Okay, so this is going to be a much better place to record these videos I think there's a probably a better sound quality in here just because there's a you know It's a softer room as the bed and everything and so the sound won't keep like bouncing off of the walls like it was doing in a lounge and so basically In this video I want to talk about the pros and cons of lucid dreaming I think this is this is different to when I have spoken before about the benefits of lucid dreaming and Also the dangers of lucid dreaming but this is going to be a video where I sort of Compare the two of them because you've got to understand that lucid dreaming is not something that you can just learn like It's not like rock climbing for example where you can just learn it fairly quickly and then you progress and then there are no real downsides to it and there's no real Warnings other than you might enjoy it too much Because with lucid dreaming there are some dangers and there are definitely some negative aspects of it So it's not just the case of learning this really cool thing doing it all the time and then that's it You know happy days from there on there are some Some things to be cautious of definitely with lucid dreaming and I think a lot of people tend to forget that and then they Fall into this trap of just trying to learn as much as they can about it without really thinking about the negative aspects and Certainly without weighing up the pros and cons now when I say pros and cons I mean what's good and what's bad about lucid dreaming and then hopefully by the end of it You'll be able to make up your own mind and sort of understand a bit more about how it works, maybe So obviously let's start with the pros So lucid dreaming is good in terms of you can improve your confidence You can get the chance to dream about what you want as opposed to just what you randomly happen to be thinking about It gives you the chance to work on emotional issues like fear for example trauma Lack of confidence low self-esteem. It gives you a chance to work on these issues in a subconscious level So there's that side of it There's also the side of it where you can just have fun. You can experience whatever you want whether that's sex fantasies exploring alien worlds or climbing skyscrapers, you know doing these incredible things You could also use it for practical aspects like learning physical skills faster, you know There are various benefits like that But more than anything else but more than anything else It's gonna give you the chance to sort of delve into your subconscious mind Because really that's what this stuff is about You know lucid dreaming in general is about being more in touch with your subconscious mind Because most the whole dreaming process happens when you're asleep when your conscious mind is not there You know when your conscious mind is turned off and you're unconscious or sub you're experiencing a subconscious experience So lucid dreaming, you know has always given you the access to your subconscious mind in that way And I think that's why a lot of people tend to just skip over that They don't consider the implications of messing with your subconscious mind. It's perfectly safe, right? And there's nothing inherently dangerous about lucid dreaming But if you do it without considering the cons, right? And I'm gonna get on to those in a minute then you can fall into some trouble later on So we know that it's to do with your subconscious mind. We know that it involves entering your dream and you know your dream space and Directly in interacting with I guess you could say with your subconscious mind the part of you that you normally don't have access to And because you're able to do that it gives you some remarkable abilities You can sort of talk to the most hidden aspects of your psyche and that's something that really is interesting to me And certainly to a lot of other people However, there are some negative sides to this so That stuff's all great Okay, and you can really have a lot of fun with that you can experience some some huge personal growth with all of those tools But there are some bad things so the main one for me is Forced memories if you have a lot of lucid dreams You know if you're like me and you have several a week and you write them down in your dream journal But sometimes, you know the other one slips through and you forget to write it Maybe you're excited to wake up that day and you know do whatever you were gonna do Maybe you just completely forget and you remember the dream later for whatever reason if you don't write your dreams down every morning you can find that you have these sort of Ghost memories or these false memories where you think you've done something because in a lucid dream, right? You're aware of the fact you're dreaming you it feels like you're awake and because you can make your own choices and decide what to do and say It really is hard to distinguish that memory from a memory in waking life that you've actually done something you've actually experienced especially and I say this to warn you guys a little bit especially if you have lucid dreams about Normal everyday situations things that you could realistically do in waking life Let me give you an example if you lose a dream about flying around a mountain There's a good chance that you can't do that in waking life, right? So you know that that's a false real memory. You know, that's a lucid dream memory as opposed to an actual memory However, if you have a lucid dream in which you have a conversation with your boss or your friend or spouse or family member Now that's something that you do you could do in waking life and the chances are you do that stuff in waking life You have conversations with the people you know, right? The danger is when you have lucid dreams about that You can end up having common memories of conversations that you've never had in waking life And that can lead to massive confusion and embarrassment You know if you bring up something with your partner that you you're sure happened because you remember the conversation But if the conversation happens to be in a lucid dream a few weeks ago It's very hard to distinguish, you know after the fact between a lucid dream memory of something fairly normal like a conversation And a waking life real memory of the same conversation. So there's that that's one of the main cons for me there's also the the I Guess the concept of becoming too attached to the dream world now This is something that I've never personally really had a problem with like except when I was very young and I when I'd first Discovered lucid dreaming I was quite obsessed with it But it's something that I know a lot of people struggle with especially new lucid dreamers They get so excited about this stuff and it tends to be I don't want to stereotype or you know Put anyone into any sort of molds or or cliches it tend but it tends to be the people who are interested in video games There tends to be a lot of weed smokers who are who get sucked into the lucid dream world You know through the spirituality approach and through reading forum posts and that sort of thing and I'm not saying this makes up the majority of lucid dreamers by any means because it's her You know lucid dreaming encompasses a huge variety of different personality types and people and cultures and societies but in my experience from what I've seen online there tends to be a lot of video gamers and When you have a video gamer coming into you know an approaching lucid dreaming They tend to be the people who like escapism obviously right games are about escapism and experiencing something new And I'm not saying escapism is bad What I am saying though is that if you come into lucid dreaming and you expect to just be able to Completely exit your world experience something completely new and forget about all of your life's problems It doesn't work like that that it won't work like that because lucid dreaming brings up all of your memories and your Subconscious issues that you're dealing with in your waking life and it makes them like very vivid for you It makes them very easy to see So I think a lot of people especially video gamers who are learning lucid dreaming for the first time Just be aware that it's not the same type of escapism that a game can give you you You can't forget about all your problems in a lucid dream You can to some degree and you know you can experience things and for the most part when you have a dream You're not thinking about that essay. You've got a right on Monday for Monday morning, right? But the real problems the subconscious like self-esteem issues the trauma the interpersonal relationship issues and all these sorts of things that you normally bury or You know, most of us tend to sort of bury and forget when we do things like play video games They will be brought up in a lucid dream. It might not be something you've planned It might not even be every time but they will from time to time pop up and it can be stressful You know, it can be traumatic for you to deal with especially if you're used to escapism in sense of video games And you're not used to confronting these issues. So To summarize there's a lot of good stuff about lucid dreaming really lots of stuff There is also a dark side of lucid dreaming. I wouldn't say dark side, but a Side which you might want to be careful of and that involves escapism You can't really use lucid dreaming for complete escapism like you can with a film or a game and The issue of false memories where you don't Remember things accurately, especially if you lose to dream about normal situations now this stuff You can fix this stuff right you can that's there are things you can do which will lower the risk of those Of those negative aspects, but for the most part just enjoy the ride Like there's good and bad stuff about everything you can't control every little detail of everything you do So just enjoy it. See you tomorrow


Russian soldiers fighting in Avdivka seek a way out as prisoners. Near Avdivka each day, a new swathe of Russian soldiers crawls towards Ukrainian positions through the muddy fields already strewn with the bodies of their compatriots, according to Kiev Post media outlet. It is noted that, meanwhile, Russian artillery is diligently wiping the city off the face of the earth. While more than a thousand residents are still living in the basement of their apartment blocks, the population of Avdivka shrunk recently when 100 people finally agreed to evacuate. They were taken to the rear by Ukrainian police. The police recently performed another special mission in the area together with the volunteers from a Kharkiv animal rescue organization. In the spring, the Russians bombed a stud farm in the suburbs of Avdivka killing about 300 horses. Two of them escaped alive and ran into town where they had been living among the ruins traumatized and frightened of people. A new batch of Russian prisoners of war is also waiting to be sent away from Avdivka. They are easier to transport than horses but first those who are wounded undergo a series of interrogations to determine whether that soldier has committed any war crimes. After the verification process, a long journey of several days awaits the prisoners. It usually ends in western Ukraine at the only functioning prisoner of war camp Zapad 1 where some commentators say life is a little too comfortable.


What's up guys, Michael with Jaspy's doing a quick recap for 2023 tops chrome Hobby six bucks half case break random team number 10. I was done auction style on fanatics live Here is the list if you forgot and then Yeah, here's the recap All right, so how to Brett Beatty to 199 Some refractors rookies Oscar Colas to 150 Well some contrast to 399 Cal Mitchell negative Adley refractor gunner prism Well the cunea to 399 very nice Shoes Outman And then there was another a cunea here to Or just a refractor add Sorry Volpe refractor had an Ian Hap orange wave to 25 Carol refractor Last talk Yoshida JD Martinez blue sonar Nolan Gorman to 299 some more rooks Say Poguerro to 399 Spencer steer base auto Cal Stevenson to 150 Michael Harris space auto Travis Swaggerty and we had a Cedric Mullins Green relic to 99 Miguel Vargas orange wave refractor to 25 rookie auto Oops, I had a grand mashcraft to 199 and a Shohei Otani ultraviolet So actually a very nice half case there Thank you to everyone who got into the break. Thank you guys for watching and I'll see you guys in the next one. Bye guys


Electronic waste, e-waste has been linked to several adverse health outcomes, including increased risk of thyroid dysfunction, decreased lung function, and increased rates of miscarriage, stillbirths, and premature births. Additionally, exposure to e-waste has been associated with decreases in birth weight and length, and DNA damage. This article was authored by Kristen Grant, M.I.P.H., Fiona C. Goldison, B.A., Professor Peter D. Sly, M.D., and others.


Chapter 22 Part 1 of Fox's Book of Martyrs, Vol. 2 Samuel J. Mills, when a student in Williams College, gathered about him a group of fellow students, all feeling the burden of the Great Heathen World. One day in 1806, four of them, overtaken by a thunderstorm, took refuge in the shelter of a haystack. They passed the time in prayer for the salvation of the world and resolved, if opportunity offered, to go themselves as missionaries. This haystack prayer meeting has become historic. These young men went later to and over theological seminary where Adoniram Judson joined them. Four of these sent a petition to the Massachusetts Congregational Association at Bradford, June 29, 1810, offering themselves as missionaries and asking whether they might expect support from a society in this country or whether they must apply to a British society. In response to this appeal, the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions was formed. When a charter for the board was applied for, an unbelieving soul objected upon the floor of the legislature, alleging in opposition to the petition that the country contained so limited a supply of Christianity that none could be spared for export, but was aptly reminded by another, who was blessed with a more optimistic make, that this was a commodity, such that the more of it was sent abroad, the more remained at home. There was much perplexity concerning plans and finances, so Judson was dispatched to England to confer with the London Society as to the feasibility of the two organizations cooperating and sending and sustaining the candidates. But this scheme came to nothing. At last sufficient money was raised, and in February 1812 the first missionaries of the American Board sailed for the Orient. Mr. Judson was accompanied by his wife, having married Anne Hasseltine shortly before sailing. On the long voyage out, in some way, Mr. and Mrs. Judson and Mr. Rice were led to revise their convictions with reference to the proper mode of baptism, reached the conclusion that only immersion was valid, and were rebaptized by Kerry soon after their arrival in Calcutta. This step necessarily sundered their connection with the body which had sent them forth, and left them wholly destitute of support. Mr. Rice returned to America to report this condition of affairs to the Baptist brethren. They looked upon the situation as the result of an act of providence, and eagerly planned to accept the responsibility thrust upon them. Accordingly, the Baptist Missionary Union was formed, so Mr. Judson was the occasion of the organization of two great missionary societies. The persecution of Dr. Judson. After laboring for some time in Hindustan, Dr. and Mrs. Judson finally established themselves at Rangoon in the Burma Empire in 1813. In 1824, war broke out between the British East India Company and the Emperor of Burma. Dr. and Mrs. Judson and Dr. Rice, who were at Ava, the capital of the Burma Empire when the war commenced, were immediately arrested and confined for several months. The account of the sufferings of these missionaries was written by Mrs. Judson and is given in her own words. Rangoon, May 26, 1826 My beloved brother, I commence this letter with the intention of giving you the particulars of our captivity and sufferings at Ava. How long my patience will allow my reviewing scenes of disgust and horror, the conclusion of this letter, will determine. I had kept a journal of everything that had transpired from our arrival at Ava, but destroyed it at the commencement of our difficulties. The first certain intelligence we received of the declaration of war by the Burmese was on our arrival at Senpu Kwan. About a hundred miles this side of Ava were part of the troops under the command of the celebrated Bandula-headed camped. As we proceeded on our journey, we met Bandula himself, with the remainder of his troops gaily equipped, seated on his golden barge and surrounded by a fleet of gold war boats, one of which was instantly dispatched to the other side of the river to hail us and make all necessary inquiries. We were allowed to proceed quietly on when we had informed the messenger we were Americans, not English, and were going to Ava in obedience to the command of His Majesty. On our arrival at the capital, we found that Dr. Price was out of favor at court and that suspicion rested on most of the foreigners than at Ava. Your brother visited at the palace two or three times, but found the king's manner toward him very different from what it had formerly been, and the queen, who had hitherto expressed wishes for my speedy arrival, now made no inquiries after me, nor intimated a wish to see me. Consequently, I made no effort to visit at the palace, though almost daily invited to visit some of the branches of the royal family who were living in their own houses out of the palace enclosure. Under these circumstances, we thought our most prudent course lay in prosecuting our original intention of building a house and commencing missionary operations as occasion offered, thus endeavoring to convince the government that we had really nothing to do with the present war. In two or three weeks after our arrival, the king, queen, all the members of the royal family, and most of the officers of government, returned to Amrapura in order to come and take possession of the new palace in the customary style. I dare not attempt a description of that splendid day when majesty, with all its attendant glory, entered the gates of the Golden City, and amid the acclamations of many, I may say, took possession of the palace. The sophomores of the provinces bordering on China, all the viceroys and high officers of the kingdom, were assembled on the occasion, dressed in their robes of state, and ornamented with the insignia of their office. The white elephant, richly adorned with gold and jewels, was one of the most beautiful objects in the procession. The king and queen alone were unadorned, dressed in the simple garb of the country. They, hand in hand, entered the garden in which we had taken our seats, and where a banquet was prepared for their refreshment. All the riches and glory of the empire were on this day exhibited to view. The number and immense size of the elephants, the numerous horses, the great variety of vehicles of all descriptions, far surpassed anything I have ever seen or imagined. Soon after his majesty had taken possession of the new palace, an order was issued that no foreigner should be allowed to enter, accepting Lanzago. We were a little alarmed at this, but concluded it was from political motives, and would not, perhaps, essentially affect us. For several weeks nothing took place to alarm us, and we went on with our school, Mr. J. preached every Sabbath, all the materials for building a brick house were procured, and the masons had made considerable progress in raising the building. On the 23rd of May, 1824, just as we had concluded worship at the doctor's house, the other side of the river, a messenger came to inform us that Rangoon was taken by the English. The intelligence produced a shock, in which was a mixture of fear and joy, Mr. Gowder, a young merchant residing at Ava, was then with us, and had much more reason to fear than the rest of us. We all, however, immediately returned to our house, and began to consider what was to be done. Mr. G went to Prince Thariyarwadi, the king's most influential brother, who informed him he need not give himself any uneasiness, as he had mentioned the subject to his majesty who had replied that the few foreigners residing in Ava have nothing to do with the war and should not be molested. The government were now all in motion, an army of ten or twelve thousand men under the command of Ki Woon Gi, who were sent off in three or four days, and were to be joined by the Sakyar Woon Gi, who had previously been appointed Viceroy of Rangoon, and who was on his way thither when the news of its attack reached him. No doubt was entertained of the defeat of the English. The only fear of the king was that the foreigners hearing of the advance of the Burmese troops would be so alarmed as to flee on board their ships and depart before there would be time to secure them as slaves. Bring for me, said a wild young buck of the palace, six cala pew, white strangers, to row my boat, and to me, said the lady of Woon Gi, send four white strangers to manage the affairs of my house as I understand they are trustee servants. The war boats in high glee passed our house, the soldiers singing and dancing and exhibiting gestures of the most joyful kind, poor fellows said we, you'll probably never dance again, and so it proved, for few if ever, ever again saw their native home. At length Mr. Judson and Dr. Price were summoned to a court of examination, where strict inquiry was made relative to all they knew. The great point seemed to be whether they had been in the habit of making communications to foreigners, of the state of the country, etc. They answered that they had always written to their friends in America, but had no correspondence with the English officers or the Bengal government. After their examination they were not put in confinement as the Englishmen had been, but were allowed to return to their houses. In examining the accounts of Mr. G., it was found that Mr. J. and Dr. Price had taken money of him to a considerable amount. Ignorant as were the Burmese of our mode of receiving money by orders on Bengal, this circumstance, to their suspicious minds, was a sufficient evidence that the missionaries were in the pay of the English, and very probably spies. It was thus represented to the king, who in an angry tone ordered the immediate arrest of the two teachers. On the 8th of June, just as we were preparing for dinner, N. rushed an officer holding a black book with a dozen Bermans accompanied by one whom, from his spotted face, we knew to be an executioner and a son of the prison. Where is the teacher? was the first inquiry. Mr. Judson presented himself. You are called by the king, said the officer, a form of speech always used when about to arrest a criminal. The spotted man instantly seized Mr. Judson, threw him on the floor, and produced the small chord, the instrument of torture. I caught hold of his arm. Stay, said I, and I will give you money. Take her, too, said the officer, she is also a foreigner. Mr. Judson, with an imploring look, begged they would let me remain until further orders. The scene was now shocking beyond description. The whole neighborhood had collected. The masons at work on the brick house threw down their tools and ran, the little Berman children were screaming and crying. The Bengali servants stood in amazement at the indignities offered their master, and the hardened executioner, with a hellish joy, drew tight the chords, bound Mr. Judson fast and dragged him off I knew not wither. In vain I begged and treated the spotted face man to take the silver, to loosen the ropes, but he spurned my offers, and immediately departed. I gave the money, however, to Moong Ying, to follow after, to make some further attempt to mitigate the torture of Mr. Judson. But instead of succeeding when a few rods from the house, the unfeeling wretches again threw their prisoner on the ground, and drew the chord still tighter, so as almost to prevent respiration. The officer and his gang proceeded on to the courthouse, where the governor of the city and the officers were collected, one of whom read the Order of the King to commit Mr. Judson to the death prison, into which he was soon hurled. The door closed, and Moong Ying saw no more. What a night was now before me. I retired into my room, and endeavored to obtain consolation from committing my case to God, and imploring fortitude and strength to suffer whatever awaited me. But the consolation of retirement was not long allowed me, for the magistrate of the place had come into the veranda, and continually called me to come out, and to submit to his examination. But previously to going out I destroyed all my letters, journals, and writings of every kind, lest they should disclose the fact that we had correspondence in England, and had minted down every occurrence since our arrival in the country. When this work of destruction was finished, I went out and submitted to the examination of the magistrate, who inquired very minutely of everything I knew, then ordered the gates of the compound to be shut, no person allowed to go in or out, placed a guard of ten ruffians, to whom he gave a strict charge to keep me safe, and departed. It was now dark, I retired to an inner room with my four little Berman girls, and barred the doors. The guard instantly ordered me to unbar the doors and come out, or they would break the house down. I obstinately refused to obey and endeavored to intimidate them by threatening to complain to their conduct to the higher authorities on the morrow. Finding me resolved in disregarding their orders, they took the two Bengali servants and confined them in the stocks in a very painful position. I could not endure this, but called the headman to the window, and promised to make them all a present in the morning if they were to release the servants. After much debate, and many severe threatenings, they consented, but seemed resolved to annoy me as much as possible. My unprotected, desolate state, my entire uncertainty of the fate of Mr. Judson, and the dreadful carousings, and almost diabolical language of the guard, all conspired to make it by far the most distressing night I had ever passed. You may well imagine, my dear brother, that sleep was a stranger to my eyes, and peace and composure to my mind. The next morning, I sent Meng Ying to ascertain the situation of your brother, and give him food if still living. He soon returned with the intelligence that Mr. Judson and all the white foreigners were confined in the death prison, with three pair of iron fetters each, and fastened to a long pole to prevent their moving. The point of my anguish now was that I was a prisoner myself, and I could make no efforts for the release of the missionaries. I begged and then treated the magistrate to allow me to go to some member of government to state my case, but he said he did not dare to consent for fear I should make my escape. I next wrote a note to one of the king's sisters, with whom I had been intimate, requesting her to use her influence for the release of the teachers. When the note was returned with this message, she did not understand it, which was a polite refusal to interfere, though I afterwards ascertained that she had an anxious desire to assist us, but dared not to, on account of the queen. The day dragged heavily away, and another dreadful night was before me. I endeavored to soften the feelings of the guards by giving them tea and cigars for the night, so they allowed me to remain inside my room without threatening as they did the night before. But the idea of your brother being stretched on the bare floor and irons in confinement haunted my mind like a specter, and prevented my obtaining any quiet sleep, though nature was almost exhausted. On the third day I sent a message to the governor of the city, who has the entire direction of prison affairs, to allow me to visit him with a present. This had the desired effect, and he immediately sent orders to the guards to permit my going into town. The governor received me pleasantly, and asked what I wanted. I stated to him the situation of the foreigners, and particularly that of the teachers, who were Americans and had nothing to do with the war. He told me it was not in his power to release them from prison or irons, but that he could make their situation more comfortable. There was his head officer, with whom I must consult, relative to the means. The officer, who proved to be one of the city riders, and whose countenance at first presented the most perfect assemblage of all the evil passions attached to human nature, took me aside, and endeavored to convince me that myself, as well as the prisoners, was entirely at his disposal, that our future comfort must depend on my liberality in regard to presence, and that these must be made in a private way, and unknown to any officer in the government. What must I do, said I, to obtain a mitigation of the present sufferings of the two teachers? Pay to me, he said, two hundred tickles, about a hundred dollars, two pieces of fine cloth, and two pieces of handkerchiefs. I had taken money with me in the morning, our house being two miles from the prison, I could not easily return. This I offered to the rider, and begged he would not insist on the other articles, as they were not in my possession. He hesitated for some time, but fearing to lose the sight of so much money, he concluded to take it, promising to relieve the teachers from their most painful situation. I then procured an order from the governor, for my admittance into prison, but the sensations produced by meeting your brother in that wretched, horrid situation, the affecting scene which ensued, I will not attempt to describe. Mr. Judson crawled to the door of the prison, for I was not allowed to enter, gave me some directions relative to his release, but before we could make any arrangement, I was ordered to depart by those iron-hearted jailers, who could not endure to see us enjoy the poor consolation of meeting in that miserable place. In vain I pleaded the order of the governors, for my admittance, they again harshly repeated, depart, or we will pull you out. The same evening the missionaries, together with the other foreigners who had paid an equal sum, were taken out of the common prison, and confined in an open shed in the prison enclosure. Here I was allowed to send them food and mats to sleep on, but was not permitted to enter again for several days. My next object was to get a petition presented to the queen, but no person being admitted into the palace, who was in disgrace with his majesty. I sought to present it through the medium of her brother's wife. I had visited her in better days, and received particular marks of her favor, but now times were altered. Mr. Judson was in prison, and I in distress, which was sufficient reason for giving me a cold reception. I took a present of considerable value. She was lolling on her carpet as I entered, with her attendance around her. I waited not for the usual question to a supliant. What do you want? But in a bold, earnest, yet respectful manner stated our distress and our wrongs, and begged her assistance. She partly raised her head, opened the present I had bought, and coolly replied, Your case is not singular. All the foreigners are treated alike. But it is singular, said I. The teachers are Americans. They are ministers of religion, have nothing to do with war or politics, and came to ava and obedience to the king's command. They have never done anything to deserve such treatment. And is it right that they should be treated thus? The king does as he pleases, said she. I am not the king. What can I do? You can state their case to the queen and obtain their release, replied I. Place yourself in my situation. Were you in America, your husband innocent of crime thrown into prison, in irons, and you, a solitary, unprotected female, what would you do? With a slight degree of feeling, she said, I will present your petition. Come again tomorrow. I returned to the house with considerable hope that the speed or release of the missionaries was at hand, but the next day Mr. Goudre's property to the amount of fifty thousand dollars was taken and carried to the palace. The officers on their return politely informed me they should visit our house on the morrow. I felt obliged for this information and accordingly made preparations to receive them by secreting as many little articles as possible, together with considerable silver as I knew if the war should be protracted we should be in a state of starvation without it. But my mind in a dreadful state of agitation lest it should be discovered and cause my being thrown into prison. And had it been possible to procure money from any other quarter I should not have ventured on such a step. End of Chapter 22 Part 1, Recording by Jason Justice Chapter 22 Part 2 of Fox's Book of Martyrs, Volume 2 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Jason Justice Fox's Book of Martyrs, Volume 2, by John Fox, edited by William Byron Forbush Chapter 22 The Beginnings of American Foreign Missions, Part 2 The following morning the Royal Treasurer Prince Thariarwadi, Chief Woon, and Kung Ton Musa, who was in future our steady friend, attended by forty or fifty followers, came to take possession of all we had. I treated them civilly, gave them chairs to sit on, tea and sweet meats for their refreshment, and Justice obliges me to say that they conducted the business of confiscation with more regard to my feelings than I should have thought possible for Burmese officers to exhibit. The three officers, with one of the royal secretaries, alone entered the house. Their attendants were ordered to remain outside. They saw that I was deeply affected and apologized for what they were about to do, by saying that it was painful for them to take possession of property not their own, but they were compelled thus to do by order of the king. Where is your silver, golden jewels? said the Royal Treasurer. I have no gold or jewels, but here is a key to the trunk which contains the silver. Do with it, as you please. The trunk was produced, and the silver weighed. This money, said I, was collected in America by the disciples of Christ, and sent here for the purpose of building a cune, the name of a priest dwelling, and for our support while teaching the religion of Christ. Is it suitable that you should take it? The Bermons are averse to taking what is offered in a religious point of view, which was the cause of my making the inquiry. We will state this circumstance to the king, said one of them, and perhaps he will restore it. But this is all the silver you have? I could not tell at falsehood. The house is in your possession, I replied. Search for yourselves. Have you not deposited silver with some person of your acquaintance? My acquaintances are all in prison, with whom should I deposit silver? They next ordered my trunk and drawers to be examined. The secretary only was allowed to accompany me in this search. Everything nice or curious, which met his view, was presented to the officers for their decision, whether it should be taken or retained. I begged they would not take our wearing apparel, as it would be disgraceful to take clothes partly worn into the possession of his majesty, and to us they were of unspeakable value. They assented, and took a list only, and did the same with books, medicines, etc. My little work table and rocking chair, presents from my beloved brother, I rescued from their grasp, partly by artifice, and partly through their ignorance. They left also many articles, which were of inestimable value during our long imprisonment. As soon as they had finished their search and departed, I hastened to the queen's brother to hear what had been the fate of my petition, when alas, all my hopes were dashed by his wife's coolly saying, I stated your case to the queen, but her majesty replied, The teachers will not die, let them remain as they are. My expectations had been so excited that this sentence was like a thunderbolt to my feelings, for the truth at one glance assured me that if the queen refused assistance, who would dare to intercede for me? With a heavy heart I departed, and on my way home attempted to enter the prison gate to communicate the sad tidings to your brother, but was harshly refused admittance, and for the ten days following notwithstanding my daily efforts I was not allowed to enter. We attempted to communicate by writing, and after being successful for a few days, it was discovered, the poor fellow who carried the communications was beaten and put in the stocks, and the circumstance cost me about ten dollars, besides two or three days of agony, for fear of the consequences. The officers who had taken possession of our property presented it to his majesty, saying, Judson is a true teacher, we found nothing in his house, but what belongs to priests. In addition to his money, there is an immense number of books, medicines, trunks of wearing apparel, of which we have only taken a list. Shall we take them, or let them remain? Let them remain, said the king, and put his property by itself, where it shall be restored to him again if he is found innocent. This was an allusion to the idea of his being a spy. For two or three months following I was subject to continual harrisments, partly through my ignorance of police management, and partly through the insatiable desire of every petty officer to enrich himself through our misfortunes. You, my dear brother, who know my strong attachment to my friends, and how much pleasure I have hitherto experienced from retrospect, can judge from the above circumstances how intense were my sufferings, but the point, the acme of my distresses, consisted in the awful uncertainty of our final fate.  But the consolations of religion in these trying circumstances were neither few nor small. It taught me to look beyond this world, to that rest, that peaceful, happy rest where Jesus reigns, and oppression never enters. Some months after your brother's imprisonment I was permitted to make a little bamboo room in the prison enclosures, where he could be much by himself, and where I was sometimes allowed to spend two or three hours. It so happened that the two months he occupied this place was the coldest part of the year, when he would have suffered much in the open shed he had previously occupied. After the birth of your little niece, I was unable to visit the prison, and the governor as before, and found I had lost considerable influence previously gained, for she was not so forward to hear my petitions when any difficulty occurred, as she formerly had been. When Maria was nearly two months old, her father one morning sent me word that he and all the white prisoners were put into the inner prison, in five pairs of fetters each, that his little room had been torn down, and his mat, pillow, etc. had been taken by the jailers. This was to me a dreadful shock, as I thought at once it was only a prelude to greater evils. The situation of the prisoners was now distressing beyond description, it was at the commencement of the prison. There were above a hundred prisoners shut up in one room, without a breath of air accepting from the cracks and the boards. I sometimes obtained permission to go to the door for five minutes, when my heart sickened at the wretchedness exhibited. The white prisoners, from incessant perspiration and loss of appetite, looked more like the dead than the living. I made daily applications to the governor, offering him money, which he refused, but all I gained was permission for the foreigners to eat their food outside and discontinued but a short time. After continuing in the inner prison for more than a month, your brother was taken with a fever. I felt assured he would not live long unless removed from that noiseless place. To effect this, and in order to be near the prison, I removed from our house, and put up a small bamboo room in the governor's enclosure, which was nearly opposite the prison gate. Here I incessantly begged the governor to give me an order to take Mr. J out of the large prison and place him in a more comfortable situation, and the old man, being worn out with my entreaties at length, gave me the order in an official form, and also gave orders to the head jailer to allow me to go in and out, all times of the day, to administer medicines. I now felt happy indeed, and Mr. J instantly removed into a little bamboo hovel so low that neither of us could stand upright, but a palace in comparison with the place he had left. Removal of the prisoners to Aung Pen La Mrs. Judson follows them. Notwithstanding the order the governor had given for my admittance into prison, it was with the greatest difficulty that I could persuade the under jailer to open the gate. I used to carry Mr. J's food myself for the sake of getting in, and would then remain an hour or two, and less driven out. We had been in this comfortable situation but two or three days, when one morning, having carried in Mr. Judson's breakfast, which in consequence of fever he was unable to take, I remained longer than usual, when the governor in great haste sent for me. I promised him to return as soon as I had ascertained the governor's will, he being much alarmed at this unusual message. I was very agreeably disappointed when the governor informed that he only wished to consult me about his watch, and seemed unusually pleasant and conversable. I found afterwards that his only object was to detain me until the dreadful scene about to take place in the prison was over, for when I left him to go to my room one of the servants came running, and with the ghastly countenance informed me that all the white prisoners were carried away. I would not believe the report, but instantly went back to the governor who said he had just heard of it, but did not wish to tell me. I hastily ran into the street hoping to get a glimpse of them before they were out of sight, but in this was disappointed. I ran first into one street, and then to another, inquiring of all I met, but none would answer me.  I then ran to the banks of the little river about half a mile, but I saw them not, and concluded that the old woman had deceived me. Some of the friends of the foreigners went to the place of execution, but found them not. I then returned to the governor to try to discover the cause of their removal and the probability of their future fate. The old man assured me that he was ignorant of the intention of government to remove the foreigners until that morning, that since I went out he had learned that the prisoners had been sent to Amarapora, I will send off a man immediately, said he, to see what is to be done with them, you can do nothing more for your husband, continued he, take care of yourself. Never before had I suffered so much from fear in traversing the streets of Ava. The last words from the governor, take care of yourself, made me suspect that there was some design with which I was unacquainted. I saw, also, he was afraid to have me go into the streets, and advised me to wait until dark, when he would send me in a cart and a man to open the gates. I took two or three trunks of the most valuable articles together with the medicine chest, to deposit in the house of the governor, and after committing the house and the premises to our faithful Meng Ying and a Bengali servant who continued with us, though we were unable to pay his wages, I took leave, as I then thought probable of our house in Ava forever. The day was dreadfully hot, but we obtained a covered boat in which we were terribly comfortable, until within two miles of the government house. I then procured a cart, but the violent motion together with the dreadful heat and dust made me almost distracted. But what was my disappointment on my arriving at the courthouse, to find that the prisoners had been sent on two hours before, and that I must go in that uncomfortable mode four miles further with little Maria in my arms, whom I held all the way from Ava. The cart man refused to go any further, and after waiting an hour in the burning sun I procured another and set off for that never-to-be forgotten place, Ong Pen La. I obtained a guide from the governor, and was conducted directly to the prison yard. But what a scene of wretchedness was presented to my view. The prison was an old shattered building without a roof, the fence was entirely destroyed. Eight or ten Burmese were on top of the building trying to make something like a shelter with the leaves while under a little low protection outside of the prison sat the foreigners chained together two and two almost dead with suffering and fatigue. The first words of your brother were why have you come? I hoped you would not follow for you cannot live here. It was now dark I had no refreshment for the suffering prisoners, or for myself, as I had expected to procure all that was necessary to look at an Amorapora, and I had no shelter for the night. I asked one of the jailers if I might put up a little bamboo house near the prisoners. He said no, it was not customary. I then begged he would procure me a shelter for the night.  I procured some half boiled water instead of my tea, and, worn out with fatigue, laid myself down on a mat, spread over the patty, and endeavored to obtain a little refreshment from sleep. The next morning your brother gave me the following account of the brutal treatment he had received on being taken out of prison.  They were then tied two and two and delivered into the hands of Lameen Moon, who went on before them on horseback, while his slaves drove the prisoners, one of the most connected two of them together. It was in May, one of the hottest months in the year, and eleven o'clock in the day, so that the sun was intolerable, indeed. They had proceeded only half a mile when your brother's feet became blistered, and so great was his agony, even at this early period, that as they were crossing the Little River, he longed to throw himself into the water to be free from misery, but the sin attached to such an act alone prevented. After a few miles to walk, the sand and gravel were like burning coals to the feet of the prisoners, which soon became perfectly destitute of skin, and in this wretched state they were goaded on by their unfeeling drivers, Mr. J's debilitated state, and consequence of the fever, and having taken no food that morning, rendered him less capable of bearing such hardships than the other prisoners. When about halfway on their journey, as they stopped for water, your brother begged the Lameen Woon to allow him to ride his horse a mile or two, as he could proceed no farther in that dreadful state, but a scornful, malignant look was all the reply that was made. He then requested Captain Laird, who was tied with him, and who was a strong, healthy man to allow him to take hold of his shoulder as he was fat sinking. This the kind-hearted man granted for a mile or two, but then found the additional insupportable. Just at that period, Mr. Gouger's Bengali servant came up to them, and seeing the distresses of your brother took off his headdress, which was made of cloth, tore it in two, gave half to his master and half to Mr. Judson, which he instantly wrapped around his wounded feet, as they were not allowed to rest for even a moment. The servant then offered his shoulder to Mr. J, and was almost carried by him the remainder of the way. Lameen Woon, seeing the distressing state of the prisoners, and that one of their number was dead, concluded they should go no farther that night. Otherwise, they would have been driven on until they reached Woon Pen La the same day. An old shed was appointed for their abode during the night, but without even a mat or pillow, or anything to cover them. The curiosity of the Lameen Woon's wife induced her to make a visit to the prisoners, whose wretchedness considerably affected her compassion, and she ordered some fruit, sugar, and tamarins for their refreshment. And the next morning rice was prepared for them. And, as poor as it was, it was refreshing to the prisoners, who had been almost destitute of food the day before. Cards were also provided for their conveyance, as none of them were able to walk. All this time, the foreigners were entirely ignorant of what was to become of them, and when they arrived at Woon Pen La and saw the dilapidated state of the prison, they immediately, all as one, concluded that they were there to be burned, agreeably to the report which had previously been in circulation at Ava. They all endeavored to prepare themselves for the awful scene anticipated, and it was not until they saw preparations making for repairing the prison that they had the least doubt that a cruel lingering death awaited them. My arrival was an hour or two after this. The next morning I arose and endeavored to find something like food, but there was no market, and nothing to be procured. One of Dr. Price's friends, however, brought some cold rice and vegetable curry from Amarapora, which together with a cup of tea from Mr. Lonzago, answered for the breakfast of the prisoners. And for dinner, we made a curry of dried saltfish, which a servant of Mr. Goudjur had brought. All the money I could command in the house was not with me, secreted about my person, so you may judge what our prospects were, in case the war should continue long, but our Heavenly Father was better to us than our fears, for notwithstanding the constant extortions of the jailers, during the whole six months we were at Ung Pen La, and the frequent straits to which we were brought. We never really suffered for the want of money, though frequently for want of provisions which were not procurable. In this case, my personal bodily sufferings commenced. While your brother was confined in the city prison I had been allowed to remain in our house, in which I had many conveniences left, and my health continued good beyond all expectations. But now I had not a single article of convenience, not even a chair or seed of any kind accepting a bamboo floor. The very morning after my arrival, Mary Hasseltine was taken with the smallpox the natural way. She, the only assistant I had in taking care of little Maria. But she now required all the time I could spare for Mr. Judson, whose fever still continued in prison, and whose feet were so dreadfully mangled that for several days he was unable to move. I knew not what to do, for I could procure no assistance from the neighborhood or medicine for the sufferers, but was all day long going backwards and forwards from the house to the prison with little Maria in my arms. Sometimes I was greatly relieved by leaving her for an hour, when asleep by the sight of her father, while I returned to the house to look after Mary, whose fever ran so high as to produce delirium. She was so completely covered with the smallpox that there was no distinction in the pustules. And she was in the same little room with myself. I knew Maria would take it. I therefore inoculated her from another child, before Mary's had arrived at such a state to be nervous. At the same time, I inoculated Abby and the jailer's children, who all had it so lightly, as hardly to interrupt their play. But the inoculation in the arm of my poor little Maria did not take. She caught it of Mary and had it the natural way. She was then only three months and a half old, and had been a most healthy child, but it was above three months before she perfectly recovered from the effects of this dreadful disorder. You'll recollect I never had the smallpox, but was vaccinated previously to leaving America. And consequence of being for so long a time constantly exposed, I had nearly a hundred pustules formed, though no previous symptoms of fever, etc. The jailer's children, having had the smallpox so lightly in consequence of inoculation, my fame was spread all over the village, and every child, young and old, who had not previously had it was brought inoculation. And although I knew nothing about the disorder or the mode of treating it, I inoculated them all with a needle and told them to take care of their diet, all the instructions I could give them. Mr. Judson's health was gradually restored and he found himself much more comfortably suited than when in the city prison. End of Chapter 22 Part 2 Recording by Jason Justice Chapter 22 Part 3 of Fox's Book of Martyrs Volume 2 This is a LibriVox recording. Our LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org Recording by David Bursow Fox's Book of Martyrs Volume 2 by John Fox edited by William Byron Forbush Chapter 22 The Beginnings of American Foreign Missions Part 3 The prisoners were at first chained two and two, but as soon as the jailers could obtain chain sufficient, they were separated and each prisoner had but one pair. The prison was repaired, a new fence made, and a large airy shed erected in front of the prison, where the prisoners were allowed to remain during the day though locked up in the little closed prison at night. All the children recovered from smallpox but my watchings and fatigue together with my miserable food and more miserable lodgings brought on one of the diseases of the country which is almost always fatal to foreigners. My constitution seemed destroyed and in a few days I became so weak as to be hardly able to walk to Mr. Judson's prison. In this debilitated state I set off in a cart for Java to procure medicines and some suitable food leaving the cook to supply my place. I reached the house in safety and for two or three days the disorder seemed at a stand, after which it attacked me violently that I had no hopes of recovery left and my anxiety now was to return to Ongpin Law to die near the prison. It was with the greatest difficulty that I obtained the medicine from the governor and then had no one to administer the medicine. I, however, got at the laudonym and by taking two drops at a time for several hours it is so far checked the disorder as to enable me to get on board a boat though so weak that I could not stand and again set off for Ongpin Law. The last four miles were in that painful conveyance the cart and in the midst of the rainy season when the mud almost buries the oxen. You may form some idea of a Burmese cart when I tell you that their wheels are not constructed like ours but are simply round thick planks with a hole in the middle through which a pole that supports the body is thrust. I just reached Ongpin Law when my strength seemed entirely exhausted. The good native cook came out to help me into the house and what so altered and emaciated was my appearance that the poor fellow burst into tears at the first sight. I crawled on the mat in the little room to which I was confined for more than two months and never perfectly recovered until I came to the English camp. At this period when I was unable to take care of myself or look after Mr. Judson we must both have died had it not been for the faithful and affectionate care of our Bengali cook. A common Bengali cook will do nothing but the simple business of cooking but he seemed to forget his cast and almost his own wants in his efforts to serve us. He would provide, cook and carry your brother's food and then return and take care of me. I have frequently known him not to taste of food until near night in consequence but so far for wood and water and in order to have Mr. Judson's dinner ready at the usual hour. He never complained, never asked for his wages and never for a moment hesitated to go anywhere or to perform any act we required. I take great pleasure in speaking of the faithful conduct of this servant who is still with us and I trust has been well rewarded for her services. Our dear little Maria was the greatest sufferer at this time. My illness depriving her of her usual nourishment and neither a nurse nor a drop of milk could be procured in the village. By making presents to the jailers I obtained leave for Mr. Judson to come out of prison and take the emaciated creature around the village to beg a little nourishment at night or heart-rending when it was impossible to supply her wants. I now began to think the very affliction of Job had come upon me. When in health I could bear the various trials and vicissitudes through which I was called to pass but to be confined with sickness and unable to assist those who were so dear to me when in distress was almost too much for me to bear and had it not been for the reasons of religion and an assured conviction that every additional trial was ordered by infinite love and mercy I must have sunk under my accumulated sufferings. Sometimes our jailers seemed a little softened at our distress and for several days together allowed Mr. Judson to come to the house which to me was an unspeakable consolation. Then again they would be as iron-hearted in their demands as though we were free from sufferings and in affluent circumstances. The annoyance, the extortions and oppressions to which we were subject during our six months residence in Ung Pen Law are beyond enumeration or description. The time at length arrived for our release from that detested place the Ung Pen Law Prison. A messenger from our friend the governor of the north gate of the palace who was formerly informed us that an order had been given the evening before in the palace for Mr. Judson's release. On the same evening an official order arrived and with a joyful heart I set about preparing for our departure early the following morning. But an unexpected obstacle occurred which made us fear that I should still be retained as a prisoner. The avaricious jailers unwilling to lose their prey insisted that as my name was not included in the order I should not go. In vain I urged that I was not sent there as a prisoner and that they had no authority over me yet they still determined I should not go and forbade the villagers from letting me a cart. Mr. Judson was then taken out of prison brought to the jailer's house whereby promises and threatenings he finally gained their consent on conditions that we would leave the remaining part of our provisions we had recently received from Ava. It was noon before we were allowed to depart. When we reached Amara Pora Mr. Judson was obliged to follow the guidance of the jailer who conducted him to the governor of the city. Having made all necessary inquiries I appointed another guard which conveyed Mr. Judson to the courthouse in Ava to which place he arrived sometime in the night. I took my own course, procured a boat and reached our house before dark. My first object the next morning was to go in search of our brother and I had the mortification to meet him again in prison though not the death prison. I went immediately to my old friend the governor of the city of Awongi. He informed me that Mr. Judson was to be sent to the Burmese camp to act as translator and interpreter and that he was put in confinement for a short time only until his affairs were settled. Early the following morning I went to this officer again who told me that Mr. Judson had that moment received 20 teakles from the government with orders to go immediately on board a boat from Maolun and that he had given him permission to stop a few moments at the house it being on his way. I hastened back to the house where Mr. Judson soon arrived but was allowed to remain only a short time while I could prepare food and clothing for future use. He was crowded into a little boat where he had not room sufficient to lie down and where his exposure to the cold nights threw him into a violent fever which had nearly ended all his sufferings. He arrived at Maolun on the third day where ill as he was he was obliged to enter immediately on the work of translating. He remained at Maolun six weeks suffering as much as he had at any time in prison accepting that he was not in irons nor exposed to the insults of those cruel jailers. For the first fortnight after his departure my anxiety was less than it had been at any time previous since the commencement of our difficulties. I knew the Burmese officers at the camp would feel the value of Mr. Judson services too much to allow their using any measures threatening his life. I thought his situation also would be much more comfortable than it really was. Hence my anxiety was less than my health which had never been restored since that violent attack at Ung Pen Law now daily declined until I was seized with the spotted fever with all its attendant horrors. I knew the nature of the fever from its commencement and from the shattered state of my constitution together with the lack of medical attendance I concluded it must be fatal. The day I was taken a Burmese nurse came and offered services for Maria. This circumstance filled me with gratitude and confidence in God for though I had so long and so constantly made efforts to obtain a person of this description I had never been able yet at the very time I most needed one and without any exertion a voluntary offer was made. My fever raged violently and without any intermission I began to think of settling affairs and of committing my dear little Maria to the care of the Portuguese woman when I lost my reason and was insensible to all around me. At this dreadful period Dr. Price was released from prison and hearing of my illness obtained permission to come and see me. He has since told me that my situation was the most distressing he had ever witnessed and that he did not think I should survive many hours. The care was shaved my head and feet covered with blisters and Dr. Price ordered the Bengali servant who took care of me to endeavor to persuade me to take a little nourishment which I had obstinately refused for several days. One of the first things I recollect was seeing this faithful servant standing by me trying to induce me to take a little wine and water. I was in fact so far gone that the Burmese neighbors began to see me expire said she is dead and if the king of angels should come in he could not recover her. The fever I afterwards understood had run seventeen days when the blisters were applied. I now began to recover slowly but it was more than a month after this before I had strength to stand. While in this weak debilitated state the servant who had followed his brother to the Burmese camp came in and informed me that his master had arrived and was conducted to the courthouse in town. I sent off a Berman to watch the movements of the government and to ascertain if possible in what way Mr. Judson was to be disposed of. He soon returned with the sad intelligence that he saw Mr. Judson go out of the palace yard accompanied by two or three Burmese who conducted him to one of the prisons and that it was reported in town that he was to be sent back to the Ongpin Law prison. I was too weak to bear ill tidings of any kind but a shock as dreadful as this almost annihilated me. For some time I could hardly breathe but it last gained sufficient composure to dispatch Moon Ying to our friend the governor of the gate and begged him to make one more effort for the release of Mr. Judson and prevent his being sent back to the country prison where I knew he must suffer much as I could not follow. Moon Ying then went and served to Mr. Judson and it was nearly dark when he found him in the interior of an obscure prison. I had sent food early in the afternoon but being unable to find him I never had returned with it which added another pain to my distresses as I feared he was already sent to Ongpin Law. If I ever felt the value and efficacy of prayer I did at this time I could not rise from my couch I could make no efforts to secure my husband I could only plead with that great and powerful being who has said call upon me in the day of trouble and I shall glorify me and who made me at this time feel so powerfully this promise that I became quite composed feeling assured that my prayers would be answered. When Mr. Judson was sent from Malone to Ava it was within five minutes notice and without his knowledge of the cause. On his way up the river he accidentally saw the communication made to government respecting him which was simply this we have no further use for you Dathan we therefore return him to the golden city. On arriving at the courthouse there happened to be no one present who was acquainted with Mr. Jay the presiding officer inquired from what place he had been sent to Malone he was answered from Ongpin Law let him then said the officer be returned thither. When he was delivered to a guard and conducted to the place above mentioned there to remain until he could be conveyed to Ongpin Law in the meantime the governor of the north gate presented a petition to the high court of the empire offered himself as Mr. Judson security obtained his release and took him to his house where he treated him with every possible kindness and to which I was removed as soon as returning health was allowed. It was on a cool moonlight evening in the month of March that with hearts filled with gratitude to God and overflowing with joy at our prospects we passed down the Irawati surrounded by six or eight golden boats and accompanied by all we had on earth. We now for the first time for more than a year and a half felt that we were free and no longer subject to the oppressive of the Burmese and with what sensations of delight on the next morning did I behold the mass of the steamboat the sure presage of being within the bounds of civilized life. As soon as our boat reached the shore Brigadier A and another officer came on board congratulated us on our arrival and invited us on board the steamboat where I passed the remainder of the day. While your brother went on to meet the General who with the detachment of the army had encamped it Yondabu a few miles farther down the river. Mr. Judson returned in the evening with an invitation from Sir Archibald to come immediately to his quarters where I was the next morning introduced and received with the greatest kindness by the General who had a tent pitch for us near his own took us to his own table and treated us with the kindness of a father than as strangers of another country. For several days this single idea wholly occupied my mind that we were out of the power of the Burmese government and once more under the protection of the English our feelings continually dictated expressions like these what should we render to the Lord for all his benefits toward us. The Treaty of Peace was soon concluded signed by both parties and a termination of hostilities publicly declared. We left Yondabu after a fortnight's resident and safely reached the mission house in Rangoon after an absence of two years and three months. Through all this suffering the precious manuscript of the Burmese New Testament was guarded it was put into a bag and made into a hard pillow for Dr. Judson's prison yet he was forced to be apparently careless about it and should think it contained something valuable and take it away but with the assistance of a faithful Burmese convert the manuscript representing so many long days of labor was kept in safety. At the close of this long and melancholy narrative we may appropriately introduce the following tribute to the benevolence and talents of Mrs. Judson written by one of the English prisoners who were confined at Ava by Mrs. Judson. It was published in a Calcutta paper after the conclusion of the war. Mrs. Judson was the author of those eloquent and forceful appeals to the government which prepared them by degrees for submission to terms of peace never expected by any who knew the haughtiness and inflexible pride of the Berman court. And while on this subject the overflowing of grateful feelings on behalf of myself and fellow prisoners compel me to add a tribute of public thanks to that amiable and humane female who though living at a distance of two miles from our prison without any means of conveyance and very feeble in health forgot her own comfort and infirmity and almost every day visited us sought out and administered to our wants and contributed in every way to alleviate our misery. While we were left by the government destitute of food she with unwirried perseverance by some means or another attained for us a constant supply. When the tattered state of our clothes evinced the extremity of our distress she was ever ready to replenish our scanty wardrobe. When the unfeeling avarice of our keepers confined us inside are made our feet fast in the stocks she like a ministering angel never ceased her applications to the government until she was authorized to communicate to us the grateful news of our enlargement or of a respite from our galling oppressions. Besides all this it was unquestionably owing in a chief degree to the repeated eloquence and forceful appeals of Mrs. Judson that the untutored Berman was finally made willing to secure the welfare and happiness of his country by a sincere peace. End quote. Here is a list of key events in missionary beginnings. 1800 William Carey's first convert was baptized, 1804 the British Informed Bible Society was organized 1805 Henry Martin Sales for India 1807 Robert Morrison Sales for China 1808 Haystack meetings held near Williams College 1810 The American Board was organized 1811 The Wesleyans found the Sierra Leone Mission 1812 The First American Board Missionaries Sale 1816 The American Bible Society was organized Also in 1816 Robert Moffat Sales for South Africa 1818 The London Missionary Society enters Madagascar 1819 The Methodist Missionary Society was organized Also in 1819 The American Board opens the Sandwich Islands Mission Finally also in 1819 Judson baptizes the first Burmese convert Here is the epilogue to the original edition And now to conclude Good Christian Readers this present tractation not for the lack of matter for largeness of the volume In the meantime the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ work with the gentle reader in all thy studious readings and when thou hast faith so employ thyself to read that by reading thou mayest learn daily to know that which may profit thy soul may teach the experience may arm thee with patience and instruct thee in all spiritual knowledge more and more The salvation in Christ Jesus our Lord To whom be glory in secular secularum Amen End of chapter 22 End of Fox's book of martyrs volume 2 edited by William Byron Forbush Recording by David Burceau www.davidbercot.com


Welcome 11 o'clock Rock. Randy Roth is a member of the faculty of the William S. Richardson School of Law at UH Manoa. He was one of the principals in the broken trust articles, you remember that, that led to the reform of the Bishop of State. Since then he's been an active member, an active person, an active citizen on a number of other public issues, especially now including rail. He joins us this morning to discuss his views and an article speech, a speech article he recently wrote on what we need to do about rail, depressing problems. So far the biggest public works, the most expensive public works project the city or state have ever undertaken and we need to face up to it and make intelligent choices to avoid a profound and continuing catastrophe. There are implications of huge delays, corruption and cost overruns in the many billions, a cost to our community, a cost our community can never, never really afford, not now or in the future. There is great danger in not addressing the issues presented at this point in the project. Randy was a plaintiff in a suit five years ago to stop rail. That didn't succeed. He says he's not biased. We're going to ask him about that. But he has his views, which he recently expressed in this article and speech regarding our options in the increasing complexity of the issue. We're very interested and honored to have him here to express those views. Welcome to the show, Randy Roth. Are you really impartial? Well, I think if I have a bias, I really, really like public transportation. I think a city like Honolulu needs a first class public transportation system that's reliable and convenient and clean, safe and affordable. Affordable to people who use it and affordable to the community that pays for it. Back in the 1970s in my youth, when I was a CPA by profession, I commuted by bus. In fact, my wife and I met for the first time on bus number six downtown Denver. So I really in all seriousness feel strongly about the importance of public transportation in Hawaii and specifically on this island. We are pursuing a rail option, what's called elevated rail. And I think it's the wrong choice for us. It would have been by far the most expensive capital works project, even if it has stayed on budget. It's way over budget and every indication is that the increases haven't stopped that it's going to keep on going. And there are a number of other issues that I have with it. Specifically right now, the FDA has said, look, there's no way you're going to be able to finish this project or come close to finishing this project on the current funding that's going to be available to you. So the FDA has said you're going to have to submit a plan by the end of April that tells us what you're going to do. And then we need to decide, the feds need to decide whether to continue to give you money or to not just stop giving us money, but to take back what they've given us so far. Footnote, footnote. We're going to have a new president in April. How is his views going to affect that decision? The short answer is nobody knows. I think because it's a new person coming in, Donald Trump obviously is less predictable, I think, on a lot of issues than most incoming presidents would be. But for a number of reasons, with a new administration, there'll be a new secretary of transportation, a new FDA, that's federal transit administration administrator. I think they're going to take a real hard look at this. The city has submitted what they call an interim plan that says we prefer, we being city administration, and when I talk about the city that includes Hart, the semi-autonomous group that's directly involved. The city is saying we want to pursue what it calls plan A, which is to get the legislature to give us the money we need to finish the project that was originally designed. It would take way more money than what is currently provided for. Plan B, which they have in the interim plan, is to stop short of Alamona Center. The Middle Street solution. Maybe Middle Street, maybe downtown, maybe include the stations that have been planned in between, maybe delete some of those stations. The idea would be we don't have enough money to do what we want to do, plan A. So we're going to have a plan B that will accomplish as much as we can accomplish within our means. What I'm calling plan C is, look folks, a lot has changed over the last few years. We need an honest, objective, alternatives analysis, a cost-benefit analysis so that the people who are making these decisions, the legislators, and deciding whether to extend the rail excise tax will have a sense for how much more money are we talking about for plan A. What are the implications of plan B on ridership or whatever? And plan C, I think once they start looking at that, they will decide that to convert the guideway that's been built for rail, to convert that to use by buses, and to take what would be a huge amount of savings and expend it in ways that actually reduces traffic congestion. I think that's what they would prefer. I think that's what the FDA will prefer. But until that honest, objective, alternative analysis is done, nobody... Nobody knows what it's going to cost. So you're interested in cost. I mean, we're not here to revisit the old decisions and all the claims of deception by the Hanman administration, what not, getting us through in the first place. We're here to look at a snapshot, figure out where we are, look at our options, make good choices from this point forward. And that's the essence of your article and I suppose the speech you gave on December 5th. Yes, that's what makes this particularly timely is that we've had these skyrocketing costs. What's also timely is that there are going to be bills, if not already, in the legislature calling for the increase, even the indefinite increase of the surcharge on the gross excise tax. Right. The latest proposal that's been tossed out there to get some reaction from Willius Farrell would make permanent that half percent extra excise tax on Oahu just for rail. And instead of the state skimming 10 percent off the top as its fee for administering... Which has been the case up till now. They would take a third off the top, which just makes an already questionable situation from a constitutional standpoint beyond questionable. In other words, the tax foundation of Hawaii has argued, I think very correctly, that if you tax just the people on Oahu, but a big chunk of that is in effect going to be benefiting the people in other places. There's a real constitutional issue with that. So the legislature is going to have to make some decisions. The specific proposal right now that people are talking about is to make permanent that half percent increase in excise tax. And all these big numbers, I don't know if you have that graphic ready. We have the graphic with the numbers, otherwise we can read them. Back in 2006, here's a headline actually when Mufi Haneman first started talking about the cost of rail. He was at $2.7 billion, but I couldn't find that headline. I remember it though. I'll be your witness on this. So he was looking at $3 billion and then if you go to the next graphic, this is a recent headline that now we're looking at $9.5. I actually think it's going to be well in excess. Plan A would be well in excess at $9.5 billion. But let's just assume that the cities finally got this nailed down. They've increased the estimate many times. Let's assume they finally got this nailed down at $9.5 billion. The question is, what does that mean? That's such a big number. So what the Tax Foundation of Hawaii did in their way, and I've reworked it a little bit for purposes of this particular conversation, how much would an average family of five have to pay to finish rail to pursue Plan A, if you will? And just to give you a starting point, when you do the math, which is pretty simple, so far the excise tax, the half percent excise tax, has raised $2.1 billion as of the end of 2016. If you allocate that to a per person basis by dividing it by a million, there are about a million residents, slightly less but about a million residents on Oahu. And then you take out 30% because directly and indirectly, tourists, non-residents, pay a significant chunk, either directly because it's earmarked on their bill or indirectly because it gets baked into the cost of goods and services in Hawaii. So if you take out that 30%, leaving only the 70%, that residents end up paying, and multiply it by five, because we're talking about a family of five, already the average family of five has paid over $7,000 for rail, $7,350. And if you say, yeah, but it's mostly paid by rich people, the excise tax is notoriously regressive. You know, percentage-wise it's more burdensome on low and middle income than it is on high income. So already over $7,000, but here's the kicker, here's what I prepared just for this conversation. If you assume that this is going to cost $10.8 billion, which is the upper bound number that the FTA has been working with, I think it's going to be more. Two years ago the upper bound number was $7.6 billion. But if you just use that and go through the math that I've just gone through, the additional cost from where we are now to pursuing plan A, building at Dolomona Center, the additional cost for each average family of five is going to be $25,025. Now again, it's $9.5 billion or $10.8 billion, or we've got these billion-dollar numbers that we see in the headlines. Can I footnote to say that Parsons, Brankerhoff, the same contractor, built the Boston Big Dig project? Yeah. The numbers were multiples of the original estimate. In fact, they did the cost estimate and the ridership estimate for the last elevated rail system built in the U.S. and U.S. territories. And their cost estimate was off by about 80%. Their ridership estimate was off by 74.9%. And those are the consultants that did our initial estimates. The cost estimate, we have some hindsight. We can see that the original cost estimate was way off. Maybe it was incompetence, maybe it was just, who knows exactly why, but it was way off. I think ridership is going to be way off. If you look at what's been projected for ridership of a PLAN-A rail system on Oahu and compare it to ridership in comparable places, comparable systems, no other place that a light rail system in our system is elevated, which makes some people think heavy rail, but smaller cars. So it's comparable to a light rail system. No city with a light rail system has a line that has achieved more than 38,000 average weekday riders. Our projection for Oahu is 119,000. Lots of luck. And Mufi Hanuman promised 10,000 new local jobs, so far it's slightly less than 1,000. And I could go on, but the point is there are good reasons to be skeptical not only about the cost estimates, but a number of other things that we were led to believe were a part of rail on Oahu. And that's why I think this honest, objective, alternative analysis is essential. Before we've spent that additional $25,025 per average family of five. So we take the midterm break here. I'd like to ask you what that means to a family, because it seems to me that it's off the top. In other words, your earning and your net of taxes disposable income is X dollars. You're paying that $25,000 out of your disposable income. That's what happens.  It's not part of that half percent that gets identified at the cash register. The bulk of it is what gets baked into the cost of all goods and services. So it's an inflation of everything. Yeah, excise taxes are actually paid by businesses. They're the ones that file the return, pay the tax. Some of it they pass on at the cash register to consumers. Most of it, we don't see, is just one of the major reasons why everything costs so much in Hawaii. So the burden is the same. You know, whether somebody takes your pocket from behind when you're not looking or takes your wallet from behind or right here holds you up and takes... Either way, the wallet's gone. So the burden's the same. And when we get back from the break, I want to tell you that even if Plan A gets completed, there are huge costs that the city has not said one word about where the money would come from to pay those annual costs after rail had been put into place. And that pencils out to $700 per year for an average family of five for the rest of that family's life. And it gets worse. We're going to take a short break so you can take a deep breath. And we're going to come back and hear the rest. Hey, how you doing? Welcome to Hibachi Talk. My name is Andrew Lening. I'm your co-host. And we have a nice program here every Friday at 1 o'clock on Think Tech Studios where we talk about technology and we have a little bit of fun with it. So join us if you can. Thanks. Aloha. Aloha and happy New Year. It's 2017. Please keep up with me on Power Up Hawaii where Hawaii comes together to talk about a clean and just energy future. Please join me on Tuesdays at 1 o'clock. Mahalo. Aloha. My name is John Wahee. And I actually had a small part to do with what's happening today. Served actually in public office. But if you don't already know that, here's a chance to learn more about what's happening in our state by joining me for a talk story with John Wahee. Every other Monday. Thank you. And I look forward to your seeing us in the future. I think we're back with Randy Roth, Professor at the William S. Richardson School of Law, and what I call it an active thinker, a public thinker, a citizen journalist, if you will, and what's going on with rail. My wife says I have an overdeveloped sense of justice. Good. You can't have an overdeveloped sense of justice. You know, I just think rail has been so wrong from the beginning, and especially with these most recent developments. To me, there's been deception. The literature calls it strategic misrepresentation. To me, it's just dishonesty. And when somebody sitting across the table for me is dishonest, then that's one thing. When it's my government, when elected officials, appointed officials that have cloaked themselves with the power of government, when they are intentionally dishonest, it seems to me if individuals in that community don't stand up and say this is wrong, then there's something wrong with that community. The whole system, to that matter. I think so. Let's go to your slides. Randy has some very interesting slides used to show us how this works. Yeah, this first one, this is the corner of Bishop, which is running from left to right, and Nimitz from front to top. And this is what it looks like right now. I'd like to go to the next slide, which is what it's going to look like when rail gets there, if it gets there. You may say, well, wait a minute. I've seen the city's renderings, and they don't look nearly so ugly.  This rendering was created by the local chapter of the American Institute of Architects, and they were so concerned that the city's renderings were not fairly depicting what rail would look like that on their own dime they created some renderings, and I've got just several for you. They say, actually, it's going to be worse than what this rendering appears to look like because at the time they did this, the plan was to have columns that were 6 feet in diameter. It's since been determined they have to be 8 feet in diameter, which if you remember your math from school, that increases by 75% the volume of each column in this area. They said probably the shadows will be worse than what this depicted. They said they tried to err on the side of being overly fair to the city, but a lot of people look at that and gasp and say, my God, what are we doing to our Hawaiian sense of place? Our number one, you know, the engine that drives our economy is tourism, and people come to Hawaii expecting something different than the image that that presents. Aside from the aesthetics, though, and the sort of sense of public space which we care or should care a lot about, there's another element too, and that is the 3rd Avenue L element where you build something over the street, now you change the neighborhood, now you change the whole dynamic of the way people conduct themselves under that rail. And rail stations tend to be magnets for crime. You look at rail stations around the country and you typically don't find particularly appealing places to be. Transit-oriented development has been described as a reason for building rail in Hawaii that developers are just going to be tripping over themselves to try to rush in and work out partnerships whereby they can get rights to build over the airspace and do all sorts of things to have lots and lots of dense living units right there at that rail station. Well, you'll notice none of those have been announced in the newspaper. There are none of them in the works to my knowledge. Elsewhere in order to get developers to do that kind of construction around rail stations, typically there have to be large subsidies paid to those developers. There are just a lot of reasons to be very suspicious of whether the promised transit-oriented development benefits would be there or not. But in the meantime, rail was used as the excuse for the Land-Jews Commission to change the land classification for a whole PE and Coa Ridge for single-family housing with big parks and the exact opposite of what would make sense to build the dense low-income affordable housing. BART, which is one of the rail systems elsewhere that has actually worked out well, BART on the whole has been successful in my opinion. But BART was expected to increase the density, the number of people living close to the stations. Two professors from Berkeley who actually were pro-rail did a study 20 years after BART had been completed and what they found was that it was the density that had increased more away from the stations as compared to... Nobody wanted to be near the station. So by comparison, the density had been reduced around where the stations were built. The point is that nobody knows exactly what will happen if rail is completed. But we've been told a lot of things, whether it was 10,000 jobs and we only get 1,000, we were told it was going to save energy and now from U.S. Department of Energy figures, we know that elevated rail in Hawaii, if the ridership projections are achieved, would be less energy efficient than what a single person in a single car is right now. Oh, wow. And you say, how could that be? It's because the train is scheduled to run 20 hours a day and it's going to be virtually empty except at rush hour. And so you've got all that weight going back and forth. And the point is that there are reasons to not just be skeptical of some things that have been said in the past, especially with hindsight, there's been some strategic misrepresentation. I think the community has a right to demand an investigation as to who knew what when because we didn't get here by accident. There were people who I think were saying things in order to get rail completed that they should. Let me read you a quote from Willie Brown, who was the head of California's assembly for many years, majority head, and then was mayor of San Francisco. Here's a quote after he was out of office in the Wall Street Journal a couple years ago. He said, in the world of civic projects, the first budget is really a down payment. If people knew the real cost from the start, nothing would ever be approved. That's a quote. You know in the private sector, if I was trying to talk you into investing in my business or lending money that I'd use in my business, if I told you what I needed to tell you in order to get you to give me that money, I'd go to jail, okay? Willie Brown is saying this is kind of the norm in terms of government officials. It's just a down payment what they say. That's why we have so little confidence in government these days, really. Well, and we can either grin and bear it, or we can say this has to stop, at least in this community. I can't bring world peace, but in this community we can at least put a light on things that need to be looked at. So we have a couple more photos and we have a couple more minutes. Let's look at the photos quickly. Well, just another rendering. This is on Nimitz looking toward Aloha Tower. You see it off in the right-hand corner there. That's as it looks right now, and now if you go to the next one, there you have with the rail station at that particular location. So let me ask you this, Randy, in our remaining time. What plan do you favor? What should we do? I agree with you about the investigation. I think we need to clear the air on that, find out what happens so it doesn't happen again. And it could happen again, you know? What do we need to do to deal with the situation that we find ourselves in right now? Plan A, B, or C? Which one do you favor and how to implement that? Right, right. I certainly don't have the background, the training, the experience to sit here and tell you what we ought to do. And even when I talk to somebody like Panos Prevaderos, who is the chair of the engineering department at the University of Hawaii, who is a traffic engineering, and I have the utmost respect for him, he would be the first to acknowledge that for the kind of alternatives analysis that needs to be done right now, no one person, no matter how impressive their credentials, has all that expertise. So what I'm in favor of isn't A, B, or C. I'm in favor of an objective, honest, alternative analysis that helps the decision-makers make informed decisions. And so far as the state legislature's concerned, I'd say, number one, even if you thought rail deserved to be funded, why would you use the most regressive tax in the state? Why wouldn't you say to the city, you think it's a good thing for this city, for this island, you use the property tax to pay it? Now, I'm not in favor of the city actually doing that, but my point is it would take an immediate 32% increase in property, immediate. People would feel that. From here to eternity. And the reason the city council has not done that is because they know the public wouldn't accept that. That's also the reason they haven't explained just what this is costing the family of five. And the reason why they and the legislature like to use the excise taxes because most people think the only excise tax they bear is what they see at the cash register. And you and I know that's not even half of what they bear. Most of it, they bear in the cost of a higher, you know, the paradise tax, the higher cost of living in Hawaii. The cost of paradise. It's all those familiar. Business taxes that get baked into the cost of goods and services. So what's your message? There's camera one. Talk to the people. Tell them what you want. Camera one with the red light on the top. Yeah. Folks, and I apologize. I get kind of worked up about this. My wife's right about this overdeveloped sense of justice. But this really smells this. This is a problem. How it got this far. I don't know, but that doesn't matter. What we as a community need to do is take a real hard look at where we are right now so that we don't continue to make mistakes that our kids and their kids are going to have to live with for a long, long time. So let's demand an honest, objective, alternative analysis before the city, before the state does anything in terms of more money, more money down this hole that already is consumed and off a lot of our money. Thank you, Randy Ross. I know you'll come back because I want to check back with you from time to time and find out what's happening. It's always good to see you, Jay. Thank you.


Territorial markets are physical places where local supply and demand meet. They're the interface between consumers and the people and processes that provide food. Market markets are at the core of food systems and are crucial to ensure that healthy and diversified food is available and accessible. The Food and Nutrition Division has set up a methodology for mapping territorial markets. A quick and easy tool to support the improvements of food systems and help achieve healthy diets for all. Between June and August 2020, 17 territorial markets were mapped in Tanzania and the collected information referenced through a geospatial platform. The platform is part of FAO's hand-in-hand initiative, an evidence-based country-led and owned program to accelerate agricultural transformation and sustainable rural development. Collected data show that territorial markets ensure both the market outlet to producers and access to nutritious food for consumers. Tailor-made interventions for their improvement can produce large-scale impact. For example, specific investments can improve infrastructure and facilities in particular warehouses and cold storage. These would contribute to reduce food loss and improved food safety and availability. Or, working with financial institutions to develop specific instruments for food retailers can contribute to scaling up their business. Interventions targeting women are also very important. In Tanzania, women find it much more difficult to benefit from their work in territorial markets and this is reflected in the huge difference in earnings between men and women. Key to improving the inclusiveness of territorial markets is the development of business services specifically targeting women retailers. The mapping of territorial markets in Tanzania has already helped identify opportunities for investment, but it can do even more to move towards better livelihoods and sustainable food systems.