains are in their mountains in the Dutch landscape and what this is is it records Brogill's impressions of the severe winters at that time and marked a period of extended colder than usual winters and so we actually are seeing a record of climate change in this so you can look at this from our art point of view you can look at it from a landscape ecology point of view or you can look at it from a climate change point of view all from the same information the last thing I'll just leave with I think as we open it up for questions it's just this quote you know from a Anton Kerner from 1888 the idea of interdisciplinary research is a really old problem it's not new he was a plant he was a botanist and a plant geographer and he pointed out that even at that time researchers becoming more disciplinary in their research and he has this nice great narrowness too often has huge risks as its consequence and I think that's very true for all of our research they've run a little over so let me just stop there and see if they're questions thank you for that Gordon we'll have a little bit of time for questions and so people can type them in if they're just coming in you can type your question into the chat or you've just been listening into Gordon it's like the fastest typers get the first question maybe while people are typing up I'll ask Gordon a question this is the advantage of having the unmute button and that is are the NCAR models thinking more about or the NCAR modelers thinking more about like sort of a dynamic surface and like so one of the things that the community service dynamics modeling system works on this is all these like changes in the surface itself so changes in the coastlines etc etc and is that something that is starting to become important in the earth system models on the global and predictive scale as well no we can we can deal with sort of changes in coastline in this in for a sort of long time scales of like paleo climate for example where the orography of the continents change or one of one of the sort of things you have to provide to them was where's the land what's growing what is the vegetation or properties of the land that so we can change that for sort of different ororographies depending upon long paleo climate climate time scales but there's nothing being done in terms of sort of sort of a dynamic sort of surface where you might sort of see erosion along the coastlines or even flooding we can't really move those as feet changes in in these models at this point the surface really the dynamics of the surface really is in terms of just the changing vegetation we don't even have to do we don't even deal with erosion of soil or we don't do changes in sort of soil texture and soil properties over time yeah I think Pam Sullivan's talk yesterday started like hitting upon that like root zones and soil processes being an important like part of like how do you calculate that balances to the atmosphere or the climate system again I'll I'll take a question I'll read out a question by Jeff he says it's a great talk you've been central to integrating ecological processes into models so what are your thoughts on the integration of social processes into the next generation of ESM model ensembles well yeah that's a great question and one of the things that you know these models have shown you're particularly with tropical deforestation with deforestation is that changing the vegetation land use and land cover change is really important feedback on climate so there's this real rich history now of work going on because of that to look at how forests can be managed to mitigate climate change you know can we plant can we do a deforestation can we be planting trees for sort of carbon storage and what might be the effects of that on albedo and evapotranspiration and other things um but um that you can approach that from sort of a scenario point of view which is if we planted trees this is what would happen but the alternative view a way of doing it is to actually sort of make that land use decision making part of your model itself so that as the climate evolves the land use evolves in itself that's a really hard thing to do uh there was a lot of interest in that I'd say beginning like five years ago that became a really you know hot topic I think people have sort of backed off from that now because it involves human decision making and we're not quite sure how to do that they are these integrative assessment models that do that they tend to work on very different time scales than the than what a climate model is capable of doing they have different ways of sort of modeling than what the these physically based or biologically based climate models do which are really much process oriented models so it's still being explored I don't think it's actually sort of uh I thought like five years ago it was actually going to become a really big area this sort of the new frontier I think it is being done but it's still it's not I think most of the modeling centers are sort of backing off of saying that that's going to be a major part of what they do department of energy U.S. department of energy does have sort of a coupled model that does these things we at NCAR don't have that type of a coupled model thank you another question is by Brad Murray and he says you raised the question of whether adding many more equations increase the accuracy of the modeling a lot do you have a guess about the answer yeah you know it's okay so yeah it's going to come down to what do we mean by accuracy because we can sort of say the viewpoint has always been if we put in more sort of process rich parameterizations we're going to we're going to be more we're increasing the authenticity of the models we're more faithfully representing processes realistically but that doesn't necessarily mean we're going to reduce uncertainty in the model or it doesn't necessarily mean we're actually going to get it even a better answer we're going to more faithfully reproduce the some say some temperature trend or some trend in carbon storage or something like that because as we add more processes it's harder and harder to get the model to work right and so typically actually I think what we're seeing now with these models is that as we add more complexity to them the models aren't necessarily getting better in terms of reproducing some sort of observational data set and the classic example I would have is like adding the nitrogen cycle into our carbon models the first carbon models had no nitrogen cycle at all and then people realized really quickly that well nitrogen provides nitrogen availability provides a really good limit a strong limitation to how much carbon the biosphere can absorb in a warmer world over higher co2 concentrations so then people started putting in the nitrogen cycle the nitrogen cycle is I'd say high particularly at a global scale is highly unknown uncertain we don't really quite know we know sort of the basic processes but we don't know how to mathematically represent them and now what we're finding is everybody has a nitrogen cycle in the model but we're getting widely different answers because we don't really quite know all the details of how to model the nitrogen cycle we know that if we don't have it in we're going to overestimate how much carbon can be stored by the biosphere but when we put it in we're now getting really widely divergent answers among our models so we think our models are getting better in terms of having a feedback that's important nitrogen but they're becoming more uncertain because we don't actually know the details and the specifics of how to do the nitrogen cycle across all the ecosystems of the world