I think everybody knows that Trump was indicted yesterday for over the documents issue. I find it fascinating how people are responding to this. Clearly Trump did something illegal and wrong. Clearly he took classified information and tried to hide it from the FBI and when asked to to return it he refused. Not by declassifying it and not by claiming he declassified but by denying and rejecting that he had it, by hiding it, and there's now audio evidence that he knew he had classified information that he was not supposed to have. He also ran exercises and how to evade the FBI when they came to search. Clearly, clearly what he's did is wrong. Maybe other people have done worse, that's fine, but what he did was illegal and wrong and the real tragedy and the real crisis would have been if he had not been indicted. If he now had been indicted, the message to the American people, the message to everybody, is some people above the law.  Now maybe Hillary should have been indicted as well, okay. It's interesting that Trump was there, Trump was locker up and everything and even Trump didn't indict Hillary and I wonder why. I wonder why the Justice Department didn't. Maybe because they didn't have a case. Suddenly Trump was motivated to go after Hillary, but here there's a case. It's a clear cut case. It's not a hard case. It's the evidence is pretty public. Just the public evidence is pretty clear that this should be indicted and whether Hillary should also be indicted is irrelevant. Maybe next time we can indict Hillary as well, but Trump should be indicted just like any criminal, anybody who does things that are against the law and I'm critical of the whole use of classified information and what counts and what doesn't count and all of that, but and I think the biggest issue for Trump is that he tried to evade. He tried to evade. He tried to hide. He tried to get around, you know, actually following the law. So in the special counsel here is not particularly left. His special counsel here is a pretty respected lawyer, respected both on the left and on the right. He's not particularly partisan. Nobody has accused him when he was appointed. Nobody accused him of being particularly partisan. A lot of people thought that this was a good appointment because he was pretty pretty neutral. No, I mean this is this is the Trump is is a bad guy. Trump has done bad things. Trump has done illegal things and Trump should be indicted. He will go in front of a court. He will present evidence. There will be a trial just like anybody else who's indicted will have his day in court and he will either be found guilty or innocent. He'll have an opportunity to appeal. He'll go through the same legal process as everybody else has. And if he's innocent, it's likely in our system of government that he will be found innocent. It appears that the judge overseeing the case now right now is a Trump appointee who is very favorable towards Trump. So there is a there is a good chance that that he will get favorable treatment for now on, but you know he should be treated like anybody else. And if there are injustices in terms of the fact that Hillary was not prosecuted or this person was not prosecuted, then fix it. You know again Trump had the Justice Department under his administration with his appointees for four years. For four years. So either you could argue he is absolutely unequivocally incompetent, which is true. Or maybe something else is going on here, but people I mean what is really interesting about all this ultimately is nobody cares about the truth. It's nobody cares about the truth. And for everybody to come out and say, oh, this is the Justice Department using politics and not caring about the fact that we all know Trump did it. Everybody knows Trump did it. And instead of saying, yeah, Trump did it. This is awful. He shouldn't have done it. And yeah, by the way, there are other indictments of politicians that we should be pursuing like Hillary. But Trump did it. Even his opponents in the in the primaries are so afraid, so terrified of the so called Trump base.  They're so terrified. They're so afraid. They're not one of the more criticized Trump. Now one of them will say he's guilty. One one did Hutchinson, the former governor, I think of Arkansas, the only one will see what Chris Christie does. But all of them are just cowards, little baby cowards that and this is why one of the many reasons they won't win. Because they're afraid to challenge Trump. They're afraid to challenge Trump base.  Anyway, so it's sad to see so many, you know, serious people like the people running for president, you know, be so so afraid of actually following the truth, standing up to Trump, actually pursuing evidence, actually talking about what actually happened. It really is. It really is sad. And none of them deserve as a consequence, none of them deserve to be the Republican candidate. If you can't criticize Trump, you do not deserve to be the nominee. All right. I want to say there's a big difference between what Biden did and what Trump did and what Pence did and what Trump did. And that is yes, they all had these documents, the differences, the fundamental differences, is that Trump engaged in hiding the fact that he had the documents. He engaged actively in an attempt to deceive the FBI and to deceive the Justice Department in terms of access to those documents. He engaged actively in moving them around and preventing people. So the main accusation of Trump is not on the fact that he had the documents. Everybody makes mistakes and takes too many documents with them. I think that that is true of probably every politician who's dealt with top secret. It is to what extent you go in order to hide them, to what extent you go in order to deceive those who would take those documents. So that is the main problem with Trump. It is not his possession of the documents, it's his attempts to deceive about the documents, which was stupid to begin with because he was going to get caught. But that's part of the course for Trump. I mean, he's not that smart.  Also, if you'd like to see the Iran book show grow, please consider sharing our content. And of course, subscribe, press that little bell button right down there on YouTube, so that you get an announcement when we go live. And for those of you who are already subscribers and those of you who already supporters of the show, thank you. I very much appreciate it.


Graphic organizers track and organize research as you go. A chart or table is designed with columns and rows. The columns go up and down and the rows go side to side. Information is organized within the cells that are created when the columns and rows meet. An outline is used to provide an overall plan for the ideas that will be included in your writing. The ideas are logically ordered from the first point to the last point. It helps the writer to see the sequence of information in their writing. A mind map represents a central idea and supporting details that relate to it. This type of graphic organizer shows connections between words and concepts related to the main idea. A t-chart provides a structure to compare two items or events. It allows you to show how two things differ. A timeline organizes information chronologically. It puts them in the order they happen or happened. A Venn diagram is used to compare and contrast two items. It can show you how they are different as well as how they are the same.


All right, acceleration trend line is line solid acceleration chart No change Decreasing rate responding of course. It's a it's measured as a factor by which with rate multiplies a device, right? Across a time period your acceleration time period I mean this is all should have been done in one video, but we couldn't do it in a minute So I had to break it out into three different terms Go see the book


There's a great article about David Corn's daughter cornering Kellyanne Conway when Kellyanne appeared last month at her high school and David Corn, he writes for the Mother Jones magazine, his daughter asked Kellyanne about the sexual assault that Donald Trump has been accused of and Kellyanne Conway angrily lectured this high school student, a woman, a female telling her to get over it, to get over sexual assault, the American people don't care about sexual assault, they care about jobs and Donald Trump will create jobs and that's more important than sexual assault. Kellyanne Conway is a piece of s***. Sometime, some day in the not too distant future, Kellyanne Conway will, she'll write a confessional about how demoralizing it was working for Donald and she'll ask that all of us, especially women, really, really try to understand how challenging it was to survive inside Trump Tower's boys club.  Of course, Kellyanne will defend the work she did for Trump, insisting she's proud of the campaign and that like most people, she really, really thought Trump cared about the working class. She's gonna say she was a true believer but like everybody else, she was deceived, sniff, sniff. Anderson Cooper will not so much interview as comfort her because this book tour that she's on will be about her pain, not the pain she inflicted on America by spewing a fire hose of lies to get Donald Trump elected president. Yeah, Anderson won't ask any tough questions because that would be rude to ask Kellyanne about the ruination she wrought because there's a time and a place for questions like those. And a guest trying to make millions selling her book is not the time to ask about the lives she's ruined. Kellyanne Conway will sell lots and lots of books playing the victim and distancing herself from Donald Trump. It will be a New York Times bestseller. And that will be blazoned across her book jacket, New York Times bestseller. Even though she spent an entire campaign convincing us that the New York Times can't be trusted, we're supposed to believe that the New York Times did an accurate count of how many of her books were being sold.  Probably something about knowing when to lean in and knowing when it's time to lean out. Some horseshit like that. Right now Kellyanne Conway is staying put. No book yet. No, no book. Kellyanne's going to quit.  But right now Kellyanne wouldn't dare walk away just because Donald Trump did something like incite hatred for Muslims, Arabs, Mexicans and women. No, she'll walk away after Trump does something far, far worse when he humiliates Kellyanne Conway. When he gives the job she wants to a man. When he instead offers her a demeaning job that she believes is beneath her. That's when and only when Kellyanne Conway will feel let down and disappointed by Donald Trump. That's when she'll leave to write her book and suddenly remember that she's a woman and that women get raped. And she'll remember that it's not right for women to provide cover to misogynists. The way Kellyanne is doing right now for Donald Trump. I voted for Hillary. I don't know what Kellyanne's father did to her. Maybe it was a couple of different men. But whatever he did or the other men did, you don't have to become your abuser, Kellyanne. You can find it in your heart to forgive your father or those men. The same way after Kellyanne quits the Trump administration and writes her manipulative confessional, we will forgive her. That's right, we're going to forgive her. And some of us will even read her book.    Welcome to the broadcast. I'm David Feldman, DavidFeldmanshow.com. Please friend me on Facebook. Follow me on Twitter. Do all your Amazon shopping via the David Feldman Show website. There's an Amazon banner. We're lousy with them. Every time you click on that Amazon banner and do your Amazon shopping, we get a small percentage and it doesn't cost you more. It really doesn't. It just takes you to the Amazon site, shop away. And then when you check out, somehow they miraculously send us a small percentage of what you've purchased. Well, on today's show, we talk to one of my favorite guests, Pat Dixon. He's the host of the New York Crime Report and he's a very funny stand-up comic. Along with David Cyrus, he's a comedy writer, recently nominated for an Emmy and a couple of Writers Guild Awards. He's written on Saturday Night Live and Triumph the Incell Comic Dog. Very funny, opinionated comedy writer. Then we go to Chicago to talk to Professor David Farris, who wrote a piece in the week, an opinion piece in the week that is really irritating conservatives. The name of the piece is entitled, where is it? Entitled Time for Democrats to Fight Dirty. I could not agree with him more and that's why I asked him to come on the show to talk about why the Democratic Party needs to take a page from the GOP playbook and just get in the gutter and say no. Just fight, fight, fight Donald Trump and the Republicans every step of the way. Every step of the way. And then we talk to a very funny man named John Egan. He's the publisher of the Burrard Street Journal out of Vancouver. He is a purveyor of fake news. It's a parody site. You should go there, the Burrard Street Journal. Very funny website that conservatives think is real. And he's gotten a lot of traffic to his website during this election because Republicans, and we'll talk about this, Republican websites, conservatives keep linking to his very funny website because they read these stories and they think they're true. BuzzFeed has been covering this. They did a survey, 75 percent, this just came out this week, 75 percent of Americans, according to BuzzFeed, who learned about fake news headlines, view them as accurate and that's both conservative and Democrat. 75 percent of American adults who knew about fake news headlines, 75 percent thought they were accurate. I'm going to read you a couple of headlines and you can play along. Are these real or are these fake, okay? This is a headline. You tell me if it's fake or true. These are actual headlines that have been out along the internet, linked to mostly on Facebook. They're always spread on Facebook. FBI agents suspected in Hillary email leaks found dead in an apparent murder suicide. Okay? 72 percent of those surveyed thought it was accurate. 72 percent of those surveyed thought it was accurate. Right then, is it fake or is it real? Do you think that's fake or is it real? 90 percent of Americans think this is true. Donald Trump on refusing presidential salary, I'm not taking it. Is that true or is that false? 90 percent of Americans believe that headline is true. 79 percent of Americans think this headline is true. Donald Trump protesters speaks out, I was paid $3,500 to protest Trump's rally. Write that down. Is it true or is it false? 79 percent of Americans think that is true. Next headline. Donald Trump says he'd absolutely require Muslims to register. 80 percent of Americans surveyed think that's true. Do you think that's true or do you think it's false? 64 percent of Americans think the following headline is true. Pope Francis shocks the world, endorses Donald Trump for president, releases statement. Is that true or false? That is a headline that has been spread throughout the internet. 64 percent of Americans think that's true. Next headline. 73 percent of Americans think the following headline is true. Trump, I will protect our LGBTQ citizens. 73 percent of those surveyed say they think that is a true story. Next headline. 84 percent of Americans believe this to be true. Donald Trump sent his own plane to transport 200 stranded Marines. OK, 84 percent of Americans think that headline is true. 82 percent of Americans think the following headline is true. Barbara Bush. I don't know how women can vote for Trump. That's an actual headline being spread around Facebook and the internet. 82 percent of Americans think that's true. Is it true? 81 percent of Americans think the following headline is true. FBI director Comey just put a Trump sign on his front lawn. 81 percent of Americans think that headline is a true story. 83 percent of Americans think this headline is a true story. Melania Trump's girl on girl photos from Racy's shoot revealed. 83 percent believe that story is true. And finally, this headline 90 percent of Americans think this is true. I ran the CIA. Now I'm endorsing Hillary Clinton. 90 percent of people who saw that headline think it is true. So those are headlines that got spread throughout the internet and the run up to the election. And they link to stories. Some of them were true stories. Some of them were just fake news. Let's see if you correctly figured out what was real and what was fake. OK, these are the fake headlines. 72 percent of Americans believe this headline. FBI agents suspected in Hillary email leaks found dead in an apparent murder suicide. 72 percent of Americans thought that story was real. It was fake. Headline and story. Donald Trump protester speaks out. I was paid 3,500 to protest Trump's rally. 79 percent of Americans thought that was a true story. It was fake. Headline Pope Francis Shox World endorses Donald Trump for president. Releases statement. 64 percent of Americans thought that was a real story. When they read it, it was fake. Donald Trump sent his own plane to transport 200 stranded Marines. 84 percent of Americans surveyed thought that was a real story. It was fake. Headline FBI director Comey just put a Trump sign on his front lawn. 81 percent of Americans thought that was an actual true story. It was fake. These are the true stories that were true. Headline Donald Trump on refusing presidential salary. I'm not taking it. 90 percent thought that was true. It's true. Headline Donald Trump said he'd absolutely require Muslims to register. 80 percent of Americans believe that story. It is a true story. Headline Trump, I will protect our LGBTQ citizens. 73 percent of Americans believe that to be a true story. It is a true story. Barbara Bush, I don't know how women Barbara Bush, I don't know how women can vote for Trump. 82 percent of Americans believe that to be a true story. It was a true story. Headline Melania Trump's girl on girl photos from Racy Shoot revealed 83 percent of Americans thought that was a true story. It is a true story. And finally, I ran the CIA now endorsing Hillary Clinton. 90 percent of Americans thought that was a real story. It was a real story. Interesting, fake news. We have a serious problem with fake news in this country and in the world. And we talk about that with John Egan, a purveyor of fake news, unwittingly a purveyor of fake news. He's the publisher of the Burrard Street Journal. Stay with us. We have a great show.


Ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, could I ask that you – please, sir. Ladies and gentlemen, thank you all for coming. We're delighted to have you here. My name is John Hamery. I'm the president of CSIS.  This is a wonderful opportunity for us. Your Highness, thank you. We're very honored to have you here. You are a very welcome figure in Washington. People love having you here, and we really love having you here at CSIS, so I just want to say thank you. Thank you for making it possible. We have a splendid opportunity. I don't know if you all enjoyed your conversations, but we've been talking about white water canoeing down the Grand Canyon. And so – and His Majesty is an avid outdoorsman, and earlier this week took his Harley up to Gettysburg. And so he just gave a sense of how he's probably the most down-to-earth royal I've ever met. And I must tell you, it's really a privilege to have a chance to welcome him. Today, I want to turn to one of my bosses, Brent Scowcroft, who is going to introduce His Highness. And Brent, thank you so much for joining us today. Ladies and gentlemen, General Brent Scowcroft. Thank you very much, John. I can't duplicate that jollity, but thank you. And I add my welcome to John to the center for this, I think, great event. We are very honored to have today His Majesty King Abdullah with us. He is, as you all very well know, he is the leader of a country that is right at the very epicenter of perhaps the most turbulent area of the world. And in Washington, he's already very well known and respected. King Abdullah was born in Amman, 1962. He's the eldest son of the late King Hussain and Princess Munna al-Hussain. He began his primary education in Amman. He later went to England and he went to secondary school in the United States, I believe, at Deerfield Academy. Then he entered the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst in 1980, was commissioned as a second lieutenant and served as a reconnaissance troop leader in the British Army. He went on, went back home, distinguished military career with a focus, not surprisingly, on special forces.  That scares me to even read them. He continued his career and at the time that he assumed his present position, he was Special Forces Commander in Jordan. When his father died in 1999, he assumed his constitutional powers as monarch of Jordan. Since then, I think he has clearly demonstrated that he is a worthy successor to his wise and courageous father. He's continued his late father's commitment to create a strong and moderating role for Jordan within the Arab region and indeed in the world. Under his reign, Jordan has been admitted to the World Trade Organization, ratified agreements for the establishment of free trade area with the United States, the European Union, European Free Trade Association countries, and 16 Arab countries. King Abdullah has also been involved in the drive for national administrative reform and government transparency and accountability. He's been working on the advancement of civil liberties and has been involved in enacting the necessary legislation that guarantees women a full role in Jordan's socio-economic and political life. King Abdullah married lovely Queen Rania in 1993. They have two sons and two daughters. The king has had a very busy week in Washington. He's met with President Obama and Secretary Clinton as well as a number of congressional leaders. And as John mentioned, he found time for a motorcycle ride to Harper's Ferry and to Gettysburg, I believe. Incidentally, at the time of their joint press conference yesterday, I guess, President Obama commented that at the conclusion of his visit to Jordan, the king personally drove him to the airport and the president declined to say at what speed they went to the airport. Anyway, it is a great honor to introduce him. We're very grateful that he's agreed to come and speak to us today at CSIS. His Majesty King Abdullah. In the name of Allah, the Gracious, the Merciful. Thank you very much, sir. I'm delighted to be with all of you this afternoon. CSIS has had a tremendous impact on me as a source of understanding about the important relationship between the Middle East and the United States. And it is an honor to be invited to join you in your dialogue. My friends today, I want to talk about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which has almost defined the modern history of my region. But I do not want to talk about missed opportunities. I want to focus on the urgency of not missing any more and on why and how the United States can lead. The U.S. has a stated strategic interest in ending this conflict. Few crises in history have presented such a potent mix of threats from the regional instability and violence it promotes to the worldwide divisions it has caused, divisions actively exploited by extremists. But there have been equally few situations where a just solution could bring such powerful benefits, not only to the parties, not only to the region, but to the world as a whole. Yet time, my friends, is not on our side. Every day we lose makes the conflict much harder to resolve. And that is a danger to all of us. I know this is understood by President Obama and his team. The President gave early signals that Middle East peace will be a priority for the United States. And we in Jordan welcome his commitment and engagement. And we're not alone. Every country in the Middle East, and perhaps even the world, sees the United States as being the key to achieving peace. America's strategic interests will be advanced by a peace settlement. And in the eyes of the world, American credibility will be advanced as well. Tackling the issue head on is now imperative. Success urgently demands not more process, but more results. And that means a clear plan to reach a comprehensive peace. One that builds on the achievements of previous negotiations. And there must also be a vigorous leadership commitment to ensure negotiations move fast towards reconciliation on the basis of the two-state solution. Friends, we do not have time to engage in yet another open-ended process. We have seen what comes of process without progress. Every missed opportunity has alienated more people on both sides. And such a course increases distrust and difficulties and fuels those who seek to carry the parties down the path of confrontation. Yet this path cannot help either party get where it needs to be. For Palestinians to reap the promise of the 21st century, for Israelis to achieve the enduring security they seek, there must be an end to occupation and confrontation, to settlement building, to unilateral actions in Jerusalem. There must be a settlement that fulfills the legitimate rights of both parties. The right of Palestinians to statehood and the right of Israelis to security. One of the vital functions the United States can play right now is to help its friends think and act in these strategic terms. And that means keeping the focus on where the parties want to be in 10, 20, 30 years and more. The hopes and horizons for themselves and their children. And then setting a direction towards that future. Now, through its own focus, through its own resolve, the United States will set the standard. Events are already testing American credibility. These include the Israeli voices for turning back the clock on negotiations, to de-establish the established agenda for peace. And they also include extremist voices in the Arab world that preach war. I hope that the United States will make it clear that it will not accept retrograde movement. The elements of a settlement are known. The agenda for negotiations is agreed. There is a clear objective. Two states, each sovereign, each viable and secure. And such a settlement is a vital U.S. interest. And it is equally vital to your interest that the world see the U.S. lead the way. Indeed, the groundwork is there. The two states settlement has been agreed by the parties and the entire international community. And for seven years, against all provocation, the landmark Arab peace initiative has held. Now, this initiative lays out the parameters of a comprehensive settlement. Ending the occupation, creating a Palestinian state, and providing security guarantees and normal relations for Israel. Muslim countries around the world have also expressed their support. And this offers Israel a place in its neighborhood, but more. It's acceptance by the one-third of the U.N. members. And that's 57 countries that still do not recognize Israel. By its unanimous voice, by its serious approach, the Arab peace initiative is the most important proposal for peace in the history of this conflict. We've made our choice. A comprehensive peace that meets the legitimate needs of all. Israel now has to make its choice. To integrate into the region, accepted and accepting with normal relations with its neighbors. Or to remain fortress Israel, isolated and holding itself and the entire region a hostage to continuing confrontation. And let me be very clear. Any Israeli effort to substitute Palestinian development for Palestinian independence cannot bring peace and stability to the region. The path for peace can only go through the two-state solution. No other solution can offer the justice that people demand and expect. And no other solution can give people a reason to take risks peace requires. Israel must know that attempting to delay this solution will be serious and disastrous for its own future as well as for the future of the Palestinians. And I cannot emphasize enough how important U.S. partnership is to help Israel accept the opening the Arab world has offered. Work with us and move forward. Now is the time for the United States to lead to ensure that no more time is wasted. And failing to act means that we all lose. The status quo is simply untenable.  A moment of truth is here for all who claim to seek peace and justice. And it is a time for partnership, for courage and action. And this begins with an effective peace plan for 2009 and beyond. A plan of negotiations that can achieve concrete results quickly and stop a drift towards confrontation. And I say a plan not a process for a reason. The very term peace process is an artifact of history. When it was coined in the 1970s, the idea was to break the decades of deadlock by taking an incremental approach. And in the following decades, we did see breakthroughs. Great leaders like my late father, His Majesty King Hussain and Prime Minister Ishaq Rabin gave their all to make progress happen. Today I do not diminish those achievements when I say that this old idea has seen its day. The peace process must end because we have reached the time for the endgame in which all sides can win. Allow me to touch on some areas where creative U.S. leadership can advance that goal. First is in understanding the region-wide framework for action. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict does not take place in a vacuum. Regional crises and events are deeply interconnected. Successful policy must be part of a holistic approach. And this includes a division of labor with regional partners. One example is the work Arab states are already doing to encourage Palestinian reconciliation. International support will advance this effort. In this and similar actions, U.S. policy could help empower the region's forces of moderation. A second key area of U.S. leadership is reinforcing the foundation for peace. Development aid will not succeed if it is designed as a substitute for Palestinian independence. But independence will be most successful when it delivers opportunities for fruitful, normal daily life. Benefits and incentives need to be devised that will create and sustain the conditions for coexistence and progress. A third area of U.S. leadership is in the powerful messages your actions can send, especially by your response to Palestinian suffering. Signals are delivered when the U.S. ensures relief and rebuilding in Gaza and provides humanitarian aid in the West Bank. But signals are also sent when your country acts or fails to act against the daily hardship of West Bank life, against illegal settlement building, against Israeli actions to force Jerusalem's Arab, Muslim and Christian population out, or threatened Muslim and Christian holy sites. The U.S. commitment to Palestinian statehood must be unambiguous in deeds as well as words. And this is central to America's standing, not only in the region, but the entire Muslim world. And let me say Arabs and Muslims throughout the world took note of the President's inaugural pledge for a new partnership based on mutual respect and mutual interest. His outreach since then has been well received in the Arab world. This good beginning needs to move forward without any break. A high level U.S. effort is needed to regenerate bilateral negotiations. And when the parties get to the table, U.S. support must continue. Where there is a deadlock, let the U.S. break the impasse by proposing its own creative solutions. Beginning to end, the focus must be a final peace agreement. One that reflects the only viable solution to this conflict, the two-state solution, which will open the door to comprehensive Middle East peace. My friends, this year marks 60 years of diplomatic ties between Jordan and the United States. Our partnership has been tested by crises. We have talked truth to each other, listened to each other, and worked together. We've had our differences, but this is the way of friends. But we have never lost sight of the value of our strategic partnership, or the vital goals we share – peace, prosperity, security. And today we stand together at yet another critical moment. The regional problems are complex and real. But in our world we have seen rapid positive transformations when strategic interests are clear. The parties, the region, the world all deeply need this peace. And all are watching to see how America will lead. I personally believe that peace can succeed and we should settle for nothing less. And in that effort, I continue to pledge Jordan's continued partnership. And just as we ask the parties to do, let their friends of peace too think ahead to the strategic picture. Ten years from now, meeting here, we could be, or we should be, talking about the challenges of life after peace, and how to advance our new era of global coexistence. But to do that in the year 2019, we must also be able to say our countries did what needed to be done back in 2009 with courage and with action. Thank you very much. Ladies and gentlemen, I think we've all been very fortunate to hear this very strong forthright presentation. Sir, many of the questions that we got from the audience were about the prospects for peace in Palestine. So I'm going to ask a different question to begin with if I could. First, we're going to have a very pivotal election in Lebanon in later this year. And of course on the balance is the role that Hezbollah and Iran will be playing in this region. Would you speak to that? Would you tell us your perception about it? And then what you and what we should be doing? Well, I think it's clear to all of us that we all want to need to work for stability and security in Lebanon. And I believe because elections are in June that all the parties on the ground there want their country to be stable and quiet. I think all believe that they will make great strides forward when elections come. So I expect there to be, I think, a common sense approach by everybody to make sure that elections happen under an atmosphere of a relaxed stable environment. Sir, Jordan has carried a great deal of the burden of the instability of Iraq. And our perceptions here is that the situation is now better in Iraq. How does it look from your standpoint? And what does it still mean for you and for the people of Jordan to be coping with that instability? I think Iraq is one of the few good stories we can say in our part of the world. I think it's in a way work in progress. It's going to take a long time. Iraqis need the support of all of us in the international community, especially Arab countries, to support its move forward. I believe Prime Minister Maliki has come a long way in bringing his nation together, but he can't do it alone. And I think that in many cases we as Arabs should have done and need to do more to help our Iraqi brethren. And as Iraq goes into transition, especially with coalition forces moving out, I do hope that we as Arab nations do step up to the plate and offer whatever support we can in the critical years ahead of the Iraqi reconciliation and rebuilding. But I am optimistic about the future of Iraq and the Iraqi people. Thank you, sir. Let me, Ambassador, many people who are with us today who are from the business community and obviously the economic well-being throughout the region is such a primary factor in people's outlook for the future. What would you like to see from the international business community and from the American business community, both in Jordan and throughout the region? Well, I think Jordan is situated today in a very strong position. We, I believe, have positioned ourselves very strongly for what we initially were going to say back office work, but back office and front office work. I think the skilled level of Jordanians, the special industrial zones that we have for manufacturing and industry, makes Jordan very lucrative for major corporations that are in the region looking at a competitive country. So from that point of view, we have a tremendous opportunity to position Jordan over the next two or three years without signing in a bad way to take advantage of the economic well crisis. Obviously I think that I'm not an economist, but this is a time where countries need to sort of maybe reach out even more to each other, to create business opportunities and investment opportunities to combat the insecurity that's out there in the economic market. And Jordan is in a position to be a very attractive country for people to look at. Sir, there's a great deal of talk in Washington about potential engagement with Syria, both by the United States as well as other countries in the region. Could you give us your perspective on the prospects for that engagement? Well, I think the Syrians and I had met with President Bashar and his foreign minister recently are very keen to move relations to negotiations with the Israelis. But it also comes down to what clear commitments Israel is willing to give for those negotiations, where we don't want to find ourselves in, is a position of both countries in dialogue that goes on open-ended. This is why here in Washington we're looking at the regional approach, and this is where I believe President Obama is also in agreement in that what we want to see in 2009 is Israelis sitting down with Palestinians, but also sitting down with Lebanese, Syrians, and equally as important with Arab and Muslim countries that do want, as part of the Arab and Muslim Initiative, to solve their problems with the State of Israel. And I think when it comes to a regional approach, that shows a serious commitment. So in other words, there's limited likelihood for parties to play themselves off against each other. So my hope is that working very closely with the United States, we will hopefully see circumstances that bring Israelis together with the Palestinians and Arab partners to look at a comprehensive peace settlement. Any piecemeal approach I think gives those that are considering Mischief a tremendous opportunity. So we're here to say a regional approach. I believe that is the way that President Obama is thinking and Secretary Clinton. We have a lot of homework as Jordan and as a series of Arab countries. You'll see a series of visits by Arab leaders over the next month or so, and you will hear the same thing from them as I have just said, that this is the golden opportunity. This is the opportunity for Israel to finally have peace with a third of the world that doesn't recognize it.  It's been a fruitful discussion and we've learned a lot from you. We'd like to say a word of just a small token of thanks. In the American West, there is the habit of two tribes when they meet. They offer as a token of respect what's called an American peace pipe, and so sir, from one tribe to another, as long as the wind shall blow in the grasses, grow we wish peace for you. Thank you.


Today, we're continuing our look at Vim and some of the basic functionalities of it. And today, we're going to be looking at tabs and indenting and auto-indenting. So let's start off. I'm going to come down here and add a new line. Now I'm going to hit Tab. Look how far that jumped. So it's like, boo, I mean, that's huge. And so if you're writing code and you've got functions that you're indenting, if you have to do like an if statement inside an if statement inside a function, your code is going to start going off the other side of the screen. I personally, I think most people prefer, most programmers prefer to set spaces rather than tab characters. Pretty much, I think that's the majority, unless you're that guy from Silicon Valley, the TV show who likes tabs. One thing that people do vary on is though is how many spaces. I think the most common spaces people use are four. I like to use two. Four just seems like overkill to me. I think two is just the right amount. So what I'm going to do, again, I'm going to go out of edit mode by hitting escape and I'm going to hit colon. And now I can put in a command. The command here that I'm going to be putting in is basically we're going to be setting some variables. So we're going to set our shift width to two and our soft tab stops to two. And then we're going to expand tab. Those are the commands that I do to cover this whole thing. I'm going to hit enter. Now if I go I into edit mode and I hit tab, you notice it moves not as far as before and it actually is two spaces. Whether you like tabs or spaces, just be consistent with what you do. Because if you use tabs sometimes and spaces others and then you start using a program like Python where indentation is important, it can really mess stuff up for people when they're trying to use your code because you might use tabs at some parts and then spaces at others. But then when they put it, open it up and then their tabs can be turned into spaces and it's going to be a different number of spaces than your spaces. Spaces are a better way to go. Anyway, so again, I'll go over that command again in a minute, but it's set shift with equals to soft tab stop equals to an expand tab. But now we're going to talk about auto indenting. So I'm indented here. If I hit enter, you notice it goes back to the beginning of the line, which is normal for tech setters, but we're writing code. You may want it to auto indent. I'm personally not a big fan of this. And if you're one of the people who come in on my videos that you don't like that I don't auto indent, it's just not my thing. But I'm going to show you how to do it today. So again, I'm going to escape colon to put in a command. And the command we're going to put in is set auto indent. It's that easy. Oh, except for you have to type it right, set. Now if I go back into edit mode and I tab and I type something, now when I hit enter, it tabs me into the same line. And if I was to, you know, now do another tab, you know, for an if statement or whatever, now it's going to follow that tab. So why don't I like this? And maybe, you know, well, one, I'm just used to not, I'm not used to it. So I'm by default, I'm ready to hit tab. And usually what happens is I hit enter and I go tab, tab, and I'm already over. And now I got to go right back because I have auto tabs on, but that's not a big deal. What does, what is a problem is now if I was to highlight and copy and paste this code like so, look at how it all gets messed up because it's adding indentations all the way across.  If you do like auto indent and you want to paste some code in, what you need to do is set paste before you do it, which is I, and maybe someone in the comments can explain this better to me. Again, this is not a function I use very often. So I'm not that familiar with it. So we have this, what you need to do is get out of insert mode, add in command, set, paste and hit enter. Now when I go, I did it in insert mode, you notice it doesn't just say insert. It says insert paste.  So, so if I was to be, you know, on this line, I hit enter. It goes back to the beginning of the line there. So I don't see how set paste is any different than changing it to set no auto indent, which is turning off auto indent. Maybe someone can explain that to me. I guess I can Google it. But just so you know, if you have auto indent enabled, when you copy and paste code that's indented at parts, it's going to mess up your indentation. So you have to either turn off auto indent or set paste for your insert. Just be aware of that. And again, I'm not starting to start any battles, you know, I know someone's going to start a fight with me in the comments over, over auto indent and stuff like that. I'm just saying how I like it, but I'm showing you both ways to do it. Now, again, if I was to exit out of this and go back in, all those things that we set, the tabs and the auto indent are now turned off because we issued those commands in a session and we exit out of that session. So what we need to do, if we want those things to be permanent, as we learned in our last video, is go to our VimRC file. Again, that's in your home directory dot VimRC stands for run commands. So these are commands that run when Vim starts. The dot makes the hidden file. So you may not see it depending on how your system set up. Last video, we added syntax highlighting to it. So now let's add in those commands we were talking about before. So we're going to set some variables. We're going to set the width equals to two. That's the shift width, the soft tab stop equal to two and expand tab. And now if you want auto indent enabled, you can just add set auto indent. Now, if we save that, we're going to go back into here. And if I tab, you can see it's doing the two spaces just like we have set. And if I was to paste code, oh, let's first do something like this. Oh, oh, I, I set the wrong thing. I set no auto indent. I'm looking at my normal VimRC file, which is how I have that set. Let's go back into here. So, so we have our shift widths set here, our tab widths and then auto indent.  Sorry about that. Go back in here and if I come down here and I hit enter, you notice it's auto indenting. And if I was to highlight this stuff and paste it in, it gets all messed up. So that is tab widths and auto indenting. I thank you for watching. I hope you're enjoying this series. Again, it's not for very beginners with Vim and advanced users are probably going, oh, this is boring stuff. But I do thank you for watching. If you're that medium user learning some, some, you know, moving along with your learning of Vim, if you did enjoy this video, think about coming a support over at patreon.com. There's a link in the description, patreon.com forward slash Melix 1000 or you go to filmsbychrist.com. There's a link to that in the description as well. It's Chris with a K there. You can search through all my videos as well as look through all my example notes and also there's a link to a PayPal account there if you want to help support me that way. If you can't support me financially, think about liking, sharing, subscribing, commenting, that stuff helps out. I thank you for watching. And as always, I hope that you have a great day.


And that person who is doing that needs a lot more training in how to do this appropriately. But they're on the right track. They're trying to get somewhere. You know, they're going in the right direction. But there are people who will train other people about how to do this, okay? I don't know if any of you have ever read one of those websites. They still exist. They're still out there. They have this particular type that's really, really big. The font is really, really big. A bunch of things are highlighted in yellow and kind of have that three-dimensional vision coming toward you so that it sticks out a little bit more. And there's a call to action button. Like, if you are ready now to do this, if you are ready to change your experience and change it for the better, but then if you're not, you just keep reading and this thing goes on. And if you printed it out, you would probably go on for 25 pages.  I know people who have done this, who have taken these courses, they're copyrighted courses and they tell you exactly how to give people just a little tiny bit of the answer, but not enough to make them feel like they got it, like that you have it. And because you have it, they need to get that answer. It's very, very interesting. And you talk around things. So politicians are great at this, right?  It's great. Totally sponsored by NPR tonight, by the way. Just to let you know. So basically, I wanna show you how that works in live real time. I was a person, I was a person and now I'm a man. I was just an ordinary human being and now I'm full grown, I'm an adult. And how did I get here? I'm gonna tell you all how it happened. First, I'm gonna tell you the first thing that happened to me, I was born, we all were. But my birth was a little bit different because it didn't happen when I was an infant. No, it happened at the age of 26 and it was a rebirth. It was a rebirth, it was my real birth. My first birth, thank you mom, I appreciate it. But really, my real birth was when I was 26. And I went from being Jerry to Gerald, full name. I went from being handy to handsome. I went from being Jerry handy to Gerald handsome and I will tell you that that moment when that all occurred, when that all happened, when I realized, when I looked in the mirror and I saw a handsome fellow and I don't mean just physically but internally, I was handsome, handsome all the way through. I realized that I could change people's existence. I could change their lives just by standing like this, shoulder length apart, okay? Basically doing Tai Chi all the time without anyone knowing. I am here to show you how to do that, how to be whatever age you are right now and how to rebirth yourself into your full potential, into your adultness, into your growth period, into your spurt, if you will. Now how does this happen? How does one, how does one do it? Did you see what I just did there? I repeated something and I repeated something because it was important. It was, it was, it was and I did it again. Now why did I do it? We'll come back to it or maybe we won't. Are you ready? Yes, good. This is not real but this is. Did you see what I did there? Great. Remember, it's all about boxes. Do you go in the A or the B? Would you like to see? Do you know the rest of the alphabet? Of course you will do and that's what's important is understanding the alphabet and the numbers. Now there's less numbers than alphabets, correct? No, maybe and that's the point. If we all understand this, just the chest, that's all you need. Just get rid of the legs. We don't need them. If you think about it, all they help us do is walk. So what the, and so like these people, like they do this and it's incredible.  And the reason why this is so fascinating to me is because I had to do two shows on this.   It was awesome. I was always skeptical about it, but I was always, you know, but there's a problem when there's kind of this mass of people around you that you like and you trust and you're friends with that are also buying into it. So you kind of feel like you need to go along with it. It's kind of like Catholicism, which I grew up in, okay? Now there's nothing wrong with Kassad with Catholicism at all, okay? I mean, it's a great cult. You know, it's got dudes who don't get married, I think that's important, you know?  Now these things to me are imperative to our culture. But then it just continues, you know? I just, I start going to a Buddhist college and I become Buddhist and then that's fine and dandy.   It was ridiculous, okay? And the thing is is I always took it with this grain of salt but at the same time I wanted all of it to be real because I wanted to be kind of out of this painful suffering that I was kind of going through at the time. And I still go through painful suffering.    So I'm giving a lot of fucks. But I also don't give fucks. We've talked about this. How important it is to not give fucks. It's very popular 2015 right now to give no fucks. And so I'm trying to jump on that in the give no fucks thing. And you can say that that's a cult too, the give no fucks. But it's great, you know, it's a wonderful thing. But I'm watching at the same time, I'm watching some friends of mine who are doing phenomenally well with their businesses. They're doing phenomenally well at using these scripts, at using this language and hooking people in who desperately want to do what they love to do.  And I'm sure in some weird way, they're helping people. They're really, really, that's, and that's the thing with all of this is everybody is genuinely, I believe, no I don't. I think probably 70% of the people out there are genuinely trying to assist other people. And other people are just, they're just racketeers. It's pretty amazing, it's pretty phenomenal, you know. And I commend them for being able to, you know, just act like that for full on 100%. But don't you find this strange? You've got to feel hot, you have to feel like horny. About selling your nutrition to other people. Do you get what I'm saying right now? You need to feel sexy when you're talking to your clients. Sexy.  Do you know what I'm talking about right now? That's what you need to do. I'm taking it to an extreme right now, but, you know, but it's true. Like I'm watching a friend of mine just use that as a way to sell, and it works, man.  It's disturbing. I mean it's this really, really disturbing thing to watch because at one end I'm thinking to myself, well, you know, I mean these people are adults with thinking capacities within their, this.  The pressure is put on in a particular way and there's one person in particular, I don't know if you've ever seen him, but he's phenomenal at doing this. Did you know that it's all in your mind? That it's all in your mind that everything that you want can be achieved by thinking about it? Doesn't that sound strange? But it's true because God wants you to be rich. I mean, look at me. I am rich and I am not only rich in the bank, but I am rich because of you. I am rich because of my wife. I am rich because of my children. I am rich because of my house. I don't know who you've seen it, but I am rich and I'm rich because I said yes. I said yes to God and I looked in the gospel and I saw that God was saying over and over again, yes, I want you to have those words and I reinterpreted them and I saw that that reinterpretation was helping people.  Well, we all know where they're going. But if you want heaven right now, if you want it, then you just can have it. Just by thinking of it, just by thinking yes, I want this money, yes, I want to serve you.   He has a stadium in Texas. 50,000 people come a week to his service to talk about the prosperity gospel. It has nothing to do with Christianity. It has nothing to do with the gospel. The scriptures, they kind of come up on the TV and he kind of talks around them. He just kind of picks and chooses and he basically is talking about positive thinking.  It's amazing. I'm incredibly impressed with this motherfucker. He is phenomenal. And in my show, Super Happy Melancholy Ex-Bialidocious, I play this bastard and I do him for like 10 minutes. And after a while, I just, I feel like I'm a candle within a candle. Like I have, the candle inside has dripped wax on itself, just trying to just fall apart so that it could not be a candle anymore. But then another candle comes around it and he's like, no.  But one of the strangest things I ever saw was when I was getting really, really into hardcore and I realized at the age of 15 that I was straight edge, that this was a thing. I was a kid who didn't do drugs. I didn't drink. I didn't smoke.  So, yeah, in terms of the whole like, the way that the straight edge was, you know, put across in the hardcore movement, I was like, I was a perfect fit. And I didn't want to do any of those things either while the sex part I did, I didn't want to drink or do it. I just didn't want to do it. And so like when I would find these bands that were singing about this and how great it was, I was like jumping on the bandwagon, putting an X on my hand, which identified me straight edge and I would go to these shows. And one of the first shows I ever went to was this band Shelter. And Shelter was kind of an offshoot of this band Youth of Today.  These guys were like built, like these guys were solid as rocks, okay? Like six packs wearing like, like the kind of pants or shorts that you go running in. I mean, they didn't look like hardcore kids in any way, shape, or form, but when you listen to them, they did, but they, they're just kind of beef cakey. It was kind of strange. And they would just be singing about how great it was that they were all friends, you know?   It was great.  But like a real angry bird, not the thing. Anyway, but I went to go see this guy and Ray Capo was the singer. He was Ray of Today, ridiculous name, Ray of Today, Youth of Today, singer, Ray of Today, terrible. Anyway, so I went to go see Shelter and this was like his band. Nobody else in the band was in the band at the time from Youth of Today, but they were Krishna. They were Krishna kids. He had converted to being, to following Krishna. So he had the little tail in the back and everybody in the band did and they were praying before they're set.  Like wearing like hardcore T-shirts and blah, blah, blah, blah. And this Krishna guy comes up to me and he's like, would you like the coconut peanut butter ball? I'm like, well, what's in them? He's like, coconut's peanut butter. That's like, no. I was really confused. I didn't know what was going on.  Just fine.  This was like this new movement, Krishnakor, ridiculous name, but it was true, Krishnakor.  You could have picked any of them, right?  And it just was like this kind of perfect ridiculousness. All of these kids who were in youth of today were Italian-American Catholic kids who just like left all of that, became straight.  But it was amazing how many people, for me, adopted that. You know? And what's really, really fascinating at this point is in youth culture, like some of the music, I still listen to a lot of metal, a lot of punk. There's a whole strain of this music that are Christian bands.  But what it gives them the ability to do is it gives them the ability to climb the Christian charts and the metal charts at the same time. So they're able to kind of get these two audiences. And it's a really interesting thing in terms of converting people, if you think about it. Because if you are just sleeved and look like any other metal kid, but you have this message that comes out every once in a while about Jesus, the amount of people who roll over into that, it must be high, because it's just a perfect storm. It's a perfect storm. And the thing is that the whole thing, not necessarily metal, but around punk, is about thinking for yourself, completely. Like arguing with everyone about everything. It's like being illiberal, except with music all the time. You never agree on anything, maybe agree on some things, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. But I mean, that's the fascinating part to me. And as we're coming to all of these movements within politics, what I'm finding is that everything becomes this package deal. It's the same thing.   Maybe you complain about your party, but blah, blah. But the same kind of goes with the green party, anything like that. And I'm just, I'm super, super confused about where we're kind of headed. But I am, I'm really, really confused because it's more about the party dynamics than anything else.  But what's really fascinating to me is that I don't feel like there are many politicians out there who actually say what they really think and therefore follow that. And then to this point with our culture, where it's like people have to fit into this particular parameter. And if they don't, we'd want nothing to do with them. Maybe we'll blog about them. Maybe we'll tweet about the issue. Maybe we'll go to a public forum and go, blah, blah, blah. But in general, we won't put ourselves in a circumstance or a situation where we are ultimately unbelievably, incredibly uncomfortable because we do not agree with the set of circumstances that these people are necessarily talking about. We will de-friend people on Facebook because of it. But aren't we just manipulating ourselves in that circumstance? Aren't we basically just saying, well, I don't want to think this way. I don't want to be this way. I don't want to have this. And therefore I'll just shut it down.  I don't want to feel it. I don't want to think it, et cetera. Now we all do this. Sometimes it's really healthy, you know?   Like I got off of Facebook for a week. It was a brilliant time, let me tell you. It was amazing. I highly recommend it. It's incredible.  You know, flowers? I looked at those, pretty incredible. I ate something, I actually tasted it. Yeah, no, I'm serious. I walked down the street, I could feel my feet. But there is something about it where it kind of cuts you off from reality because basically you're just getting pummeled with the same kind of feedback over and over again that not only have you curated, but the algorithm is curating for you. And so as you are reading through this feed and reading through all these things, I mean, it's picking up on all of the words and the language that you use to kind of show you what you basically wanna see already. And maybe every once in a while there's something disturbing. Or there's some, but you are gonna jump on the bandwagon with the people who are disturbed by that thing. Maybe. Or maybe you're one of those people who argues with everybody about everything, which can be fine too, but it's also annoying. I mean, there's great. It's like, it's the certain thing where it's like we should have this open discourse. We should have these open discussions.  I mean, it's the same thing. I mean, there are people, you know, why? Why do they exist? Seriously. It's like, it's kind of the opposite. You could say it's the opposite of being manipulated in a sense, but it's a good point where you get jogged and just get talked at. That's what I think. I like how you think, but I'm gonna tell you what I think right now. That was an interesting statement, but you forgot to use a the, where I would have used a the. I'm gonna tell you about this now. I'm gonna tell you about the thought that I'm having in my mind right now. I'm just gonna stare at you the whole time. Are you there? It doesn't matter.  We've all met these people. Now, you know, we're gonna just take a break from the whole manipulation. Let's see how we can stop this. Let's talk about it. Okay, there's different ways. One way is to just be like, whoa, gotta go. Fake text is also really good. Whoa, oh my God, really? I gotta go. Fake text is awesome. Can use fake text, but what are we doing? We are manipulating the situation. So we can also say, you know, everything you're saying is incredibly fascinating. My brain is getting overloaded by the fascination. I feel like I need to go process it for a while and get back to you like three months. Got something else you could do. That's nice. Or you could just kind of say to them, you know what, everyone hates you. Not everybody, but a lot of people do. We've been talking about it. You need to change. I don't think that that would work really well. It's kind of mean, but it's accurate.  Does it not? I think that that is something that we should do. And in general, like for example, have you ever been in a circumstance where you're seeing somebody or maybe a group of people being manipulated around something? Like they're being, they're just, they're, you can see it.  And but people are like, well, we've got to ours. They just are going on and on, you know, about how amazing this process or whatever it is is happening. And you just kind of want it. You want to say something, but you don't. But why do we choose not to do it? It's because there's such a kind of a quorum of people around us who are just like, oh my God, it's just like the singing and everything. It's just like, it's amazing. It's going to take over the world. It's like the next green day. Ah, ah, ah, ah, ah.    And that, have you ever seen it?  And you throw in some dookie, which was one of their albums in there. Get a little bit of that in there.  Anyway, but like, why don't we say anything?  People have been doing 24 shows. Like, I tell you, this is insane. What am I doing? So this, but you know, I see, I see this, I see him at this table with all these people at a conference in there. It's just like something that's happening on stage. And it's, I didn't talk about this. And it's a guy with a dog, with a talking dog. Okay? And he's made like a jaw. The jaw looks like the dog's real jaw.  You can see him doing this, right?  He's just like, hey, what's happening over here? Right?   Okay, and it's like a little bulldog. A little tiny bulldog, right? And he's like, what are you, what do you think of this? Ah, what are you, basically the same voice, just a little scratchier. And it was phenomenal because the dog fell asleep during the presentation. So like the dog's mouth is moving. It's eyes are doing this. It's starting to rock back and forth. And the guy just, you can't see that. Cause the dog's facing this way. He's facing this way. And then the dog kind of wakes up for a second and falls back asleep. It was incredible, right? And then, at the end of his presentation, he starts showing, he's like, one of the great things about doing all of this and doing this show is being able to kind of really help people. And really, you know, it's just, we love animals. I love animals. And I just want to show you just what the happiness is that animals bring us.   And it was like the most manipulative tactic.  And the people at my table that I'm sitting with, they're like, that was so great. Oh my God, we have to book that guy. That is just, people are gonna love that Idaho. Well, of course you're gonna love it in Idaho. The fuck, there's nothing going on in Idaho. They don't know the difference, you know?  But what am I supposed to do? You know, I was texting with a friend and she was at another table and she was like, I'm not drunk enough for this.  But I'm kinda like, I'm like, looking around me and everybody at my table, nine other people are thoroughly enjoying this.   It just, it becomes this thing where you have to wonder what would happen if every time you see a manipulative situation.  You might be completely wrong about it. You just call it out. You, right now, no, stop it. And you just took that person for a ride. Oh yeah, oil change, I know what they look like. You just get in there, right? You just become like, like right now I'm working on a project with a bunch of people called the Ombudsman Agency. Kind of, you know, what the Ombudsman is, that organization, the Ombudsman is kind of that neutral party of kinda like, is trying to make sure that the organization is doing all the right things and is taking all the consumer considerations into consideration because they're considerations. And they're making sure that they're doing everything that they're supposed to do right. And I feel like we need to have cultural Ombudsmen just walking around, just going in the back or we have too much grace, whatever it is. Just kind of like walking around and just, you know what I mean?  Whatever it is, just kind of pointing it out. It's like, I know you're trying to make me buy another drink, put more vodka in. I used to, you know, I have a friend who's a bartender. I'm gonna text him right now. You can scare people. You know, maybe there's an app we can create. Let's create an app called anti-manic. Anti-manipulation, short, right? So whenever anybody says like, I'm gonna go get a mani. You know they're not talking about a manicure.  That's what's happening, the anti-mani. That's what we're starting right now. Anti-mani app, okay? Find it, Apple, Android. Again, why are there only two? There's only two. Let's get with that. Let's go to headquarters right now. We are taking a plane. We are flying to California. We're going to headquarters of Google Apple. We are gonna demand that they aren't so big. Because they're taking over. Has anyone read The Circle by Dave Eggers? I highly recommend it. It's all about kind of like what's going on with Google kind of taking over. I mean, it's a novel and stuff. And it freaks you out. And you're just like, I'm gonna, no. This is that other side though too, you know? Like, when I started kind of getting into agnosticism and atheism and all these different things, and I'm not necessarily atheistic or more agnostic anyway.  Because these people, like a lot of, it's a lot of men, they are really arrogant in the way that they talk about. They're super smart, but they're really arrogant in the way that they talk about religion and other cultures and all this stuff. And the thing is, is they're trying to use reason-based logic to kind of cut through all of this crap, which I enjoy, but they also say really kind of sexist and culturally inappropriate things to try and make a point. And so it's kind of like, oh, why are you doing that? Because then atheists look like jerks. So there's that other side too, like I'm talking about now. Like I don't think it's a good idea to walk into rifts and say too much grease, especially because they've got a big ad in my program. You know, that's weird. That's weird. Like this, this is, this is weird. See that? N-E-P-R, I love you guys. But it's weird, it's weird.  But it's also kind of like, it's kind of strange. It's kind of weird. Like my whole program, there's all these ads in there, like I like everyone in there, support your local businesses and everything, but it's sort of strange. It's kind of like adding a base.   It just like, it kind of is, I mean, it's kind of like, I'm a person up here who doesn't even like advertising. I'm like, he freaks me out, right?  Have I done it yet?  It's like, what am I doing? I could do this. But do I want to do it for McDonald's?  But I have other friends and they're able to like, maybe they create the cognitive dissonance for themselves. They're just able to say like, I go in, I'm doing this ad for Gap, I'm able to walk out and be like, that was gross, but I just made X amount of dollars. That's awesome.  But the fact of the matter is, you guys walking in paying $5, I have no idea where that $5 is coming from.   You know, who are trying to take over the world. And like, you know, like you're healing people, right.   Anonymous, they do think, you know what I mean? So it's like, like, look at Alexander. He's like going in and out. The camera, I can't even tell what he's doing. I don't know if he's like up on the pores of my face, right. Yeah, I don't know what's happening. I don't, it's like, and that's the thing is we cannot control everything. There's no way we thought about everything and where it came from. Like, I met these guys once and I like had said something at the end of one of my shows, whatever they're like. You know what we want to do? We just want to get as much money as we can, right? Ever like as much money as we possibly can. We just want to burn them. I'm like in front of them. No, I don't know. I'm just like, in the woods, thank you. I'm like, okay, so you want to make a point to each other, to each other. In a circle, right? Am I getting this right? Yeah, in a circle. All right, you want to be like in a circle.  Why? Symbolic. Symbolic. It's like, I mean, it's awesome on one hand, but like if nobody, if nobody's actually seeing it, except, you know what I mean? It just, it's just like such a strange thing. It's just like such an odd thing. Did you have a good time? Did you splash in the water? Peanut butter ball, maybe? Did you experience yourself outside of yourself within yourself and outside of yourself all at the same time? Because I did, and it was wonderful. I'm in front of a volcano, and it's about to explode. It's about to go everywhere. There's going to be sediment, there's going to be lava just running down the side of the mountain, spur down someone's leg that doesn't want it there. It's going to be an amazing experience. Hot, fiery lava just running down, wiping out a village of people that I don't necessarily like, and I'm going to enjoy that. I'm going to soak that vision inside of my mind. What's your vision? It's the same as mine, because it should be. If our vision's correlate, maybe we can do something together with each other, and if we can't do that thing, then maybe we could date. Maybe we could hang out. Maybe we could listen to one another for just a little while. It goes on for infinity, this pen. It just keeps going and going and going. It's a wonderful, wonderful thing. It's so strange that something that's so solid that basically just writes down your thoughts, feelings, ideas, situations, your journal entries, those things that happened to you when you were eight or nine or 10, do you remember all those ages? I wouldn't want to. I'd want to burn those things myself, but you might want to keep them as a sacred thing inside of yourself, but I wouldn't necessarily, because when you're in elementary school, you don't really want to write down anything anymore.  We're in a why, what a wonderful place. A great place, a wonderful place, a place that we basically took over as a nation and decided to make it our own, because obviously they couldn't do it on their own. Hawaii, land of aloha's, which basically means goodbye and aloha at the same time. Isn't that amazing? That a word could mean the same thing, the same not thing. I want you to join me there. I want you to join me in a why. I want you to join me because I'm moving there, and we're gonna be a tribe. Don't you want to be part of a tribe? We'll be a tribe together, just all of us. Isn't that wonderful? Not having to have any responsibility, just to depend on me and my words and what I tell you to do, isn't that great? Isn't that wonderful? Just listen to me, just follow what I say and do. Isn't that incredible? Just kind of let go and just get into what I'm talking about. Wonder, just kind of wonder, what am I gonna be today, don't have to worry because master is taking care of me. Isn't that wonderful? Wondering when should I go to the bathroom? Master will tell me when to go, because I will, and will tell you when to go. And when to leave and when to stay. It's wonderful, Juan, land of enchantment, this land of enchantment, no, that's New Mexico. That's gonna be our next location when we move there later. That's enough, so yeah, now that you're done next week, we've got a halval line of time information about that accordingly.


Hello, and welcome to this week's International Roundup. This week saw a considerable escalation in West Asia, with Israeli forces launching at least two rounds of attacks on Syria. And Syrian forces also responding by attacking Israeli positions in the Jalan Heights. To talk more about this issue, we have with us Prabir Pulkayasar, Interim Chief Newspaper, Prabir. Welcome. So, could you just basically first give us a bit of detail about what exactly has happened in the context in which these attacks took place? It's interesting that the Western media seems to be painting this as something Israel responding to Iranian attacks. The reality is that these have been clashes or attacks by Syrian forces against Israel and Israeli attacks against Syria. Look at what Israel has done in Syria. They have in the last six, seven years had at least 100 times struck Syria with either missiles or aircraft and missiles. So looking at this history that Israel has to claim they're somehow the victim seems very strange. In this particular case, they have been a series of attacks they have had in arms against other targets, which they've always called as Iranian targets. But essentially, there were targets in Syria of Syrian forces where Iranian soldiers or other troops may also have been there. But they have all been Syrian bases. They have been Syrian military facilities, which were attacked. By any stretch of imagination, to call them as Iranian positions would be wrong just as if you call any American base in any part of the world as American territory, it would be wrong. But essentially, they are under the sovereign jurisdiction of that country. Everybody has to accept that Bashar al-Assad government is the legal representative or the legal government of Syria. Coming to the specific set of exchanges we are talking about, again, different versions. On 9th, we know that Israel had struck Syria 9th of May. We know that they had also struck Syria earlier. They have bragged about it, that we have the ability. I think this is the date of April, they have said we have the ability, 9th and 30th of April, they have said we have the ability to strike forces anywhere we want. This is something that is a bit ongoing. And it is also true at some point, Iranians or Syrians had to respond in some form. Iranian soldiers have died, Syrian soldiers have died. So what was the response going to be? Earlier, we had seen that when Israeli air forces strike at Syria, at some point, finally, Syria struck back. And one aircraft, Israeli aircraft was shot down. Once that was shot down, now all the missiles that are launched are really launched from either Lebanese air force, airspace, or Israeli airspace. They're not getting into Syrian airspace anymore. So the question is, what response Syria was going to bake to the continuous military strikes, the missile strikes that are going on inside Syria? This time, after the Qunitra area being attacked, this seems to have triggered this round of attacks, Qunitra area was attacked. And after it was attacked, Israel and the Syrians responded by having a barrage of strikes against Jolaan. Jolaan is occupied territory, Syria, it's really Syrian territory. International law is very clear on that. United Nations resolutions are very clear on that. Israel is in occupation of Jolaan illegally. So therefore, instead of attacking Israel, what Syria has done is attacked illegal occupation of Israel in Jolaan, which relatively is a softer target. Because internationally it's very difficult for Israel to claim they have been attacked. They have attacked the Jolaan Heights, Israel encampments over there. They have attacked radar installations over there. And by some accounts, some of those targets have been hit. The Israelis have claimed that they have the iron dome shield and that did not let anything come into the over Jolaan, into Jolaan. But it seems that that could be, could be wrong and some targets were hit. We don't have enough information right now to talk about that. In retaliation, 70 strikes seem to have been really have been made by Israel on various targets in Syria, Damascus, near Damascus, other areas also. Quenetra is of course within shelling range, just as Jolaan Heights is within shelling range. So there is also artillery forces being used and tank artillery being used. In fact, Israel used tank artillery in Quenetra to target or create some of this. Shelling attacks, strikes if you will. What happened is that they attacked a large number of military targets. In Syria, there were 70 of them that seem to have been attacked. Yes, they have caused some damage. There is one S-200 radar installation, they seem to have taken out. There is a panzer battery, which seems to have been taken out. But compared to the amount of missiles unleashed, the damage seems to be still quite light. The argument they have taken out of all Iranian capabilities, of course, is a bogus one because as we know, most of this air defense capabilities are really Russian supplied air defense facilities. And what seems to have been taken out seems to be a very light damage, if you will. Now question is that what is the future? One thing is important, the air missiles, the air strikes that took place, the aircrafts were all inside Israel. So they did not cross the Syrian air into Syrian airspace. And all of these were really air to surface missiles. There are also some surface to surface missiles. There are also some shellings. All of this has happened. The interesting issue is the defense minister, Avigar Liberman, has now said, this is over, we have taken out everything. Iranian forces have been completely defied. We have won and therefore we hope nothing further happens. Now if we take for granted that Israel always is telling the truth and everybody else is lying, well, they have been victors. If we take what seems to be available on the ground, and Syrians have been quite open about what has happened. They're openly telling people what's happened. They're allowing people to go and see. They're allowing reporters to go and see all this. So if we take what seems to be visible to us, it would appear that Syrian air force and defense facilities are relatively intact. So it does seem that what Israel is doing now saying that we henceforth do not think we need to strike Syria again. If that is so, just as the engagement which led to one aircraft, Israeli aircraft being shot down near Jullan again, if that is what reset the, shall we say, terms of engagement between Syria and Israel, does this set due terms of engagement in terms of missile strikes? And it does seem that Syria's message is very clear. We are willing to take some losses, but if you attack again, if you use missile strikes again, then we have the ability to retaliate at least in Jullan. The last point is all the media, Western media seems to be buying the, shall we say, the Israeli line, that Iran attacked these forces. Iran attacked in Jullan. Now, the question is, it attacks from Syrian territory. So how does Israel or Western media know that Iranians were doing the attacking? Of course, the missiles launched could have been Iranian manufactured, Iranian origin missiles. But how by what stretch of imagination does it become an Iranian attack? So I think the red herring of Iran is being brought into the equation time and again. But the real issue is that it is the reworking of the equation of what now Israel can do in Syria. And I think that is the really important question that this does seem to show, that the terms of engagement between Syria and Israel is probably likely to change. And this is tacit Russian support. They have said now they might give them S-300 air defense systems, which will make it much harder for Israeli air force to operate in Syria and also have such missile strikes. So I think that the vulnerability of Israel now is also there to Syrian missile strikes, at least in Jullan. I don't think Syria is going to attack Israel proper, because that would bring United States into play. But if they do attack in Jullan, I think it's going to be very difficult for the global or the international opinion to rally behind Israel and claim something serious has happened. Of course, it never happens when Israel attacks Syria or Israel attacks Lebanon. As you know, this then gets, shall we say, the whole pass, that they're allowed to do it, but others are not allowed to retaliate, at least in Israel. Can we step back a bit and look at Israel's motivations per se? So Israel has constantly claimed that it's under threat in the region. And a lot of its actions, a lot of the narrative has been that it is being surrounded by enemies who are constantly threatening it. But if you look at the military strength of Israel, for instance, it is one of the strongest armies in the region, it is the only country in the region which has nuclear weapons. So what exactly is Israel afraid of? Or so what is the logic behind this narrative as well as these military actions, so to speak? I think the narrative of Israeli victimhood allows it to commit aggression at will and browbeat at least the Western powers regarding their complicity in, shall we say, the Holocaust or Germany did. And what many of these powers, many of these powers are done to their indigenous Jewish population. So it's this collective guilt, as it were, Israel holds by always talking about its victimhood. The interesting part is you raised that here is a country with supposedly a stockpile of 100 nuclear weapons. That should be enough to protect it from anybody else in the region considering nobody else has nuclear weapons, including the great evil power they think or they paint Iran. That doesn't have nuclear weapons. And no country in its right mind would risk having nuclear weapons launched against it for what would be essentially small victories. Whether it be Lebanon, Jordan, or Egypt, where the Gaza is an open source for Israel. So its ability to protect its power outside its borders, that is what Israel considers is at stake. Significant military, shall we say, superiority over any regional power so that they should be able to go and bomb or attack anybody at will. They did it for Lebanon for a long period. If you see from 73 onwards till 2006, they had the ability to bomb Lebanon at will. They did bomb Lebanon a number of times. In 2006 was the first time they faced, in spite of the fact that demolished Lebanon's infrastructure, they faced militarily a huge threat in terms of Hezbollah. They could not advance, they could not even advance to the literary river, which is pretty close to their border. And they got bogged down within two to three or four kilometers of their borders. And this supposedly the most, shall we say, superior force in the region, not being able to advance more than two to three, four kilometers. At that time, Hezbollah did not launch serious missile strikes against Israel. They did continuously launch missiles against Israel, didn't hit Tel Aviv, did hit certain targets, but they were sparing in the attack they launched and they kept up that attacks right through the entire war that took place. So they also made sure that Israel could not claim that they had taken out all Hezbollah's missile positions, which they did after 34 hours. They said, we have taken out everything. They couldn't do that. So after 2006, Hezbollah is now much stronger than it was in 2006. It has recently, has gained a significant victory in the elections. In fact, Hariri has lost a number of seats. Even Israel claims that Hezbollah has won and is now the government in Lebanon, not strictly true, is still going to be a tripartite arrangement and Hariri still may be a big player over there. The interesting part is everybody concedes that marching in Lebanon into Lebanon is not going to be easy and bombing Lebanon this time, that the bomb Beirut, then Tel Aviv also might face bombings. And if that happens, then there is an equalization of forces by which projecting military power into Lebanon is no longer feasible. We have seen this military, shall we say, battle in Syria, the proxy war, civil war, whatever they may be, people may want to call it. What it has left is a battle-hardened Syrian army. It's being helped by Iranian forces, sure. It's been helped by Syrian, by Russian air defense systems, various other things. But at the end of it, it's a much more battle-hardened army. And it is not the army which would cut and run if, for instance, Israeli troops attack it. Israel has helped Al-Qaeda and ISIS forces near Julaan against Syrian government forces. So this is already happened. But increasingly, their ability to do so is weakened because, A, Syria is much stronger now, militarily. And secondly, their forces, which are fighting the Syrian government forces in the region, has actually is collapsing. So given that, the ability of Israel to project power into Syria is also weak. Now, why does it bother Israel? I think in the larger sense it makes a difference if we consider Israel is a settler colonial state. The settlers are at the moment a minority if we take West Bank and Israel proper and put the populations together. The Palestinian Arab population, I'm counting both historical Palestine, which is a part of it, which is Israel, and West Bank today outnumber the Jewish population by a whisker. And this means that Israel either has to continue as Israel has either to continue as an apartheid state or it has to expel its population outside the borders, whatever the borders they decide is going to be the border. So therefore, Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon, and Syria become important because these are the areas which then have to take the 6 million, 4 million, 5 million, whatever they expel, Palestinian population. And therefore, their ability to project military power outside, shall we say, Israel proper and West Bank, I'm counting, is occupied territory, which is what it is. That if this is to happen, then the need that military projection outside their borders, they would like that these people, these countries are not able to resist this expulsion and that is the reason they really want that military edge, significant military edge over the neighboring powers. And I think that is what it is losing. Lebanon earlier, now Syria, Egypt, was always a question mark after 1973 when Israel realized Egypt was always going to rebound and therefore the peace treaty at that time, specifically with Egypt. Jordan is a puppet country in some sense, puppet of the United States. It's going to swing, which whoever is militarily more powerful, but that would explain why at the moment they are so afraid of losing the military edge in Syria. Thank you for talking to us, Prabir. That's all we have time for today. Keep watching Newslink.