dystopian time. We've been following the situation in Arkansas where the Republican legislature, they passed a bill banning gender affirming care for trans youth, which is medically necessary. And this law was horrible. So there was a lot of pressure exerted on the governor to veto that bill. And nobody thought that he would actually do that because he previously signed a bill into law banning trans athletes in high school from participating in school sports. So we thought there's no way that this is going to happen. But he did. He actually got pressure, vetoed the bill, and he went on Tucker Carlson. Tucker Carlson was grilling him about this.  But there's a bit of an update to the story. So after he vetoed that bill, well, the Republican legislature overrode his veto and the law banning gender affirming care for trans youth was set to go into effect on the 28th of this month. But we got an intervention here at least temporarily. And this is really good news. So this is from NPR and OPB. A federal judge blocks Arkansas ban on trans youth treatments just in the nick of time. So let me read a little bit of the story before we discuss. So a federal judge on Wednesday temporarily blocked enforcement of Arkansas ban on gender affirming treatment for transgender youth while a lawsuit challenging the prohibition proceeds. The American civil liberties union filed a lawsuit in May asking US District Judge J. Moody and Little Rock to strike down the law that made Arkansas the first state to forbid doctors from providing gender confirming hormone treatment at puberty blockers or sex reassignment surgery to anyone under 18 years old or from referencing them to other providers for such treatment. The ACLU sought the preliminary injection while its lawsuit proceeded to pull this care midstream from these patients or minors would cause irreparable harm Moody said. And there's a really great vice documentary about a bill being pushed in Mississippi that's relatively similar. There's some differences though. So the law had been set to take effect July 28th. So at least for now there's a pause on this. But I just want to kick it over to the panel thoughts on this. I have a huge problem with all of this. This is a major civil liberties problem. I just want to say the idea when I was reading this and we see this in other ways but the bottom line is they don't like trans people and they don't like trans people and they don't want to support this and that's what it's about. Now they're going to try to sell it like it's some sort of like we're doing it in the best interest of the children because if they're not 18 they could change their minds and this isn't safe.  So it's taking what is really a parent's right away from a parent because as far as I know anybody that's a minor had to get their parental consent. There's a lot of steps you have to jump through.  So you already need parental consent. So the idea that they're trying to interfere with that I find infuriating. Like regardless of what the issue is and they're only doing it let make no mistake because they don't like trans people. That's really what this is. It's we're just becoming a pawn. It's a political pawn. That's what it ends up feeling like we're just a political pawn to continue. It seems like abortion is a political pawn a lot of the times and then we had gay rights and now that that's not the hot topic that's not the hot thing to use as a pawn. It's us and it's horrifying. I can't imagine what it would have been like to be able to avoid the surgery for example that I had to get post-18 or just simply knowing about trans issues but we're going backwards instead and it's horrifying. Yeah there was a portion of time after marriage equality became the law of the land with Obergefell. There was like this huge shift with the LGBTQ plus community towards really trying to have more visibility for trans people and trans rights and then that optimism that I felt like five six years ago has diminished because we absolutely are going backwards as Lumie said and I want to draw everyone's attention to the fact that just in 2021 there have been more anti-trans bills passed or introduced into legislations across the country than the last six years. So this is as Lumie said it is a political ploy and what's really nefarious about this whole situation is that this is being done under the guise of protecting trans youth. So everyone everyone knows that like oh it's hurting them and as as the doctor said who was quoted in here it's irreparable damage. The rate of suicidality among trans youth is so high in comparison with their cis peers and to think that they would be denied this treatment or in Mississippi for example in the event that law passed it would have criminalized doctors who tried to treat trans youth. It's just the fact that this is this is the political football that Republicans are using now is incredibly disgusting and disingenuous and it's not just in the United States in the United Kingdom perhaps the situation might be even worse. Cab I'm not sure if you have any personal stories to share any more insight into this but could you talk a little bit about the situation in in the UK. Yeah I was just looking up something because I remember this. So a transgender woman actually fled to New Zealand as a refugee and got granted residency because they said being transgendered in the UK is so dangerous because there's a gaming channel called Easy Allies and one of their personalities just came out as trans and they were talking about the healthcare they received to become trans and as bad as it is what you're saying right there the experience they described was something I've never heard about in in the UK it was so sensitive and so nice and I will say in the US it's obviously really bad and what it feels like is this culture war that is just ripping stuff straight from the 1980s about gay people like you know the trans bathroom stuff is like oh you don't you don't want to use the same bathroom as X, Y and Z because they might rape you essentially they said the exact same stuff about gay people in the 1980s and 1990s it's actually taking that language and using it again it feels like the exact same thing now in in the UK what's even worse is that Tony Blair you know awful awful person has become more influential in labour again because of Keir Starmer these more centrist labour people taking power and he told them don't get involved with trans rights it's just cultural war like no one cares about that you're just going to alienate voters and stuff even though I was looking at some polling data before which is quite surprising considering we demonise trans people in the UK so much is that a lot of people are actually supportive of trans identity there's other issues which are kind of like hit or miss but largely the British public are now it's just very frustrating that we can't even get a left-wing party to talk about these things and it's it's a stereotype that's true white liberal women are some of the worst trans folks in the UK obviously JK Rowling you know about but every guardian columnist and stuff like that they're all writing these awful articles so like I feel really bad for people in the UK because at least in the US yeah I know it's awful because you have these absolute zealots in the republican party the christian right who are like uncompromising and I just made a video before I came on about the new civil war in the republican party because they're having a fight over do they accept transgender republicans and the religious rights say no it's like degeneracy whereas the more like I guess people who aren't as religious are saying if they're a conservative who cares and now in the in the UK we don't have that debate anywhere it's actually like don't talk about it it will just alienate the voters and because of this push because Manchester and traditionally working class areas went to the Tories for the first time it's like this perspective that or perception that these guys who labour lost are inherently like racist or bigoted so the way you win them back is don't talk about that stuff because they think the like la luni left under Corbin who did talk about all this stuff rights of minorities rights of refugees trans people like really great stuff that was too alienating rather than looking at the bigger problem it was just this complete overwhelming demonization by the press so I would say at least in America you have like visibility for trans rights and trans issues and just Joe Biden saying this I know it doesn't mean much coming from someone like him but Joe Biden talking about transgender rights is like absolutely huge like and that's where I think in America you can build on that because imagine how many old people who love Joe Biden are being exposed to this stuff for the first time we're in the UK we can't even get a 50 year old labour leader to even acknowledge this stuff so like I feel like in the US it's a massive uphill battle and it's part of the culture war but like hopefully because we've seen the success with the gay rights movement eventually I'm not saying it's like type of equality but you got there in the end where it's more accepted so I'm hoping with America especially just this acknowledgement for at least one major political party of these people and the issues faced them is really going to help the fight for trans rights we're in the UK I don't really know where we go because our left wing part is being totally destroyed from the inside it literally feels like some sort like of mi6 plot to eradicate the labour party that's how disastrous it's going so yeah it is doom and gloom everywhere but I feel like I'm a bit more hopeful about America in general despite like the vicious backlash was it like 30 different states passing or trying to pass laws against trans people like it's pretty pretty crazy I read in that article it's an absurd amount yeah yeah at least dozens not all of them have passed and the reason why there was so much fear around these laws is because well like with the United States there's always this domino effect where one state does something other states tend to follow suit because you know then all of the controversy kind of diminishes a little bit so you know with with Arkansas being the first when we all thought Mississippi was going to be the first it's like okay this is now law they did it and now you know that state is going to bear the brunt of the backlash and now other states will follow suit with a little to no controversy and there's a lot going on in the media so it doesn't get covered and it's frustrating like I'm glad that you brought that up cab about the you know the labor party not wanting to touch it because that actually is an area of optimism for me that the Democratic Party for the most part I think they need to fight harder for trans issue for trans rights and LGBTQ plus generally speaking they should be fighting way harder to push the equality act I mean the fact that it's still just kind of thrown under the bus and still you know this this controversial thing is really frustrating but you know it is so super nefarious that the Republican Party chose to capitalize on this issue and and what's what they're doing is they're they're truly preying on people's ignorance because there's this assumption that well you know trans non-binary people they just all of a sudden came out of nowhere when they've always existed but now they have heightened visibility so you know now that people are becoming aware and less ignorant and they know somebody who's trans or non-binary you know they're they're seizing this opportunity and for me part of my optimism and perhaps a little bit of naivete was thinking well you know what since you know we're all part of the LGBTQ plus community these issues like you kind of use the same logic right but it's it's not that simple so for me for example conversations that I've had with family members about uh being gay I I'm now having to rehab those conversations about transgender issues and and non-binary and it's it's really frustrating to me but at the same time it's part of the process that is you can't avoid it but when you have also you know policymakers trying to use this group as a weapon which is the most marginalized um in society at least when it pertains to trans and non-binary youth it's it's just morally apprehensible um I wanted to give Amy a chance to jump in here yeah there's um in my state and my home state of West Virginia there was a law that passed it's not just medical treatment but it's also denying trans kids the right to compete in sports and taking away their livelihood on top of denying them rights to um medical uh treatments I think is the reason why this is going to be irreparable and irreversible there's no other way that you could really attack a trans kid by making their life in school even more difficult if they can't even try to forge friendships or find some sense of camaraderie in a sports team that might you know not be bigoted or would accept them and making it as difficult for trans children is absolutely it's morally bankrupt it it is criminal especially because of course I'm going to bring this back to housing the amount of of uh of experience if experience hatred that trans kids uh witness or experience in their home leads to a higher rate of homelessness so yeah when kids are kind of kicked out of their own home and what services are available to them through outreach programs with homeless programs that does help them to maintain control of their identity and offers them affirming treatments that the state is then denying to them then what options are available recourse are you leaving them and how is this going to be to the detriment of their entire uh mental health down the line especially whenever you're in such a tender age where your your brain is still very much developing there are plenty of empirical analyses that have been conducted and research that has been conducted that shows that there is a long-term effect that you experience as a child if you are trans and you are subjected to homelessness among other things so just kind of taking that one step further into the equation and and uh gain the the risks that these children experience and that the state is only making it worse for them by imposing this violence onto them is absolutely like you said morally reprehensible


I am First Lieutenant, down on Van Hook, I am the platoon leader for First Platoon in a Bravo Company. And today we are out here at Stunica right range to conduct the M-40 and qualification and then the M-17 qualification. Each soldier here is going to qualify on the M-17, which is the main personal weapon for a tank company as each single person inside of the tank has at the M-17. And then the tank commanders and the loaders will be conducting a zero and qualification for the M-4, additionally M-toad for their position in the tank. This is a fantastic opportunity to get out here and to use the range space to achieve some more war fighting a mastery and practice makes up perfect with these weapons systems so we are going to strive to have every chance that we get to get out here and to get some practice in on them.


So okay, so then value of blood given to a blood bank. So the transfer of future interest intangible personal property Generally, no deduction is allowed until the entire interest has been transferred and note This top one shouldn't be bolded like that. It's not like the header of the rest of these So this is just continuing on with the items that can't be deductible So the transfer of future interest intangible personal property generally No deduction is allowed until the entire interest has been transferred gifts to individuals and groups that are operated for personal profit gifts to foreign Organizations, however, you may be able to deduct gift to certain US organizations that transfer funds to foreign charities and certain Canadian, Israeli and Mexican charities. So in other words, typically we're talking about the organizations that are United States organizations You might say hey, look, I'm trying to help out people that are outside the United States possibly Well, then you might be able to use the funds to give to US charitable organizations that then give the money or work with Possibly other organizations to help people outside of the United States Otherwise, it's going to get messy for them to try to track money. That's being you know as a charitable organization Kind of donation thing so gifts to organizations engaged in certain political activities that are of Direct financial interest to your trade or business Obviously that looks like you're you're trying to buy something that's going to be beneficial to your business This doesn't sound like charity gifts to group whose purpose is to lobby for changes in the law That's the whole thing with this political contribution thing if you're giving money to an organization Even though they're calling themselves a nonprofit, but that organization is lobbying for law changes Which would clearly benefit you That doesn't sound like charity right gifts to civic a league social sports clubs labor unions and chamber of commerce Value of benefits received in connection with a contribution to a charitable organization You can see publication 526 for exceptions cost of tuition However, you may be able to take an education credit for that one so line 11 Gifts by cash or check Enter online 11 the total value of gifts you made in cash or by check including out-of-pocket Expenses unless a limit on deducting gifts applies to you for more information about the limits on Deducting gifts see limit on amount you can deduct can deduct earlier if your deduction is limited You may have a carryover to next year so in other words We had some AGI kind of limitations most of the time for most people. It's not really a problem You know, they're not giving more to charity than than the limits But if they do then the question is well, what do I just lose the charitable contributions? Well, usually you can carry it forward do a carryover into the future and see if you meet if you're under the AEGI limit next time then you should be able to deduct which you would think you would be at some point in time in the Future or otherwise you would think you'd be going bankrupt being such a generous fellow So deduct your it's got deduct your gifts by cash or check limited So if your deduction for the gifts you made in cash or by check is limited see publication 5 to 6 to figure the amount You can deduct only enter online 11 the deducted the deductible value of gifts You made in cash or by check?


Dear friends, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, I'm very pleased to speak as the recently appointed Secretary of the International Plan Protection Convention, IPPC. The IPPC is an intergovernmental treaty with 184 contracting parties or countries that aims to protect the world's planned resources by preventing the introduction of spread of pests and to facilitate safe trade. The International Standards for Fire Sanitary Measures, ISPMs, are the main tools to achieve this goal. The IPPC is the sole global standard-selling organization for planned health. The Commission on Fire Sanitary Measures, CPM, serves as the convention's governing body while also being an FAO statutory body. The CPM was established in 2005 building on the committee of experts on fire sanitary measures whose first session was held in 1993. So we have been around for some time, but today IPPC is more relevant than ever. And here's why. One, international travel and trade are greater than ever. In the past 50 years, the human population has doubled. The global economy has grown nearly fourfold and global trade has grown tenfold. Increasing movement of plants and plant products. Commodities and people mean an increase of pests and other invasive species that are harmful to plants. Cumulative records of alien species have increased by 40% since 1980. Associated with increased trade and human population dynamics and trends. Two, climate change and its effect on the environment provide new habitats for alien species. Nearly one-fifth of the Earth's surface is at risk of planted animal invasions impacting native species, ecosystem functions and nature's contributions to people as well as economies and human health. The rate of introduction of new invasive alien species seems higher than ever and shows no signs of slowing. However, regulation of the movement of plants and plant products can help to reduce these risks. Ladies and gentlemen, up to 40% of global food crops are lost due to plant pests and diseases each year. That equals to trade losses exceeding $220 million in agricultural products annually. And global hunger numbers rose again as many as $828 million in 2021 according to the latest state of food and security report. Hence the importance of the IPPC's mission in protecting global plant resources and facilitating safe trade. The IPPC's vision is that spread of plant pests is minimized and their impacts within countries are effectively managed. The IPPC's overarching goal is that all countries have the capacity to implement harmonized measures to reduce past spread and to minimize the impact of past on food security, trade, economic growth and the environment. This goal is implemented through three main strategic objectives. First, enhance global food security and increase sustainable agriculture productivity. Second, protect the environment from the impacts of plant pests. And third, facilitate safe trade, development and economic growth. Ladies and gentlemen, we are living in unprecedented times. The global impact of the COVID-19 pandemic compounded by the impact of climate change and disruption in the food supply chain right on by recent conflicts. Have affected the life of citizens all over the world. Such phenomena have profound consequences in food security and safe trade. As the secretary of the IPPC he can counter me and our commitment to working together with you and other regional and national plant protection organizations to continue protecting the world's plant resources from pests. In this capacity, I confirm my dedication to support the work of the IPPC and its crucial relevance to promoting plant health globally. The IPPC will continue to play a unique role in protecting plants, combating hunger on a global scale, protecting the environment and promoting safe trade.


I'm Dan Ditzler. I'm Jean Ditzler. I'm Nate Sey. And we're 300 Suns Brewing. We're a hyper-local, very community-oriented craft brewery. We've got a new pork pot sticker burger, Philly grilled cheese along with our classics and crowd favorites like our Scratch Burger. We're now offering full table service dining. We've expated our outdoor seating. We have 14 beers on top so come on in and have a beer and feel a little bit more normal. Down, down.


OK, so during the second millennium BC, the Aegean experiences episodes of intensifying connectivity and the development of a differentially shared vocabulary of material culture and practices. These processes of cultural affiliation are conceptually divided into two episodes and processes by us. The first is labeled minimization, where the cultural, economic, and or political influence is argued to spread from creed to specific areas of the southern Aegean basin. And the second is labeled Mycelinization, where the situation reverses and the cultural influences are argued to spread from mainland Greece. In this paper, I will highlight the many advantages that funerary evidence has to offer in unpacking some of these processes of cultural affiliation through two case studies. The first, treating the Mineralization of Chithera and the second, the Mycelinization of Knossos, thus focusing on the time period roughly 1850 to 1350 BC. Funerary evidence provides many cross-cutting variables. One can look at the organization of tombs within the funerary landscape, tomb architecture and form, tomb assemblages, and burial practices. Also, they usually tend to be enough tombs to capture a sense of inter-regional, inter-selement, and even inter-selement variability. As tombs are opened and accessible only for a restricted period of time, mainly during the funerals, and the interior of the tomb accommodated a restricted number of participants, cultural transmission, particularly in terms of the internal configuration of the tombs, would only have occurred under specific social circumstances that suggest close social interaction. So similarities in tomb architecture and burial practices provide strong support for both social contact and emulation. The similarities, however, are harder to interpret. They may indicate a lack of social interaction between the burying groups and the ability to emulate particular burial practices, that is, costs and labor, or a lack of desire to emulate and deliberate attempts by communities to distinguish themselves. Arguably, the most important aspect which we miss in the archaeological record is the funeral itself. The loss of a community member leaves a gap in the social fabric, which requires the redefinition of the identities and social relationships between individuals and groups. With each funeral, the social fabric is reproduced, renegotiated, and altered. Although within a family group, these events are relatively rare, separated in time by many years, if not decades. Within a larger community, they're expected to have occurred at a more or less constant rate. Given the rate of occurrence and tendency to pull in large groups of people for more dispersed social groupings, uniting them through funerary commentality and the rights of passage associated with death, funerals are expected to have played an important role in fostering social connectivity and in redefining cultural and social identities. To infer social contact, one of the main aims is to establish a degree of similarity between the tombs. I have done this through a multivariate analysis of tomb form and architecture of specific types of tomb, built or cut chamber tombs and toloi. The variables I considered for the analysis include the size, so the area of the tomb, the dimensions of the entry passage and doorway, the shape of the tomb chamber, and the shape of the entrance as characterized morphometrically bioliptical Fourier analysis and Procrustis analysis, and the total number of chambers. I combine these variables and analyze them with a statistical technique called the status, a version of multidimensional scaling, to produce a result that best describes an overall similarity structure for the tombs. Here you can see an example of the tombs' agnosals placed in relational space, based on their form and size similarities. This allows me to both represent the range of variability and to identify particular groupings of tombs. I applied this method to look at the mineralization of Kethra next. Kethra occupies a unique position in the southern Aegean as a long recognized stepping stone between Crete and mainland Greece, and is the only place outside of Crete where mineralization takes a funerary form. In particular, the nature of the connection appears to be a Cnossian or north-central Cretan one. While we know that other communities in the southern Aegean were in contact with and adopted elements of Cretan material culture and practices, funerary evidence there is lacking. Could they be resisting Cretan or Cnossian burial practices? It is hard to say what the absence of evidence means for other Menonai sites, especially when we don't really know much about local Cycladic burial practices. While it is possible that cemeteries away discovery is quite likely that this absence indicates modes of burial that are not easily detectable archeologically. The strong contrast in funerary evidence between Kethra and other islands might suggest that the nature of mineralization on Kethra was fundamentally different from the rest. To contextualize the nature of the funerary behavior and changes on Kethra, I'll first cover in detail Cnossian burial practices during the first half of the second millennium BC. The intensively investigated surface Cnossus furnishes the data set of roughly 150 published tombs for the second millennium. The majority encircle the main settlement, while there's also a large concentration of tombs at the harbour town of Poros and extending along the main route between the two towns. Rock-cut chamber tombs are characteristic of Cnossian funerary practices throughout most of the second millennium. When I plot the compromise factor scores of the status analysis for Cnossus tombs, you can see here differences in tomb form across time. The earliest examples date to the very start of the second millennium and maybe even a bit before and are found on both sides of the Cnossus valley. Grouped together with the late Bronze Age tombs is one of the earliest chamber tombs, the middle-minoan 1B alias tomb 1. It consists of a single round chamber with ink-clanning sides that emulates the round-built form of the Meseratholoi. You can also see the distinctiveness of the middle-minoan tombs with their multi-chambered and lobed form as being quite different from the late Bronze Age tombs. Both in general over time and over the course of an individual tomb's use, these tombs start out as single-chambered, usually adapted from natural caves and become increasingly compartmentalized through cut pillars and built walls. The separation is used for making distinctions between burials but also to delineate areas that serve as ossuaries. Most of the middle-minoan chamber tombs have cut entry passages but lack defined doorways a main chamber or a central space and always separating the individual chambers on the inside of the tomb. Some tombs such as ones that Poros and Gypsadas showed the increasing tendency towards a main space connecting to other chambers. The Poros chamber tomb in its initial phase was much smaller in single-chambered whereas after some time it was expanded and the original part was converted to an anti-chamber. Other tomb types in use at the same time include burials and jars and on the Gypsadas hill a built door of tomb and a monumental house tomb of the temple tomb. Modes of burial differ between the separate cemeteries at the propolis, maverspelio, and alias the bodies were placed in jars or coffins while at Gypsadas and Poros they were placed onto the chamber floor usually in crouched positions. At Poros some interments were elevated on wooden beers and beds or on a clay-built platform. I will now turn to the minimization of Kythera which shows strong links to Crete practices and material culture from as early as the middle of 3rd millennium BC likely due to migrating groups from various communities in central and western Crete. The few burials that are known from the start of 2nd millennium BC are all jar burials which is part of a geographically extensive burial tradition present on both Crete and Mainland Greece. But from the middle-menon 3rd period rock-cut chamber tombs start being cut and used throughout most of the island more or less around the same time manifesting at every level of the settlement hierarchy from the main settlement of Castri to second-tier sites and farmsteads in the hinterland. Closing the Kythron tombs alongside those of Knausos and Poros you can see here some similarities and differences. Some of the Kythron hinterland tombs were striking resemblance to the Knausian ones some being single-chambered some lobed with a half-pillar but the chambered tombs at Castri are distinctive in their form of homogeneity. These all follow a consistent template of one rectangular central chamber and either one or two side chambers cut into each available wall of the main chamber leading to a total of either four or seven chambers. Most cases that deviate from this pattern are tombs that have left room for additional chambers to be cut. Although the side chambers are cut at various times this template was conceived during the initial tomb cutting and respected during the tomb's use. Although all burial contexts are looted and disturbed there are so far no clay coffins or jar burials inside chamber tombs on Kythron and burials are likely to have been laid directly on the tomb floor. This is similar to symmetries of Poros and Gythsadas and unlike the tombs at Mavrospilion alias. The Castri chamber tombs are distinctive from the Knausos and Poros ones in having a formal main chamber and radially arranged side chambers with the final ways. Despite some differentiation between Castri and its hinterland sites in terms of tomb size and form, Kythron practices are far more homogenous, not only when compared to Crete as a whole but even with respect to burial customs at Knausos and Poros with which it shares most similarities. I would tentatively suggest that this strong homogeneity and similarity with particular Knausos Poros burial customs can be attributed to a movement of particular social groups from North Central Crete to Kythra and perhaps their desire to show solidarity. Turning back to Knausos from late Minoan II, so 1550 to 1490 roughly, there are a series of funerary changes that have traditionally been linked to influence from the Greek mainland in one form or another. Plotting the Knausian chamber tombs cut in late Minoan II to 381 alongside the contemporary Argelid ones you can see here an overlap in the range of tomb sizes and forms. Although many earlier tombs at Knausos go out of use around 1550 BC, there's continuity in a number of cemetery locations mainly to the east and south of Knausos. There was also a significant increase in the number of tombs constructed during this time, some in new locations to the north and especially en route to the harbor town of Poros. During this time, fairly large and distinctive single chamber tombs were built at Knausos all close to the harbor town. These included tholos tomb, two rectangular keel vaulted tombs with possible euguritic inspiration and large rectangular chamber tombs. A second group of chamber tombs were all small single chambered and irregular dating from late Minoan II to late Minoan IIIB, so 1550 to 1200 BC. These were all found around the main settlement and the intact examples contained between the one and three burials per tomb. The fact that there was a significant increase in the number of tombs being built, that small single chamber tombs were used alongside the growth and popularity of shaft graves and pit caves would suggest that the main driver force for the changes in burial practices from the earlier Middle Minoan period is a tendency towards single internments. The only intact Middle Minoan chamber tombs contained nine while others are reported to have contained at least 20 to 50 burials. The internment of one to three individuals per chamber to Knausos in the late Minoan II to IIIA I period is also in direct contrast with prosimna in the argolid, for example, which has an average nine but up to 27 burials per tomb. Another difference or rejection of burial practices is the continued use of clay and wooden coffins at Knausos where in the argolid the tendons use floor burials. In conclusion, at Knausos we see the close overlap in chamber tomb forms with the argolid for a very specific set of differences in burial practice. We have also seen the acceptance of very specific set of Knausian burial practices at Kithura, which appear across most of the island. The absence of other Knausian or Cretan burial practices on Kithura and in the Cyclades would suggest projection. However, as acceptance is marked by presence and rejection by absence, it is difficult to unpack what absence really means. Whether social contact and interaction was not sufficient or of a nature that would enable cultural transmission or whether there was an active resistance to exogenous burial practices. Thank you.